Noun Class as Number in Swahili - Ellen Contini-Morava

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  • 7/25/2019 Noun Class as Number in Swahili - Ellen Contini-Morava

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    Noun Class as Number in Smahili

    Elkrt Contini-Morava

    Oiiiversiry a

    Virginia

    1. In t ra dtlctIon

    It is common cross-linguistically for the same morphological fonns to signal

    information ahout noun class or grammatical gender and number at the same

    tirnc (cf, Corbett 1991:132}. Howcver, thcsc kinds of information are usually

    treated in difTerent ways. Noun class. or gender. is thought of as a feature

    assignedtn nominal root in tlre Iexicnn, wherea numher i a gramrnatial or

    intlectional feature. For esarnplc Corhctt (199I: 154) states that

    As far as contrn}ler genders are cnncerncd. gender and nurnbcr are typically

    indcpcndcnt: a nnun has a particular gender irrcpcctivc nf thc numhcr it

    stands in. Gender is inhcrent to thc noun and is in a scnsc prior to tbc numbcr

    in which it occurs in a giicn scntcncc. (scc also p. 147}'

    Furthermore, noun class and number are usually trcatcd difkrcntly from a

    semallttc potnt of vlew. un chle are suid to beemanti in origin hut to have

    lost much of theiremantic cohcrence over tin>e. now h~ving "purely gramntati

    cal" function. Number on the other hand is treated as semantically unproblernatic.

    consisting of oppoitions betwecn grammatical forms that signal 'singular' or

    'plural' (and somctimes a few other distinctions suchas 'dual' or 'paucal'}.

    In this chapter I will argue against both these assumptions, focusing on

    Swahili. whose noun class systcm is typical of Bantu languages. In earlier work

    (Contini-Morava 1994, 1997} I have shown that the noun classes are less

    seinantically arbitrary than is usually assumed. In what follows I will challenge

    thc assumption that number is unproblcmatir, In fact, I will argue that thc

    problem of numbcr is loely tied to the proMern of the meanings of the noun

    classes themselves. The structure of the chapter is as follows, In Section 2. I

    outiinc the problem of ingular-plural morphological asyrnmetry. In th next

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    FLI.EN (.ONT(NI-h'lORAVA

    sction I describe the scmantic structurc of the noun clases that have predictable

    singular-plural pairing. l'ollowing that is a proposed reanalysis of 'nutnber' in

    Swahili

    as

    a s>stem of degree of individuation. I conclude with a brief discussion

    of the relationship of ih Bantu noun class prcfixs to the traditional dichotom

    >

    betwecn lexical and grammatical meaning.

    Asylllllle(FIec III Iloill lwlass/lllll llheF IISIFIIINt III $%$}llTI

    In Swahili, and in Ltntu more generall>; noun class and number intormation are

    jointly conveyed by a prchx on thc noun. The pretixesttrerradition;illy idcntlhctl

    by separate numbers so that odd-numbered prefixes are "singular" and adjacent

    even-numhered prelixes are the -corresponding plurals". e.g. lxtoun Class Prelix

    (=lxiCP) 2 is corresponding plural of tx(CP

    l.

    4 is plural of 3. etc. In (I ) bclow.

    the singular prefixes ol Swahili are on the left. and the "corresponding plurals"

    are on the right. (This type of table typically appear in rel'erence grammars of

    Swahili such as Polome l967:96.l

    (1) Ta ble I. Singu)ar-plural noun class reLationships in S~ahili.

    Bantu tt Pt e ttx

    antu tt Ptc fix

    I

    I:xamplc:

    I

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    NOUN CLASS AS NUMBER IN S%AHILI

    cluss 6 ciin scrve as plural fol' Clasis 'C as wcll asi for some {hul not all) nouns of

    Class I I. Other nouns of Class I I have plural counterparts in Class IO. Howev

    er, the prelix of Class 10

    is

    homonvmous with that of Class 9:

    that

    is. Class 9/10

    nouns are invariablc and do hol challge (heir prefix in (hc plural. So somc nouns

    lll

    Cl. 9/10 arc nelltfal to (hc numbcr dlstinc(lon. whereas vthcrs are interprcted as

    'plural' {thosc

    that

    havc a singular counterpart in CI. I 1-thc example in Tahlc I

    is uhirrrlkrrra -wall/walls", under -class I I".) For nouns in Cl. 9/10, which do

    not vary in singular-plural form. number is distinguishcd only by grammatical

    agreenient pattern (e.g. rrr/izi i/e "that banana". r/i-i -i/ "those bananas").

    Tabk I. it is worth raising the issue of the rnorphological analysis of Cl. 9/IO,

    Table I reprent th tradi(ional analysis of Class 9 and 10 us haring

    homonymousn -8 pre(ixes. Hornonyinous prelixes are reconstructed for these

    classcs at Icast as far as Proto Bantu IGuthrie l967; Mccusscn 1967, citcd in

    %illiamson 1989). In Swahili, thc rcAcx of a na~al prcfix rcconstructcd as 'N

    {Nurse 4 Hinnebusch I993: 199-200) appears. in assimilated form, only before

    voiced ohstrucnts. vowel-initial. or monosyllahic noun stcms. and only with

    stcms of Btmtu origin; elscwhcre no oven prcfix; ippcars. Sincc Cl. 9/10 nouns

    are invariable. (he case I'or sepafatiiig a prefix I'rom the stem synchronically is

    not coinpelling Isee Herbert I978 for more detailed discussion of this issue in

    Batitu). Further support for this argument is the fact that Ioanwords, which

    constitute a large propor(ion of CI. 9/l0 nounsi do not acquire a nasal prefix

    even if they hegin ith a voiced obstruent or vowel. By con(rast, loanwords

    assigned to other noun classes do acquire the NCP of their class. This suggests

    that CI, 9/10 is best analyzed as having no prefix: mcrnbcrship in this class is

    signalled at most hy a sct of restrictions on the canonical shap of nouns.

    applying only to nouns of Santu origin, and hy grammatical agreement pattern.'

    I

    will adopt this analysis in what follows. As will bc scen below. thc lack of

    overt class marking is rnatched hy the scmantic hctcrogcneity of CI 9/IO within

    the Swahili noun class system,

    represented in Table I reveals a formal asymmetrv between singular and plural

    that is not explaincdby the traditional binary treatment, Note that he complexi

    ty of singular-plural class pairings in Swahili is typical of Bantu languages {see

    Kadirna l969; Toporova I987): in fact it was the great varia(ion in singular

    plural class pairings across languages tha( Ied early Ban(u scholars to assign

    separate nurnbers to the singular and plural classes (81eek III62). There are

    fur(hr asymmctric in Swahili, howevr, that cannot hc rcad otT the table. For

    onc thing. only thrcc of thc singular-plural pairings can bc rallcd 'rcciprocaI'.

    Before looking more closely at the singular-plural patterns illustrated in

    To return to singular-plural patterns, then. just looking at the re)ationships

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    ELLEM CONTINI-MORAVA

    meaning tliat stetns that co-occur wtth the singular prefix also co~)ccur with the

    plural prelix, attd vice versa. These are Classes l-2 (r-, Nu-), 3-4 (r-. rrri-},and

    7-8 (ki-. vi-), Hnwcvcr, whil it is truc that mnst noun stcms with a Class C

    prefix (that is,ji

    - 8) have "corresponding plurals" with rrrr-,the reverse is not

    the case. That is. not all iu- marke J nouns have singular counterparts in class 5.

