‘Nobody cares about the environment’: Kyrgyz' perspectives on enhancing environmental sustainable consumption practices when facing limited sustainability awareness

‘Nobody cares about the environment’: Kyrgyz’ perspectiveson enhancing environmental sustainable consumptionpractices when facing limited sustainability awarenessJarkyn Shadymanova, Stefan Wahlen and Hilje van der Horst

Sociology of Consumption and Households, Wageningen University, Wageningen, The Netherlands

Keywords

Sustainability, consumption, everyday life,sustainable practice, Kyrgyzstan.

Correspondence

Stefan Wahlen, Sociology of Consumptionand Households, Wageningen University, P.O.Box 8060, Wageningen 6700 DA, TheNetherlands.E-mail: [email protected]

doi: 10.1111/ijcs.12140

AbstractWithin Western societies, the detrimental consequences of mass consumption on theenvironment have long been identified. Consumers have developed sustainability con-sciousness in accordance with research and policies. In non-Western societies, however,experiences with mass consumption have not been so long standing. Furthermore, theextent of mass consumerism is not as wide ranging as in many of the richer countries in theworld. In central Asian countries, a soviet history adds to this the concept of resourcedepletion and sustainability impacting industrialization as an ideological taboo. Currently,central Asian countries such as Kyrgyzstan are embarking on enacting sustainabilitypolicies. Kyrgyz consumers are also developing sustainability awareness. This awarenesssometimes leads to either new practices or changes in existing practices. However, con-sumption practices are too complex to assume that only consciousness will lead to increas-ingly sustainable practices. Furthermore, there is no control over the content of suchawareness. The case of emergent sustainable consumption in Kyrgyzstan demonstrateshow sustainability values become integrated with locally existing knowledge, meaningsand material circumstances. The intent of this study is to investigate how Kyrgyz consum-ers perceive sustainable consumption and whether and how they integrate sustainabilityawareness into practices and with other values. Our data consist of 50 structured interviewsthat were conducted during the summer of 2013 in the Kyrgyz capital of Bishkek. Closedquestions were analysed employing descriptive statistics, whereas a qualitative contentanalysis was applied to the results of open questions. The results provide an insight into theway in which emerging sustainability awareness is able to develop and how such awarenessbecomes integrated into existing practices and values.

Introduction: Kyrgyzstan,sustainable development andconsumption practicesKyrgyzstan is a post-Soviet Union country located in Central Asia.Geographically, the country is situated between the two mountainsystems of Tien Shan and Pamir, which comprise approximately95% of the country’s territory. Native Kyrgyz have traditionallybeen pastoral nomads, which continue to strongly influence theireveryday life. Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in1991, Kyrgyzstan relied significantly on its agricultural sector andnatural resources. The subsequent increase in the exploitation ofnatural resources signifies the implementation of sustainabilitypolicies. Even though the Kyrgyz population of 5.6 million com-prises 66% living, to a great extent, in rural areas, increasedconsumption in urban areas has a dramatic impact on resource use.After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Kyrgyzstantransformed from a socialist system to a market economy. It

experienced social and political turmoil in 2005 and 2010. Kyr-gyzstan, as a country in transition, is considered to have been inthe survival mode during the past 20 years without clear develop-ment strategies and consistency in public policy. The deficientdevelopment of the economy is reflected in low salaries and highunemployment which, coupled with political instability, accelerateenvironmental challenges. Industrial and urban pollution as wellas household and hazardous waste, etc. are serious environmentalproblems currently faced by the country.

In this context, the Kyrgyz council for sustainable developmentinitiated a strategy for sustainable development (NCSD, 2013).This strategy prioritizes social and economic development whilealso attempting to reconcile this development with environmentalsustainability outcomes. In the sustainable development strategy,the agri-industrial sector, energy, transport and communication,tourism and services industry play a significant role. The strategyfollows an industry perspective and pays only minimal attention toconsumer perspectives. In order to establish policy measures, it

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International Journal of Consumer Studies ISSN 1470-6423

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appears vital to understand what consumers, who are subject tothese measures, contribute to the discussion. Although the govern-ment attempts to implement a sustainable development strategy,little is known about reactions of local communities and consum-ers to these sustainability initiatives. Over the past decades, thegovernment in Kyrgyzstan has been ineffective and inefficient.There is a general deficiency of collaboration with civil societyand local communities. In spite of the fact that there are officialprogrammes to mitigate environmental issues and to achieve sus-tainable development, this approach is not working efficiently asthere is a weak connection between official institutions and localcommunities. Thus, a first step would be to understand the per-spectives of Kyrgyz consumers.

