Northern Nigeria Document

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NIGERIA - INFORMATION DATA

NORTH SOUTH 1. LAND MASS - 786 0754Km2 197,022 Km"

2. POPULATION (2006) . 75,025,166 640 973 o376

3. REGISTERED VOTERS - 42 0160 0236 31 0347 0802

4.STATES- 19 17

5. L.G.A - 419 355

6. FEDERAL CONSTITUENCIES - 196 164

7. SENATORIAL DISTRICTS - 58 51

8. LANGUAGES SPOKEN - 479 167

NORTHERN NIGERIA FOR EQUITY AND JUSTI

KEY ISSUES BEFORE THE NORTHERN DELEGATES TO THE 2014 NATIONAL CONFERENCE NORTHER NIGERIA THE BACK BONE AND STRENGTH OF NIGERIA

KEY ISSUES BEFORE THE

NORTHERN DELEGATES TO THE

2014 NATIONAL CONFERENCE

NORTHER NIGERIA THE BACK BONE

AND STRENGTH OF NIGERIA

APRIL, 2014


KEY ISSUES BEFORE NORTHERN DELEGATES

TO THE 2014 NATIONAL CONFERENCE

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1 Introduction.... ... .. .......... ........ .......... .... • as..... .......• ......... .n.. .IV

2 Derivation & Revenue Sharing ................................................................

3. Onshore/Offshore Dichotomy& Resource Control ............ ..................... 4-7

4. National Security .................................................................................... 8-12

S. States Creation & Geo-Political Zones...............................................

Is

6. Federalism, Fiscal Federalism, Regionalism etc ....................................... 15-30

7. Local Government Admninlstratlon ........................................................... 31

8. Social Welfare .........................................................................................

9. Traditional ....... .....*. .................... ........

10. Annezus


INTRODUCTION

In convening the 2014 National Conference, the President, Mr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, is following on the footsteps of his predecessor in office, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo whose earlier exercise was called National Political Reforms Conference, 2005. Unlike the familiar "constitutional" conferences held both under the colonial period and military rule, the motive or purpose for calling these 'National Conferences' by Nigeria's Presidents have never been clear to all Nigerians. On the contrary, they have tended to be gimmick used by the Presidents to push through certain agenda that they fear cannot possibly pass through the National Assembly. Besides, the Presidents are quick to discard and abandon reports of these conferences once they failed to get whatthey wanted.

The unmistakable conclusion to be drawn from the history of these exercises is thatthe 2014 National Conference, like its 2005 predecessor, is intended to permit Mr. President to take certain actions and decisions which are not allowed without changing the constitution and which the National Assembly may not otherwise endorse. In other words, the National Conference is a device designed to blackmail the citizenry especially the National Assembly, into a position where they may be powerless to prevent the introduction of certain policies or changes no matter how obnoxious they may be to the majority of the population. Of course, the President won't tell anyone in advance what the hidden agenda are with respect to the Conference. One is therefore left to second guess his motives and to do so by analyzing his pedigree, his speeches and actions as well as those of his supporters and advisers in the five years he has been in office. On this score, the tell-tale signs of his secret ambitions are unmistakable.

President Jonathan's supporters have missed no opportunity to remind everyone that he is the first democratically elected president of Nigeria who is both from an ethnic minority and from the oil rich Niger Delta. Both facts are pregnant with significance for what he might want to do, particularly in the light of the endless agitation by people from that part of the country to confiscate all revenue accruing from oil exploitation for themselves alone.

Whatever his motives might be, it behooves the Delegates to this Conference to 'shine their eyes' and use a magnifying glass while looking at all proposals being brought for their consideration. It is our hope that Northern Delegates would find the analysis and data contained in this publication helpful in appreciating some of the issues likely to prove contentious at the conference.

We wish to express our appreciation to the Northern Governors, the Arewa Consultative Forum and the Sir Ahmadu Bello Memorial Foundation for their decision to constitute this Think-Tank and to have found the membership suitable for the task of thinking-through the key issues before the Conference. It is hoped that this intervention will help the Northern Delegates assist the Conference move Nigeria forward not backwards.


CHAPTER ONE

1.0 DERIVATION AND REVENUE SHARING

1.1. Under Nigeria's the Federal arrangement, the central government shares responsibilities and resources in stipulated covenants (established by the colonial masters at the inception and severally affirmed by Nigerians at different conferences and Constitutions) that seeks to achieve equity, justice and fairness to all the units for balanced development of the units and a strong enough centre for national security and ensuring orderliness and managing international relations.

1.2. How much the regions have to contribute to the centre from revenues they generate and how much they receive from revenue surpluses accrued to the centre (Federal Government) and what resources should the units and the federal government have control on, remained central issues in definingthe Nigerian federation.

1.3. Records show that the Northern region contributed 75.18% to the centre but it received only 18.94% in services between 1914 and 1946, while the South that contributed only 24.18% received 81.06%. The North clearly played a key role at significant disadvantage so as to ensure a balanced development of the nation early in its history. In fact, the contributions of the North were used for the development of the oil sector and other regions whose contributions fell short of their needs as at then. Similarly, agriculture in the North still contributes much more to the national economy than is currently appreciated; the sector saves the nation billions in foreign exchange which would otherwise have gone into food and raw materials importation.

1.4. The increasing role of petroleum oil in the national economy and a declined cash contribution of the agricultural and other traditional factors (e.g. cattle tax) to the central account have agitated the South, particularly the Niger Delta to demand for new definition in revenue sharing and control of resources. The Federal government since 1999 has taken steps which negated the principles of justice and equity to the entire federating units, clearly threatening the balanced development of the country for the common good of all. For example, the revenue received by the six states of the south-South from the Federal allocation from 1999 to date amounted to N17.74 Trillion (each of the six states received on average N2.96 Trillion), while the 19 states of the North received only N10.53 Trillion (an average of only N554 Billion per state). On the other hand, the eleven states of the South-West and the South-East combined together received N8.79 Trillion (an average of N799 Billion per state).

1.5. Itisthe position of this paper that the agitation made by the Niger Delta states for the abrogation of the onshore/offshore dichotomy are uncalled for and did not appreciate historical facts or meet the tenets of the federal system that we operate. The Supreme Court ruling on the onshore/offshore oil dichotomy has settled the case.

1.6. Moves made by the Federal Government in awarding the contract for the protectic of the pipelines and oil producing structures to ex-insurgents purportedly for great involvement of citizens of the oil producing areas in the management of oil matters) ill advised and in the light of subsequent events, a securitythreat to the whole nation


2.0. Recommendations

2.1. The paper, therefore, recommends that the country takes the path of equity and justice and a commitment to a balanced development of every part of Nigeria as expected in a federal system.

2.2. The North also recommends the rejection of claims to oil resources by oil produing areas that led to the cancellation of the onshore/ offshore oil dichotomy which action gave away a national resource to littoral state, seriously eroding revenue available for distribution to all parts of the country. The North demands a reversal to status quo ante. All mineral resources should remain under the exclusive rights of the Federal Government as provided for by the international law (1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea UNCLOS, Article 76) on territorial waters/boundaries which stipulated that 200 nautical miles off the continental shelves belongs to the central government exclusively.

2.3. The derivation which is now at 13% should be reduced to at best 5% (0:55), and must be limited only to oil on the onshore.

2.4. The North demands a new revenue sharing formula which seeks to empower the strata of government closer to the people than the centre, i.e. the states, and the local governments to be able to deliver on their governance responsibilities to the people. The formula is also to ensure a strong enough Federal Government for the security of the country, and give the country the stability of direction and focus on human and economic development.

2.5. Here, we recommend a vertical revenue sharing formula as follow: Federal Government, 26%; States 39%; Local Government Areas, 35%. Also we recommend a horizontal revenue sharing formula for the states and local government areas as follow: equality 35%; population 30%; population density 2%; land mass 20%; terrain 5%; internal revenue generation effort 5%; and social development factor 3%. The North rejects the frequent assertions by the South on the population figures of the North and state clearly that the rate of population growth attributed to the North over the years is extremely understated.

2.6. The North recommends that all institutions and programmes established for the benefit of a few states be abolished. These include the Niger Delta Development Commission, the Ministry for Niger Delta, and the Amnesty Programme for the Niger Delta militants and the component C of the SURE-P programme, the HYPADEC.

- KEY ISSUES BEFORE THE NORTHERN DELEGATES TO THE 2014 NATIONAL CONFERENCE NORTHER NIGERIA THE BACK BONE AND STRENGTH OF NIGERIA

2.7. The responsibility for the security of the Nation, including its territorial waters, and national assets should be that of the recognised security outfits (Nigerian Army, Nigerian Navy, Nigerian Police, and Nigerian Air Force) as enshrined in our constitution. The engagement of the ex-insurgents as armed coast guards should be immediately stopped while the Nigerian Navy should be adequately funded to perform their functions.

2.8. The North recommends a multi-tier local government system that brings the people closer to the government and increases their level of involvement in governance. The revenue allocation formula review as recommended under item 4 above (FGN 26%, States 39% and LGAs 35%) is to support the realignment of responsibilities of the tiers of government, reducing allocation of the federal government in favour of the states and the local governments. (For appreciation of the recommended formula, see the detailed report).


