25
Notes Chapter 1 1. This study excludes the branch of civil society theory inspired by Jürgen Habermas, which defines civil society as public sphere (Cohen and Arato 1992: 210–212; Edwards 2004: 10, 57–58). 2. Civic activists use samimi and gerçek interchangeably. I have chosen to use samimi consistently. I am aware that the Turkish word samimi can hold conno- tations of intimacy and closeness, which is not the case with the word gerçek. In fact, some interlocutors used samimi deliberately, because they wanted to stress such intimacy. 3. Pseudonyms are used for all interlocutors and organizations throughout the book. 4. Hometown organizations (hem¸ sehri dernekleri) unite people from the same geographical place of origin in their place of immigration (Hersant and Toumarkine 2005). 5. The category cami yaptırma dernekleri (associations for the construction of a mosque) is by far the category with the largest number of associations (Hersant and Toumarkine 2005: paragraph 26). 6. A number of foundations established in Ottoman times still formally exist. Very few, though, are currently active (TÜSEV 2006a: 46). 7. The Kemalist state elite denotes a range of persons: personnel from the Turkish military, including the high command; prosecutors and judges from the juridi- cal system; a number of bureaucrats; and rectors from the universities in Turkey (Rumford 2003). They have alliances with particular political parties— particularly the CHP—intellectuals, and Kemalist-nationalist CSOs. The elite defines the Kemalist principles as the unchanging and unchangeable founda- tion of the Turkish republic, that is, a state ideology, and perceives itself to be the guardians and caretakers of the Kemalist heritage. 8. Eickelman and Anderson have emphasized how new media contributes to the emergence of civil society in the Middle East in general (2003: 1). However, in the Turkish context media liberalization is impeded by the ownership struc- ture, where few holding companies own the majority of media, as well as by a range of legislative legacies restricting freedom of speech (Alpay 2010). 9. As Keyman and ˙ Içduygu put it: “[t]hese two disasters made it very clear to Turkish people that the strong state is in fact very weak in responding and

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Notes

Chapter 1

1. This study excludes the branch of civil society theory inspired by JürgenHabermas, which defines civil society as public sphere (Cohen and Arato 1992:210–212; Edwards 2004: 10, 57–58).

2. Civic activists use samimi and gerçek interchangeably. I have chosen to usesamimi consistently. I am aware that the Turkish word samimi can hold conno-tations of intimacy and closeness, which is not the case with the word gerçek.In fact, some interlocutors used samimi deliberately, because they wanted tostress such intimacy.

3. Pseudonyms are used for all interlocutors and organizations throughout thebook.

4. Hometown organizations (hemsehri dernekleri) unite people from the samegeographical place of origin in their place of immigration (Hersant andToumarkine 2005).

5. The category cami yaptırma dernekleri (associations for the construction of amosque) is by far the category with the largest number of associations (Hersantand Toumarkine 2005: paragraph 26).

6. A number of foundations established in Ottoman times still formally exist.Very few, though, are currently active (TÜSEV 2006a: 46).

7. The Kemalist state elite denotes a range of persons: personnel from the Turkishmilitary, including the high command; prosecutors and judges from the juridi-cal system; a number of bureaucrats; and rectors from the universities inTurkey (Rumford 2003). They have alliances with particular political parties—particularly the CHP—intellectuals, and Kemalist-nationalist CSOs. The elitedefines the Kemalist principles as the unchanging and unchangeable founda-tion of the Turkish republic, that is, a state ideology, and perceives itself to bethe guardians and caretakers of the Kemalist heritage.

8. Eickelman and Anderson have emphasized how new media contributes to theemergence of civil society in the Middle East in general (2003: 1). However, inthe Turkish context media liberalization is impeded by the ownership struc-ture, where few holding companies own the majority of media, as well as by arange of legislative legacies restricting freedom of speech (Alpay 2010).

9. As Keyman and Içduygu put it: “[t]hese two disasters made it very clear toTurkish people that the strong state is in fact very weak in responding and

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186 NOTES

coping with serious problems. This failure of the Turkish state to respondquickly to crisis situations has given rise to a common belief among peoplethat CSOs and a more participatory political culture are necessary for theefficient and effective solution of the problem confronting Turkish society”(2003: 227). However, it has been argued elsewhere that although important,the earthquakes did not lead to a sustained grassroots movement that was ableto thoroughly challenge state authority. Instead, the statist elite found a way offorging alliances with segments within civil society (Kubicek 2005: 367).

