173

Notes

Preface

1. In his study of the Iatmul of New Guinea, Bateson suggests: ‘I found that I could think of each bit of culture structurally; I could see it as in accordance with a consistent set of rules or formulations. Equally I could see each bit as “pragmatic”, either as satisfying the needs of individuals or as contributing to the integration of society. Again, I could see each bit ethologically, as an expression of emotion’ (1958: 262). In this vein, I see my own analytic con-cerns, as concretized in the division of chapters as different ways of imagin-ing processes and ideas that during fieldwork were present side by side.

Introduction: Hope in Development

1. Bornstein similarly describes the ubiquity of NGOs in Zimbabwe which were ‘as much a part of the environment as foliage, or pavement, or cars’ (2003: 28).

2. During the Enlightenment, classical theories that located state-building as a cyclical process of expansion and decay were challenged by scholars such as Adam Smith who saw progress as the linear unfolding of the universal potential for human improvement. In the nineteenth century, these ideas were metaphorically extended through newly emerging ideas of biology – in particular Darwinian understandings of evolution as a process of cumulative development (Watts 1995). These ideas partly provided the justification for colonial interventions that in turn led to the reformulation of the concept. Where previously ‘development’ had largely been seen as an immanent proc-ess that societies were naturally driven by, progress was increasingly seen as an end that required active intervention. The idea of ‘trusteeship’ became central to the conceptualization of Great Britain’s relationship to its colo-nies, articulating the rationale that ‘developed’ nations had the moral duty and authority to act on behalf of the ‘underdeveloped’ world (Cowen and Shenton 1995). From the start, the imagined ‘development’ of the West was defined against the ‘backwardness’ of other parts of the world, with Africa positioned at the bottom of this evolutionary scale (Chabal 1996). In this sense, ‘development’ was not a sui generis concept ‘imposed’ on the ‘uncivi-lized’ world; the concept itself emerged in relation to knowledge of ‘primi-tive’ economies and cultural difference (Watts 1995). Understandings of Africa and development were inextricably entwined from the start.

3. These ideas provided the rationale for the creation of new institutional forms and along with them, new forms of international governance. Where the nation state became the main locus of development, new forms of trusteeship emerged through the Bretton Woods institutions and the United Nations. During the 1950s and 1960s, these and other organizations proliferated,

174 Notes

imagined as benevolent providers of ‘expertise’ and ‘technical assistance’, and coordinators of the newly emergent international order.

4. In the latter vein, social science critiques of development have tended to focus on these issues at an abstract level, portraying development as an ethi-cally problematic enterprise (Crush 1995b, Escobar 1995, Hobart 1993a).

5. Discursive analyses of development have tended to emphasize their textual and linguistic bases to the detriment of an understanding of the multi-ple forms of technology, artefact and organizational architecture through which these discourses emerge. Drawing on philosophers of science (Haraway 1997, Latour 1993, Latour 1999, Law 1994) and existing actor-net-work-theory based accounts of development (de Laef and Mol 2000, Jensen and Winthereik forthcoming, Kelly forthcoming, Mitchell 2002), I high-light the extent to which development knowledge is inextricably ‘social’ and ‘material’. Knowledge is not simply produced by people; it emerges in their interactions with diverse groups of people and things. At the same time, the prevailing discursive emphasis has tended to negate understanding of the inter-subjective contexts in which ideas of development take shape (Friedman forthcoming).

1 The Politics of Charity

1. The collapse of communist states during the late 1980s and 1990s led to renewed interest in the role of ‘civil society’. As faith in the socialist state crumbled, a variety of politicians, intellectuals and activists began to embrace forms of associational life that had previously been suppressed (Hann 1996). As representatives of an autonomous ‘civil society’, these were seen as the foundations for a more inclusive, less authoritarian political future.

2. The global rise of NGOs can be linked to the rise of neo-liberal thinking asso-ciated with the right-wing Reagan and Thatcher governments of the 1980s. Previously regarded as central to the realization of effective social and eco-nomic development, the state was redefined as one of the major obstacles, synonymous with inefficiency, bureaucracy and corruption. By the same token, ‘the market’ was held up as a paragon of efficiency and as the engine for growth. This ideology was practically implemented through the World Bank and IMF-led Structural Adjustment Programs of the 1980s. In return for major loan packages, these entailed radical economic reform programmes. State intervention was reduced through cuts in the civil service, privatization of state companies and economic ‘liberalization’. During the 1980s, these policies led to the global proliferation of NGOs: on the one hand reductions in state intervention created a pressing need for private organizations to take their place; on the other NGOs received increasing financial backing from donors, who saw these as more ‘innovative’ and ‘efficient’ alternatives to state-led development.

3. It is important to recognize that the ideological currents supporting the pro-liferation of NGOs are themselves plural. Support for NGOs also emerged from a variety of commentators, activists and intellectuals ideologically to the Left as NGOs were hailed as ‘bottom-up’ alternatives to various forms of post-colonial oppression.