CHAPTER TWO

1.0. RESOURCE CONTROL, ONSHORE/OFFSHORE DICHOTOMY, PIB BILL

2.1. The clamour for resources control has become heightened in recent years, especially dueto:

i. The increase in the profile of petroleum oil in contribution to the national income.

ii. In addition, the agitation for resource control was affected by the growing sense of ethnic chauvinism and waning attachment to the Nigerian federation in the real patriotic sense, and,

iii. An overwhelming feeling that the oil producing areas are unduly contributing more to the national coffers in relation to, particularlythe North.

iv. The fallacious assumption that oil is the major contributor to the national income.

2.2. While these assertions and assumptions have taken colossal proportions, the fact is, agriculture is the main stay of the economy, providing over 60% of jobs and contribution to the GOP. A simple exercise in per capita distribution of amounts received from the monthly allocation of revenue from the centre in the average by a northern state comes to a mere N600 per month per head. Kano State, for example, with a population of about 15 million received the sum of N6,812,887,206.72 in federally allocated revenue in February 2014. This amount distributed per head among the population will give only N462 per person for the month. This is hardly enough to feed anybody for a day. It is evident that other sources provide the bulk of the revenue for sustenance than the revenue received from the centre.

2.3. Therefore, this fervent increase in agitation for total resource control that overemphasised revenue from oil minerals by the oil mineral producing states (the Niger Delta) is a complete over hyping of the contribution of oil to keeping the nation together. This is needless to say that the agitation is a complete negation of the tenets of a brothers' keeper of a federal system of government which Nigeria had decided to practice longtime ago.

2.4. The demand for resource control is indeed also oblivious of other relevant facts:

i. The Nigerian constitution gave the ownership of all mineral resources found in any part of the country to the Federal Government of Nigeria. The history of revenue sharing between the regions and the centre was 50:50, but limited to revenue derived from activities that involved human effort. All mineral resources had belonged to the centre, and this new adventure on resource control is totally new concept, and alien to the practice in the Nigerian.

Therefore, unless the Constitution is amended to take away this ownership from the Federal Government, total resource control by any Nigerian state is a breach of the covenant of the federation as enshrined in the Constitution and hence, akin to claim to pull out of the Nigerian Federation. Similarly, all regions of the federation are stakeholders in the Nigerian oil. In particular with regards to petroleum oil:

a. The North played a key role in the financing of oil exploration in the Niger Delta;

b. And made sacrifices in resources and human life to develop the oil industry, and protect the Niger Delta from total eclipsing by the protagonist of the Biafra contraption;

2.4. The reasons for the hyped clamour for total resource control are, therefore, untenable. Nevertheless, the country may be better off if all states took 100% ownership of all natural resources buried under their lands.

2.6. Revenue derived from activities that have material and direct human effort in their accumulation and or making should be shared in relation to the effort required in their generation.

2.7. All royalties and taxes due to the Federal Government on all minerals resources, both oil and non-oil should continue to be paid to the centre for the benefit of all the states.

2.8. The funding of the NDDC should revert to the Niger Delta states taking 100% control of their resources. Thus, the NDDC shall totally be the responsibility of the states and not the Federal Government. The Niger Delta States can, however, benefit from Ecological Funds, just as all other states that have environmental challenges.

2.9. Other institutional support programmes established for the Niger Delta or specifically the oil producing states should also be scrapped including the Ministry for the Niger Delta.

3.0. Onshore/Off-Shore Oil Dichotomy

3.1. The basis for the abrogation of the laws that ensured the inclusion or otherwise of oils extracted from offshore wells for the accruing of revenues earned from mineral oil for the calculation of the percentage allocation on derivation (to take care of particular developmental challenges) to oil mineral producing states has been subject of intense debate. Clearly, the Supreme Court has ruled that revenues from oil gotten from deep water seas and offshore wells should not be part of the sums available for calculation of the derivation percentage to be given to coastal states.

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NORTHER NIGERIA THE BACK BONE AND STRENGTH OF NIGERIA

3.2. The abrogation of the onshore/offshore oil dichotomy was at best done to bend to undue, unjustifiable pressure and criminal militancy in the region led to the eventual abrogation of the onshore/offshore dichotomy, the justification rested mainly on moral justification ratherthan soundness of the arguments for the claims or the law.

3.3 Similarly, the international law is.very clear on the claim to ownership of resources that lie outside of the continental shelf and or low water marks of the littoral states. International law also gives us a guide as to really who a littoral state is. Clearly, the coastal states of Nigeria where oil minerals are extracted are not "States"; rather, they are part of the Nigerian State who is the littoral state by the definition in international law. Therefore, in addition to the constitutional provision that all mineral resources in the country belong to the Federal Government; the coastal states where oil mineral is currently being extracted should not claim the resource as their own. International laws (decided cases in the US, and Canada) include: Article 27 of the International Convention on United States vs. California United states vs. Texas Canada vs. the Province of British Colombia

3.4. By international conventions governing territorial waters and boundaries, all territorial waters within 300 nautical miles off continental shelves, and resources therein belong to the exclusive preserve of the central government (the State) not regions or communities resident by such shores. That is why it is the responsibility of the Federal Government to provide security and protect the integrity of the country, not just of coastal communities.

3.5. The adherence by Nigeria to principles, conventions and laws it has signed and ratified cannot be selective, or at the convenience of local interests. If that is the case, then, for example, Nigeria should not have agreed to hand over the Bakasi Peninsula to the Cameroun.

3.6 Nigeria is bound by international laws and cannot, therefore, decide at will, on issues decided by international laws and conventions to suit narcissistic purposes. The Federal Government has no liberty to deliberately create social and economic imbalance between regions simply to please an agitated group.

3.7 The onshore/off shore case was merely addressed on moral grounds rather than on the legality of the case or on soundness of argument. Therefore, there must also be a moral argument, which is constitutional and more sacrosanct for engendering equity in development effort, stability and national security for the return to status quo in the onshore/offshore oil dichotomy.

OD


CHAPTER THREE

NATIONAL SECURITY

1.0. Introduction

National Security has to do with the protection of a country's core national interests and values, the well-being of its people and institutions, as well as its sovereignty and territorial integrity. The current threats to National Security have become too numerous.

1.1. Threat Perception

Some of the threats to National Security include the following:

• Insurgency (Terrorism, Kidnapping, Armed Robbery and Assassinations)

• Cross Border Banditry

• Trafficking in Persons and Child Labour

• Poverty and social exclusion

• Religious Fault Lines

• Small Arms and Light Weapons

• Herdsmen/ pastoralists conflicts

• Economic Insecurity

• Health Insecurity

• The Practice of federalism in Nigeria

• Leadership

- AM-

NORTHER NIGERIA THE BACK BONE AND STRENGTH OF NIGERIA

manned. There are 85 routes in the Northeast with only five legal control posts. 80 illegal routes are unmanned.NIC is responsible for the issuance of various I mmigration facilities; I mplementation of multilateral and bilateral agreements; Manning of all airports, seaports and land borders for the purpose of control of admission and departure of persons from Nigeria; Constant patrol of Nigeria's aerial, coastal and land borders.

1.2.8. Nigeria Customs Service: The functions of the Nigeria Customs Service include, but not limited to the following: Collection of Revenue (Import /Excise Duties & other Taxes /Levies) and accounting for same; Anti-Smuggling activities; Security functions; Generating statistics for planning and Budgetary purposes; Monitoring Foreign Exchange utilization etc.; Engaging in Research, Planning and Enforcement of Fiscal Policies of Government; Manifest processing; Licensing and registration of Customs Agents; Registration and designation of collecting banks; and Working in collaboration with other government agencies in all approved ports and border station. Should it be under a Ministry of Finance or Interior? How can its security function be enhanced and better projected?

2.0. Recommendations

2.1. There should be a dynamic but comprehensive national security policy and strategy for Nigeria.

2.2. There should be a comprehensive National Counter-insurgency strategy for Nigeria.

2.3. The military should introduce mobile active roadblocks to control the movement of illegal arms and ammunitions, criminals/terrorists/insurgents.

2.4. Establish Army Headquarters Reserve Force.

2.5. The Federal Government should acquire more advanced technological surveillance equipment and infrastructure to respond more adequately to the issues of insurgency, including the excessive congestion at traffic check points. The ONSA should facilitate the introduction of more modern methods to replace current road blocks.

2.6. Agitations through insurgency in whatever guise should never be rewarded in the Federal Republic of Nigeria by any level of government. While victims of insurgencies could be adequately compensated, the perpetrators should be sufficiently punished. Amnesty as a mechanism for appeasing insurgents or militancy should be stopped henceforth. Thus, the current amnesty programme in the Niger Delta, along with the Ministry of Niger Delta should be abolished forthwith.


2.7. The Federal Government should implement the reports of all Presidential Panels/Committees on Security in the Northern states of the country.

2.8. Counterinsurgency (COIN) should be a blend of comprehensive civilian and military efforts designed to simultaneously contain insurgency and address its root causes. COIN approaches must be adaptable and agile.