    Furthermore. a signilicant number of noun stems that co-occur with rrru- have no

    "cnrrespnnding singular" at all. In my database nf over 4()()0 Swahili nnuns, of

    which l42 arc listed in thc dictionary as hclonging to thc ru- class, l09 nouns

    with the prcfix rrru- designate liquids, masses, ar collcctivitics that cannot easily

    be ht intn the singularjplural dichotomy. Some examples:

    (2) Ex amples of Class 6 nouns with no corresponding singular:

    ntji "watcr

    rrrutrurnbu"millet Ilour gruel"

    rrrusukas4i "fallen debris from trees"

    rrruzurrgrrr"a"conversation" (dcrived frnm - trrrgur.rr"to conversc"

    a productivc derivational proccss)

    lcompare with rrrrri~e"stnnes", plural of jiiv "stone""I

    A second asymtrtetry relates to Class II (with prelix u-). Like Class 6, just

    mentioned, the Class 11 prehx alsoco-accurswith a significant nurnber af naun

    stcms that dn nnt vary hctwcen singular and plural, For cxamplc:

    {3) Ex amples nf Class 11 nnuns with nn corresponding plural )nnte' .Ihe

    prclix is w- hefore vowcls):

    ur'ra-uprightness, statc af being perpendicular"

    gege-dry feeling on teeth caused by eating acid fruit"

    sirrgi-i -sleep, slecpiness"

    ivuii "cnnkcd ricc"

    ki "hnncy"

    lirrrbo"birdlime, gum. glue"

    gugu "tartar an teeth"

    r "saliva or other viscid tluid"

    Many of these denote abstractions or other intangibles, such as thc first three

    examples under (3). These are usuallv described in the grammars as "singttlaria

    iantutn". even though the kinds of entities designated by noun stems that are

    found in Class I I overlap to a certain extent with those found in class 6 attd

    described as "pluralia tantum" when they have the prcfix rrru-,' For exainple. we

    hnd nnuns dcnnting liqttids and rnasses in both nf the~e cfasscs. but liquids and

    masscs in Class 11 (i.c. with prcfix u-} tend to be more solid or congealed than

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    NOUN CLASS

    AS

    NUMBFR IN MVAHILI

    those n Class 6 (with prefixtna

    *

    ), which tend to be more disperscd. as may he

    seen bv cotnparing the examples under (2) v th the last four examples under (31

    above. I.caving aside abstract nr uns that result from productive drivations. a total of

    143 out of 278 Class I I nr uns in my databasc. or 'C%, are invariah)c in fnrm.'

    To summarize so far: thrc pairs of classs are rciprocally paired. i,c. noun

    stms that co-occur with the singular prefixalso co-occur with th plural prfix,

    and vice versa. Thesere classes 1-2, 4-4, and 7-8. One class (SI is non

    rcciprocally paired: noun stems occurring with th singular prelix also occur with

    a p)ura) prefix. but that "plura)" prelix can also pluralize nouns of other classes

    or fail to correspond to a singular form, Three c)asses are not paired: C;.Iass 6.

    usua)ly treated as a "plural", can pluralize nouns of morc than one class and

    contains a significant nutnbr of nouns that have no corresponding singular.

    Class

    I I, usually treated as a "singular", has nouns with plural counterparts in

    more than one class and contains a signilicant nurnber of nouns ~ithout a

    corrsponding plural. Nouns assignd to Class 9/ID are somtims intrprtcd as

    plural, and sometirnes are neutral to the singular-plural distinction,

    T; bl I is the fact that thcprefix nta- (C)ass 6) is not only limitcd in its

    distribution to noun stms of Classes 5 and I I. It can also bc uscd productivcly

    as a pluralizer for noun stems of Class 9/10. Recall that C)ass 9/lo is the one

    that does not distinguish singular frotn plural on the noun itself. For Class 9/)0

    nouns, number information is carried only by grammatical agreetnent. But in

    discourse nouns donot always co-occur with modifiers that can indicate number

    unambiguously. Use of thc ttta- prefix tnakes it possible to indicate plurality

    overtly on the noun itself." Sornc examples from Swahili texts:

    (41 Ex amples of ttta- (6) as, pluralizer for nouns of Class 9:

    Yet another complication in the singular-plural pairings represented by

    A/istaaja/ttt k a nini /u:ittta atu bebe trittt: tnikha yattgazi.

    irnenana tnakarotasi: vikapa vitrr/rrt. vikipepea kanto / endero...

    IVahya 1973:9'-'I

    Hc wondcrcd why pcoplc had to carry sn much stuA'. Icathcr

    bags, full of pa

    ers (karatasi is usually invariable in form for

    singular and plurall; empt> baskets, f)apping like fiags...

    a tttusuttsttri-trrpasi, trrpast /tapa m%prr,st 'a nr/rta tenu a/a

    o r apita-njia. IMohamed 1990: 67

    Look hnw I arn today, Zaina. a tiny lish in a sca of sharks and

    barracudas (prtpa "shark" and sonsttri "barracuda"urc usually

    l

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    I.LLEN CONTINI-MORAVA

    invariahje in formj I'm just a street-sweeper, not for lnar

    riage Ol' eVen fol' passefs-by.

    hl (4aj, the wordkurata~i "paper", usually invariable in form, appears with the

    nw- prelix; thesarne s true of prrpa "shark" andsansari "barracuda" in (4h).

    The el3'ect in both cxamples is to emphasize pluralityby ovcrtly marking it

    where it might not have been overtly marked.

    have lternative singular-plural forms. One group of such nouns has the prefix

    u- {Class II ) in the singular. Recall that Swahili reference grammars divide

    Class I I nouns into ihree groups nouns thai have no corresponding plural

    (illuslrated by examples in 3), nouns thal correspond to plurals in Class 9/IO, and

    ones that correspond

    to

    plurals in Class 6 (sce ezamples in Table I under (I)

    above). But there is also a set of u- prelixed nouns that can havplural coumer

    parts in either Class 9/10 or Class 6. with a ditYerence in semamic inlerpretation.

    These

    are illustrated in (5) below.'

    {5) Cl ass I I nouns thal have plurals in Classes 9/IO and 6. wiih diAer

    nyoya 9/I0) "feathers/hairs" (a plurality)

    rnanyaya (6} "feathers/hir" ( cnliectivily)

    nvnra" (9/10) "bows

    A iinal complicalion in lhe singular-plural pairings of Swahili: nouns lhal

    ence in message:

    unyaya "felher. hair"

    ara "bow"

    ashanga -bead"

    mata {6) "bownd arrows" {a sct)

    shctnga {9/I 0) "beads"

    nnishanga {6) "striug af beads"

    nvas/(9/I0) -hlades nf grass"

    ntanyas/ (6} "grass" {collecuve)

    nnyasi "blade of grass"

    As shown by these examples, tna- plurals convey a collective rnessage whereas

    CI. 9/IO plurals sirnply indicate rcplication.'

    and "plural" ciasses, For example, in the Srnnr/ard Siva/nii-Fnglish Dictianasy

    (Johnson I939. C)I I we ftnd ihe following entry ior the Class I I nounnivingu:

    Other noun stems have an even more complcx relationship with "singular"

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    NOUN CLASS AS NUMBFR IN 5%AHILI

    aainge. n. t[pf.]ykkhickgu) l) the Sky. Clnud reginn, upper air. heaVen;

    (2)

    CltbudineSS. datkneCS. glnam plur tkcbickgcr

    [CI. 9llt)), the SkieC, heaVen iC the

    mnst used fntm. ccccd issrkckkctimes used ccs sing [etnphasis mine, EcMI.

    sponding" to one plural tCI, 9/IO. diITerentiated from singular hy agreement

    pattern). A search through Swahili texts reveals that all of these options are

    exploited.aschown by the follo~ing examples:

    ln thi caswc sccm to hav two singuiars (onc CI. 9/IO, oneCI. I I)

    s'corrc

    {6)

    Shairi ln "/jbfnotbcb/oeoyn Afrtt /lfctsikitri" /itejn:,nnn tntttntltn/i

    eye kttuttyesltu uttdcttti nu d/tiki zu ttcnt tustkttti kctcu vi(e

    pun"yua >rhiruy'i

    "si,"hu >ra uhehern". e >u">bi ya r~>tsin e

    rvettye ttbnltili". (Senkoro I988:

    4I I

    The poem "'Prayer of the Poor Man" is tull of mctaphors

    showing th JistresscJ inner state of a poor man such as "rat of

    need", "lion of oppression". "hreasts of a m iserly cloud

    (uvvmgtt,CI. I I).

    wengutti atttba"o "itepcrttga kbn sciu kttfitatu utctratibu ta

    /tyonliyrzitmrbn.

    (Lemki l976: 8)

    [The Korans say] that there are seven heavens[ittbingu,CI. 9/

    IO with plural agreetnent) in thi world which are set in rows

    according to the plan of the One who created them.

    atai ya rattt toka utt. bao /tttbnttct tttidoto tta kttktujta ttyuso

    zao. ILemki t976: Itl

    But if you ask them whether thic third heaven Ithittgtt,CI. 9/IO

    with singular agreetnent] is the third from here where we are or

    th

    third from the top. they hite their lips and furrow their hrows

    In these exatnples the rnessage of'ditYerentiation between singular and plural is

    most evident in examples (b) and (c), where number is signalled not by the

    (invariablcj CI. 9/IO noun. but hy thc grammatical agrccrncnt. In exarnplc (a)

    "cloaJ" appcars lo bc. trcatcJ as a countable cnttty.