Sustainable consumption has been of interest in the scholarlydebate in consumer studies (cf. Peattie and Collins, 2009) but alsoextends to the discussion on consumer policy (Fuchs and Lorek,2005; Thøgersen and Schrader, 2012). Sustainable consumptionpractices acknowledge current consumption without jeopardizingthe resources available to future generations. Wahlen et al. (2012)have demonstrated that the success of sustainable consumptioninitiatives depends on the adaptation and acceptance of such ini-tiatives by affected and targeted consumers. It is, therefore, crucialto not only proceed top down but to also incorporate the perspec-tive of consumers (Lorek, 2009; Hanss and Böhm, 2012).

In this article, we understand consumption as being embeddedin social practices (Gram-Hanssen, 2009; Wahlen, 2011). Whilepractice approaches in consumption can be traced to various schol-arly backgrounds, we adopt, in this paper, the pragmatic theoreti-cal account as provided by Shove et al. (2012). It is important toemphasize that practices are not understood as individual activi-ties, but rather as broader socially shared entities that individualsperform. In accordance with, among others, Schatzki (1996) andReckwitz (2010), Shove et al. (2012) perceive social practices asbeing constituted by a nexus of interlinked components and sum-marized as competence, meaning and materials. Competencesentail a certain background knowledge that can be explicit as wellas tacit. Competences are also accompanied by certain under-standings and awareness in the respective practices. Knowledgeabout the environmental impacts of consumption alternatives maybe part of a practice. The second element, i.e. meaning, relates tomotivation as all consumption practices are associated with mean-ings in a given sociocultural context. Again sustainability may bepart of the meaning of practices e.g. as an objective. But simulta-neously some very sustainable practices can be undertaken notbecause of sustainability concern, but because of other objectives,such as e.g. health. Materials, as the final element of practices,encompass objects, things and artefacts as well as infrastructureand tools. Pertaining to our topic of sustainable consumption,sustainable choices are not always available, e.g. when there is noinfrastructure for sustainable waste management. It may, however,also be the case that the only choice is a sustainable one, e.g. whenit is uncommon to use pesticides.

The practice perspective that we adopt in this paper means thatwe want to understand socially shared practices and the combina-tion of different components into a nexus. However, in the contextof a transition society, it is first necessary to understand where andhow sustainability might emerge in practices. Therefore, we choseto first look at components separately. While we speak of sustain-able consumption, this is not a practice in itself. Washing, cooking

and transportation are everyday life practices. Clearly, some vari-ations of those practices are more and others are less sustainable.However, the issue of sustainability may not be part of themeaning or the competence of that practice. For example, washingby hand is usually more sustainable than washing with a machine.This is a sustainability effect in the materials of the practice.However, when the reason to wash by hand is – to name just a fewoptions – lack of a washing machine, frugalness or notions ofhygiene, sustainability is neither part of the meaning nor of thecompetence of the practice. The different ways in which sustain-ability emerges, as part of competence, meaning and/or materialsthat may be joined into practices, interest us here.

Methods and data

In this paper, we provide empirical evidence on the way in whichsustainability is integrated in consumption practices that are con-stituted of competence, meaning and materials. The paper is basedon semi-structured interviews containing both open and closedquestions that encompassed 50 households in the city of Bishkek,the capital of Kyrgyzstan. Respondents comprise 25 male and 25female members of households that were randomly selected. Therespondents were between the age of 17 and 50 as they are activelyinvolved and responsible for particular household practices. Inorder to see most clearly the ongoing changes in Kyrgyzstan, wefocus on urban dwellers, as their practices are most dynamic in thistransition society.

In total, there were 40 open-ended and closed questions in ourinterview study. For data analysis, the data were transcribed andformatted. SPSS (IBM SPSS Statistics, version 20, Chicago, IL,USA) performed the statistical descriptive analysis whereas thequalitative analysis was performed by atlas.ti (ATLAS.ti ScientificSoftware Development GmbH, Berlin, Germany) software. Themain objective of this interview study was to investigate in whichcomponents of practices – competence, meaning and material –sustainability was becoming integrated into consumption prac-tices. For this reason, questions were also included that probed thesources of information about environmental issues. Furthermore,the interview was designed to investigate the meaning of con-sumption in consumers’ practices towards environmental sustain-ability. Lastly, the interview elicited how consumers discussdifferent materials of practices that are related to energy, water andwaste.