2.9. At the strategic level, understanding is required of the population factors behind the insurgency, its stage of progression, the reforms required to address its causes, and the wiIlingnes and ability of the government to make those reforms. At the

• operational level, understanding is required of the strengths and vulnerabilities of the insurgent strategy, the strengths and weaknesses of the government and the requirements of the population. Continuous feedback on the degree of success of on-going COIN efforts is also critical. At the tactical level, understanding is required of the identity of active insurgents, their networks, logistics, capabilities and intent.

2.10. A special border patrol outfit (with similar role as coast guards) may be formed; a combined operation of military, immigration and customs may be trained to start operations immediately to curtail the influx of dangerous weapons and foreign insurgency elements into the country, particularly, the northern states. The Nigeria I mmigration Service should be authorized to recruit at least 8,000 personnel annually for the Nigeria Immigration Service for effective management of the entry routes into the country. Communities around the porous borders could be recruited as border guards and giving specific responsibility of patrolling the borders.

2.11. Incorporate, modern surveillance devices and improvement of technical intelligence. Increase maritime and air domain Intelligence Surveillance & Reconnaissance (ISR) awareness of Nigeria's maritime environment vis-à-vis the Gulf of Guinea. Provide sufficient radars, navigational aids, control tower/base ops equipment, and meteorological equipment. Community based intelligence systems such as stakeholder forums and interaction with the traditional rulers should be commenced by the security agencies in communities to empower the local communities in information sharing and necessary actions.

2.12. Traditional rulers should remain insulated from partisan politics, in order to maintain their moral standing to play a mediatory role during disputes, and to safeguard the integrity of their offices and their independence. Traditional Rulers should be accorded specific responsibilities with commensurate delegated authority for security management, among other things, in their domains.

2.13. The traditional and religious institutions should be integrated into the security system, particularly in the business of intelligence gathering. The traditional security arrangement should be re-invented to complement the formal security arrangement.


This action would give every Nigerian a sense of responsibility in the administration of national security.

2.14. There should be more stringent laws against corruption, including a consideration of death sentence or Life Imprisonment to certain category of corrupt officials. Fighting corruption require effective legislation, regulations and codes of conduct.

2.15. The country requires a comprehensive security sector that takes into consideration the multiplicity of actors interacting on different levels and a new framework of decentralized law enforcement as well as security administration, while putting in place institutional measures to protect the system from being appropriated by politicians. In this regards, multi-level policing should be given a firm consideration in a federal setting.

2.16. Federal Government should contribute more significantly to the maintenance and equipping of the security agencies in the north so that state government funds, which are meant for infrastructural, social and human capital development in the states, are used solelyforthat purpose.

2.17. Nigeria and especially the Northern states need leaders that are knowledgeable—that have vision and have the ability to think of the future; in terms of what needs to be done now to cope successfully with what the future might bring; Leaders that are fearless and are prepared to persevere and that are responsive and sensitive to the feelings and perceptions of its followers. Nigeria, especially the northern states need a leadership that is nationally accepted regardless of ethnicity, region, religion, and where he/she comes from. Nigeria needs a leader that could., promote good governance, forge national integration through deliberate and articulated policies.

2.18. Government should ensure that each State should define its own cattle grazing routes which will then be harmonized with those of adjacent states. Governments should secure existing grazing reserves and also consider cattle ranches with a view to making the herdsmen less nomadic. State governments with capacity and who have need should create new grazing reserves and cattle ranches. The FGN should come up with a long term research-driven framework of settling nomadic Fulani pastoralists and changing the methods of raising their livestock.

2.19. In order to stem the tide of threats to national security, Nigeria must take the challenge of youth unemployment seriously by generating employment and creating multiple access to income generating activities for the youths. There should be a fixed or reserved fund for youth empowerment activities on a larger scale.

CHAPTER FOUR

1.0. States Creation and Geo-Political Zones

1. While one cannot doubt the contributions which the creation of states have done to the Nigerian project, it is also true that too many states have tended to convert them into mere cost or effort centers atthe expense of socio economic development. It is against this backdrop that ACF believes that the creation of any additional states at this point in time is counterproductive and, therefore, should be kept on hold until the need can be justified in future.

1.2. The argument that creation of states should be on the basis of equality irrespective of population and land mass is inconsistent with elementary concept of justice, since injustice is not only when equals are treated unequally but also when unequal's are treated equally.

2.0. Factual data on States

2.1. On the basis of population and landmass, the 36 states structure of Nigeria brings up the following fact:

2.2. Population Average Per State = 140.003,542 = 3,888,987 36

Landmass Average per State = 983.77&km2 = 27,327km 2

36

3.0. How the Geo-Political Zones Stand:

3.1. The South East has a population of 16,381,729 and total Land Mass of 33,664km2

3.2. Meaning each of the five states on average has a population and land mass of IV 3,276,345 and 6733km2 respectively.

3.3. Population Average per State in the South East is far less than the national average by 612,642 people and

3.4. Indeed the average Landmass per state in the South East is not up to 25% of the National Average that is to saythe total land Mass of all states of the South East is just a little above the National Average per State.

3.5. On the Contrary, the North West has 7 States, a population of 35,786,944 and 2

landmass of22l,120km


3.6. Average Population per State in the North West= 5,112,421 which is 1,223,434 higher than National Average.

3.7. Average Landmass per state in the North West= 31,589km 2 meaning each state in the North West is almost equal to the entire landmass of the South Eastern states in Landmass.

3.8. For the South West:

3.9. 6 states with population of 27,581,994, averaging 4,596,999 which is 1,320,654 far higher than the South EastAverage

3.10. By Landmass, the South West has 78,774, which is 13,129km2 or twice the South East average

4.0. Implication of factual Data

4.1. For additional state to be created in the South East, the South West must have up to 9 states first, if population is the deciding factor.

'4.2. Also if land mass is the deciding factor South West must have as much as 12 states before any additional State is created in South East.

5.0 Geo-Political Zones as so-called Federating Units: -

P5.1. This proposition, which formed the cardinal position of the South East since the 1994 Constitutional Conference, has been crafted to whittle down any political advantage the North could exercise in Nigeria's body politics despite its huge territorial size and large population.

5.2. Yet, the concept of geo-political zones has no place in our Constitution and it should remain so.

0


governments. The theory aims at improving the performance of the public sectors and the provision of their services by ensuring a proper alignment of responsibilities and fiscal instruments to carry out these responsibilities for economic efficiency and welfare maximization. The theory itself lays out a general normative framework, and its precepts only provided general guidelines with no firm principles.

2.3. Generally, the theory of fiscal federalism was developed n the historical experiences of nations that emerged or unified by the coming together of independent territories to form larger political polities, such as the cases of Switzerland, Germany, Canada, or the United States of America. In its classical theory, thus, central government of such a federal system is a creation of the regional/provincial governments. But even among nations founded on such classical structure of federal system there is no universal structure of operating fiscal federalism.

2.4. At any rate, there are no two federal systems that are exactly the same. Rather, federal systems evolved and operate within the context of historical dynamics of the respective human societies operating them .A number of the countries operating federal system are non-classical federations, which adopted the system as an appropriate mechanism to manage political and cultural plurality. It is now being estimated that there are more than 25 countries, with 40 per cent of the World's population practicing federal systems of government. There are also countries, such as Iraq, that are now regarded as on transition to federalism.

2.5. There is no universal definition of federalism or essential principles but there are key features of federalism, which are the existence of a central government sharing power/functions with regional/provincial/sub-national/territorial/local governments over the same citizens and each tier of government derives its own legitimacy from citizens under its jurisdiction. As a result, therefore, scholars categorize different modes of federalism, from co-operate federalism to co-ordinate federalism to organic federalism as a means to distinguish the variety of systems being practiced by different nations. Thus, federalism in reality is a continuum running from alliances and associated states through to centralized government with federal system lying at some point in between.

3.0. Fiscal Federalism in Nigeria

3.1. The Nigerian State was born in October 1914. Nigeria's mode of fiscal federalism dates back to 1914 through colonial taxation policy and financial arrangement pioneered by the British Colonial Administration, which subsequently financed the development of all national institutions and assets that the nation holds today. After the splitting of Southern Nigeria into the Western Region and Eastern Region, the ensuring political developments necessitated new constitutional development that provided the Richard Constitution of 1946. Six months before this new Constitution took effect in

- KEY ISSUES BEFORE THE NORTHERN DELEGATES TO THE 2014 NATIONAL CONFERENCE NORTHER NIGERIA THE BACK BONE AND STRENGTH OF NIGERIA

January 1947 an elaborate study and planning for structure of fiscal arrangement for the Nigerian State was commissioned under Sir Sydney Phillipson with the following terms of reference: -

a). To study comprehensively and make appropriate recommendations regarding the problems of the administrative and financial procedure to be adopted under the new constitution; and,

b) To examine, in the light of its historical antecedents, the problem of financial relations between the Nigerian Government and the Native Administration with a view to making recommendations as to the policy and procedure which should determine those relations in the future."

c) Obviously true fiscal federalism in Nigeria would give full support to the on-going clamour for the abrogation of the Constitutional provision for the existence of the state/local government joint account.