Notes 175

In this vein Latin American liberation theologists, such as Paolo Freire, heralded NGOs as instruments for the empowerment of the poor in the face of forms of oppression they associated with state-based industrialization. In a related way, the ‘post-development’ critique that started to cohere in the 1980s often portrayed NGOs as the answer to the bureaucratic and tech-nocratic forms of development associated with the ‘developmentalist state’ (Bonneuil 2000). In place of the ‘top-down’ approach that characterized much development thinking in the 1960s and 1970s, a variety of approaches including those that advocated ‘participation’, ‘sustainable development’ and ‘gender sensitivity’ elucidated the need for more locally responsive, ‘bot-tom-up’ interventions. Frequently NGOs have been imagined as the means to further these ends.

4. Limann was elected following the military coup of 4 June, in which Rawlings overthrew the military regime in power at the time, executed many of those associated with it and subsequently established democratic elections. When Rawlings subsequently overthrew Limann on 31 December 1981, he cited the Limann government’s failure to deliver on its promises to overcome political corruption and economic stagnation.

5. Quoted in Nugent (1996: 5).6. The unattributed obituary given at the end of Hansen’s (1991) account of the

period gives the following biographical details: Born in Ghana, he took his BA in Political Science at the University of Ghana, Legon in 1964, his MA in Uganda and his PhD in Indiana, USA. Committed to the ideas of Marxist theorists such as Fanon and Cabral, he saw his vocation as an intellectual in very practical terms and passionately believed in the need for African intel-lectuals to transcend the social contradictions and inequalities that plague the continent. Thus when he was offered a position in the PNDC government after the coup of 1981, he saw this as an opportunity to advance democracy within the country. When he realized the inability of doing so within this regime, he resigned and became a political exile in the UK.

7. The actual number is subject to debate. Yeebo (1991), himself a JFM mem-ber, suggests that membership ‘mushroomed’. Nugent (1996) is more cir-cumspect, suggesting that activities were confined to the Upper Region and Accra, estimating the total number (after Ray 1986) at less than 1,000.

8. Members of the JFM believed in broadly socialist ideals and were particularly influenced by dependency theorists such as Franz Fanon and Paulo Freire (Yeebo 1991). Links between Rawlings and the JFM pre-dated the 4 June coup, many of its members having supported an earlier unsuccessful attempt to overthrow Acheampong. Rawling’s own ideological perspective itself partly derived from contact with the JFM. In line with the JFM’s neo-Marxist ide-ologies, Rawlings came to believe that Ghana’s problems were ‘neo-colonial’, with impoverishment of ‘the masses’ stemming from the actions of corrupt political leaders, policies of Western capitalist countries and profiteering multinational companies (Jeffries 1989, Yeebo 1991). It was therefore unsur-prising that, following the coup of 1981, JFM members came out in vocal support of the new regime. In the wake of the revolution, support by the JFM was rewarded as a number of leaders were given influential posts within the new government. The chairman of the JFM, Chris Atim, was appointed to the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC), set up to be the governing

176 Notes

body of the revolution. Defence Committees were established by the regime, intended to enable ‘direct participation’ of the people in the politi-cal process. These organizations were coordinated by the Interim National Coordinating Council (INCC), in which many of the JFM leadership were given prominent positions. Following the revolution, membership of the JFM ‘mushroomed’ (Yeebo 1991). Hansen reports that as numbers increased, the organization was turned into a ‘bandwagon for individuals with all kinds of radical causes’ (1991:187). Underscoring these otherwise diverse ideologies was nonetheless a profound and widespread disillusionment with the manifest political and economic failures of the 1970s.

9. Founded in 1980, the NDM shared many of the ideologies of the JFM and also helped lend support to Rawlings following the coup of 1981. Set up by a group of lecturers and students based in the Law Faculty at the University of Ghana, Legon, the group espoused broadly socialist ideals, being particu-larly influenced by Dependency Theory and the writings of neo-Marxists. In contrast to the JFM, however, the NDM saw themselves as a more ‘aca-demic’ and ‘reflective’ organization.

10. Where previously the state had been seen as synonymous with ‘develop-ment’, increasingly large state-bureaucracies were regarded as the very cause of Africa’s economic and political problems. Donor enthusiasm for NGOs partly resonated with sentiments expressed by Africanist scholars from a range of disciplinary backgrounds. As the corruption, authoritarianism and weakness of state structures became increasingly evident during the 1970s, researchers began to focus on the various kinds of informal organization that continued to sustain social life and economic activity. During this period, NGOs proliferated throughout sub-Saharan Africa, encouraged by increasing donor funding.