10. Regarding the reforms of the nineteenth and early twentieth century versusthose in the republican era, it is worth underlining that the Kemalists did notrecognize these two reform movements as being continuous. Pre-republicanreforms are seen as the result of Western imperialism, whereas the reformefforts in the republican era were also an anti-imperialist endeavor aimed atestablishing national independence and sovereignty (Timur 1987: 23).

11. Some have pointed to the increased autonomous role of the local notables, theayan, and see them as a social force partly outside the state (Zürcher 2004: 24).

12. Simsek argues that civil society is “weak” quality-wise (organizational capacity,horizontal networks), not quantity-wise (2004a: 68–69).

13. The interest in studying the social use of civil society should also be recog-nized more broadly as a feature of the postmodern turn, where the analyticalemphasis has shifted toward social conflict and contestations, dynamic anddiachronic analyses, and a rejection of formal political structures as theprimary locus of politics (Kurz 2001: 197–198).

14. Public life is the concept Navaro-Yashin uses as an analytical term with regardto fencing in the political. Public life is a site for the generation of the political(2002: 2). Public life is preferred to existing analytical categories such as “pub-lic sphere,” “public culture,” and “civil society” since such categories all rest ona distinction between power and resistance. By way of the analytical concept ofpublic life, she claims that she can coin how people and state are not opposi-tions but part of the same domain in which the political is recast and produced(ibid.).

15. Kaliber and Tocci are not only concerned with Kurdish civil society. Theirarticle deals with how various civil society actors look at the Kurdish Ques-tion. However, they make use of the prevalent ideological and cultural lines ofdemarcation in order to structure their data.

16. When the term perceived is underlined, it is because in line with Marxist think-ing, Berman argues how this authentic self is not in reality something thatsets an individual outside structure. Rather it reproduces a particular form ofpower. Nevertheless, the ideal of authenticity is seen as a politically explosiveand revolutionary force in modern times.

17. Both strands were shaped in the nineteenth century and have had a profoundimpact on the features of the concept of civil society today. The Marxist, mostnotably reworked by Antonio Gramsci, emphasizes the reality of class exploita-tion, whereas the liberal strand privileges freely associating individuals (Hann1996: 5). This must, however, not be understood in the sense that Gramsci

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NOTES 187

did not recognize the creative potential for liberation and social change incivil society, although he saw civil society as structured by class and ideology(cf. Cohen and Arato 1992: 147–148, 158–159).

18. This is not to say that the various theoretical contributions focusing upon thequestion of agency and structure grasp the relationship in similar ways. On thecontrary, there are different analytical assessments of what structure has todo with agency, ranging from Giddens’ recognition of structure as that whichenables agency rather than constrains it (1979: 5), and Bourdieu’s notion ofstructures as biased toward their own reproduction through actions embed-ded in these structures—epitomized by his notion of habitus (1977: 72)—to deCerteau’s recognition of the potential of subversiveness and resistance withinstructures, hence locating agency itself somewhat outside structures as a cre-ative source (1988: xiv; cf. Napolitano and Pratten 2007: 6), to Sewell Jr.’sattempt at distinguishing between the capacity of agency as a general featureof human life and how structures then affect the realization of this agency andempower agents differently under differing circumstances (1992: 20–21).

19. Dissolving the agency-structure dichotomy is actually also the objective ofPierre Bourdieu, and the motive for developing the concept of habitus (2001:27–36; cf. Mitchell 2007: 101).

20. Jackson recognizes that agency features in the lives of human beings with vary-ing degrees of intensity (2005: x). This brings to mind Sewell Jr.’s insights onthe varying intensity of agency (1992: 20–21), although Jackson works withinan experiential context not a realist one.

Chapter 2

1. The notion that internal cleavages result in a fragile civil society is no new-comer to debates on civil society (Hall and Trentmann 2005: 45). Recently,Muthiah Alagappa pointed out how civil society “. . . like other realms, isan arena of power, inequality, struggle, conflict, and cooperation amongcompeting identities and interests” (2004: 46).