3.2. In undertaking his assignment, Phillipson made a detailed study of the revenue and expenditure profile of the Regions and their Native Administrations, which clearly show the contributions of the Regional Governments to the Central Fund as well as to the general government services that created and financed the developments of common national institutions and assets. Government had the power to enact taxation law but the responsibility for collecting the proceeds of direct tax from individuals residing with the jurisdiction of Native Administrations had been assigned to the individual Native Administrations. The Native Administrations were allowed retaining 50 percent of what they had collected and passing on the remaining 50 per cent to Government. While individual Native Administration expended the retained portion of the tax for various financial services including payment of salaries of their staff, the Government was responsible for executing some essentials services in the provinces. The Table below gives the actual annual revenue contribution from the Native Administrations of Northern and Southern Provinces to the central fund as well as the expenditure incurred by the Central Government on the provincial services in the Northern and Southern Provinces:


Table A: Actual Provincial Revenue Contributions To The Central Fund And Government Expenditure On Provincial Services, 1914 To 192516

YEAR ACTUAL NORTHERN PROVINCES SOUTHERN PROVINCES 1914 Revenue £207,778

Expenditure £888,651 1915 Revenue £345,662 S £14,483

Expenditure £27,720 £33,824 1916 Revenue £483,041 £358,737

Expenditure £371,441 £1,048,998 1917 Revenue £510,754 £357,000



Expenditure £350,276 £1,154,307 1920 Revenue £579,210 £588,955

Expenditure £509,515 £1,900,973 1921/22 Revenue £586,155 £288,600

Expenditure £351,581 £865,939 1922/23 Revenue £563,580 £101,500




Expenditure £351,096 £693,625 Total Revenue £3,008,196 Total Expenditure £3,830,223 £8,736,786

3.3. In 1926-27 the share retained by each "fully organized" Native Administration was raised from 50 percent to 70 percent, while the not fully organized NA continued to retain the same 50 per cent. Table B below gives the revenue contribution from the Northern and Southern provinces and the expenditure of the Central Government on Provincial Services in the Northern and Southern Provinces:


Table B: Actual Provincial Revenue Contributions To The Central Fund And Government Expenditure On Provincial Services, 1926127 To 1938139

YEAR ACTUAL NORTHERN PROVINCES SOUTHERN PROVINCES 1926/27 Revenue £608,660 £121,030



________ Expenditure £349,057 £629,904 1929/30 Revenue £499,295 £327,166









Expenditure NA - NA 1938/39 Revenue £579,960 £269,220

Expenditure NA NA Total Revenue £6,929,820 £3,414,393 Total Expenditure £2,114,606 £4,269,791

3.4. In 1937/8 Government stopped publishing the expenditures separately for Central Government and the Northern and Southern Provinces as the Southern Protectorate was split into the Eastern and Western Regions with Headquarters at Enugu and Ibadan respectively. But the system of revenue collection by the Central Government and Native Administrations in the Provinces continued.

3.5. In 1932 the 70 per cent share of direct taxes being retained by the "fully organized" Native Administrations was reduced to 60 per cent. And, in 1937 the policy "was

rejected on the ground that it led to inequality of development and replaced by a policy of adjusting the apportionment according to the needs of particular Native Administration subject to the general conditions that: (I) The proposal objects of


expenditure were such as were proper for Native Administration rather than the Government to undertake and finance; (II) The previous year's tax had been satisfactorily collected; and, (Ill) The new expenditure was on purposes such as Nigeria as a whole could afford. The net effect of this policy was to allow Native Administrations of the Southern Provinces an increased share of tax amounting to £28,000 annually. Based on the new policy the derived revenue from the provinces into the central revenue fund extracted.fro,m Nigerian Estimates are shown in the Table C below

Table C: Actual Province Revenue Contributions To The Central Fund By The Native Administration In The Northern, Eastern And Western Provinces, 1939-40 To 1947-48

1939/40 £581,410 £127,940 £119,260

1940/41 £5971000 £123,300 £120,100

1941/42 £624,164 £114,544 £13,591

1942/43 £620,000 £124,000 £30,050

1943/44 £619,500 £114,380 £114,640

.1944/45 £594,740 £114,140 £125,791

945/46 £590738 :E107,092 £125,359

1946/47 £364,620 £109,760 £49,220

547/48 £313,520 £110,770 £36,910

!IOTAL 4,883,028 . 1,054,882 £824,969

i. Without a doubt, and right from the beginning, the commitment of the North to the gerian nation was clearly much more apparent than that of the South. For example, the rth, economically more buoyant at that time due to its expansive agricultural production d solid minerals, and obviously with a larger heart than the South, contributed in many J more than the other regions to the central government. The North that contributed up

87.41% of the total revenue of the amalgamated Nigeria after 1914 (1914-1954) ended receiving only 9.48% of its contribution in terms of expenditure to it -by, the central

vernment. . . . .. . .. .


Table 1: Contribution to the Federation Account by the Regions in 1943

Province General Tax Livestock Tax Total % Northern £506,000 £120,000 £620,000 71.00 Eastern £122,000 £2,000 £124,000 14.17 Western £125,000 £50 £125,000 14.30 Lagos Colony £5,000 £0 ' £5,000 0.53 Total £752,600 £122,250 £874,850 100

Source: The Politics of Principles in. Nigeria, the Example of NEPU, Edited by Alkasum Abba, Centre for Democratic Development Research and Research

3.7. On the other hand, the expenditure by the Federation on the regions heavily f the other: regions. For example the table below shows the expenditure on ed for the same period as above:

I Table 2: Expenditure by the Federation in the Regions on Education 1943

Amount Northern £2,341 2.33 Eastern £47,000 46.85 Western £34,000 33.88 Lagos Colony £17,000 16,94 Total £100,341 100

Source: The Politics of Principles in Nigeria, the Example of NEPU, Published August 2 Edited by Alkasum Abba, Centre for Democratic DevelOpment Research and Research

3.8. This was a pattern that continued for a longtime. In an analysis by MaDam Adamu I for a period of forty years (1914-1954), he indicated-that the Northern provin contributed a total of £18,000,000 to the central fund compared with E8,000) contributed by the Southern provinces. This contrasts with the expenditure of ab £13,000,000 by the central government in the Southern provinces for the sa period on provincial services as against only £6,000,000 in the Northern provinces.

3.9. In fact, the North subsidised the rest of the country, especially the Eastern provi almost throughout these forty years, as their (the East's) contribution to the CE

was in deficit to what it actually received.

3.10. Nigeria did not start reaping any significant contribution of the oil sector to its n income until after 1973 when the surge in the oil prices internationally as a re the Middle East crisis produced the first oil boom. Prior to that, the North gene gave the needed fund for the development and educational need of both the ea

ZA1 r,3 1'.) Ixir. ZUiq N LJ.JNPLLAJ NORTHER NIGERIA THE BACK BONE AND STRENGTH OF NIGERIA

western regions and the Lagos colony and funded the oil exploration in the Niger Delta of Nigeria. The North sacrificed its own development honestly and altruistically in the spirit of building a nation. The North has hence, remained:

3.10.1 Left short of funds for its education developed; its well crafted catching up. plans have, ever since the collapse of the first republic in 1966, been thwarted by underfunding from the centre and ill defined blanket national educational policies.

3.10.2. Agriculturally stagnated; the complete shift in focus to the development of the petroleum sector deprived the agricultural sector of all forms of support and modernisation. For example, the marketing boards and extension services were jettisoned and nothing was instituted in their place to develop the sector, thus throwing 65% of the population that depended on the sector into wilderness. Despite that, the sector contributed immensely to the national economy and making huge savings to the national income which could otherwise have gone into the importation of food to feed the nation or and raw materials for its industries. The table below shows the contribution of the NOrth in some agricultural produce:

Table 3: Daily Statistics of livestock & Produce taken from the North to the South (2012) Produce Lagos P/H Aba Calabar Enugu Onitsha Ibadan Total Amount

3.11. The agricultural sector which actually produced the resources for the exploration of oil, thereby, remained at subsistence level undermining the capacity of the North to improve the viability of its economy. In fact, the Obasanjo administration made policies that effectively destroyed any prospects for the development and growth of the agricultural sector. For example the following programmes that could have made the difference in the agricultural sector were scrapped. These include:

Gum Arabic development project b. National Accelerated Tree Crops Programme c. Presidential Initiative on Tree Crops d. Commerce 44 e. Green Wall Aforestation National Project

12. The concentration of all major developmental projects in the South led to the demise of all of the North's industries. Projects such as electric power supply, communication, access to water ways (ports, without equal attention to development of inland waterways and hinterland, ports), and the abandonment of the railway system, all adversely affected the North economically.

3.13. Indeed, the North sacrificed its future with no strings attached to reaping any benefits other than building a strong and prosperous Nigeria when even the colonial administration neither could risk resources from the United Kingdom or those

OP


available to it at the centre for some of the unsure ventures (especially oil exploration at that time).