11. These changes have had profound effects on the post-colonial African state, yet such organizations are not without precedence. During the colonial era, a variety of ethnically and professionally based associations arose through-out the African continent (Bratton 1989, Nugent 2004). These were often important in meeting health care, education and other welfare needs, mini-mally provided by colonial administrations. In a variety of countries these associations were an important focus for grass-roots demands for improved rights. In the late colonial period these often became the building blocks for nationalist political parties that were an important focus for independence movements (Bratton 1989, Manji and O’Coill 2002). Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, as the process of decolonization began to take root, the role of African states shifted. Where previously colonial authorities were prima-rily concerned with the extraction of raw commodities at the minimum of cost, the end of the colonial era saw a redefinition of the state as a primary locus of ‘development’. In this context, voluntary and community-based associations were generally seen as a barrier to state efforts to bring about the fundamental technological and economic changes that were seen to be required for African societies to achieve ‘modernity’. Although a variety of associations existed during this period with a range of economic and welfare functions, their developmental role was ignored, if not actively denigrated. To the extent that non-state actors were given a role in proc-esses of development, these were largely the newly emerging professional

Notes 177

development NGOs with their roots in the West. During the 1950s, charities such as Oxfam and Save the Children, initially founded to provide relief during the Second World War, shifted their attention to improving the wel-fare of people in parts of the world that were beginning to be defined as ‘Third World’. In particular these ‘war charities’ sought to ameliorate the problems of hunger, poverty and underdevelopment that the continent of Africa had become popularly associated with.

12. In 1999, there were 350 officially registered NGOs. By 1999, when the last official count was made, the figure had grown to over 1,300 (GAPVOD/ISODEC 1999). The current number is almost certainly significantly higher.

13. The NDC is the broadly socialist party with its roots in the political move-ment that brought Rawlings to power in 1981.

14. The NPP is a more politically conservative party that has tended to pursue more economically liberal policies.

15. In this vein, a variety of commentators have highlighted the potentially positive contribution of NGOs in furthering a broadly ‘liberal’ project of political and economic reform. In particular, scholars have sought to assess their contribution to the economic and political development of Africa in terms of their role in furthering or undermining this political ideology. In an influential analysis the political scientist Gyimah-Boadi praises civil soci-ety for its role in dislodging ‘entrenched authoritarianism’ (1996: 118) and bringing about a transition to formal democracy, but is critical of the factors that have, in practice, undermined its autonomy. As well as highlighting the potential for ‘traditional’ ascriptive relationships (such as those pertain-ing to kinship and ethnicity) to undermine formal institutional procedure, he also notes that the absence of a strong economy has led to a weakening of individual and associational independence of non-state actors. Although from a rather different perspective, the political scientist Harbeson (1994) also frames his assessment of the political changes that arose in Africa in the 1980s in terms that clearly resonate with donor concerns. Though criti-cal of earlier World Bank policies for their conflation of civil society with ‘the market’, his evident enthusiasm for processes taking hold at the time clearly resonated with a later emphasis on civil society for its role in fur-thering the World Bank ‘governance agenda’. While different commenta-tors have therefore debated the extent to which NGOs in fact conform to international donor expectations, much of this literature is itself founded on broadly ‘liberal’ economic and political philosophy.

16. By contrast a more radical set of critiques have highlighted the shortcom-ings of donor policy at a more profound level. In a variety of ways these have related the proliferation of NGOs to the globalization of Western eco-nomic and political models and hence the entrenchment of a profoundly unequal global order. In a particularly forthright critique, Manji and O’Coill (2002) argue that NGOs entrench neo-colonial forms of dependency, act-ing as a substitute for state welfare, much as missionary activities earlier acted as a ‘sticking plaster’ for colonial neglect of the welfare of colonial subjects. Rather than an autonomous and independent voice of ‘the people’, they therefore highlight how such organizations have been integrated into the broader ‘development machine’, through which Western hegemony

178 Notes

is perpetuated over a passive ‘Third World’. Similarly, critiques internal to the NGO community have increasingly emphasized the potential for such organizations to perpetuate inequalities between ‘the West’ and the ‘Third World’. From this perspective, academic commentators have joined with aspects of the NGO community in highlighting the problems that attend increasing professionalization of the NGO sector (e.g. Edwards and Hulme 1995). As NGOs grow, they become increasingly technocratic and top-heavy. While funding from Western governments and international NGOs has enabled the expansion of the sector, NGO workers have themselves argued that often these relationships fundamentally compromise the autonomy and independence of recipient organizations. In particular, formal accountability to donors undermines accountability to the recipients and beneficiaries of NGO activities and to ‘the people’ in whose name NGOs claim to speak. For example, Porter (2001) critically comments on a situation in which NGOs in Ghana are increasingly bound by internationally derived agendas. Forced into monitoring and accounting to those who pay their salaries, she suggests NGO workers are increasingly less willing to express ideas that run counter to prevailing development ideologies.

2 Development in Person

1. In the early 1980s a number of factors including the low international price of cocoa, the expulsion of Ghanaians from Nigeria, and poor harvests caused widespread economic hardship (Brydon and Legge 1996).

2. The anthropologist Fortun (2001) also addresses these issues, albeit less explicitly, in the context of Indian activist networks in Bhopal.

3. Such discussions do not constitute life histories in the more restricted sense that many scholars define the term (e.g. Linde defines the life history as a specific mode of ethnographic data collection). However, they are under-pinned by a similar logic in which biographical events are linked in an over-arching frame. I therefore use the term ‘life history’ not simply to describe the narratives that developed through my own interviews with informants, but also to designate a wider set of conventions that regulated the way in which people choose to render biographical information about their own and others’ lives.