    "plural" and two "singular" forms, For xampl. the stemkeieit "a shout, uproar,

    noicc" may oecur in I; Iacccs I I. 9/IO, and 6. as chown by thc folk) wing cxamplcs.'

    b, i bhsuhr>fu yusstai knu>bu ziku >nliia>~bin uhiyr>rriya rururr kairapaksr

    Utittgttjftttbittgtt is not an isoiated case. %e can also find stems with two

    {7) a, Kinekeri/e: Ilatettitlc)ttgattya,

    (fjtttaptgu ukelele tttta tku tttbittgutti tta kttctttguku c./titti. Gi m. /

    IHusscin

    l969:

    2OI

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    IO F.LLEN t. ONTlt41-h(ORAVA

    Kinjeketile: They have healed tne.

    (He emits a crp (rrkelel,CI. I 1) [thatI rises to the sky and falls

    Ibaek I down. Darkncss,)

    Alipoji ka kanbu na mlango tc amji alirrli"a kua kelele.

    "Huu ni

    mjr'nu rruni?"

    lVarracakc'N'rru'r/l vl'aIrokrrNa lrie rl'alrrrl'arrraza,

    Winctrrli cr. Irrrrr ni mji tcr nani. criirrti~a rena kcrnrct ku'anrba

    alikuu a Irakrrciircrnru Baba ahsikia 4 II Irii. Ah'rc>ka je. [Kc>.il

    ahabi l974. I04l

    '(Vhen he got near the door of the cily he asked loudly Ilit,.

    "with noise", kelelwithout agreententj, -%hose eity is this

    Two women who were outside felI silent.

    "I am asking. whosc city is this"." he askcd again as if he had

    not understood. Father heard this noise Ikelele, CI. 9/I() with

    singular agreemenl]. He went outside.

    Niiisikiu mlia ccungonra na kelelc za I aru, IKezilahabi l974: S7I

    I heard the sound of drurns and the noise Ikc'lc'lc'. CI. 9/10 with

    plural agfcemcn() or feo le.

    hfbia Irurra nranufuu. Hunrbvekea rrneiu na rnvcrrir)ific. Hana

    akili ya kupambanua. Hivvo basi kwn kubtekn hvnke, /rrrie-i

    kuiua Isicl knma mccivi yuko nje arr amekrrirrgilia nyrrmhani

    si4r. Hrrl>teeka kteu m

    uirrli;o ktascrhcrhrr ya rninr>ng'arro ya

    karibrr nanrakelele ya mbali, Marc>keoyake ni krrN a Imcrezi%aru

    kulaln vcmn. IRobert 197l: 24-S]

    A dog is useless. Il barks al (he thief and lhc truslworthy. Il

    does not have the sense to tell lhem apar(. So by its barking.

    you cannot know whether a thief is outside or has entered your

    house at night. It barks on and on because of whispcrings from

    ne,trhy nd noises nrnkclele, CI, bi lrom far away. The result

    is that you cannot even sleep properly.

    C.

    In exarnples (a) and (b) "noise" is relatively individuated: in (a)rrkelelerefers to

    a single cry made by a single person and in (b) kelele (with singular agreement)

    refers to a dis(urbance made by ofte person who repetls the same Ullel'ance

    lwice. In example (c) keiele (wi(h plural agreemenl) refers lo a noise that is more

    dilt'use and generated by a rnultitude of people. In (d) we are lalking about

    itcralcd noises of unspcci(icd origins that might arisc on diITcrcnt oceasions.

    Thus the contras(s among the di(I'erent classes can suggesl various degrees of

    'singularity' and 'plurality'.

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    NOUN CLASS AS NUMBER IN S%AHILI

    The examples in (S)-(7) show how uniliuminating it is to analyze the

    Swahili data in terms of a binary singular-plural distinction or in terms of class

    "pairing". It should be noted that the asymmetries I have been pointing out have

    nnt escaped th attenlinn nf Bantu schnlars', in fact they are regularly mentinnd

    in both descriptions of individual languages (e.g, Mufwn l980a) and in general

    works on the Ianguag family (e.g. Minhof 1967 [19481:47: Dnk )967:'Sl).

    But this has nnt Id tn a rc prefix, nor are the sets mutually

    cxclusivc, Fnr nnc thing. all thc Swahili nnun class preftxes can be used

    productively to dcrivc nouns from nnminal. vcrbal and adjcctival stcms: thcrclorc

    th memhrship of' each nounlass is open ended, Secondly. not all nominal

    stems are uniquely associated with a single noun class prefix; some sterns may

    be used with more than one prelix. i.e. occur in more than one class, usually

    with a change ol' meaning. Some examples were illustrated in the last section;

    others are more productive. For example, there is a productive relationship

    bctwecn CIass 3 (with prefix ui.-) and Cla~s 5 (with prcftx ji/8) whereby a stem

    with the Class 3 prefix dcsignats a plant and thc same stm with thc Class 5

    prefix designines the associated fruit (e.g.nr-papai "pap'iy'i tree"

    ICI.

    3I. 8-pupai

    -papaya fruit" iCI. Si). These two classes thus overlap partially in content.

    Dspite thc caveat. however, the majority of Swahili nominal stems do

    occur mainly in just one class (or pair of singular-plural lasses). and the stems

    grouped together by virtue of their shared prelix (or in the case of prefixless CI.

    9/IO. by virtue of their shared agreement pattern) form sets with varying. degrees

    of internal semantic cohrenc. Th most coherent st are th noun stms

    associated with Classes

    I

    (with prefixes in,- and Na- respectively), consisting

    cntirly nf nnuns dnniing animate hings. virtually all human, At the other

    extrcmc is Class 9/10 (undill'ercntiatcd I'or singular/plural). Class 9/10 is the

    First. a cavcat. If hy 'noun class' is meant 'th set of nominal stms that

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    FLLEN CONTW)-MORAVA

    residual' class, which is scrnantically heterogeneous and houses thc majority of

    foreign loanwords. It 1acks a distinctive prelix and s alone among the Swahili

    noun c)asses in not being associated with any productive derivations. The

    remaining classes fall 'hetween these iwo extremes: alihnugh one would look in

    vain for a single semantic common denominator sharcd by all noun stcms

    bclonging to a given r)ass, ncvcrthcless cach class shows a grcat dcal of intcrnal

    cnhercncc, with nnuns or grnups nf nnuns rclatcd tn nnc annthcr ciihcr hy sharcd

    sctnantir propcrtics or hy farniliar principlcs nf rnctaphoric or mctonyrnic

    extension. In this section I will discuss only the singular classes whose markers

    have predictable plura1 counterparts. i.e. 4 (m>-. w ith plural mi- JCI. 4f). 5(ji-/P.

    with pluraltu- tO. 6)). and 7 (ki-. wiih pluralvi- [CI, SI).'" Classes I l (u-) and

    6 (tu-). which have a more cotnple rclutionship tonuinber.will be discussed

    in the next section.

    Class 3(m>-, with plural mi- (Cl.

    4))

    cnntains nnuns designating what I have

    callcd clscwhcrc "cntitics with vitality" (Contini-Morava 1994. 1997): living

    beings that are neither hurnan nor anirnal inames of plants, trees, various spirits);

    inanimate entities that are animate-like in that they can rnove independently

    (aciive body parts such as t-kutto "hand". t-dotci "mouth". ttt-oyo"hcart".

    m-kiu "tail"); natural phcnotnna that exist indcpndcnily of human ugcncy yet

    may aHcct th environment ( e.g, m-otri "ftre". m-tri "river-, mss-e:i "rnoon",

    m-Iima "mnuntain"); and inanimatenhjects related tn the uhnve by shape(lnng

    thin things. which resemble planis/trees, such as t-piku

    "carrying pole".

    m-smuri "nail". m-age "canoe outrigger"), inaterial (things made of plants

    suchas m-fiirr "wnndcn platter", m-ktku "straw mat",m-pira -ruhhcr hall or

    tirc"), or activcness t-.chttlc "arrow". t-.sl>ipi -hshing linc",t-tepe"sailboat").

    Class S (ji-/0, with plural >u- ICL 6j) seems to have two major semantic

    centers. both of ~hich have to do with plant oA'spring: names of fruits and

    things that resemble fruits in shape (34imensionality, curvedness). and names of

    leaves and things thai resemble leaves in shape (broad. flat, curved). In confor

    mity wiih the 'plani otTspring' motif. Class S

    is

    also used to designaie an

    individual mcmhcr of a pair or cnllcctivc (e.g. 8-knshi "slipper". Aitrdi "single

    grain of maize ). possihly by cxtcnsion Irom ih Notif of 34imcnsi(nlality and

    increase/growth (characteristic ot fruits), the Cluss C preli is also used produc

    tively to form augrnentatives from noun stems

    nf

    any clas~ (e,g,m,-t "person" [CL

    1 jtji-tu -giant" (CL SJ.ki-tabu -hook" ICI. 7 jlfP-taIt -large hook. tome" (Cl. 5)).