3.14 It is very important to note the other supreme sacrifices the North made to the making of the Nigerian Federation:

3.14.1 The acceptance by the North in creating 12 States at the first instance, later 19 states, 21 states, 30 states and eventually 36 states in Nigeria plus the FCT even though the population and land mass of the North byfar exceeded that of the South.

3.14.2. The North had to abandon its well coordinated strategy of unity in diversity under (constantly seen as a threat by those outside of the North), undermining the tremendous achievements made in that direction for an economically strong North with well educated labour force for nation building. The consequence of that sacrifice is what we see today in insecurity and communal upheavals undermining every aspect of the life in the North. This sacrifice was done purely to please the south

who felt threatened by unified North.

3.14.3. The funding of the civil war was entirely done by the North at great sacrifice to its wellbeing, at the expense of investment in human and economic development of the entire region. The North sold forward all its groundnut and cotton for a number of years, risking forward delivery contract of three years for all it agricultural produce to prosecute the civil war.

3.14.4 The North supplied more than 80%-90% of the arms and men that executed the civil war.

0.

3.14.5 The North funded the exploration for oil in the Niger Delta, using Northern resources etc.

3.15 The4 sacrifices are seen by the South only through the prism of a desire by the North to be in Nigeria to reap some phantom benefits that the North is imagined to be affixed on achieving.

3.16 Unfortunately, the North is only now coming to grip with the disappointment on the lack of will and commitment of the political leadership of southern extraction at the centre to uphold the principles of fairness and equity as demanded by a federal system.

3.17 In fact, since the current democratic dispensation set in 1999, this expectation for fairness had completely disappeared. Rather, there has been systematic dismantling of the North and jettisoning of justice and fairness and commitment to achieving a

OP


balanced federation. Thus for example: The abolishing of the onshore/offshore dichotomy on revenue derived from petroleum resources The abandoning of the dredging of the Niger river The abandoning of the northern gas pipeline project The complete disrëgird to federal character in appointment of senior personnel of federal agencies and establishments Establishment of all major electric power projects in the South while the hydro electric projects mainly remained on the drawing board Empowerment of youth of the Niger delta at extreme cost while no similar project being even contemplated for the North which is now being seriously challenged by poverty, unemployment and insecurity, among others. Engagement of the ex-militants as an armed security outfits at huge contract amounts and great danger to the rest of the country as they have made no pretence of the destruction they would unleash on the country if their aspirations are not met. Their engagement is also to the detriment of the development of the Nigerian Navy to perform its constitutional role of protecting the integrity of the country.

This lack of commitment completely negates the principles upon which the federation is laid.

It has, therefore, become the imperative of the North to demand the practice of federalism in at least It's essential form, which requires the system to be built on the achievement of national strategic objectives of human and economic growth and development, efficiency in resource allocation (towards a balanced development of all of the regions), national integration and political stability, all promoted in a just and equitable manner.

Fiscal federalism and structure of government in Nigeria

While there may be a need to examine the current structure of the federation for its suitability for the achievement of the aspirations of the people (the federating units), we are assuming that the existing structure is ideal for now.

Our focus here is, therefore, only to suggest, in the light of basic tenets of a successful federation what the structure of responsibilities and the requisite fiscal instruments should be to guarantee the North's position as an equal partner in Nigeria, emphasising that the issue of revenue allocation should not be seen as mere sharing the national pie, but a purposeful and efficient deployment of resources to achieve the strategic national objectives.


Distribution of revenue sharing 1999- Date

Table 4: Statutory Gross Allocation plus 13% Derivation (1999 - Feb 2014)

Region Allocation %of Population % of Land

South-South 11,872,324,441,574 45.38 6 states

South West + South East 4,917,130,423,102 18.79 11 states

21,014,655 15.01 84,567 8.

43,963,721 31.39 112,150 1

North 9.375,256,633,536 35.83. 75,025,166 53.60 786,754 80 19 states Gross 26,164,711,498,213 100 140,003,542 100 983,776 100

Source: Federal Ministry of Finance, Office of the Accountant General, and Revenue Mobilisation and Fiscal Commission, 2013

Table 5: Summary of Total Allocations and Federal Govt Capital Projects Expenditure in the Reg ions (May

February 2014)

Region

South-South 6 states

North 19 states

South East & South West 11 states

Statutory 13% FGN Capital Total

Nalra Naira Naira Naira

2,498,841,864,826 9,373,482,576,748 5,864,669,622,126 17,736,994,063,701 47.

9,375,256,633,536 00.00 1 1,151,988,675,774 10,527,245,309,311 28.41

4,917,130,423,102 449,3691266,862 3,455,966,027,325 8,792,465,717,288 23&

Total 16,761,228,921,465 9,822851,843,610 10,472,624,325,226 37,056,705,090,301 100


Average total allocation to each of the 6 states of the South-South = N2,956,165,677,283, = 300% of National average Average total allocation to each of the19 states of the North = N554,065,542,595, = 50% of National average Average total allocation to each of the 11 states of the South-East and South- West = N799,315065,208 = 80% of National average National supposed average for 36 states = Ni, 029,352,9 19, i75

Coast guard contract with the ex-militants (Tompolo and others); in 2012 alone, the NNPC is reported to have made payments to companies owned by ex-militants to the tune of N6.2 billion (US$43.7) ostensively for the protection of petroleum pipeline networks in the creeks and swamps of the Niger Delta. Yet oil theft had been unprecedented forcing a huge drop in revenue accrued to the federal government; shell had to declare a "force Majeure" on crude oil export from Nigeria on March 26, 2014.

The details in section 2.2 above clearly shows that the revenue allocation formula in place since 1999 has failed to live by the principles of fairness, justice, equitable development and distribution of resource between federating units as required in the practice of federal system of government. The current status neither does ensure political stability nor creating a strong nation worthy of the pride of its citizens. This trend should not continue if we must avoid a country with disparate regions in terms of development; in fact a situation where the Nortfr can easily be subsumed by the South as an appendage of dependent people, with no future of its own.

This must be avoided. We, therefore, seek the modification of the revenue sharing formula reflecting the Supreme Court Decision of 2002, abrogating the existence of special funds accruing to the Federal Government and on onshore/offshore dichotomy, and taking into account some critical indices included in the RAF laws but hitherto not given the prominence they deserved. Our proposed revenue sharing formula is as presented below:

5.0. Proposed Revenue Allocation Formula (RAF)

5.1 Vertical Revenue Allocation Formula (Sharing formula between the 3 tiers of government)


really the closest to the people and which is all that government is all about. The Horizontal Revenue Allocation Formula

Sharing by the states and local governments/Area council among themselves)

This involved the sharing of the revenue due to the states and the LGA's/AC's from the Federation Account using some agreed, approved indices of Revenue Allocation in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as follows:

L New Horizontal Revenue Allocation Formula States LGA's/AC's

Equality of States /LGAs 35% - 35%

r Population 30% 30% Population Density 2% 2% Land Mass 20% 20% Terrain 5% 5% Revenue Generation effort 4% 4% Social Development Factor I). School enrolment 1% 1% ii). Hospital Beds 1% 1% iii). Portable Water Supply 1% 1% iv). Rural Roads 1% 1%

Total 100% 100%

Our support for this revenue sharing formula is based on the real advantage the North has in terms of population and land mass. We based our support on the commitment to the imperatives of good governance by the Northern Governors for the progress and continued relevance of the North in the Nigerian federation.

In recommending this, we are very much aware of the erosion of the revenue accruable to the centre by the incursion of certain policies like the 13 percent derivation allocation to the oil producing states from all the oil collections, in addition to the creation of the NDDC and the Federal Ministry for Niger Delta, which collectively take a big chunk of what is accruable to the national account for subsequent sharing to all parts of the country (including the Niger delta States) and the centre (see the table below). If this is not corrected, it is a sure road to destruction of the federalism that is being practiced, as there is no justice or equity in play, and it is rife with the threats of political, social and economic instability and imbalance in the system that, in the long run will be a burden to the people.

Not too removed from the issues of revenue allocation are the problem of environmental degradation and other ecological challenges. States in the oil


producing areas have been receiving allocations supposedly for the amelioration of the plight of communities from the degradations and hazards caused to their environment by the oil exploration and exploitation. On the other hand, there are quite a number of environmental challenges facing the North today for which nothing is being received. For example:

7.3.1. Extensive animal rearing principally for food have famished most grazing lands in the 1

North forcing large scale migration of herdsmen elsewhere with its inherent challenges metamorphosing now into national security issue. Meat production is for the benefit of all Nigerians. The North has remained the major supplier of this essential food item to the whole country, conserving foreign exchange for the natlon (as indicated earlier in table ) apart from the earnings from export of hides and skin, bones and horns and other taxes on the animal head counts contributed to the economy. This "industry" has the capacity for development into diary production which importation is currently gulping billions of naira annually. Special allocation for development of grazing lands and development of modern animal rearing system, therefore, is necessary, and a special allocation in the revenue formula is therefore required.

7.3.2. Deforestation, soil erosion and degradation in the North as a result of clearing of lands for farming to meet the large food demands of the country. This has become a huge environmental challenge for the North that needs special and urgent attention.