4. The anthropologist Weiner is critical of life histories, asserting that these are a poor substitute for the density of social life and the intimacy of social rela-tions: ‘Formal procedures of interviewing, building life-histories, have the effect of forcing our interlocutors into artificial subject positions which are then taken as the positions they occupy in real life’ (1999: 77). For Weiner, the life histories are problematic in so far as the researcher comes to dictate the terms of engagement with the subjects of research, forcing a specifically Western form of narrative upon people who may not view their lives in these terms. This fear may be well founded. As anthropologists have reported in a variety of cultural contexts, it is a mistake to assume that people everywhere view biographical information to be interesting or revealing in the way that many in the West imagine (Abu-Lughod 1992, Hoskins 1998, Kratz 2001). However the interviews analysed in this chapter can be seen as part of a more

Notes 179

widely recognized set of conventions, which cannot be set apart from ‘real life’ in the way that Weiner suggests.

5. By way of an interesting contrast, the historian Metcalf (2004) suggests that for autobiographical accounts in the Indo-Persian literary tradition chronol-ogy is irrelevant since the essential personality is regarded as present from the start.

6. Set up by many of those who had been active in the JFM.7. The historian Andrews (1991) describes how class is an important factor con-

tributing to the radicalization of British Marxist activists. While lower-class activists tended to get involved as a direct result of the poverty they expe-rienced during their childhood, those from middle and upper-class back-grounds converted as a result of exposure to intellectual concepts and abstract ideas. Many Ghanaian activists similarly located their radicalization in the conditions of their upbringing. Yet here the relationship between ‘class’ and radicalization is not as straightforward as Andrews’ analysis suggests. Among Ghanaian NGO workers and activists, social background was itself evoked in their own accounts of ‘conversion’. Here it was not a simple sociological reflex, still less as sociologically deterministic variable. Rather, it provided an idiom in which claims to legitimacy were made and, indeed, disputed.

8. The historian Arnold (2004) similarly describes how Indian political activists in the 1930s premised their claims to political authority and national leadership on the basis of the ‘suffering’ that resulted from extended periods in prison.

9. The ‘Left’ and the ‘Right’ in Ghana are often referred to by reference to Nkrumah and Busia respectively. Following Independence in 1957 Nkrumah was the first president of the country, advocating industrialization and development along socialist lines. After the overthrow of Nkrumah in the coup of 1966, military rule was established under the National Liberation Council before return to democratic rule under Busia. By contrast to Nkrumah, Busia employed a more liberal economic discourse and re-engaged with Western donor organizations such as the World Bank and IMF (see Bright and Dzorgbo 2001).

3 Personal Relations, Public Debates

1. One of the country’s elite boarding schools.2. The term derives from liberation theology. CFA members described it as an

unveiling of social reality which precipitated and enabled social action.3. Ewes are one of the ethnic groups that come principally from the South of

Ghana.4. As has been widely noted (e.g. Yeebo 1991) Rawlings, who came from the

Volta region, was commonly imagined to favour Ewes, as reflected in the composition of the government and civil service.

5. Organizations in the Catholic Youth Movement to which many belonged.6. The Asante are the largest ethnic group in Ghana.

4 Local and Global

1. Although see Henkel and Stirrat (2001) for a discussion of the religious con-notations implicit in the approach.

180 Notes

5 Indigenous and Western

1. In the context of these debates the term ‘traditional authority’ was used to refer to all forms of ‘traditional’ political institution. By contrast the term chieftaincy was understood in a more restricted sense to refer to the more centralized, hierarchical institutions associated with Akan ‘traditional’ political institutions.

2. A similar logic underpins the Ghanaian philosopher Gyekye’s (1996) account of the role of African cultural values in the creation of a viable ‘African modernity’.

3. A Ghanaian academic who lecturers in Communication Studies made some of these issues explicit during an interview. He described to me the prob-lems created by ‘Western education’ in terms of its capacity to ‘confuse’ and ‘alienate’ people from ‘African values:’ ‘Our capacity to criticize is severely limited because Ghanaians are dependent upon the extraneous concepts of the British education system. No country has prospered by alienating its values: you borrow others to top-up what you’ve got.’ In this sense, ‘Western’ education and the introduction of ‘Western institutions’ were seen to inhibit the growth of the country, undermining the systems and ideas that preceded colonialism. From this perspective, education causes people to think ‘like Westerners’, creating a distinction between ‘African reality’ and the ways in which those with a ‘Western education’ make sense of it. Widespread discourses of Ghanaian elites thus employed a distinction between ‘indigenous’ and ‘Western’ perspectives to account for the coun-try’s purported failings.

4. In the twi language of the Akans, ‘oman’ is used (among other things) to refer to ‘the people’, as distinct from those holding office; the ruler of an ‘oman’ is referred to as ‘omanhene’.

5. Kweku Ananse is a spider trickster figure central to many morally loaded Ghanaian folk tales.

6. The term ‘durbar’, imported by colonial administrators from India, refers to events at which all those from a village come together to discuss issues.