    Th main oprative dirncnsion ol Class 7 (ki-, with pluralvi- ICI. 8]) is

    smallness of size' ,ii contains names of uti1iiarian artifacts small enough to be

    hcld and manipulatcd hy a human agcnt (c.g.ki4ap -haskci",ki-k

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    NOUN CLASS AS NUMBFR IN SlVAHILI

    gazelle], ki-diri "squirrel"): small hody parts(ki-drrle

    "ftngerhoe", ki-rovu

    -navcl", ki-rceie"nipple, uddcr"). By association of smalincss with irnmalurity:

    Ri-drrkrr -coconut in Iirct stage of growth", ki jnrra -a youth", ki-grsfe -girl of

    altnost ntarriagcahle age". By assorialion of smallness wilh parl of a whole;ki

    pru>de "piece", ki-bart-i "splinter. chip".ki-uofu"scrap of meat", By association

    of not-wholcncss with dcfcct or Iack: kr'-pri

    i~"hlind person", ki-tenru"cripplc",

    ki-bahrrhrli -foolish pcrson". namcs of variousailment~. Partitivcncssmay he

    mctaphoricaily c ttendcd to rcsctnblancc,vicwedas partial overlap in nature: ki

    sukrrri "very sweet banana" (cf.sukrrrr'

    "sugar". Cl. 9}. kr'-rrtuliuwh'"IireAy" (cf.

    -nru ikrr "shine" [verh)). The Class 7 prefis is productively used tn derive

    diminutivcs from noun slcrns of any c4ss {c.g. rrt,-roto"child" [Cl. I])ki-airo

    -srnall child- [CI. 7J).'

    diagram of the semamic slructure of Class 5 {ji-/0). frons Contini-Morava

    (1994), showing relationships among the various subcategories in the class and

    example nouns for each, The diagram horrocsssome conventions frorn Langacker

    (1988} for representaling semantic relationships: solid lines represent relalion

    ships of 'schernaticity', in which trne clcntent i an clahoralion' or 'intanlialion

    of another; doned lines represent relationship of melaphoric or metonymic

    eztension. Double lines represent productive forrnations (this last convention is

    horrowcd frotn Zuhin I99S).

    For rcadcrs intcrcslcd in a hil morc dctail than was givcn ahovc. herc is a

    (8) a. A s emantic netwnrk for Class S (ji - AI, from Contini-Morava

    In Jivi Jual I'nnn pairibunvh/cultcc1ivc

    1994:

    Lurnpcllurnpy cuhstances

    Plant offcpring

    I ruits Leaves

    Pnnrucions

    Curvcd 3.dintcnsionat

    objccls t

    Curvcd Aal

    objccts

    Cun.cd outlincs

    S% ellintts

    3-dimcnsional containcrs

    Tlungs with bsnad parts

    Largc thing

    I tnllow spaccs

    Rcvcrah'fcarcd things

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    F.LLEN

    t.

    ONTlt41-htORAVA

    h. E rtamples of nouns in Class S subcategories

    lumps/lumpy subslunces

    kun>hrce

    rrrttt>b>t

    ~s/>ata

    /rrrtv) ja

    Jtvrt

    /rul' it

    trttnhaH'p

    food rnouthful

    lump in flour

    lees of coconut oil

    porridge or similar

    ash

    bubble froth

    unconsolidated coral

    (Note: Words preceded by asterisks are loanwords.)

    kntrrngo wa tcr-channcl

    krto luffow, tfertch

    l'rults

    nr>rrla f rui t

    most speciflc fruit names

    curl ied bNlltllettslott4ll objects

    Jtrce

    kaa

    rotrusions

    Iako

    s/>arr>

    tava

    hu(tock

    cheek biceps. calf

    )aw

    plait of hair

    eaves of house

    hough, branch

    coconut palm branch

    foot/stem ol tfee

    eanoe outrigger

    cliA; jutting rock

    stage. scall'old

    1'Qt

    Inl

    kenr/p

    fttt>rhr'1

    kundp

    irca

    jicho

    stkto

    slirttigi

    Iantto

    Ialr I

    Role

    s/rr'INI

    Iengo

    ~jahali

    ~J>tklr'r>a

    Swellin~

    Jtltrr

    hnil, absccss

    knka

    whitlow

    kuirrtrr SW elling in thrOat

    /et>geletrge blister, pustule

    tezt tumor. goitcr

    Hollow spuees

    tta

    stone

    Calf

    flower

    cloud

    lump of charcoal

    egg

    1>vef

    testicle

    belly, womb

    closed fist

    breast

    gap, notch, hole

    pit, hole, cavity

    hole fof seeds

    4'ingir

    Mltttenslottul contulners

    koo thfoat

    rrrmhi larg e jar

    ktrprr

    metal can

    pakae/ra fis h/fruit basket

    'jamat>rla round covered basket

    ~sr>trrhrkrr box. chest. trunk

    to=a pip howI

    kaka empty shcll

    krttrrtt>u

    empt y grain husk

    l rtn>bi fibrous plant sheath

    er>go

    sl>imo

    kr>trngr)

    klcaprt

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    NOUN CLASS AS NUMBER IN SWAHILI

    Curved nutlineseaves

    janl

    kaa

    kttti

    ftr

    +r

    Cttrved Iat ohjeets

    tree frond

    leaf, grass hlade

    coconut leaf

    palm leaf

    tintbi

    tittda

    taa

    kuta

    ptrrnfn~u

    ptrthi

    arc, bend in river

    crook, bend

    margin. outskirts

    hracclet

    bangle

    string of beads

    worn around neck

    Ztu'tl

    ktta

    jrtrttjtt

    para

    kupe

    ttrnga

    j ttsr

    Large things

    A stem from any class can

    be placed in CI. S. with

    rcsulting meaning

    'augmelltalive . e.g,

    nt-ttt "person' (I) ~ j i -t t t "giant"

    (5)

    Fully productive.

    Indisidual frnm pair/hunehl

    eulleethe

    ~kushi sl i ppcr

    ~ltt'rrCh grain of maize

    kanthttnttrvtr roof rafter pole

    kara splinter, spark. piece

    pat. Aa tw in

    Iake. pond. marsh

    thc palatc

    tempies fof head)

    hald patch on head

    eyelid/eyelashes

    sail of vesscl

    round ear ornament

    kniktn

    Z.tttt'N't

    's jrerani

    j trtt

    jttjn

    ReveretLtfeared things

    Things with brttad parls

    jetnbe

    kafi

    kttsw

    ktrfegtt

    panga

    parattga

    sjtrrka

    ie-u

    oar

    axe

    adze

    hoe

    paddle. small oar

    spade. shnvcl

    machete

    broad-blade knife

    kind of evil spirit

    goblin. obre

    demon, devil

    djinn tMuslitn spirit>

    Gog (comes on

    jutlgmen(

    Day

    gnive. tomh

    tomb, pilgrirnage

    kajrtrri

    ztttrtt

    4. R canaiysis af the nuinher system

    In the Iast section we looked at thc principles of setnantic classihcation underly

    ing the various noun classes. However, the noun class prefixes are usually

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    FLLEN (. ONT(N1-h'lARAVA

    descrihed as conveying infarmaiion ahaui numher in addition to classifying

    nouns. I now {re)turn to the question of number. Based on the data outlined n Sec

    tion ~, we cauld divide the Swahili noun class prelixes into twa groups as fo))ows:

    (9) Re lationships among the noun class pretixes:

    a. paired prefi~es, i.e, ones regularly assnciated with a set of noun

    stems such thai thc alternaiion beiween preiixes convevs the

    messages ONE and MORE THAN ONE respectively, in rela

    tion io ihe associated noun stern. These are )/2 (ru>-lurr-), 3/4

    (m,4ini-), 7/8 (ki-lvi-), and 5(ji

    - 8). Examples:m>-tritro'tvrt

    l(p(u chlkl/fcn . nt>.riltt}l.li ticc/s, k/.kupttlvi-kupu baskcl/s .

    ji-welsnrr-ive "stonels". The firsi three sets of prelixes may be

    called -recipiocally paired" in that fnr any noun stein in the

    singular class there exists a corresponding stern in the plural

    class and viec versa. On the other hand, Class S (ji - 8) is

    non-reciprocally piiired: fnr any Cl. S singular there exists a

    plural forrn in Class 6. but ihc rcvcrsc docs not hold.