7.3.3. The North has remained an open space and the preferred region for settlements for all citizens, exerting pressure on the land, gradually diminishing a valuable resource of the North in terms of alternative more productive activities (e.g. modern farming).

7.3.4. Therefore, there should be equity in show of concern; and commitment to the operation of sound federal system in the country. To achieve this, the North needs to demand for:

I. The Ministry for the Niger Delta development and the NDDC should be scrapped as clearly it negates the principles of justice as it serves only the interest of one region.

ii. There should be an agency for the exploration and development of oil and gas in the North.: The provision in the proposed Petroleum Industry Bill that relegates the responsibility for management of the oil exploration function in areas other than the Niger Delta to a department in the Ministry of Petroleum Resources, directly under the authority of the Minister must not be allowed.

iii. The dredging of the Niger and Benue rivers should be priority projects. The North should demand for the completion in minimum time of the project to enhance the capacity of the North and indeed all Nigerians to partake in business, commercial and agricultural activities. Such infrastructural development will add to the prospects of


Nigeria as an investment haven to the much needed foreign direct investors. The North should demand the implementation of the Hydro Power projects across it. The various plans for the construction of about six other hydro power projects on the Benue and other rivers that have the potential for an estimated 40,000 mega watts of electricity production (now in our archives) should be dusted for immediate implementation. In particular, the .Mambila / Benue hydro project should be given immediate attention. These are resources that must be developed in the North to achieve the regional economic balance and stability that can contribute to the nation with a potential for much wider economic impactthan oil.

IOEH


CHAPTER SIX

1.0. Local Government Administration

Local Government Administration constitutes the third tier of governance in th context of Nigeria's political structure. Local Governments are regarded as agenciE for grassroots political participation as well as apparatus for rural development an transformation.

1.2. To effectively perform and make the desired impact, both as a tier of government and agency for political and socio-economic transformation of the rural areas, Local Governments must be given specific constitutional and fiscal responsibilities commensurate to the resources at their disposal. Responsibilities such as primary education/basic education, primary health care provision, basic skills acquisition programs, construction and maintenance of rural roads, construction and maintenance of basic rural infrastructures such as rural markets and abattoirs, and community security co-ordination in conjunction with traditional institutions should be primarily handled by the Local Governments.

1.3. Consequently, therefore, Local Governments should be both politically and financially independent from the States direct control. Funds form the Federation Account be disbursed directly to the Local Government Councils and the existing procedure of Join Account with the States be abolished.

1.4. The political structure of Local Government Administration should be small, cost effective, and result-oriented. The structure should consist of: Executive Council comprising the Chairman and the supervisory Councillors; anda Legislative Advisory Council to be headed by the most senior Traditional Ruler in the Local Government Area or representative, and comprising the Elected Councillors and at least half of its membership to comprise members across all social groups within the jurisdiction of the Local Government Administration.


SEVEN

WELFAFE

Introduction

Nigeria should be in a state of emergency going by its social welfare indicators. It is terminally sick. (We restrict our conversation to the northern part of the country because of the audience). This is not because of the immediate threat of insurgency but because of the underlying factors that have contributed to insurgency: poorsocio-economic (demography, education, health, gender inequality, poverty) status. The Human Development Index is 153 out of 187 countries. Nigerians do not live very long by international standards, with the country ranking 167th out of 176 countries in life expectancy. The Millennium Development Goals will not be met. By socio-economic indicators, Nigeria is de facto two countries of northern and southern Nigeria. The draft National Social Security Protection Policy, if adopted and implemented, provides the basis for responding to some of the challenges. Similarly there are several other olicies in the pipeline or adopted and not implemented

Recommendations: ;

D JniversaI Access to Health

I Expand the National Health Insurance Scheme to include formal and informal

. .., ç

Z The right to health should be enshrined in the constitution.

Primary Health Care

Reemphasis primary health care as the closest health facility to most Nigerians.The primary health care system should be the whatlooks like an inverted pyramid.

Implement the Abuja Declaration of 15% budgetary commitment to the health sector. hé ' t +Iséidb i 1 f h1*ikIfr i

J S1i0,:O(::

1 r 1 c 'u rc 1r)I1c Investment in Health

t 6rr1cI0i O.3S We recommend passing of the National Health Bill whicn will proviae significant

heal qQ : .or'; ow j nnrs \N f1E lH'''J J , ubs 1 i

hhmon


2.3.2 Reprioritize health expenditure to be more efficient. There is concentration of resources at non-health and medical expenses and at tertiary level of health care. This needs to be reversed to optimize whatever resources made available.

2.4.0 Preventive Health

2.4.1 Prioritize public health (hutrition, water, sanitation, vaccination etc) rafhei than the current medicalization of the health sector.

2.5.0 Education

2.5.1 Restructuring of Curriculum 2.5.2 Establish closer relationship between industry and the educational system to inform curriculum development.

2.5.2 Emphasis teaching of history, civics and skills in schools.

2.53 Emphasis vocational education so that graduates has skills that can be used as employee of other organizations or self-employed.

2.6.0 Investment in Education

2.6.1 Governments should endeavor to reach the goal of 26 percent annual budget dedicated to education as recommended by UNESCO

2.6.2 Efficient use of existing resources should be emphasized because corruption is a major problem in the education system.

2.7.0 National Education Policy

2.7.1 Faithfully implement the current national education policy.

2.7.2 Emphasis skills instead of certificates.

2.7.3 Return of Missionary and Private School to Original Owners.

2.7.4 Given the large problem of access to education and the high number of out of school children, governments should return schools to the original owners under certain conditions including introducing non-discriminatory policies.

2.8.0 Nomadic Education

2.8.1 We recommend free and compulsory education for nomads up to secondary level. Their education curriculum should be tilted to reflect their special circumstances as nomads.

WVI


2.9.0 Institutionalizing Almajiri Education

2.9.1 Integrate secular curriculum in the existing system of Tsangaya and Almajiri schools including vocational training.

2.9.2 Almajiri and Tsangaya schools should be given special subventions.

2.9.3 Include religious studies into secular schools to encourage parents to patronize them and lessen the patronage of Almajiri and Tsangaya schools.

2.10.01-Iousing

2.10.lAffordable housing

2.10.21'ederal Government to adopt the draft National Social Protection Policy which provides among other things (a) provision of land by government for housing development, (b) encourage the private sector to partner with the government in form corporate social responsibility, (c) access to cheap and affordable mortgage financing, and (d) establish a framework that will address housing need of different economic groups.

2.11.OSocial Security

2.11.lRights of Senior Citizens: We recommend cost effective, age appropriate and gender sensitive means of delivering unconditional social transfers.to the aged.

2.11.2Unemployed Nigerians: We recommend unconditional cash transfer of a minimum of N5, 000 per month to all unemployed persons.

2.12.0 Insurance

2.12.1 We recommend compulsory insurance for formal and informal sector employees and self-employed persons.

2.12.2 Secondly, Government to create enabling environment for private sector involvement in pensions and insurance provision schemes for the informal sector that is able to afford them.

2.12.3Thirdly, expand conditional and unconditional social transfer scheme for the children, women and aged.

2.13.0 Pension and Gratuity


2.13.1 We recommend that the scope of workers covered through the contributory pension scheme is expanded by including workers at all levels of governments.

2.13.2 Secondly the old pension scheme should be integrated with the contributory pension scheme.

2.13.3Thirdly, severe punishment should be prescribed for those involved in fraudulent pension activities.

2.14.OPoverty and Wealth Creation

2.14.lWe recommend aggressive inclusive economic growth to reduce poverty and implementation of pro-poor policies such as social security, free education and health services and public works.

2.15.OStatus of married women

2.15.lState of Origin and State of Marriage: In order to remove such blatant discrimination against married women and encourage national diversity and unity through marriage, women who marry outside their states of origin should enjoy special privileges when appointments are made to ref lect federal character.

2,15.2Any person who resides in a state for a period of 5 years should be given the same rights, privileges and obligations of someone who is originally from that state.

2.16.OAffirmative Action

2.16.lWe recommend affirmative action up to the next 20 years. This is in line withthespirit of the National Gender Policy of 35 percent position for women in appointive and elective positions. This policy should be extended to other areas where women and girls find it difficult to compete on equal basis with men and boys.

2.17.OPolltIcaI Participation

2.17.11n line with the spirit of the National Gender Policy, we recommend a legislation to make it compulsory for political parties to ensure minimum of 35 percent of elective, appointive and contestable positions are preserved for women.

2.17.2A11 appointments by governments at all levels preserve minimum of 35 percent position for women.

2.17.3The private sector is encouraged to preserve minimum of 35 percent of positions for women.


2.18.01311scrimination

2.18.lWe recommend the National Assembly to pass the Violence Against Persons Bill and forthe President to sign it i mmediately. Also, state governments pass similar bill.

2.18.2All discriminatory policies, laws and practices should be abrogated immediately. These will include the Nigeria Labor Law which prohibits women from working night shift in public or private industries and agricultural undertakings.

2.18.3Child's Rights Law

2.18.4We recommend that those states which haven't passed the law to do so.