2. Irtica was already used by the Kemalist elite in the one-party period to denotereligious reactionism (Ahmad 1993: 58; Zürcher 2002: 5). Hence, as Zürcherconcludes, “[t]he term ‘religious reaction’ (irtica) specifically refers to theoverthrow of the secular republican order established in 1923–24” (ibid.).

3. The ban is based on a dress code directive from the early 1980s that bans theuse of headscarf for public employees. Later, it became enforced at universitycampuses (Özdalga 1998).

4. In Turkey the unlikely community of interests between right-wing nationalistsand radical leftists is known as the kızılelma koalısyonu, the red apple coalition.They both represent an anti-EU stance in Turkey.

5. Pamuk in an interview with a Swiss magazine said that “thirty thousand Kurdsand one million Armenians were killed here. Almost nobody dares to speakabout it, so I do, and therefore they hate me” (Tages Anzeiger, January 27,

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188 NOTES

2011). The use of the word “genocide” (soykırım) and/or portraying the eventsas genocide is punishable by law in Turkey.

6. His assassination was the culmination of a campaign against him that tookoff in the mainstream daily Hürriyet in 2004 after Dink had written an articlewhere he claimed that the adopted daughter of Atatürk, Sabiha Gökçen, wasof Armenian origin (Göktas 2010). But his assassination also mobilized a verybroad segment of Turkish society against violence, hate speech, and animosity.

7. In a survey on nationalism in Turkey in spring 2006, 33 percent of 800 Turksstated that they agree with the observation that the reforms demanded by theEU in order for Turkey to become eligible for membership are no differentfrom the conditions of the Sevrés Treaty (Tempo, April 6, 2006).

8. The coalition governments of the late 1970s depended on the right-wingnationalist party for their mandate. At the same time the so-called GreyWolves, the youth branch of the ultranationalist party, established themselvesas self-proclaimed guardians of law and order on the streets. However, theywere de facto acting under the protection of a party in government. Right-wingnationalists simultaneously came to dominate among others the police force.In this way the right-wing nationalists became part of politics and close tostate powers and authorities (Ahmad 1993: 165). The traditionally strong linkbetween right-wing nationalists and the military in Turkey has moreover beenpointed out (Hale 1994; Cizre-Sakallıoglu 1997).

9. Also the religiously conservative industrialist organization MÜSIAD attemptsto draw a line from the ahılıks—associations for craftsmen, artisans, traderset cetera in Anatolia during Selcuk rule and Ottoman times—to itself, henceunderlining continuity from Ottoman to present times. It has been an explicitstrategy of the pro-Islamic movement in Turkey to emphasize continuity fromthe Ottoman Empire (an Islamic Empire) to Turkey as a counter discourse tothe Kemalist elite’s attempts to denounce such continuity (Houston 2001).

10. When I say particularly from the 1960s onward it is because of the politicalliberalization in the aftermath of the 1960 military coup (Ahmad 1993: 139;Zürcher 2004: 246).

Chapter 3

1. Murat and Selma’s accounts echo what sociologist Anthony Giddens in his studyon modernity refers to as self-identity. Self-identity is defined as a person’s expe-rience of herself as an autonomous individual in charge of her own life coursethrough the construction of biographical narratives, where past, present, andfuture become part of coherent accounts and life strategies (1991: 53).

Chapter 4

1. The prevalence of conspiracy thinking is reflected in popular cultural produc-tions, for example, books like those by Soner Yalçın (2004, 2006), or films andTV series like Kurtlar Vadisi (Valley of Wolves).

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NOTES 189

2. Constructed on the basis of field notes, January 30, February 2, February 4,February 5, February 7, 2006.

3. Although the reference is to an academic article, the article is written by twomembers of the ARI organization and is here treated as a primary source onactivists’ perceptions of civil society.

4. The same author later wrote a similar book about “project democracy” inAzerbaijan (2009).

5. Plagemann describes this “factionalism” (2000: 471) in Human rights organi-zations, and argues that it is the result of ideological struggles and personalanimosities (2000: 434–436, 441).

6. Kubicek mentions that Turkish “. . . NGOs that gain attention in the Turkishmedia, even those in Istanbul, often have rather shabby, Spartan offices” andis “struck by how many appeared to be a little more than an office worker ortwo, a phone, computer, and fax machine” (2005: 377, note 44). However, asshown here one cannot necessarily assess the capacity of an organization basedon their office or number of staff, since this gives no insights into the socialnetworks they can activate.