    Another way ol' putting this would be to say that el-, w.,-,ki-

    and ji- always convey the idea of "one", u~u-, rni- and vi

    alwavs convey ihe idea nf "inore than one".

    number information when they alternate with a diA'erent prefix,

    hut which are a)so associated with a significant numher of nnun

    stcms for which no altcrnation is possiblc. Thcse arc the prclix

    cs n>rt-(Class 6) and u- (Class 11).'

    b. n on-paired prelixes, i.e. ones ihai may interpreted as conveying

    Afu- (Class 6) is interprcted as "plural" when

    it

    alternates wiih i- (Class

    S)

    and

    sametimes when it alierniiies with u- (Cluss Il}, e.g. ji-Nehnu-iee "stane/s",

    n-rikw'nrn-rikri"roof ridgc/s": as -collective" when it altcrnatcs with ahsence of

    a preiix (CI. 9/10), e.g, kuru/rrsihnu-kuru(usi "payer/papers (collective)" and

    sometimesN hen

    it

    alternateswith rr- (as in the examples listed under S). %hen

    there is na alternation, tnrr- indicates a liquid. mass. collectivity or athcr nan

    cnumcrable entity (as illusirated in 2). Thai is, thc scope of 'numbcr' meaning of

    wu- ranges from simple pluraliiy (rcplicatcd individuals, e,g, rnu-ue "stones").

    through collectivity (a set of individuals forming a greater whale, like Hirtle's

    {1982) internal plural' or ihe semantic iniegraliiy' of ihe Hehrew dual {Tohin.

    ihis volume), e.g. nrrr-sukusuku "tree debris"). to liquid or rnass not composed of

    separate individuals (e.g. n>rr-(irru"oil", eu-kr~wrhu"millet flour gruel"). U

    {Class I l) is intcrprctcd as "singular" when it altcrnatcs with eithcr abscnce of

    a prefix{Class 9/1()) or rnu-(Class 6} (cxamplcs in I and 5); when no alternation

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    17OUN CLASS AS NUMBF.R IN S%AHILI

    exists, u. indicates a liquid or rnass, especially viscous or congealed substances.

    or an abstraction {illustratcd in 3). That is, the scope of number' meaning of u

    ranges frorn singularity {single individuated entity, e,g. u-e>ive/e -strand of

    hair"}, through abstract entity{n-iuiu"uprightness") to liquid or mass, especially

    congealed {e.g. ti-ki "honey"). Finally. noun stems that lack a prelim {those

    belonging (o Cl. 0/10) are usually interpreted as "plural" when a conuasting forrn

    exists with n- {Class 11) hut there are exceptions, as shown in (6) and {7)

    abovc. Qthcrwisc Cl. 9/ID nouns can be intcrprctcd as cithcr "singular" or

    "plural" dcpending on the contcx(, including accompanying grammatical agree

    ment pattern.

    rendition of Swahili singular-plural pairings as follo~s:

    T;tking intn consideration the data summarired above. nne couM rcvisc the

    { IO) Tahlc 2. Swahili singular-plural pattcrns {rcvised)

    4 e e

    8 vi

    6 rua

    (andpL rnnttmi)

    7 A

    I I tt

    (andsirtg.. ran{utn)

    9/10 n o pre fix

    In this tablc, the doublc-sided arrows indicatc 'reciprocal' classes,.e. classes for

    which the same stems that co~iccur with the singular pre{ix may also be tound

    with the plural preftx. and vice versa, One-sided arrows indicate lack of reciproc

    ity: not all noun stems cowiccurring with a given singular preftx also co~ccur

    with a plural pretix, or vice versa,

    Based on the relationships of pairing summarized in {9) and {10}, and on the

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    FLLEbt CONTINI-lv(ARAVA

    interpretations of the nnn-paircd prclixes bnth when they may alternate with

    other prehxes and vvhen they do not, it looks as if a simple division between

    pretixes meaning "one" and those meaning "more than one" works consistently

    only for the classes listed under (9a), ihe ones I have called 'paired'. The

    prcfixcs listcd under (9b) on thc other hand do not sccm to categorizc entities in

    the samc way. The prefix u- (class II ) shows a "weighting" in favor of a

    relatively hoinngenenus entity that may or may nnt he a delirriited thing. The

    prefix rrrrr- (class 6) shows a "wcighting" in favor of relativcly dispersed cntitics

    that range from replicated individuals. collectivities. and particulate masses to

    non-delimiiable masses or liquids. Thus r- andrrrn-overlap in part, in that each

    may he useJ with noun stms denoting liquids or masses that do niit show

    singular-plural altcrnation. However, they dilTcr in that rr-rrcer dcsignatcs aset

    of rcplicatcd individuals, andrrrrr-ncvcr designatesa dclimitcd, singular entity.

    This is what I me;in hy -weighting". Finally.absenceof a, prefix (membership in

    Cl. 9/10) does not convey explicit number information. A noun inCl. 9/10 may

    he interpreted as "singular" or "plural" depending on conte~t, or depending on

    whether the same noun stern may co-occur uith a difTerent noun class prelix that

    suggest a specific numher classificatinn. If the contrasting prefix i u- (CI. I I),

    then thprefixless forin is likely to be interprtd as "plural"; il' the contrasting

    prclix is rrr- (Cl. 6), thc prelixlcss fnrm s likely to be intcrprctcd a "~ingular".

    In nrdcr io account for thc dilYcrcncc in distrihutinn hctwecn thc prlixcs

    listcd under (9a) and thosc listcd undcr (9b). I proposc thc following analysis:

    (l I) S y st m of DEGREE OF INDIVIDUATION

    ONE rir,- (1). r; (3), ji - 8 (S), l;i- (7)

    MOST INDIVIDUATED

    M()RF THAN ()NF. iri- (2). rrri- (4). vi- (8)

    LESS I NDIVIDUATED rr-( I I )

    LEAST INDIVIDUATED ro-(6)

    Accnrding to this analysis, numbras expressed by the Swahili iinun class

    prefixes is a scale of individuation rather than a binary opposition between

    "singular" and "plural".'" What I me;in hy individuatinn

    is

    relative discretencss.

    homogcncity, hounddncss in spacc. The term 'individuation' intcntionally lumps

    together conceptual areas that have sometimes heen distinguished. For example.

    Tiilmy ( I'988) makes a disiinctinn hetween plexity', ("a quantity's state nf

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    NOUN CLASS AS NUMBF.R IN S%AHILI

    articulatinn intn equivalent elements"), typically associated with thc gramnlalical

    category of number; 'boundedness' (dernarcation as an individuated unit entity

    vs. indehnite continuation), typically associated with the 'mass/count' distinction:

    and 'state of dividedness' {"a quantity's internal segmentation"), a cnnceptual

    area seen rnainly in interaction with others, However, he also points out that

    thsc catcgnries n('tn intersect, and in fact hc cits somc of th samc cxampls

    in illustratinn of mnre than one nf them (e.g,. the English lexical itern ivrrrr r is

    both unbounded and cominuous: furrrr)rrr~ is both muhiplex and dividedj. In

    Swahili. Iexicaj items with all of these properties may be found in a single noun

    class. For example. the rrrrr-pre(ix (Cjass 6). illustrated in (2) ahove: rrrrr-i~e

    "slnnes" {multiplcx, dividcd), rrraji "water" (unhnundcd, cnntinunus),mu-ci-i

    "soot" (unbounded. divided) and so on.-"

    numhcr as a graminatical c;itegnry, snmetimes in ways that Innk very simil;ir tn

    thc ubovc analycis. For cx;implc, Mufwcnc {1980a) suggcstc an analycis of

    Lingala, a Santu language, in which he argues in favor of replacing the singular

    plural opposition hy an opposition between individuated vs. non-individuated,

    However. his main concern in this paper is with relations of relativc markedness

    in connection to language universals.he argues that in Lingaia 'individuated' i

    the marked category, contrary to Cireenherg's (lt)66) universal ahout rnarkedness

    of plural in relation to singular, In a later paper. Mufwcnc (l9III) prnposcs a

    sca(e of individuation tn replace the traditinnal hinary singular-plural oppnsition,

    using Jata I'roni several Ianguage including Lingala. But his scale, unlike the

    one prnpnsed ahnve, is nnt an analvsis of either lexicalnr morphological units of

    any particular languagc, hut rather of noun phrascs in gcncral. Thc scmantic

    interpretation of a noun phrase in discoursc context is a maner of lrrrrr>k, not

    lu>rgrre: it derives from a comhination of lexical, morphological. yntactic and

    pragmatic infnrmation. By cornrast. the analysis in (l I ) fncuses on the informa

    tion signalled specilically by the noun class prefixes of Swahili (lrrrrgrre, n the

    sense of ii'ifnrmatlnn sncialed with particulai' Iinguitic signal tllat remaiils

    cnnstant across speakers and discourse cnntexts).

    concrete ohjct, pcnpl, plants. animal and the like. The Icast individuatLI

    entities;ire particulate masses such as ashes, gravel. debris, and cnllectives such

    as utensils (rrrakr>lr>kr>ln).Coljcctives are both non-homogeneous and spatially

    unbounded. Sotttewhere in the middle are liquids like milk. water, and oil. and

    masses of hne particles like tlour, which do not have fixed outlines and so are

    relatively nnnMiscrete, but which are also relatively homogeneous internajly,

    Pluralities. or groups of replicated individuals like "trees" or -baskets", could Itt

    Thc concept of 'individuatinn' has hecn used hy nthcrc in rcfcrcncc tn

    To rcturn to the prscnt analysis then: the most individuated cntities are

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    20 I..LLEN (.