2.19.00hild's Rights Law Implementation Bodies

2.19.lWe recommend the setting up of a National Commission for Children to oversee the implementation of policies on children. Its equivalent should be set up at state levels.

2.20.ODisability Rights / Welfare

2.20.1We recommend the passing by the National Assembly of the Disability Bill which provides for the protection of persons with disabilities, promotion of their welfare and provision of institutional framework for implementation of the bill.

3.0.0 Conclusion

3.0.1 We recommend the immediate adoption of the National Social Security Protection Policy which out outlines basic principles of State's obligations including to:

. Secure the maximum welfare, freedom and happiness of every citizen;

e Provide suitable and adequate shelter, suitable and adequate food, reasonable national minimum living wage, old age care and pensions, and unemployment, sick benefits and welfare of the disabled;

Ensuring that all citizens have the opportunity for securing adequate means of livelihood as well as adequate opportunityto secure suitable employment;

Ensuring that provision is made for public assistance in deserving cases or other conditions of need.


CHAPTER EIGHT

1.0 Role of Traditional Rulers and (Traditional) Institutions in Governance

1.1. Over the last one hundred years of Nigeria's existence, traditional institutions have undergone tremendous changes, both in content and form. In parts of Nigeria where these institutions have essentially been the vehicle of political transformations of their respective societies since pre-historic times, the difference in the political and socio-economic substance of these institutions at the eve of colonial conquest and now is like the difference between life and death. During the pre-colonial period the traditional institutions wielded what - in the jargon of modern political vocabulary - can be termed as both the executive, legislative and judicial powers in their respective societies.

1.2. During the colonial era these institutions were progressively stripped of these powers through the introduction of western political structures of governance while preserving their 'moral' authority and integrating them into the new mode of political administration. In addition, the Councils of Chiefs that were established during the colonial period and survived down to the First Republic enabled these institutions to be systematically integrated into the new political system by providing counsel to the new leadership and also as socio-political link between governments and the

grassroots.

1.3. However, over the last twenty years or so, the traditional institutions have been systematically destroyed in their essence and ironically boosted in theirform. One of the major reasons for this unfortunate state of affairs has been the creation of 'artificial' traditional institutions/structures, which had undermined the organic historical basis of the moral authority that these institutions wielded from their citizens.

1.4. To argue in favour of traditional institutions is an understatement. Traditional Institutions - perhaps not in the multiplicity to which they exist in Nigeria today - are part and parcel of the social fabric of many Nigerian communities. As such, they are a factor in the political, economic and social structure of Nigerian State. But, to make them responsible and effective, both as historical edifice and relevant to contemporary challenges, they have to be reformed first. As no one is likely to dispute the fact that the traditional institutions in Nigeria today have been bastardized largely through artificial and unproductive multiplication.

1.5. The most appropriate role of traditional institutions is in the area/jurisdiction of advisory councils that can be established at the national, state and local government levels. Traditional Institutions can be given specific duties particularly in the areas of religion, security, and immigration matters..


Appendixi. Summary of Allocation and Expenditure to Southern States: May 1999 - February 2014 vis a vis Contributions by Regions

Appendix 2. Voter Registration and Population Analysis by Zones

SUMMARY OF THE TOTAL ALLOCATION AND FGN CAPITAL PROJECT EXPENDITURE TO THE

NIGER DELTA, NORTH AND SOUTH EAST AND SOUTH WEST FOR THE YEAR MAY 1999 - FEBRUARY- 2014

S/N Statutory Allocation 13% Derivation FGN Capital Projects Total 14 % South-South 21498,841,864,826.50 6 States

91373,482,576,748.30 51864,669,622,126.60 17,736,994,063,701.40 48.0

North 19 91375,256,633,536.67 States

- 1,151,988,675,774. 40 10,572,245,309,311.07 28.5

South East & South West

41917,130,423,102.89

11 States

449,369,266,862.34 3,455,966,027,325.40 81792,465,717,288. 63 23.5

Total 16,761,228,921,465.06 91822,851,843,610.64 10,4721624,325,226.40 37056,705,090,301.10 100

i. Average Total Allocation to each of the 6 South States = N2,956,165,677,283.57 - about 300% of National Average

ii. Average Total Allocation to each of the 19 Northern States = 554, 065,542,595.32 - Half or 50% National Average

iii. Average Total Allocation to each of the 11 S-East + S-West N799,315,065,208.05 - about 80% of National Average

iv. National Average for the 36 states = N1,029,352,919,175.03

DAILY STATISTICS OF COWS TAKEN TO THE SOUTH

S/N Lagos P/H Aba Calabar I Enugu Onitsha Ibadan Total AmoUnt 14 -

Cow Trucks 200 220 110 80 100 70 130 810 x45 150,000

5,467,500,000

Goats/ram! Sheeps

150 130 70 40

trucks

60 50 60 560x200x 15000

Beans Trucks 100 100 60 30 40 30 100 460 x 400 x11,000

2,024,000'000

Maize Truck 100 60 100 30 30 60 60 440x400 x 6000

1,056,000,000

Ash Trucks 50 40 20 20 20 30 50 240x 2,000,000

480,000,000

Total 111,127,500,000

For 30 days = 11,127,500,000 x 30 = 333,825,000,000.00 For a year = 333,825,000,000 x 12 = 4,000,900,000,000.00 For the 15years = 4,005,900,000,000 x 15=60,885,000,000,000.00 Above is more than 5 times what the South-South received in the fifteen years under review. And about 15 times what South East + South- West received under same periods.

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ACCORDING TO 1921 FIRST POPULATION CENSUS

Population % Land Mass Northern Nigeria 18,115,981 69.740/o 786.745km2 80% Southern Nigeria 71858,689 •30.26% 192,022km2 20%

25,974,670 1000/0 983,776km2 1000/0

Then according to the 2006 Population Census figures, exactly 85 years later

Population % Land Mass % Northern Nigeria 75,026,166 53.60% 786.785km2 80% Southern Nigeria 64,973,376 46.40% 190,988km2 20%

140,003,542 100% 1 980,842km2 1 100% .

Now see the trend in 85years

1921 2006 Population Growth % Increase Nigeria 25,974,670 140,003,542 5.39times 539% Northern 18,115,981 751025,166 4.14 times 414% South 71858,689 164,973f376 8.27 times 827%

Population growths are actually in the North's favour eg early Marriage, polygamous marriage and lack of birth control. But above Table for comparison speaks volumes of itself on the many injustices meted on the Noah by the Nigerian Federation.

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CONTRIBUTION TO THE FEDERATION BY THE REGIONS

S/N Province General Tax € Livestock Tax € Total € %

1 Northern Provinces 500,600 120,200 620,800 71,00% 2 Eastern Provinces 1221000 2,000 124,000 14.17% 3 Western Provinces 125,000 50 125,050 14.30% 4 Colony (Lagos) 5000 - 5000 0.53%

Total 752,600 122,250 874,850 1000/0

EXPENDITURE BY THE FEDERATION ON REGIONS IN EDUCATION

S/N Province Amount € %

Northern Provinces 2,341 2.33% Eastern Provinces 47,000 46,85% Western Provinces 34,00 33.88% Colony (Lagos) 17,000 1 16.94% Total 100,341 1000f0

3 NORTHERN ZONES (19 NORTHER STATES + FCT 'FT NORTH CENTRAL STATES ACTUAL

LATER I DIFFERENCE

INCREASE ZONES

DUPLICATED % POPULATION VR %! POPULATION

3 NOTI-IERN TENTATIVE TENTATIVE ACTUAL

1. NICENTRAL 8,561,699 11,627,490 3,065,791 35.81% 222 , 233 2.60% 20,266,257 42.24% 57.37% 2. N!EAST 10,038,119 10,749,059 710,940 7.08% 101,661 1.01 18,971.965 53.06% 56.66% 3. WEST 18,900,543 19,803,689 903,146 4.78% 279,050 1.48 35,786,944 52,11% 55.34%

TOT NORTH 37,500,361 42,180,238 4,679,877 12.48% 602,944 1.48 75,025,166 - 49.98% 56.22%

SOUTHER STATES SOUTH-. El 3T STATES ACTUAL

LATER DIFFERENCE %

INCREASE DUPLICATED % POPULATION VR %I POP )LATION

- STATE TENTATIVE TENTATIVE ACTUAL 9. ABIA 1,481,191 1,524,484 43,293 2.921/6 17,522 1.18% 2,833,999 52.27% 53.79% 2 ANAMBRA 1,758,220 2,011,746 253,526 14.42% 33,747 1.92% 4,182,032 42.04% 48.10°!.