Practice-oriented research usually takes practices rather thanindividuals as a starting point for investigation. In this study,however, we wish to disclose the emerging sustainability aware-ness in varied practices. For this purpose, we consider the inter-viewing method suitable. In the conclusion, we make suggestionsfor further research that would bring particular practices intofocus.

Results: environmental sustainabilityand consumption practicesin Kyrgyzstan

1 Competence

Knowledge, such as know-how and experiences, are a vital com-ponent of consumption practices. As mentioned earlier, know-how

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about sustainability may be part of a practice. In other cases, theissue of sustainability is not raised even if variations of the practicemay differ in the sustainability outcomes. The data reveal that themajority of the respondents of the study had only minimal knowl-edge about environmental protection, nature conservation, as wellas eco-friendly consumption. Sustainability was not part of thecompetence of practices they performed.

While sustainability of some very sustainable practices may notbe part of the nexus of that practice at all, environmental aware-ness has been shown to help consumers to redirect practices or tochoose between alternatives. As Madsen (1996) emphasizes, envi-ronmental awareness is a key element in furthering more sustain-able practices. Before addressing practices, there must be a basicbelief that there are or could be environmental problems. Ingeneral, the respondents are pessimistic about the existence ofsuch awareness. Of course, such lack of awareness is more easilyidentified in others. For example, one respondent claimed that:

People do not stick to the rules in public places. So they litterand do other things that are harmful for the environment,because they do not possess ecological awareness. They needto be educated about this issue. (Married, Female, Kyrgyz, 50years old)Currently, the sustainable development policy strategy is not

aiming to raise environmental awareness. In this aspect, we wereinterested in what respondents could recommend to the govern-ment in order to enhance environmental awareness. Most of theinterviewees (92%) indicated education and information systems.The suggestion provided by respondents (48%) with the secondfrequency rating consisted of organizing social activities forincreasing awareness of environmental issues both at the local andcountry levels. The third important suggestion was to developstrict laws in order to protect the environment (42%). In the per-spective of the indifference of both people and businesses towardsthe environment, strictly enforced laws were perceived as vital.Continuing to encourage policies and not relying on penalties butrather on positive incentives, such as tax relief, ranked third (24%).

Mass media can also play a vital role in creating peoples’awareness about the environment and conservation in order tocreate knowledge and adapt competences. The results of oursurvey ascertained that television (TV; 72%), internet (58%) andlocal sources such as newspapers (58%) are among the mostpreferred information tools in Bishkek city. The production anddistribution of printed materials, such as newspaper, magazinesand books, may assist in transferring new information and tech-nologies whereas TV, radio and internet are the more significanttools for rapid dissemination of information to a large audience.

Approximately one-third of the respondents (28%) exploit rela-tives and friends as a source for environmental information.Sixteen percent of people receive information from participationin social campaigns and meeting with the non-governmentalorganization (NGO) representatives and expert scientists. Socialactivity is organized and finalized by NGOs. Usually, governmentrepresentatives participate as experts because official structures donot normally financially support such an activity.

I think because of NGOs and mass media the outlook of thepeople is changing. They start to understand it is not only thejob of the official structure but also of the local people.Because of the quantity of them it is more effective. (Married,Female, Kyrgyz, 38 years old)

The level of personal involvement is greater for raising ecologi-cal awareness of local communities so that citizens’ participationin public ecological control as well as informing the public aboutthe current normative-legal framework and its improvement aremore promising in changing practices towards a more sustainabledirection.

Electronic media can enhance awareness and concern aboutenvironmental problems. Mass media communication is beneficialin creating people’s awareness about environmental pollution andconservation for environmental issues. Mass media organizes dia-logue between stakeholders and social activity within society. Itassists in bringing private issues into the social limelight throughstimulating the local community. Mass media also enables thesharing of experiences and influences how much the public mindcan be mobilized to reduce pollution and promote environmentalquality.

When asked how much they trust various news sources,respondents assign the highest trust ratings to internet (34%),central\national TV (24%), global media (14%), NGOs (10%) andthe lowest ratings to friends and family (4%).

It has to be activated through social actions, debates andsocial advertisement. More people have to be involved intothe problem. Mass Media has to be more active. (Female,Kyrgyz, 34 years old, governmental staff)Information must be available in ways that take the different

access levels in Kyrgyz society into consideration. Informationmust be accessible and understandable for everyone because, inrural locations, access to internet and world media is limited.