7. When Akan chiefs take office, they are said to be ‘enstooled’. The ‘stool’ both symbolizes and confers the chief’s status and authority (Sarpong 1971).

8. Fayemi et al. (2003) suggest in this vein that ‘the NPP is seeking to use its cosy relationship with the Asantehene as an example of government- traditional authority relationship’.

9. ‘The politics of Chieftaincy Politics’, Chronicle, 23 May.10. Accra, the capital of Ghana, is popularly imagined as a place of ‘modernity’

and ‘Western values’.

6 Policy and Practice

1. Eshu Alegbara is a Yoruba orisha (god). 2. The New Partnership for Africa’s Development. 3. His critique paralleled many of the academic critiques that have been made

of ‘participatory’ approaches (Chambers 1995, Cooke and Kothari 2001, Henkel and Stirrat 2001, Mosse 2001, Nelson and Wright 1995)

Notes 181

4. Multi Donor Budget Support is an approach in which different donors sup-port the government directly rather than undertaking their own projects and programmes. Benefits are imagined to include increased coordination between donors and the ‘empowerment’ of governments to make deci-sions for themselves. Critics suggest that the approach fuels corruption and inefficiency.

182

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193

abstraction see Simplificationacademia 64–5accountability

donor approach to 33, 77–8, 95, 98, 152, 158, 178

and good governance 77, 98, 99, 147, 152, 167–8

of government 34, 91, 128and personal relations 78, 91, 95,

98, 152, 167–8of Traditional Authorities 130, 141

Accra 48, 81, 109, 115–16, 142–3, 157, 180

actionin activism 28, 60, 64–5, 69–72,

74, 82in development 162, 171in policy 151–2, 171relationship to ideology 10, 64–5,

82, 83relationship to theory ix, 170–2religiously motivated 69–72, 82,

84, 88see also compromised action

activismcovert 29–33, 66, 99and/in NGOs 13, 21–3, 34–41, 44,

60, 62–3, 77, 96, 115personal motivation for 52–60,

69–73and personal relations 41–2, 94–7, 99political 13, 20–7, 29–41, 43 (see

also Progressive Movement)relation to donors 34, 35–6relation to government 23–9, 50,

62, 66, 77activist identity 46, 42, 74–5

see also activist ontologyactivist ontology 45–76

see also commitment; consciousness; engagement; experience; ideology; radicalism; sacrifice

actor-network-theory 174Africa

development/underdevelopment in 1, 3, 9, 31, 33, 77–8, 100, 130, 173, 176

elites in 1, 7–9, 46, 75–6, 79, 145NGOs in 31, 75, 79–80, 100personal relations in 79–80, 97–8relationship to West 80, 130,

131–6, 140as source of identity 9, 97–8,

131–6, 180Afro-pessimism 8, 46, 75agency 46, 73–4aid see developmentAlleyne, Brian 46Anders, Gerhard 147Andrews, Molly 179Anthropology

and development x, 5–7, 9, 144, 159, 164, 170–2

Anti-politics machine, the 164–5Asantehene, the 139–41

Bateson, Gregory 173Bayart, Jean-Francois 8, 79, 100, 145belief see ideologybeneficiaries

development construct 4, 112, 114related/opposed to experts 13,

106–7, 110, 118 (see also expertise)

Berglund, Eva 65big man 8, 48, 121

capacity Building 78, 109, 130capitalism x, 43, 135

see also neoliberalismCarrier, James 88Castells, Manuel 122Catholicism

and activism 25–9, 30–2, 56, 59, 65–6, 69–71, 80–3

Index

194 Index

Catholicism – continuedand NGOs 32, 42, 80–3, 89–94see also faith; liberation

theology; Young Catholic Movement; Young Christian Students

Chabal, Patrick 75, 79, 100Chambers, Robert 117change, social/political

activist desire for 65, 70, 71–3, 81–3, 161–2

in policy 149–53chieftaincy 24, 119, 126, 128–31,

134–6, 138–45see also Traditional Authorities

Christianity see Catholicismcivil society

in Africa 8, 23, 79–80, 100, 177and donors 23, 35, 43, 148, 177and globalisation 35, 43, 135and government 95Ghanaian 34–41, 95, 97independence of 38, 79, 87–8,

90–1, 95, 100–1and neoliberalism 23, 177NGOs as 23, 34, 43, 79, 100and personal relations 8, 79–80,

88, 95, 96, 97, 167class 24, 79, 85, 89Cohen, Abner 98coherence

enacted through development xiv–xv, 6, 13, 43, 113, 146–8, 163, 168

enacted through policy 146–8enacted through self-narration 51

colonialism 3, 141, 142, 173, 176see also post-colonial

Comaroff, Jean 80Comaroff, John 80commitment

contested among activists 10, 56, 62, 63, 68, 74

and ideology 50, 63, 65, 89, 94and radicalism 62–3and sacrifice 46–50, 62, 65–9, 72to social change 49–50, 52, 53, 56,