    ONTINI-MORAVA

    at either end of the scale. From the point of view of replication they lit in with

    highly individuated entities: each member of a plurality conserves ils own

    discreteness. From the point of view of homogeneity and boundedness in space

    hnwever, the plurality itself is nnn-hnrnogcncnus and relatively unbnundcd: il

    consists of a set that is in principle open~ndd, A plurality could thcreforbe

    regarded as rclatively non-individuatcd, in cornparison to a singlc individual. ' h

    may hc helpful tn rcprcscnt lhc rclatinnships nf the varinus noun classcs tn thc

    individu;itinn continliurn by mc'ms nf a diagrarn:

    f12) Continuumf individuation. shnwing rangcof Swahili noun classes:

    Zi

    cnncrctc abstraainn liquid nr

    individual c()ntinuous

    (nass nf col lcctiviiy r eplica(cd

    honi()IIcncous

    individuals

    pastielcs

    iass

    rr'a- (2}. ri- (4).

    vi- (8)

    r~- (I), ar; (3}ji& (5).ki- l7)

    (r- ( I I )

    llrlyv'Ir rl lttlo rrki

    "hair strand" -uprigh(ne" "honey"

    nra- (6)

    rrllgo

    -Assur"

    raislra

    '4ife"

    Hio,sr r

    "rrlrrll

    iasakosako rrro r

    "tree sletrris" "snrnes"

    rofrrra

    "nil"

    [t I s)/In nrwns. snriside the sys(em nf indivi~ e/e "strand of h iir", as well as ones that are relatively

    non-individualed. such as abstraclions. masses. or viscous subslances. These

    Iattcr are not easily countable andso do not alternate with any prefix that would

    indicate 'singularity' or 'plurality'. Since rr- can never refer to a set of replicated

    U-. thc prctix of Class ll, signalsa middle Icvel of individuation. Voun

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    NOUN CLASS AS NUMBER IN SWAHILI

    individuals, it is interpreted as relatively individuated. i.e. as singular, when ii

    alternates with a ditTerent prefrx(rrru-) or with absence of a prefix (CI. 9/IO).

    k/u- (CI. 6). al thc hotlom of ihc scalc nf individuation, is associatcd with

    prtictrItc masscs and collcctivitics. as well s with pluraliiics which, as

    mentioned earlier, can be regarded as relatively non-individuated in that they are

    externally unbounded. Sincenra-ran never he interpreled as referring to a single.

    bounded individual. it is available as a pluralizer. often with connotations of

    colleciivity, for noun stms in lasses ihai are not assoiated with a speific

    "corresponding plural" class. This includes those of class S, whose prefix ji- -0

    indicates a high lcvcl nf individuation and singular nurnhcr. yct has no uniquc

    "corresponding plural". 1t also includes some countable nouns ol' class II,

    discussed earlier. And it includes ihe prelixless nouns of class 9/IO. which

    otherwisc cannot distinguish nurnher at all, as illustratcd in (4).

    of individuation, This ncutrality in rcliion to nutnbcr rc)Iccts thc status of CIss

    9/IO as 'residual' category for the noun class system as a whole (rnentioned in

    Section S). And because of its netitrality, a noun stem in Cl. 9/lO can be used to

    suggest a message that comrasis with thai implied by the prelixes u- (CI, I I) and

    mu- (CI. 6) repctively. Thus a illutratd in (S) in Section 2, for somet of

    naun stems showing this threc-way contrast the ~tein carrying which suggests

    some degree of individuation conveys the message -one" (e.g. shrrngrr

    "bead"); ihe stem carrying ur-which suggL low degree of individuation

    conveys themessage"plural as collecttvity" (e,g. rrrus/rurigu"string of heads"):

    and the prehxlcss stcm convcys thc rnessage"plural

    as

    replicated individuals"

    (e.g. rhurrgu"beads"). The specific number messagcs asociatedwith these

    diITerent class aAi)iations depend in puri on the lexical meaning of the stem.

    howcvcr. As shown hv the examplcs in (6) and (7) in Section 2. sornc lexical

    meanings lend themselves to a hner-grined set of distinctions along the

    singular-plurl continuutrr.

    Class I I are both consisteni v iih the analysis under (I I). ma- (Cl. 6). the prefix

    ai the lowest end of the scale ol individuaiion. is appropria(e because a pluralit

    >

    i Is individuatd than a single ntiiy. nd lack of prlix (i.. nimhrhip in

    Cl. 9/IO). is appropriate hecause a CI. 9/IO nnun can he interpretedas relatively

    unindividuatcd, i,c. as hfQRE THAN ONE. whcn it is opposed to the morc

    cxplicitly individuatrd u-. Thc fact ihat somc rr- (Cl.

    ll)

    nouns have plural

    counterparts in Cl. 9/10 and some in CI. 6, whereas other rr- nouns have no

    plural at all. ma

    > be seen as hisiorically moiivated, As tnentioned in Note 4, the

    Swahili - class

    s a

    merger of two classes ihat were historically distinci. /

    Class 9/IO, which has no distinctive preiix of iis nwri, is neutral to the scale

    ~l

    The two alternatives chosen to express plurality for countable nouns in

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    22

    ELI EN CONTIh)1-MAR AVA

    (Clas II} and brr-(Class l4). In general, noun stems originally aiIlliated with

    kr- have plural countcrparts in Cl. 9/10: stcrns nriginally atiiIiatcd with b

    either have no plural or have a plural in rrrn- {Cl. 6). In view of this, one might

    be temptcd to set up two homonymous singular- classes. each with

    its

    "corre

    sponding plural" class. However. such a move would not explain the noun stems

    that can have both types of plural withdiA'erent interpretations (as illustrated in

    (1), Section 2), or the unusually large number of uncountahle nouns in this class

    whoe class aaliation wnultl hecome

    amhiguousince

    they have nn plural

    forms. (Of course, it would also not explain the fact that neither

    Cl.

    9/IO

    nor Cl.

    6 i uniqucly paired with -.) The class rncrgcr itsclt'. thnugh usually cxplaincd

    in phnnolngical tcrms (e.g. Nursc 'md Hinnchusch 1993: 349-CO), may wcll have

    had semantic tnotivations (Comini-Morava l997:6I4}.zs

    individuation just proposed. The tahle under {13) helnw shnws the distrihution oF

    nouns denoting collectives. liquids, and masses. among the various Swahili noun

    clases. in my noun datahae,

    The allocation of nominal stems to classes in Swahili rc(Iccts

    the scale, of

    (13) Table 3. Percentage of nouns in each class denoting entities that are

    nnt easily countable (collectives. Iiquids, masses).

    Countable

    100% (335)

    97% (829)

    96.C% (633)

    96.2% (686)

    59.4% (1261)

    37% (97)

    23.2% ( 33 j

    100% (33$)

    100% (855)

    100% (6~6)

    100% (713)

    100% ( 1410)

    100% {262)

    100% ( l42)

    As may hc secn from this tahle. the four classes at thc tnp nf the scalc nf

    indivitiuation show thsrnallcst nurnhcr of non-count;thlcs, whcrcas thc two

    classes at the Iower end of the scaIe show the highest number. Somewhere in the

    middle is Class9/10. which is neutral to the distinction of individuation, If the

    only organizing principle within the Santu noun classsystemwere a principle of

    binary pairing be(weensingular and plural, we would expeei nonwountable

    nouns to be distributed randomly among the various classes. But Table 3 shows

    Not countable Total

    0

    3% (26)

    (23}

    3,8% {27)

    I0.6% (149)

    63% (169)

    76.8% (109)

    Class I {rrr,-)

    Ciass 3 (mi-)

    Class 7 (ki-)

    Ctass 5 (Jr-/8)

    Class 9/10 (no pfx.)