*3 ABONYI 876,249 1,050,534 174,285 19.89% 3,917 0.45% 2,173,501 40.32% 48.33% 4. ENUGU 1,301,185 1,303,155 1970 0.15% 9,401 0.72% 3,257,298 39.95% 40.01% 5. IMO 1,611,715 1687,293 75,578 4.69% 11,082 0.69% 3,934,899 40.96% 42.88% -

SOUTH-EAST 7,028,560 7,577,212 548,652 7.81% 75.723 1.08% 16,381,729 42.90% 46.25%

i

TOTA SOUTH- SOI TH STATES ACTUAL

LATER DIFFERENCE %

INCREASE DUPLICATED % POPULATION VR %I POP ULATION

- STATE TENTATIVE TENTATIVE ACTUAL *1. AKWA IBOM 1,714,781 1,616,873 (97.908%) (6.06%) 8,738 3,920,208 43.74% . 41.24% 2. BAYELSA 472,389 591,870 119,481 25.29% 14,513 1,703,358 27.73% 32.99% 3. CROSS RIVER 1,018,550 1,148,486 129,936 12.76% 39,085 2,88,966 35.26% 39.75% 4. DELTA 1,900,055 2,032,191 132,136 7.0% 17,166 4,098,391 46.36% 49.59% 5. EDO 1,412,225 1,655,776 243,551 17.25% 6,277 3,218,332 43.88% 51.44% 6. RIVERS 2,419,057 2,429,231 10,174 - 0.42% 42,309 5,185,400 46.65% 46.80.

TOTAL SOUTH -SOUTH 8,937,057 9,474,427 537,370 6.01% 128,088 1.43 21,014.655 42.53% 45.08%

- IN

SOUTH - WST STATES ACTUAL LATER DIFFERENCE % INCREASE

DUPLICATED % POPULATION VR %I POP ULAMON STATE TENTATIVE TENTATIVE ACTUAL

1.

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EKITI 750,753 764,726 13,973 1.86% 2,868 .038% 2,384.212 31.49% 32.07% 2. LAGOS 6,247,845 (6,108,069) (139,776) 2.29%) 13,932 - 0.32 9,013,534 69.32% 67.77% 3. OGUN 1,869,326 1,941,170 71,844 3.84% 2,868 0.15% 3,728.098 50.14% 52.07% 4. ONDO 1,558,975 1,616,019 57,116 3.66% 14,761 0.95% 3,441,024 4531% 46.97% 5. OSUN 1,293,967 1,293,967 00/0 14,762 1.14 3,423,535 37.80% 46.97% 6. 1 OYO 2,577,490 (2,572,140) (5350) 0.21%) 14.720 5,591,589 46.10% 46.00

TOTALSOUTHWEST 14,298,356 14,296,163 (2193) (0.01%) 63.911 0.45%. 27.581,992 51.84% . 51.83%

3 SOUTHERN ZONES (17 SOUTHERN STATES) -Il -

SIN SOUTHERN ZONE STATES ACTUAL LATER DIFFERENCE I

INCREASE DUPLICATED

_____ POPULATION

___ VR %I POPULATION

ZONES TENTATIVE TENTATIVE ACTUAL 1. SOUTH-EAST 7,028,560 7,577,212 548,652 7.81% 75,723 1.08% 16,381,729 42.90% 46.25% 2. SOUTH-SOUTH 8,937,057 9,474,427 537,370 6.01% 128,088 1.43% 21,014 42.53% 45.08% 3. SOUTH- WEST 14,298,356 (14,296,163) (5350) (0.21%) 14120 - 0.10 27,581,992 51.84%- 51.83%

TOTAL. SOUTH 30,263,974 31,347,802 1,083,828 3.58% 218,531 0.72 64,978,376 46.58% 48.24%

TOTAL SOUTH WEST

(C) SOUTH-EAST + SOUTH COMBINED COMPARED TO THE NORTH WEST ALONE

SIN SOUTHERN ZONE STATES ACTUAL LATER DIFFERENCE %

INCREASE DUPLICATED I POPULATION VR %i POPULAflON

I ZONES TENTATIVE TENTATIVE ACTUAL _1. S -E + S. S 15,965,618 17,051,639 1,086021 6.80% 203,811 1.28% 37,396,384 42.69% 45.6%

2. _ _ N—WEST 18,900,543 19,803,689 903,146 4.78% 219,050 1.48% 35,786,944 52.81% 55.349/6

DIFFERENCES 2,934,925 2,752,050 . - - 1,609,440 - (D) THE SOUTH VS THE NORTH

SIN ZONES TENTATIVE ACTUAL DIFFERENCE I DUPLICATED I POPULATION TVR % AVR I 1.

_ NORTH 37,500,361 42,180,238 4,679,877 12.48% 49.98% 56.22%

2. _ _SOUTH

_ 30,263,974 31,347,802 1,083,828 3358% 218,531 0.72% 64,974,376

_ 46.58% 48.24%

DIFFERENCES

_ _ 6,236,387 10,732,436

_ 355%

_ 384,413

_ 0.71% 10,046,790 62.07% 106.82% _ 3,596,049_ _ _ _ _ _ ow

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(E) NATIONAL

7W ZONES TENTATIVE ACTUAL DIFFERENCE % DUPLICATED % POPULATION VR %I POPULATION - 1. NATIONAL - 67,764,334 73,528040 5,763,706 870.612% 870,612 1.28% 140,003,542 48.40% 52.52% 2. NORTH 37,500,361 42,160,238 4,679,877 602,944 - 75,025,166_ 49.98% 56.22% 3. SOUTH - 30,263,974 31,347,802 1,083,828 218,531 - - 64,973,376 46.58% 48.24% 4 NORTH 55.34% 57.37% 53.59% 5. SOUTH - 44.66% 42.63% . . - 46.41% - -

- -j DIFFERECES 23.9% 34.56% - - 15.47%

VOTER REGISTRATION AND POPULATION ANALYSIS BY STATES/ZONES CERTIFIED VOTER REGISTRATION Fl S PER STATES PER CEO-POLITICAL ZONE

NORTHERN OTA SIN NORTH CENT IAL STATES ACTUAL

LATER DIFF ENCE

. % V

INCREASE DUPUCATE

______ % POPUATIQN VR %I POPULATION

TENTATIVE AëJIJAL STATE TENTATIVE 1. BENUE 1,415,162 2,390,884 915,722 69.95% 42.042 2.9 4,219,244 33.54% -

*2. .. FCT 886,323 943,473 57,150 6.45% 953 0.1 1,405,201 63.01% *3 KOGI 1,2315,405 1,816,849 101,444 8.35% 7,003 0.5 3,278,487 37.07% 40.17% 4. KWARA -1,115,665 1, 52,361 36,696 3.29% 2,631 0.2 2,371,089 47.05% *5 NASARAWA 1,224,206 1,389,308 165,102 13.49% 19,43 1.5 1,863,275 65.70% 8

00 I. N IGER 721,465 2,175,421 1,453,936 V 201.44% 142,040 19.69 3,950,249 18.26% 55.07% *7, PLATEAU 1,983,453 2,259,194 275,741 13.90% 8,125 0.4 3,178,712 62.40% N.0 TOTAL 8,561,699 11,627,490 . 3,065,791 35.81% 222,233 2.69. 20,266,257 42.24% 5 7ç

NORTH EAST STATES ACTUAL LATER

DIFFERENCE V

% INCREASE

DUPLICATED % POPULATION VR %I POPULATION AiiAL TENTATIVE TENTATIVE

1. ADAMAWA 1,714,860 1,816,094 101,234 5.9% 9,773 0.57% 3,168,101 54.13% 57.32% *2. BAUCHI 1,835,562 2,523,614

V . 688,052 37,480/c 7,451 0.41% 4,676,465 V

39.25% 5 61, *3 BORNO 2,730,368 2,380,957 (349,411) (14.68%) 21,164 0.89% 4,151,193 65.77% 4. GOMBE

V

1 , 266 ,993 1,318,377 51,384 4.06% 18,730 1.48% 2,353,879 53.83% - j 0% 5. TARABA .1,308,106 1,336,221 28,115 2.15% 41,069 3.14% 2,300,736 56.86% 56.01 0% 6. YOBE 1,182,230 1,737,716 -191,566 16.20% 3474 0.29% 2,322,591 50.92% 11%

N.E TOTAL 10,038,119 10,749,059 710,940 7.08% -101,661 18,971,965 53.06% NORTH WE IT STATES ACTUAL

LATER DIFFERENCE %

INCREASE DUPLICATED % POPULATION VR %/ POPULATION

TENTATIVE A ACfl STATE TENTATIVE 1.

14.

JIGAWA 1,822,698 2,013,974 - 162,276 8.70% 23,148 1.25% 4,348,649 42.60% 2. KADUNA 3,565,782 3,905,387 339,625 9.53% 95,563 2.68 6,066.562 58.78% *3 KANO 5,135,415 5,027,297 (108,118) 2.15%) 10,784 2.15% 9,383,682

E64.38% 54.73% %

KATSINA 2,931,668 3,126,898 195,230 6.66% 132,062 4.50% 5,792,578 50.61% j% 5. - KEBBI 1,603,468 1,638,308 34,840 2.17% 4,960 0.31% 3,235,628 49.51% 6. SOKOTO . 2,065,508 2,267,509 202,001 9.78% 8,471 0.41% 3,696,999 55.87% T 7. ZAMFARA 1,746,024 1,824,316 .78,292 4.48% 4,062 0.23% 3,259,846 53.56% N.W TOTAL 1

V16,900,543 19,803,689 903146> 4.78% 279,050 1.48 35-786,944 1 52.81% 55.34%

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Documents

Northern Nigeria Document