60–5, 70, 74see also activism; consciousness;

sacrifice

communism 49, 59, 135, 174see also socialism

Community Based Organizations (CBOs) 113, 148

compromised action 23, 65, 101, 162see also action

conscientization 70, 83see also liberation theology; social

consciousnessconsciousness

origins of 52, 55–6, 70political 49, 51, 52, 116social 27, 30, 48, 49, 51, 52, 55,

70, 116see also activist identity; activist

ontologyconsultancy 36–7, 65, 68, 116contacts 92, 99, 148, 167

see also friendship; personal relations

Cooke, Bill 110, 113corruption

in development 37–8, 68, 162and personal relations 78, 83, 85,

91, 94, 97–8stimulus to activism 25, 27–8, 59,

81, 120coup, 31 December 20, 24, 26, 49, 62,

129, 175, 176critique

in academic scholarship 159, 165–6, 171

limits of 159, 165–6, 170, 172culture of silence, the 31

Daloz, Jean-Pascal 75, 79, 100Dalun 115–16De Certeau, Michel 106Democracy

as activist aim 30, 48, 61, 66and indigenous knowledge 128,

139, 142and NGOs 23, 30, 38, 43, 79

dependencyof Africa 8In development process 8, 35, 43,

136–7, 147–8despair

in development 11, 44, 162related to hope 2, 11, 44, 162

Index 195

detachmentacademic 172in policy 148–51, 149, 153–4, 158related to engagement 58, 86,

148–51De Tocquville, Alexis 79development

ethics of 10–11, 74–5and globalisation x, 36, 123–4,

147–8history of 3–5, 173–4personal understandings of xiii, 10,

27, 46–75, 89–90, 161–3politics/non-politics of 5, 6, 13, 75,

110, 114, 124–5, 139, 146, 163, 165, 177

promissory potential of 2–3, 6–9, 11, 167, 172

public culture of 1–2, 14, 140–1temporality of 45–6, 51–2, 69,

73–4see also development knowledge;

development practitionersdevelopment knowledge

coherence of xiv–xv, 3, 13–14, 107, 113, 147–8, 163, 168

enactment of x, xi, 106–7, 145, 159, 165–6, 168, 172

material basis of 12, 106, 112, 174multiplicity of x, xi, xiii–xiv, 6, 10,

124, 164–7, 169, 172simplification in 12–13, 112–13,

159–60, 169specificity of xiv, 6, 7, 13–15, 22,

106, 113, 124, 145, 163development organisations see

donors; NGOsdevelopment practitioners 1, 2, 5, 6,

12, 75, 110, 114, 122–3, 124, 163, 165, 168

Ghanaian 2, 10, 45–6, 78, 119, 121, 128–30, 131–4, 142–4, 161–3

documents 5, 12, 107–8, 111–14, 117–18, 128, 152, 159

donors, international 27, 97activist views of 23, 34–7, 43–4policies of 4, 14, 22, 23, 29, 31–2,

34, 77, 79, 99, 123, 126–7, 147–8, 153, 168–9

relation to government 34, 158

relation to NGOs 22, 23, 31–2, 34–41, 43–4, 91, 92, 96, 98–100, 123, 155–8, 176

dualism see oppositionsDunn, John 118

Edwards, Jeanette 122elites

African 1, 7–9, 46, 75–6, 79, 145critiques of 7–9, 78, 164

problems of critiques 9, 10, 14, 46, 75–6, 164–5

development 3, 5, 123, 145, 164Ghanaian 10, 14, 127–8, 131, 145

engagement, in activist ontology 37, 41, 42, 49, 58

Englund, Harri 75ethics 10–11, 74, 75ethnicity

and friendship 84–5and public life 79–80, 83, 90

ethnographyapproach in book x, xi–xiii, 1, 2, 5,

7, 9, 75, 100, 159multi-sited xi–xiii

exile 20–1, 27, 33, 35, 38, 58, 65–6experience

related to ideology 55, 56, 60, 64as source of activism 49, 55–6,

60, 64expertise 4, 13, 107–8

enactment of 105–7, 111–13material basis of 106–7

extroversion 7, 75, 145

faithand development 69–73, 84, 89in development 69, 163see also Catholicism; Christianity

Familyand civil society 100influence of 48, 53, 54, 67

Ferguson, James 75, 119, 163, 164, 165Foucault 8Freire, Paolo 25, 56, 82, 83, 84, 175friendship 78, 83–9, 99–100, 167

ideological basis of 84, 85–6, 87, 93, 94

strategic use 41, 83, 87, 88, 92, 99see also personal relations

196 Index

Fukuyama, Francis 23funding 35–7, 43, 78, 91–2, 100,

147–8future

hope in 2, 11, 40, 44, 161–2visions of 2, 7, 11, 44, 69, 74, 161–2

gender 60, 61, 67, 68, 69, 90generational differences

among NGO workers 62, 67–9as source of conflict 67–9

globalenacted through development 12,

14–15, 106, 110, 113, 116–18, 123–4, 148, 169

as identity 118–19, 121, 120–3related/opposed to local 12, 106,

110, 113–14, 116–19relational construct 12, 116–18,

119, 123–4, 148, 169globalisation x, 22–3, 35–6, 124

and development x, 36, 123–4, 147–8

limits to theories of 124–5, 148and NGOs 22–3, 35–6, 43, 174, 177

governance, good 4, 33, 79, 147, 152, 167–8

and accountability 77, 98, 99, 147, 152, 167–8

and civil society 23, 79, 41, 177and indigenous knowledge 127,

128, 130, 139–40government, Ghana

civil society relations to 8, 22, 25–33, 34–8, 41, 50, 66, 87–8, 91, 95–6, 99, 157–8

donor relations to 34, 158Traditional Authority relations

to 139–41Green, Maia 123, 171Greenhouse, Carol 73–4Gutierrez, Gustavo 84Guyer, Jane 141