7. Singerman argues how people in poor urban residential areas in Cairo per-ceive social networks as a prime resource. They evaluate their own and others’capacity to act on their life circumstances according to networks (1989: 223).

Chapter 5

1. STGP (Sivil Toplum Gelistirme Projesi, the Civil Society Development Project)has since then become a permanent center entitled STGM (Sivil ToplumGelistirme Merkezi, the Civil Society Development Center). STGM is an Ankara-based CSO aimed at enhancing the capacity of NGOs by offering training, forexample, in relation to project preparation and management.

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Glossary of Turkish Words

Aile: FamilyArka planı: Back schemeAydınlatmak: To enlightenAyıp: ShamefulBagımsız(lık): Independent, IndependenceBasörtü(sü): HeadscarfBilgi: Knowledge, connoting objective informationBölge: RegionBölücü: SeparatistÇagdas: Modern, contemporaryDerin devlet: Deep stateDernek: AssociationDevlet: StateDindar: Devout, pious, religiousDini: Religious, pertaining to religionFasist: FascistFon: FundsGerçek: True, sincereGönüllü: VolunteerGöre -a/-e: According toGüç: Strength, powerGüçlü: PowerfulHalk: PeopleHizmet: Service, dutyHizmet etmek: To serveHükümet: GovernmentIdeoloji: IdeologyIktidar: PowerIliskiler: Relations, connectionsInsan hakları: Human rightsIrtica: Reactionism, refers to pro-IslamistsKadın: WomanKatılım: ParticipationKaynak: Source (here funding source)Kisi: PersonKisiye göre: According to person

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192 GLOSSARY OF TURKISH WORDS

Kurulus: Association, organizationKürt: KurdishLiberal: LiberalMedeniyet: CivilizationMillet: NationMilliyetçi: Right-wing nationalistMuhafazakâr: Conservative, traditionalistMücadele: StruggleÖn görüs: Front sightÖrgüt: Network, organizationProfesyonellesme: ProfessionalizationProje: ProjectProje kültürü: Project cultureProjecilik: Project makingPropaganda: PropagandaRenk: Color, flavorSamimi: True, genuine, sincereSamimiyet: Genuineness, sinceritySivil toplum: Civil societySivil toplum kurulusu: Civil society organizationSivil toplum örgütü: Civil society organizationSiyaset: PoliticsSolcu: LeftistSTK: Abbreviation of sivil toplum kurulusuSTÖ: Abbreviation of sivil toplum örgütüSirket: CompanySube: Branch officeUlusalcı: Kemalist-nationalistUzman: ExpertVakıf : FoundationVatandas: CitizenYabancı: Stranger, foreigner

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Index

Note: The letter ‘n’ followed by the locator refers to notes in the text.

Adem, Çigdem, 15, 20age issues, 49, 52–3, 161–2, 171agency

existential anthropology and agency,5–6, 23, 27–9, 182, 187n20

experience of agency, 5, 6, 27–31, 35,70, 72, 77, 101, 103, 106, 111, 136,138–9, 146, 171–2, 178, 181–3

general theoretical debates, 26–7,181, 187n18, 187n19, 187n20

subjectivity and agency, 5, 6, 16,23–9, 68–71, 101–3, 106–7, 111,136, 138, 146, 175, 176, 178,181–3

aile/family (as metaphor), 77, 97–101,102, 179

AKP (Justice and Development Party),10, 36, 37, 39, 41, 85, 89–90, 111,115–16, 124, 125, 166

Alagappa, Muthiah, 187n1Alemdar, Zeynep, 2, 7, 14, 16, 20, 21,

34, 57, 72Alevi, 40–1

see also minoritiesissues/multiculturalism

Alexander, Catherine, 64, 75–6Anderson, Jon W., 111–12anthropological knowledge,

119–21anti-imperialism, 42, 122, 164, 186n10

see also ideological divides;conspiracy thinking

arka planı. see back scheme

authenticityagency and authenticity, 5, 23,

26–30, 70–1, 77, 107, 111, 136,176, 178, 182–3

modernity and authenticity, 24,29–30, 175, 178, 183, 186n16

autonomy, 5, 23, 25–31, 35, 68–71, 77,101–3, 106, 171, 175, 178, 181–3,188n1

back scheme. see conspiracy thinking,in Turkey

bagımsız(lık)/independence, 66, 77, 81,85, 90–3, 93–5, 95–7, 115, 117,127, 162, 179