    Class II Irr-)

    Class 6{rrrrt-

    ihat this is not the case.

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    2.%OUN CLASS AS NUMBF.R IN S%AHILI

    9. Ce t telttsiott

    It was pointed out in the Introduction that nurnber is usually regarded as an

    itif)ertlonal category whcfeas gender i tt'caled a a lexicaf calcgory. The preenl

    discussion suggesls that number in Swahili (and in Banlu more gcncrally) does

    nnt fit ncalfy into thc traditional distinction between 'derivation and 'inIIection .

    If an inllcctional calgory musl bc fully productivc. prcdirtahlc. and ronstant in

    its semantir efTcrts tscc e.g. Bauer l988: l3: Byhcc I985:84; M;ttthcws

    I99I: 52-3). then only the noun classes I have called 'reciprocally paired' could

    be regarded as inHectional. Noun stems ith singular or plural counterparts in

    non-p;iircd clases uoufd have to bc tre;itcd as lcxira)ly, not inflcrtionally

    related. That is, instances ol apparent singufar/plural pairing among such classes

    are just lexicat slems thal rowcrur with dilTerent noun class prefixes. Thus nutnher

    and gender are not so dislinrt as traditional accounts would make it appear. and

    perhaps it is no accidnl that they are signalled

    by

    th same morphoiogy.~

    the cognitive and funrtional motivations for gender as a grammatical category.

    t)cndcr itc)f fits somcwhcrc bclwccn lcxicon, and grammar. Markcrs of nnun

    class or gender sharc many propcrtics of grammatical signs. thcy are ohligatory.

    form a r)osed cluss, und give information uhout the lexical item to whirh they

    are attarhed. But thcy diN'er frnm typical grammaliral signs like markers nf rasc

    or tcnse in thul lhcy do not havc the frcedom to coiicrur with any lcxical ilcm.

    but instead co~rcur consistently with a particular set of lexical items, The re;ison

    for this is that markers of gender or noun rlass serve the discourse function of

    indexing nouns so as to facilitate co-reference with modiliers such as adjeclives.

    demonstratives, and so on, by means of grammatical agreement.- The indexingl

    co-reference function of noun dassification has semantic consequences as well

    a ditrihuliona) ones. 'lriclly from lhe poinl of view of indexing and co

    rcfcrencc. a scmanticalfy arbilrary allocation of nouns to classcs would do just as

    well a a transparcnt onc. Sut for the language Ieurner, the task of memorizing

    thc rla athliation of lhousands of' nouns is made easier if thcre i at leal some

    scrnantir rohcrcnre within carh class. And in fact all such systems show

    considerable scrnantic motivation, especially if analyzed from a cngnitivc

    semantic perspective th'it takes into account relations of rnelaphor and rnetonymy

    as well as strirt taxonomic inclusion.

    form a kind of super-lexicon. medialing heteen lhe lexiron proper (that is. noun

    stems) and grarnmar Ohe ro-referencing funrtion). Semantically. they group

    logether nouns that share rognitively salient properties of entities surh as humanl

    The interpcnetration beteen numbernJ gender i not so surpriing, given

    As a mnemonic devicc for subdividing nouns imo sets, noun class markers

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    FLI EN CONTIN1 h'lORAVA

    plant/inanitnate and so on.

    and

    related lo this,

    physical properties like

    shape

    and

    size whether long and thin. round, large or sntall etc. %hat I have suggested

    in this chapter is that number, or more properly, existence as

    a

    relalively

    individuated enlily, is trealcd as a property by which ntilies can be classified for

    the purposes of reference in Bantu languages. and so is inseparahle front the

    sernantic contnt of noun class as a grarnrnatical category for thsc languages.

    Aeknuxvledoneatu

    I would like to cxpress my sinccrc gratinidc to Erica 6arcia for hcr penctrating commcnts on an

    carlicr dran of this chaptcr. which Icdmc to rcthink the wholc analysi that ir prcentcdhcrc, I have

    also benefitted greatly frorn the eornmeni ol rnv co-editor.

    Yihal

    Tobin. If the chapter has not

    bccomc morc cohcrcnt depite thcir bct clfort. the fault is cntircl} minc.

    1. The .~me pvint

    i

    rnade in mvre detail by Advuani 11993: ttStk Who argue thatgender i

    "arbitrarily detcrmined

    in

    kuigiir" whereas nuinbcr

    is

    cvntingent

    and

    prvvisivnzl. hence a

    fcaturc igncdto

    Icxical

    unit in discourw.

    2.

    Kr d iscussion of some of the

    omplexities

    involved

    in

    the

    anal} sis ol'

    the dual in Ilebrew and

    The dcAnhion of 'noun class' in Swahili dcpcnds on a combinationof thc prchx on the noun

    and a particular pattern vf "grantntatical agrccmcnt" vn clcntcnts like dcmvnstralives. pvsses

    sive. etc Prelixes that are homonymou. like thne nf Classes I and Xni-I and u and

    It)

    (n

    6 in thc traditional analysis) dillcr in agrccmcnt paucm. henccarc trcatcd as dincrcnt

    Claes.

    4. Class "I IrI4" in Swahili i amergervf thc histvricall} distinct 'In t=l I) and 'hiv 1=14) cla~s.

    l~>r simplicity. this class ill be referrcJ to as - I I". Sw&ili has lust Classes I ~ and I X which

    csist in other Itantu languages.

    $. I thank Lriea Carcfa for stimulating this line of thinking about Cl. 9/IO.

    1}. Carstcns I 19$3. I$4-51 fvrmalizcs binary pairing rclativnships b} assigning cach nvminal stcm

    tv agenJer, treating the prelixesasmarkcrsot' number. and axvciating eachgenJer with twu

    prcfiscs.vne foringular and onc fvr plurai. To nccvunt for the fact that CI. I I dvcs nvt havc

    iis own plural prelix.she sets up aeparategender hoc plural prclix i h un

    >mou ith thai

    of Class l0. Shc dvcs nvt discuss any of thc other asyminctrics pviutcd vuthcrc. but presum

    abh thcy would also

    havc

    to bc

    dcalt

    with b} sctting up additional gcndcrs with partly

    homvnyma)ui nuinher inarkers Such a taeatinent hie not Icad to an csplanatnin for the nuinbcr

    as} mmctrics. but instcad cainvullages thcin undcr the guisc ol' a binay numbcr s} stein.

    7 The d alabasi'. cvnsists of nouns listed in theStondurd Suuhili-Frig(ish lPiriiiaiorp (johoson

    1939kubcatcgorircd accotding to a widc varicty of einantic

    and

    moiphological critcria Though

    data enuy is not yet completed. the coveiage of atl theclasses is quite coinprehensive. I-or details on

    the database project. including related theoretical issues. see Contini.Morava (1994. 1997).

    in Slavic, sec Tvhin anJ jaoda tthis voluinck

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    2SOUN CLASS AS NUMBF.R IN S%AHILI

    8. The usc ol' Clux (i us simultuncously thc plurul of Clus .'S und u pluruliu tun(um' for li(Iuid

    und rnasses is recnntr(taed ut lezst tn prntn Buntu {Meussen 1967. cited in %illiamson 1')89).

    and pvesihly cvcn prcdutc Bantu (Miche I99I ).

    9. In this rcspcie Mu(wcnc {)981: 223) stutcmcnt tlu( mus nouns urc "usuull

    > usignc J the suiuc

    clu~ prclixes as the plurul cvunt nouns" in Bun(u is nvt en(irely uccurutc,

    -clu are ubstruct. He dnes nnt distinguishbetween prnductively derived und -inherent" nnuns

    m thl clu, howcvcr.

    IO. Ohly {1977.28). using duta fiom a dilYercnt dictianur). reports tha( 6$.7 % af nouns in the

    II Th e uc ol' m. u pluruli/er for naun s(cms in Clae 9, II. und l4 in uddition tn is u

    l2. The exaiuplcs in this chuptcr comc from the electronic rvrpus of Swahili texts houscd at the

    t.'mverit) v( Ilclinki. I thunk (he Dcpurtmen( af A(ricun Studtc far giving mc ucccss to (hi

    corpu~. unJ hrvi Iluiskainen in pui(iculur. for hi help in using the corpus.

    cvmmon

    phenvmenvn in untu. f, vpvrvvu { 987),

    I3, yurn is an iiregular form, If one assumes that the sterns -rir {based on compnrison 'ith rrrn

    und inmk then nording to the iunnnical shupe of CI. 9/IO nouns with mnnosyllubic stems (he

    Cl. 9/IO form should hc "nra. Ihiwcver, a Icxicul itcm n/n utreudy exists in Cl, 9/10. ith (he

    meuning "wax". This perhapscxplains the appurcn( reanalysis of the present Cl. 9/10 stem as

    vnwcl.initiul -r, which according tn the Cl. 9/II') puttcrn wnuldhe preccded by y-.