Hannerz, Ulf 122Henkel, Heiko 113, 179Hansen, Emmanuel 24, 175Herzfeld, Michael 98history see life history

Hobart, Mark 144Hope

in development 2–3, 11, 44, 162–3in future 2, 11, 40, 44, 161–2related to despair 2, 11, 44, 162

human rights 64, 75, 121

Identityof activists 42, 46, 74–5contextual 12, 118, 122, 123, 144–5of development practitioners 12,

41, 118–22, 133–4, 144–5ideology

in activist ontology 10, 45–6, 51, 64–5, 69, 74, 82, 162

basis of friendship 84, 85–6, 87, 93, 94

related to action 64–5, 83, 162related to experience 55, 56,

60, 64Independence

of activists 86–7, 91of civil society 38, 79, 87–8, 90–1,

95, 100–1indigenous Identity

related/opposed to western 127–8, 131–3, 136, 143, 144–5, 169

relationally constructed 142, 143, 144–5

of Traditional Authorities 142–3used by elites 131, 133–4, 136,

144–5see also western identity

indigenous Knowledge 126contested 126, 131donor discourses of 126related/opposed to western 129–31,

136–8, 144–5, 169and traditional authorities 127–8,

139–44Interim Coordinating Committee

(ICC) 24International Monetary Fund

(IMF) 23, 29, 34, 78, 174, 179

June Fourth Movement (JFM) 24–6, 28, 29, 33, 60, 65, 94, 175–6

Karlstrom, Mikael 80

Index 197

knowledgeacademic 13, 64–5, 151–2, 159–60,

167, 170–2development see development

knowledgematerial basis of 112, 174specialist/expert 105–7, 111–13

Kothari, Uma 110, 113Kufour, John Kofi Agyekum 38, 41,

62, 140

Latour, Bruon 149, 166Lea, Tanya 159Left, the

Ghanaian 21, 37, 62Legon see University of GhanaLewis, David 144liberalism see neoliberalismliberation theology 56, 59, 66,

70, 89life history

narrative form 47, 51–2, 178performance of 46–8, 73related to national history 52,

73–4temporality of 52, 73–4

localacademic conceptualisation of x,

123–4as development construct 117–18,

124, 169identity 118–19, 120–3knowledge 108, 109, 110, 112, 124related/opposed to global 12, 106,

110, 113–14, 116–19relational construct 106, 116,

118–19, 121–5sensitivity to 115–16

Locke, John 100Luhmann, Niklas 149

Market, the see neoliberalismMarxism in activist discourse 20, 49,

55–6, 60Mc Caskie, T.C. 73, 143mediation 134, 138, 140methodology xi–xivModernization theory 4Mol, Annmarie 169

moneyactivist attitudes to 37, 53, 62,

67–8, 135morality see ethicsMosse, David 110, 113, 144

narrative, personal 10, 46–8, 73–5form of 47–8, 51–2, 73–4performance of 46–8, 134–5see also life history

National Defence Committee 20, 34National Service 32, 54, 82, 116,

120, 156National Union of Ghana Students

(NUGS) 25–6, 129neoliberalism

and development x, 4, 147–8and NGOs 8, 23, 29, 31, 34–5, 43,

77, 174, 177neo-patrimonialism see patronagenetworks, personal 4, 79–80,

87, 95see also personal relations

New Democratic Movement (NDM) 24–5, 28, 29, 33, 50, 60, 61, 63, 87, 94, 176

NGO movementin Africa 31, 75, 79–80, 100in Ghana 22, 21–2, 31, 33–44, 78,

95, 99–100, 177Globally 22–3, 174

NGOsacademic critique of 43auto-critique of 44, 54as civil society 23, 34, 43,

79, 100and globalisation 22–3, 35–6, 43,

174, 177and neoliberalism 8, 23, 29, 31,

34–5, 43, 77, 174, 177relation to donors 22, 23, 31–2,

34–41, 43–4, 91, 92, 96, 98–100, 123, 155–8, 176

relation to government 24–33, 77, 79, 87, 88, 91, 95, 99, 167

Nketsia V, Nana 134, 136, 139Nkrumah, Kwame 4, 179

Olivier de Sardan, Jean-Pierre 159

198 Index

oppositionsanalytic use 144, 169in Development 12–13, 119, 123,

144–5, 169see also global; indigenous identity;

indigenous knowledge; local; policy; practice; western identity; western knowledge