Beckman, Björn, 6, 7, 23, 147, 149, 182Belge, Murat, 47–8, 54Berman, Marshall, 6, 25, 30, 183,

186n16biography (significance of).

see individuals (significance of)Bora, Tanıl, 20, 42

Casier, Marlies, 92, 144categories (significance of), 34, 68–72CEDAW, 14, 154Chatterjee, Partha, 5, 17, 23, 24, 174,

180–1civil society (general)

agency and civil society, 6, 23–9anthropology of civil society, 17–19,

21, 22authenticity and civil society, 2, 3, 4,

18–19, 20, 23

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civil society (general)—continueddemocratizing force, 2, 5, 6–7, 12, 14,

34, 144–5, 146–9, 150–1dominant western notion of civil

society, 2, 4, 7, 12, 21, 23, 27, 75,77, 82, 93, 97, 102–3, 107, 144,146–9, 151, 156, 177, 182, 186n17,187n1

empowerment, 23–5, 27, 145–6, 151,180

export of civil society, 4–5, 7, 25,144–6, 154, 177, 180

form of resistance, 12, 17, 18, 23, 24,186n14

object of ethnographic enquiry, 3, 4,17–19, 20, 177–8

political parties and civil society, 93post-colonial critique of civil society,

23–4, 174, 180power of civil society, 5, 6, 22, 23, 24,

25, 27, 30–1, 180–1, 183revival of civil society, 5, 6, 7, 12,

146–9state and civil society, 7, 12, 17–19,

23–4, 26, 30, 75, 77, 82, 151civil society (in Turkey)

Dernek and Vakıf, 9, 11, 55–6, 56–60,81–2

existing studies of, 3, 14, 16–22, 24,34, 53, 72, 144, 163, 178–9,186n12, 186n14, 186n15

family and civil society, 77, 97–101,102, 179

history before 1980, 15–16, 85,185n6, 186n11

history after 1980, 10–15, 16, 143,180

kinds of activities and organizations,1, 2, 7–11, 19–20, 30, 33–4, 40

knowledge transmission and civilsociety, 78–81, 96, 105, 145, 155–9

legal framework, 8, 9–11, 15, 56–60,93, 96

market/business and civil society, 77,95–7, 116, 118

new versus old history of civilsociety, 11–12, 15–16, 49–50, 53–6,84–5, 165, 188n9

political parties and civil society, 11,12, 66, 78, 86–8, 89, 90, 93–5,115–16

state and civil society, 9, 10, 11, 12,15, 16, 17, 18, 46–9, 54, 57, 65–6,126, 129, 131, 148, 150–1, 160

class issues, 19, 24, 49–51, 100, 162,171, 173–4, 180

Cohen, Jean L. and Andrew Arato, 2, 4,5, 6, 7, 149, 185n1, 187n17

collective identifications (significanceof), 35, 77, 98–9, 100–1, 117, 118,125, 133, 136, 163

Comaroff, John L. and Jean ComaroffOn civil society, 3, 4, 5, 18, 19, 24,

177, 179, 180, 181On conspiracy thinking, 111, 134,

138committee for Union and Progress,

15conspiracy thinking

theoretical assessments, 111–12, 120,134, 138

in Turkey, 42, 46controlling capacity, 110–111, 134, 136,

138Cruikshank, Barbara, 6, 25, 28–9, 183

de Certeau, Michel, 26, 187n18deep state, 111, 126–30Dink, Hrant, 45, 188n6

see also minoritiesissues/multiculturalism

earthquakes 1999 (significance of), 13,14, 150, 186n9

East-West divide. see geographicalissues

Edwards, Michael, 2, 5, 6, 14, 21, 24,77, 79, 185n1

enlightenment, 78–81, 83, 88, 92, 96,103, 105–6, 157

Erdogan, Necmi, 20, 83

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Erdogan, Recep Tayyıp, 36, 125EU, 2, 7, 10, 11, 14, 37–8, 41–2, 44, 46,

48, 50, 57, 79, 88–90, 95–6, 114,122, 132, 143–4, 146, 148, 150–1,154–5, 159, 162, 170, 173, 187n4,188n7

existential anthropology, 5, 6, 23, 27–9,181

family. see aile/family (as metaphor)feminism. see gender issuesFenster, Mark, 111, 112, 120Ferguson, James, 2, 5, 7, 14, 17, 18, 24,