Companies can also play a role in raising sustainability aware-ness. In the West, eco-labelling helps consumers to be moreknowledgeable about sustainable alternatives (Horne, 2009). Con-sumption practices do not need to be altered or abandoned, rather,the effect derives from product substitution. More than half of ourrespondents are unaware of eco-labels, while 30% of respondentsspeculated but provided definitions that were not entirely related toenvironmental sustainability:

I think you could find it on the package of the product; sort ofwithout, additives, colorants and etc. Or that you should notthrow it away. (Female, Russian, 23 years old)Eco-labelling refers to ecologically certified products. When Ibuy ecologically certified products I take care about healthmyself and my beloved. (Married, Female, Kyrgyz, 33 yearold)Among the respondents, no one was able to explain that eco-

labels promote products with a reduced environmental impactcompared with other products within the same product group.While eco-labels do exist in Kyrgyzstan, they are not as wide-spread as in the global West. The fact that eco-labels are not partof the competences of buying practices is not surprising. Such asubstitution approach in consumption practices is thus not cur-rently feasible without significantly investing in consumers’awareness as well as expanding on the number of products witheco-labels.

There are also, however, local traditions that can be employedfor creating sustainability awareness as well as making a sustain-ability impact. The respondents regularly indicated the existingpractice of community work, referred to as subbotnik. Subbotnikis a day of volunteer work for cleaning the streets of garbage,fixing public amenities, collecting recyclable material and other

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community services. This demonstrates practices that might berelevant in achieving increasingly sustainable consumption. Thesedays of community volunteer work date back to the Soviet Unionperiod and the subbotnik tradition continues in modern Kyr-gyzstan. NGOs, local communities, schools, universities and otherorganizations organize subbotniks in agreement with municipali-ties. Subbotniks are usually organized twice per year (in spring andautumn) in order to involve as many people possible. Subbotnikscan, therefore, help to heighten sustainability awareness:

We can organize a Subbotnik; for example we didwhitewashing of trees, planting greenery and cutting off thedry branches during the last spring. (Married, Female,Kyrgyz, 29 years old)Existing practices such as, e.g., the community day subbotnik

might have a better chance at promoting environmentally friendlyconsumption practices than eco-labelling.

2 Meaning

As discussed earlier, what is striking from the interviews, first andforemost, is the lack of environmental awareness and knowledge.Even if such knowledge does exist in some consumers, it is notsomething cared about according to our interviewees. This bringsus to the issue of meaning. Our respondents explained this lack ofcare by referring to the poor living conditions of many households:

They do not care. Everyone cares only about himselfespecially about financial issues because they try to survive.(Single, Male, Uzbek, 28 years old, unemployed)The government is also not perceived as caring about the

environment. As we have elaborated earlier, the sustainable devel-opment strategy, rather, focuses on social and economic develop-ment. Furthermore, parents are not perceived as valuableeducators regarding environmental awareness:

Nobody cares about the environment. They just ignore thisentire problem, which influences a new generation. If theirparents do not care who will teach them about environmentalproblems . . . I cannot say that there would be any changes inthe future because people do not care about the environment.(Single, Female, Kyrgyz, 22 years old)Still, respondents do attach significance to sustainable con-

sumption. Such significance is often, however, not related to theenvironment but, rather, to other objectives. In such meanings,motivations can be ascertained for consuming in a more environ-mentally friendly manner (Moisander, 2007). Health concerns area major motivator for our respondents for becoming eco-friendly.Healthy products are perceived as local, natural and green prod-ucts as well as organically grown food without additives, pesti-cides and artificial fertilizers. To the question ‘What areenvironmentally friendly products for you?’, our respondentsanswered: products made from natural sources (40%), healthyproducts (36%) and commodities which are not harmful to theenvironment (24%). Vegetables and milk products were particu-larly determined as sustainable and understood as healthy:

Everything that is healthy and natural: like milk products,vegetables, and fruits. And all foods I prepared by myself.Which happens every evening because I usually prepare thedinner by myself. (Divorced, Female, Kyrgyz, 27 years old)Everything home-made and given by our grandmother fromthe village. (Married, Female, Kyrgyz, 28 years old)

Fruits and vegetables. I always try to buy them from localpeople because it is safer. They do not use chemical stuff.(Married, Female, Kyrgyz, 33 year old)Shifting to a vegetarian diet was associated with health

improvements and not necessarily with advantages for the envi-ronment. When asked whether they would consider eating lessmeat, they could imagine such a consumption pattern only whenthe doctor recommended it:

Only if the doctor will prohibit me to eat meat because of myhealth. (Married, Male, Kyrgyz, 39 years old)It depends on my health. If I have to change my diet I will doit. (Female, Kyrgyz, 21 years old)Yes right now I do not consume meat at all. Meat isunhealthy. It makes your body age faster. (Single, Female,Kyrgyz, 20 years old)Concerns regarding children’s health also inspire some mothers

to use organic, eco-friendly and home-produced local foods:The health of my children is very important to me. So I try toconsume my own food and vegetables. Also the clothes fornatural fabric like wool and cotton. (Married, Female,Kyrgyz, 29 years old)According to our respondents, Kyrgyz consumers care more

about health than about the environment, and it is health that couldmotivate them to engage in sustainable food practices.

3 Materials

Respondents regularly emphasized obstacles in the material infra-structure that prohibit them from developing sustainable practices:

I would love to cycle but we do not have infrastructure for it.Also we have a lot of crazy drivers and pedestrians.(Married, Female, Kyrgyz, 29 years old)I would love to separate the trash but I don’t do it becausewe do not have separate trash boxes. (Married, Male, Kyrgyz,27 years old)The main issue with waste separation is the fact that there are

no separate containers for waste and recycling infrastructures.Municipalities and government do not supply these possibilities.Therefore, over half of the respondents (54%) do not see anyreason for waste separation if all of the waste eventually ends upin the same location. However, paper products are separated withthe purpose of recycling: usually, there are private collection siteswhere consumers can sell their wares depending on weight. Thereis an exception for construction waste due to the significantamounts of it; citizens must employ the services of special com-panies collecting construction waste:

For the construction garbage we use special service thespecial car comes and takes all the garbage. For the paperwe recycle it like using for the furnace or as a waste papergive to the special organizations. (Divorced, Female, Kyrgyz,30 years old)Inefficient waste separation management and lack of separation

techniques affect the immediate environment in Kyrgyzstan.Although reuse and recycling of, e.g., clothing, glass and timberoccur, appropriate disposal management on an institutionallevel has not been established. Household waste separation at thesource is perhaps among the best ways for appropriate wastemanagement, which thereby avoids environmental and healthhazards.



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In addition to waste, water is of significant concern in thescholarship on sustainable consumption. Many consumption prac-tices and daily routines (Wahlen, 2011) occurring within homesutilize significant quantities of water. The use of toilets, washingmachines and showers consumes the most water in households(Brandes and Ferguson, 2003). Home water use varies consider-ably depending upon the number of people in a household, plumb-ing fixtures, appliances and other factors.

Our research demonstrates that half of the respondents exploit awater meter. When wishing to diminish the amount of water used,respondents refer to the cost of water use, especially when they arecharged by the meter. For example, more than half of the respond-ents (54%) prefer taking a shower instead of a bath in order to usewater economically. Another way to reduce water consumption isstarting a washing machine when it is full rather than when it is halffull. Sixty-four percent of the respondents use the washing machineonly when it is full. However, 14% of the respondents do not paymuch attention to their water use and do not care how much they useor, consequently, how much they pay for it. While excessive wateruse leads to sustainability concerns, energy in Kyrgyzstan derivesfrom a relatively sustainable source. Approximately 80% of energyis derived from hydropower. The system of centralized energysupply encapsulates almost 99% of the population in the KyrgyzRepublic with the exception of remote mountain areas wheremainly isolated and part-time residences can be found. Hydroelec-tric energy is the most sustainable resource in the Kyrgyz regionbecause it is available, reliable and flexible (Evans et al., 2009).Each household has an electricity meter as that is the only way tocalculate the level of consumption. Thus, the material infrastructureexisting in Kyrgyzstan does not depend on consumers selecting agreen energy source; it is green by default. Most household prac-tices require electricity. Households in Kyrgyzstan rely almostexclusively on electricity and coal for heating, although coal is themost polluting of all non-renewable energy sources.

Low tariffs for electricity, when compared with other fuels(such as coal, fuel oil and natural gas), has led to increased elec-tricity consumption by the general population. The result has beena decrease in the export of electricity and difficulty in providingsufficient electricity to Kyrgyz consumers (Abdyrasulova andKravsov, 2009). Due to such supply problems, limiting electricityuse continues to be considered a sustainability concern: 52% ofrespondents inform us that they attempt frugality with their elec-tricity use. Still, 32% of the respondents are unconcerned aboutthis issue because they believe that they do not overuse electricalenergy. Another portion (16%) of our respondents does not careabout it at all.