Otumfour Osei Tutu II see Asantehene

Pain, Robert 86–7Participation 108–14

critiques of 110, 112–14limits of critiques 112–14

and elite identity 114past

related to present 41–3as source of identity 60

patronage 7, 8, 88, 152patron-client relations see patronagePentecostalism 53, 71–2

see also faith; religionpersonal history see life-historypersonal relations

and accountability 78, 91, 95, 98, 152, 167–8

and civil society 8, 79–80, 88, 95, 96, 97, 167

and corruption 78, 83, 85, 91, 94, 97–8donor perspectives on 77–8, 97, 98ideological basis of 81, 87, 85, 94as networks 4, 79–80, 87, 95and public interest 7–8, 14, 77–8,

80, 85, 96, 98–100, 167related to institutional practice 8,

78–80, 95, 96, 98–100, 167strategic use of 77, 83, 87, 91, 92,

95, 96, 98see also friendship; reciprocal

assimilation; straddlingPiot, Charles 123policy 146–60

coherence 146–8detachment 149–51, 153, 154, 158enactment of 12, 146, 148–50implications of book 167–9politics of 146, 147, 150, 158related/opposed to practice 12, 148,

154–9

related/opposed to reality 146, 149, 150, 151, 153–4, 155, 157, 159

simplification 149–51, 159political consciousness 49, 51,

52, 116political reductionism xv, 163

of development studies 5, 146, 163, 165–6

of post-colonial studies 8politics

of development 5, 6, 13, 75, 110, 114, 124–5, 139, 146, 163, 165, 177

of participation 110of policy 146, 147, 150, 158see also political reductionism

post-colonial theory 1–3, 7–9problems of 1–3, 8–9

post-development theory 3–7, 13, 146, 165

problems of 5–7, 13, 165–7, 172poverty

development perpetuation of 4as stimulus to activism 56, 58,

70–1, 84practice

related/opposed to policy 12, 148, 154–9

progress 3–4, 45, 73, 173see also change; development

Progressive Movement 28–9, 41–2Provisional National Defence Council

(PNDC) 24, 66, 175public good 8, 14, 46, 80, 85, 98

and personal relations 7–8, 14, 77–8, 80, 85, 96, 98–100, 167

public sphereGhanaian 14, 22, 99–101post-colonial 2, 3, 8, 79–80, 163see also civil society

radicalism 25–6, 55–6, 59–60, 62–3, 68–9, 74

Rathbone, Richard 141Rawlings, Jerry 20, 22, 24–5, 27–30,

33–4, 84, 116, 129, 175reality

in activist ontology 162

Index 199

reality – continuedanalytic approach to xi, 12, 146–7,

159, 165–6as development construct 146,

149–55, 159reciprocal assimilation 79relations see personal relationsreligion

motivation for social action 69–72, 82, 84, 88

related to development 69see also Catholicism; faith;

Pentecostalismrevolution, the 24–5

activist views 20, 25–8, 87see also Rawlings, Jerry

Robertson, A.F. 118Romero, Bishop 30, 82

sacrificein activist ontology 10, 46, 50,

65–9scale 110, 118self, the

of development workers 10–11, 47, 51–2, 69, 74–5, 88–9, 162

moral/ethical 10–11, 62, 74–5, 162narrative construction of 47, 51–2related to society 52, 69, 74–5

Sillitoe, Paul 144Simplification

in development 12–13, 112–13, 159–60, 169

in policy 149–51, 159social consciousness 27, 30, 48, 49,

51, 52, 55, 70, 116socialism in activist discourse 20–3,

25–6, 32, 34–6, 55, 67, 68, 135see also Marxism

Stahl, Ann 118state, the

and civil society 79–80, 100role in development 23, 173, 174

Stirrat, Roderick 113, 179straddling 8, 14, 79structural adjustment 29, 174student movement 22, 27, 33, 129Student Representative Council

(SRC) 32, 61, 62, 88

temporalityof development 45–6, 51–2, 69,

73–4of life-history 52, 73–4

theoryas action xbook’s approach to x, 165–7

Traditional Authoritiesand indigenous identity 142–3and indigenous knowledge 127–8,

139–44relations to government 139–41relation to NGOs 127, 143role in development 138–42

transparency see accountabilityTruman, Harry 3

United Revolutionary Front 30, 66University of Ghana 25, 27, 30, 32,

61, 67, 82, 116, 129University of Science and Technology 81

Village, thedevelopment workers’ relations to

56, 57, 58, 119, 121–2, 131, 133

Weiner, James 178Werbner, Richard 46western identity

related/opposed to indigenous 127–8, 131–3, 136, 143, 144–5, 169

As relational construct 142, 143, 144–5

western knowledgeRelated/opposed to

indigenous 129–31, 136–8, 144–5, 169

as relational construct 144–5World Bank (WB) 23, 31, 33, 34, 37,

68, 78, 139–40, 174, 177, 179

Yankah, Kwesi 142Young Catholic Movement 25–6, 28,

30–42, 68, 69–71, 82, 88, 89, 116Young Catholics see Young Catholic

MovementYoung Christian Students (YCS) 25,

70, 84