107, 147, 180front sight. see conspiracy thinking, in

Turkeyfunding issues, 66–7, 94, 95–7, 116,

127, 143–5, 153, 155, 158–61, 164,166–70

gender issues, 49–50, 68–70, 86–8,168–9

geographical issues, 8, 44, 50–1, 63–8,100–1, 159, 168–70

Göle, Nilüfer, 2, 12, 13, 16, 18, 34, 53gönüllü/volunteer (significance of), 51,

84, 116, 118, 161–3

Habitat II. see UN Habitat IIHann, Chris, 2, 4, 18, 19, 21, 23,

25, 26, 75, 77, 149, 177,186n17

Hansen, Thomas Blom and FinnStepputat, 24, 76

Hastrup, Kirsten, 56, 119headscarf issue, 37, 39, 168, 187n3

see also pro-Islamic CSOs;pro-Islamism

Hersant, Jeanne and AlexandreToumarkine, 9, 17, 43, 65, 93,185n4, 185n5

hizmet/serve, 82–5, 105, 116, 118,162

human rights organizations, 11, 20,37–8, 40, 48, 64, 91–2, 102–3, 150,168, 189n5

Içduygu, Ahmet, 8, 12, 14, 16, 144ideological divides

leftism-right wing nationalist divide,46–9, 73, 86–9, 132

leftism-state divide, 46–9, 73, 86–9,102, 131

national identity and sovereignty,41–6, 79, 95–7, 122–3, 127, 149,154, 160, 164, 167

religious-secular divide, 36–41, 82,88–9, 105–6, 125, 126–7, 166–8

IMF, 14, 143, 146, 155individuals (significance of), 98, 100,

117, 123, 125, 130–4, 139, 153,189n5, 189n6

Istanbul versus Ankara, 64–7, 116, 118see also geographical issues

Jackson, Michael, 5, 6, 27–8, 35, 70, 72,101, 106, 111, 138, 181, 182, 187n20

justice and development Party. see AKP(justice and development Party)

Kaliber, Alter and Nathalie Tocci, 12,16, 20, 186n15

Kemalist-nationalism/-nationalist,42–6, 47–9, 82–3, 90, 103–6,121–2, 127, 162, 164, 166, 185n7

see also Turkish stateKemalist organizations, 11, 19, 36, 39,

44, 45, 47–9, 52–3, 54, 61, 78, 83,85, 149, 164–5, 185n7

Ketola, Markus, 7, 14, 16, 34, 72, 142,143, 144, 149, 154, 168

Keyman, Fuat and Ahmet Içduygu, 2,12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 144

Kubicek, Paul, 16, 186n9, 189n6Kurds. see minorities

issues/multiculturalism

leftism/leftist, 42, 46–9, 57, 61, 64, 65,79, 85, 90–2, 99–100, 102–3, 134,164, 187n4

liberal(s), 48–9, 80–1, 85, 88, 92, 94–5,121, 134, 150

Lindholm, Charles, 4, 29, 178, 183

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Mardin, Serif, 16media in Turkey, 13, 185n8military coups

12 March 1971 (significance of),47–9, 73, 179

12 September 1980 (significance of),7–15, 47–9, 54, 62, 73, 80, 87, 92,99, 105, 146–9, 179

28 February 1997 (significanceof), 10, 37–8, 40, 69–71, 87,166, 179

milliyetçi(lik). see right-wingnationalism/nationalist

minorities issues/multiculturalism, 11,13, 15, 16, 19, 20, 40–1, 42–6, 49,50–1, 67, 89, 127, 148, 166,168–70, 187n5, 187n6