    Class I I. onc cauld lut as easiiy think of the Class II forms u "singularizutions" of entities

    morc cotumonly cncountcred as a plurality or collcct(vitv, This poin( is mack with rc(crcncc to

    thc hlbochi Iunguugc us curly u 1917 by Prot. citcd in GWgoirc {I')94:3 I) : i( is mudc morc

    gencrully I'vr Bzntu by Mcinhvf {l948 1967I: 47). unil by Lailirna {1969. 103).

    l4. Them du(avggcN thu( ru(hcr (hun trcuting the C.'Iuss 9/IA and fi forms us -plural- of miun in

    I'urthcr bclow.

    l7. C lass 7 shows many cls(racteristics that have been associated ith diminutives avos-liaguisti

    Itl. 0'nte hut the distinctinn rnade here between 'poired' und 'nnn-puired' prefixes is nnt the carne

    15. An exception is gdufwene (198oa I'98I). but his goal is di)Terent fraln tlle present anulysis. see

    IA. Claes .'5 diA'ers I'rntn the n(here to bc discuesed herc in that it dnce nnt huve ui@rr"cnrre

    spvnJing plurui"'. as pvintcd vut in thc prcivu sccuvn. ulthvugh nvuntcins in Class 5 fvrm

    their plurals in Class *. Class* ie alen used to plurulize nnuns from some nthcr classcs as wcll

    a cvnLllnlhg nauas thut iln nvt huve singular fiilrrl.

    cally; see /uiafsk) { 1995).

    as thc distinction, found in thc scholurl> htcruturc nn Bantu languugcs. bctwccn two-class

    gcnders' and 'vne~lassgeniicrs' {scc c,g, Gu(hrie I970 [1948I:49-52). such anulyses treat ull

    nnune hat huvc scpurutc singulur.md plural nrms ue instunccs of lwn.clac cndcr', nd thc

    'one-cluss gendere'con~stonly of nounshu( Jo mit M)ow ingulur-plural alterna(ion. The fuex

    that nme nnune ascigned to a nne-cluec gender ure fnrmally identical :ith nnuns that are either

    ' singuiuis" or "plurul" vf tu v-cluss gcndcrs is trcutcd us u muttcr vf hvm

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    FLI EN CONTIN1 h'lORAVA

    ingular. whcrcas for thcr nnunc thc dictinctin i irrclcvant. Ilnwever thc calc of individua

    tinn prnpnsed in (I I) dnes nnt fall neatly alnng the feature hierarchy suggestedby Smith-S)ark.

    which is similar to thc fzmiliar Animac) Hicrarchy (Smith-Stark 1974.66$):

    nouns

    +speaker -cpeakcr

    +addrcsscc -addrcscce

    -kinktn

    +ratinnnl

    -ruttnnal

    -hunlanhuman

    -alllBLIICanimatc

    A~rJing to Smith-S(ark. thc

    I'arthcr up

    thc hicrarchy a nuun is lueatcd. the rnorc likcly it is

    that pluiality wdl be markcI. In flantu hwcver. human nuns inabe fund in alinuu all (he

    claaces. and only Classes I/2 eontain no inanirnatc nouns. I'urthermore. Smith-Stark's feature

    hicrarchy docs noi distinguish bctwccn rclativcly inthviduatcd anti unindtviduatcd inanimatcs.

    The

    Iaek

    of ht cith his hierar+y is presuinabldue to the closc setmntc intereonnewon

    bctwccn noun class and numbcr in 1)antu. a poini I will rcturn io bclow.

    21 The semantic elarionchip betwecn mass nouns and count.and plural nouns has ntten been

    pointed out. see e,g. %1eCawley II96II). Mufwene I 19$Oa; 191II): Talmy I19IIII). Langaeker

    11991). Scivik (1996) givcs a cogcnt accnunt of thc 'non count scmanttcs of Class b in

    Sciwana. a Suihcrn IIaatu languagc. Taliny I 198II: 2Oklni nlfcrs thc fnllnwing dcsniptinn nf

    the relatinnship between 'piecit> and 'boundedness:

    There seems tn be a sequence nf eognitive nperatinnc here in getting frnrn a

    boundcd

    tn

    an unhoundcd quantiry. Speculativcly, the boundcd quantity is lirct

    trcatcd as a uniplcit entit). it is thcn ntulliplc)ed. thc rcsultant cntitics arc

    cun.

    ccivcd ac spatially yustapnscd. and their bnundarics areIactly cffaccd. thcrcby

    Lveatlng alt Uiitotiildeil vhtlhuuitt,

    Although it is not elcar that unc nccds tu vicw thc couccptual rclationship as involving a scries

    of cuccessive ctagec, Talmy's nbccrvatinn

    s

    clcarly relcvant tn the prcccnt point,

    arcties of Swahili. sueh as Kenya Pidgin Swahili. vhere thcre is estreine siinplitieatiun of the

    nuuo-class/agreemeat

    s

    >stem. mn- has beeome the only means of signalling plurality ovettl

    > I'or

    inaniinatc non tIIctnc 19/3 88).

    22. G iven vhat hasbeen said here about the semantics of u-.it is not sutprising that in piilgln

    2%. Zavawi 11979: SW; gt)) denicc the esictence of cingular~lural clacc pairingc I I-IO and 11-6 in

    $wahili, $he statesh4tapparent pluralsof CI, I I nouns areawtaliy plurals of nouns n Classes

    9/IO and 5 rcspcctivcly. and that CI. II has no "corrcsponding plural". Although not all

    pluraiizcablc Ci. I I wnrd aaually dhavc singular cnuntcrpart in CI. 9/IO nr S. I agrcc with

    Pawawi's general pnint.

    4. Only nuuas listcdn thc dietiunary as bclunging tu Class 6 arc ineluded in this cuunt. nut c.g.

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    ')7

    NOUN CLASS AS NUMBFR IN S%AHILI

    nouns which form thcir plural with rrrri. Ii.c. thrssc whosc singular forms are in C'lusces $ or I I).

    The 23.2 4 of Class fs toun~ categorired as 'crsuntahle' are ones t)tat indicate obstractions such

    as ruisIiu I il c , rrrudhrurrrri itltcnlion . Many ol thesc a}e Ioanvrolds frotn Arabic.

    ( IrN2)

    2%. Ii)r arguments in favor of numbcr as a lexical categor) in Indo-Lurcspean languagcs. sce Beard

    2ts. This functirsn hrss hecn poiotcd uut hv scvcrat scluslaw, including I rsdrsr (I9S9). Cstecnhcrg

    ()978). Zuhin dr K(spcke (I9)t(s). Contini-Morava (I99fs). t)theguy and gtern (this volume).

    Othcr funaiuo~ frtrsprssed in the litetature ioclude serving as u hasis fur oiiminal dctivatirsn

    (Mufwtoe Iqg(rb). and setving to indicate thai o nnun is refcrcnttal by emp)tas(zing its

    mcmiscrship in a mnrc inclusivc. basic.lcvcl catcgory (Claudi I997).

    (l993). though aot in rcfcrcncc to Bantu:

    27. Thc semantic relruiunship between number anJ genJer i also pointed out b> Daitun.Boileau

    ...on pcm aussi Ircnscr lc nombrc comme unc cat4gorie pcrmcuani d'opposer

    J'cuibldc lca ootioas qui rclsvcnt Ju dhtotubrablc i) ccllcs qui rcldvant Jc I'inakn

    rstnhrahle. Ainsi rwrnsideH, Ic noinhrc devient pt(aiablc a Ia isrsnaruction Jc Ia

    rrlfhrenrw. I.'ne sisrte Je genre. pour tout dire .. Iinviwgrr i.mme un genre. Ie

    oombre dcvieot alors I indicc du -gram" dc la notion I) laqucllc il s'applique: un

    ootion iodrlnombrable colulllc errrrruge est dc grain unifotloe. unc notiiln Jhloln

    brablc coouoc hurrrre d'uu giain vatiablc. qui pcut kuc aocidcntk ct pluricl (Tous

    Ics hrme.r sont mortels) ou uilifui'mc et siogulier (L'hirire cst uo Inup prrur

    I'humrne)." ( Ir)i)3 I23)

    I...one could also throk of nunibtt as a catcgoc) that trsakcs it possrble to Jitcs

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    ELLEN CONTINI-MORAVA

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