One of the ways in which practices can be less energy consum-ing is through a substitution strategy, e.g., substituting light bulbswith energy saving bulbs. For example:

Currently yes because this bulbs consume less energy. It isimportant because all day the lights are switched on in ourhouse. However these bulbs are not everywhere because theyhave a negative effect on your eyes. I have them in the hall.(Single, Female, Kyrgyz, 22 years old)Another form of substitution is utilizing an energy-saving appli-

ance such as:Fridge, electric stove and other kitchen stuffs with energysaving options. Also TV and laptop consume a little energy.(Married, Female, Kyrgyz, 33 year old)

The main reason for energy-saving behaviour is the cost forelectricity. According to the National Statistical Committee inKyrgyzstan, affordability is a serious concern as the actual cost ofenergy for socially vulnerable segments of the population can beas high as 15–20% of household income (NSC, 2008). Even iffamilies do not belong to a low-income group, household electric-ity bills constitute a considerable portion of a household’s income.

Discussion and conclusionIn this study, we investigated how sustainability might emerge inconsumption practices performed by Kyrgyz consumers. Weadopted a practice approach and considered the way in whichsustainability might be integrated in the components of practicesas distinguished by Shove et al. (2012). While a single practice-oriented research might be a logical next step, at this stage the goalwas to give an explorative overview of the way in which sustain-ability figures in a broad range of practices in this transitionsociety. In light of the sustainable development strategy of theKyrgyz government (NCSD, 2013), our results assist in the reflec-tion on the appropriate and required role of the government andindustries in promoting sustainable consumption. We want toemphasize that for a future development, the governmental initia-tive to promote more sustainable development has to consider theway in which those who are subject to the respective policy ini-tiative relate to the issue of sustainability. Our results have empha-sized existing consumer competences, meanings and materialsthat enable and impede environmentally sustainable consumptionpractices. These results should be considered by further promotingsustainable consumption in the Kyrgyz context.

The first element we differentiated was competences. To begin,consumers must possess some knowledge of sustainability issuesas well as the ways by which they can diminish the impacts of theirindividual consumption practices. Kyrgyzstan’s government facesserious issues with the inefficient implementation of policies aswell as a lack of collaboration with civil society and local com-munities. While there are official programmes to mitigate environ-mental problems and to achieve sustainable development, theinefficient associations between official institutions and local com-munities challenge implementation. Moreover, consumers gener-ally distrust the environmental information provided by the centralgovernment as well as by environmental NGOs. Distrust of officialbodies is a significant obstacle for the government in playing a rolein increasing such knowledge. Media generate some trust, but trustis primarily apparent in informal relationships. The local traditionof subbotniks might also be exploited as a vehicle to increaseawareness. In order to become engrained in local consumptionpractices, eco-awareness has to be mastered by many consumersand official institutions and not just a few (see also Shove et al.,2012).

Secondly, we investigated the meanings consumers attached tosustainable consumption. We have demonstrated that Kyrgyz con-sumers care little about sustainability per se. However, they docare about the health benefits which they associate with sustain-ability. Furthermore, they associate sustainability with natural andlocal food production. In Kyrgyzstan, high-quality food is highlyappreciated. As a consequence of the nomad heritage, however,meat is also considered a central element of any meal. Whilehealth issues may be a reason to limit the consumption of meat, it

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is deemed impossible to change this practice for other reasonsincluding sustainability.

Existing material infrastructures, thirdly and finally, also exhibitboth impediments and supports for sustainable consumption.Respondents emphasized the lack of waste separation infrastruc-ture as hindering sustainable practices. However, the hydropowerelectricity available in Kyrgyzstan makes the use of electricity alower sustainability concern. Attempts to diminish electricity useare only aimed at reduction of costs. Due to the increasing use ofelectricity in Kyrgyzstan as well as shortages leading to temporarypower cuts, enabling consumers in decreasing their electricity useshould continue to be considered.

Sustainable consumption is a contested concept, especially in acountry in transition such as Kyrgyzstan. Respondents indicatethat sustainable consumption is increasing. However, they connectit to locally existing meanings such as the value placed on localand natural products. Furthermore, they connect it to health ben-efits rather than environmental benefits. Future research couldhave a closer look at the practices of local and self-made naturalfood as well as into collective mobilization in order to promotemore sustainable development in a country in transition such asKyrgyzstan.

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‘Nobody cares about the environment’: Kyrgyz' perspectives on enhancing environmental sustainable consumption practices when facing limited sustainability awareness