Navaro-Yashin, Yael, 3, 12, 17, 18,19, 39, 75, 76, 85, 106, 111,112, 129, 130, 139, 140, 178,186n14

neoliberalismideology, 6, 7, 23, 146–9, 151, 180,

182mode of governance, 6, 23, 25–6, 28,

175what is, 6, 7

ön görüs. see front sightorganizational forms (significance of),

56–60, 63, 82, 163Ortner, Sherry, 26Ottaway, Marina and Thomas

Carothers, 151Özerdem, Alpaslan and Tim Jacoby, 13,

16Özyürek, Esra, 39, 75, 85

Plagemann, Gottfried, 20, 40, 47, 92,189n5

politics (dominant notions of),111–12, 119, 123, 125, 130, 134,139–40

polyvalence (of civil society), 22, 179,181

professionalization, 160–9pro-Islamic CSOs, 37, 40, 55–6, 57–60,

65, 68–70, 84–5, 89–90, 92, 164,166–7, 188n9

pro-Islamism, 10, 13, 19, 20, 55, 57–60,69, 71, 84, 105, 166, 187n2, 188n9

project culture, 53, 96, 114, 116–18propaganda versus knowledge, 79–81,

92, 94, 96, 105, 110, 124, 151public knowledge (production of),

110–111, 136–8see also truth production

public sphere, 17, 185n1Pusch, Barbara, 20

relations. see social networks(significance of)

republican rallies 2007, 39–40right-wing nationalism/nationalist,

41–6, 47–9, 61, 67, 83, 90, 122,127, 162, 164, 187n4, 188n8

Rose, Nikolas, 6, 25, 27, 175, 182, 183Rumelili, Bahar, 14, 51, 144

Sampson, Steven, 143–5, 151, 154, 156,157, 159, 171, 173

scaling, 178, 182Seçkinelgin, Hakan, 6, 7, 16, 147Seligman, Adam B., 4, 25–6Seufert, Günter, 3, 7, 12, 13, 16, 34, 93,

180Sewell Jr., William H., 26–7, 187n18,

187n20Simsek, Sefa, 2, 8, 12, 16, 17, 20, 21, 34,

49, 53, 72, 144, 186n12Singerman, Diane, 101, 132, 189n7sirket/company versus CSO, 116, 118,

158–62social networks (significance of), 35,

93, 98, 100–1, 111, 117, 120,122–3, 125, 127, 130–2, 135–9,153, 170–1, 174, 176, 189n6, 189n7

solcu. see leftism/leftiststate (general theory), 76–7, 106–7STGM, xiii, 8, 67, 142, 151, 189n1STGP. see STGM

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STK versus STÖ, 60–3subjectivity. see agency, subjectivity and

agency

Tanzimat, 15Tarih Vakfı, 143, 149Taussig, Michael, 110, 121Taylor, Charles, 4, 29, 178Toprak, Binnaz, 2, 12, 13, 15–16, 17,

21, 34, 49, 53, 180Toros, Emre, 10, 16, 144transition, 143–4, 146–9, 152, 155,

175truth production, 110–112, 121, 138

see also conspiracy thinking; publicknowledge (production of)

Turkish stateauthoritarianism, militarism, 12, 13,

15, 16, 46–9, 50, 57, 61–2, 73, 80,84, 86, 87, 91, 147–8, 150, 170,186n9, 188n8

citizenship relations, 13, 75, 83–4,86–7, 92, 97, 99, 103, 129, 148–51,164–5

Kemalism, 15, 42–3, 48, 75, 79, 83,91, 99, 103, 106, 157, 165, 186n10

Kemalist elite, 10, 13, 15, 16, 42–3,65, 81, 88, 148, 156–7, 167, 185n7,186n10

locus of social change, 13, 15, 16, 79,83–4, 88, 146–7, 151

national history (dominantnarrative), 42–3, 46, 86, 88, 90,122, 127, 186n10

secularism, 36–40, 105TÜSEV, 2, 8–9, 11, 14, 17, 51, 55, 58,

61, 121, 146, 151, 185n6TÜSIAD, 42, 56, 131

ulusalcılık. see Kemalist-nationalism/-nationalist

UN, 2, 7, 14, 50, 95, 143, 146, 154see also CEDAW; UN Habitat II

UN Habitat II, 1996, 14, 54UN World Summit on Sustainable

Development, Johannesburg,2007, 14

urban-rural divide. see geographicalissues

White, Jenny, 10, 20, 21–2, 24, 35, 58,75, 98, 100, 101, 102, 133, 180

women’s organizations, 19, 20, 49–51,86–9, 99, 129, 132, 154, 158, 163,167–8

World Bank, 2, 7, 14, 96, 143, 146–9,155

Yerasimos, Stefanos et.al, 2, 16, 19,72

Young Turks, 15youth. see age issues