Neoconservatism

Neoconservatism is a political movement born in the United States during the 1960s among liberal hawkswho became disenchanted with the increasingly pacifist foreign policy of the Democratic Party, and thegrowing New Left and counterculture, in particular the Vietnam protests. Some also began to question theirliberal beliefs regarding domestic policies such as the Great Society.

Neoconservatives typically advocate the promotion of democracy and interventionism in internationalaffairs, including peace through strength (by means of military force), and are known for espousing disdainfor communism and for political radicalism.[1][2]

Many of its adherents became politically famous during the Republican presidential administrations of the1970s, 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s as neoconservatives peaked in influence during the administration ofGeorge W. Bush, when they played a major role in promoting and planning the 2003 invasion of Iraq.[3]

Prominent neoconservatives in the George W. Bush administration included Paul Wolfowitz, Elliott Abrams,Richard Perle, and Paul Bremer. While not identifying as neoconservatives, senior officials Vice PresidentDick Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld listened closely to neoconservative advisersregarding foreign policy, especially the defense of Israel and the promotion of American influence in theMiddle East.

Historically speaking, the term "neoconservative" refers to those who made the ideological journey from theanti-Stalinist left to the camp of American conservatism during the 1960s and 1970s.[4] The movement hadits intellectual roots in the magazine Commentary, edited by Norman Podhoretz.[5] They spoke out againstthe New Left and in that way helped define the movement.[6][7]

TerminologyHistory

Rejecting the American New Left and McGovern's New PoliticsLeo Strauss and his studentsJeane Kirkpatrick

Skepticism towards democracy promotion1990s2000s

Administration of George W. BushBush Doctrine

2008 presidential election and aftermath2010s

Evolution of opinionsUsage and general viewsOpinions concerning foreign policyViews on economicsFriction with other conservatives

Contents

Friction with paleoconservatismTrotskyism allegation

CriticismImperialism and secrecy"Neoconservative" as an antisemitic dogwhistle

Notable people associated with neoconservatismPoliticiansGovernment officialsAcademicsPublic figures

Related publications and institutionsInstitutionsPublications

See alsoNotesReferencesFurther reading

IdentityCritiques

External links

The term "neoconservative" was popularized in the United States during 1973 by the socialist leaderMichael Harrington, who used the term to define Daniel Bell, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, and Irving Kristol,whose ideologies differed from Harrington's.[8]

The "neoconservative" label was used by Irving Kristol in his 1979 article "Confessions of a True, Self-Confessed 'Neoconservative'".[9] His ideas have been influential since the 1950s, when he co-founded andedited the magazine Encounter.[10]

Another source was Norman Podhoretz, editor of the magazine Commentary from 1960 to 1995. By 1982,Podhoretz was terming himself a neoconservative in The New York Times Magazine article titled "TheNeoconservative Anguish over Reagan's Foreign Policy".[11][12]

During the late 1970s and early 1980s, the neoconservatives considered that liberalism had failed and "nolonger knew what it was talking about", according to E. J. Dionne.[13]

Seymour Lipset asserts that the term "neoconservative" was used originally by socialists to criticize thepolitics of Social Democrats, USA (SDUSA).[14] Jonah Goldberg argues that the term is ideologicalcriticism against proponents of modern American liberalism who had become slightly moreconservative[9][15] (both Lipset and Goldberg are frequently described as neoconservatives). In a book-length study for Harvard University Press, historian Justin Vaisse writes that Lipset and Goldberg are inerror, as "neoconservative" was used by socialist Michael Harrington to describe three men – noted above –who were not in SDUSA, and neoconservatism is a definable political movement.[16]

Terminology

Senator Henry M.Jackson, an inspirationfor neoconservativeforeign policy during the1970s

The term "neoconservative" was the subject of increased media coverage during the presidency of GeorgeW. Bush,[17][18] with particular emphasis on a perceived neoconservative influence on American foreignpolicy, as part of the Bush Doctrine.[19]

Through the 1950s and early 1960s, the future neoconservatives had endorsedthe civil rights movement, racial integration and Martin Luther King Jr.[20]

From the 1950s to the 1960s, there was general endorsement among liberals formilitary action to prevent a communist victory in Vietnam.[21]

Neoconservatism was initiated by the repudiation of the Cold War and the"New Politics" of the American New Left, which Norman Podhoretz said wastoo close to the counterculture and too alienated from the majority of thepopulation; Black Power, which accused white liberals and Northern Jews ofhypocrisy on integration and of supporting perceived settler colonialism in theIsraeli–Palestinian conflict; and "anti-anticommunism", which during the late1960s included substantial endorsement of Marxist–Leninist politics. Manywere particularly alarmed by what they saw as antisemitic sentiments fromBlack Power advocates.[22] Irving Kristol edited the journal The Public Interest(1965–2005), featuring economists and political scientists, which emphasizedways that government planning in the liberal state had produced unintendedharmful consequences.[23] Many early neoconservative political figures were

disillusioned Democratic politicians and intellectuals, such as Daniel Patrick Moynihan, who served in theNixon and Ford administrations, and Jeane Kirkpatrick, who served as United States Ambassador to theUnited Nations in the Reagan administration.

A substantial number of neoconservatives were originally moderate socialists associated with the right-wingof the Socialist Party of America (SP) and its successor, Social Democrats, USA (SDUSA). MaxShachtman, a former Trotskyist theorist who developed a strong antipathy towards the New Left, hadnumerous devotees among SDUSA with strong links to George Meany's AFL-CIO. Following Shachtmanand Meany, this faction led the SP to oppose immediate withdrawal from the Vietnam War, and opposeGeorge McGovern in the Democratic primary race and, to some extent, the general election. They also choseto cease their own party-building and concentrated on working within the Democratic Party, eventuallyinfluencing it through the Democratic Leadership Council.[24] Thus the Socialist Party dissolved in 1972,and SDUSA emerged that year. (Most of the left-wing of the party, led by Michael Harrington, immediatelyabandoned SDUSA.)[25][26] SDUSA leaders associated with neoconservatism include Carl Gershman, PennKemble, Joshua Muravchik and Bayard Rustin.[27][28][29][30]

Norman Podhoretz's magazine Commentary originally a journal of liberalism, became a major publicationfor neoconservatives during the 1970s. Commentary published an article by Jeane Kirkpatrick, an early andprototypical neoconservative, albeit not a New Yorker.

As the policies of the New Left made the Democrats increasingly leftist, these intellectuals becamedisillusioned with President Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society domestic programs. The influential 1970bestseller The Real Majority by Ben Wattenberg expressed that the "real majority" of the electorate endorsedeconomic interventionism, but also social conservatism; and warned Democrats it could be disastrous toadopt liberal positions on certain social and crime issues.[31]

History

Rejecting the American New Left and McGovern's New Politics

The neoconservatives rejected the countercultural New Left and what they considered anti-Americanism inthe non-interventionism of the activism against the Vietnam War. After the anti-war faction took control ofthe party during 1972 and nominated George McGovern, the Democrats among them endorsed WashingtonSenator Henry "Scoop" Jackson instead for his unsuccessful 1972 and 1976 campaigns for president.Among those who worked for Jackson were incipient neoconservatives Paul Wolfowitz, Doug Feith, andRichard Perle.[32] During the late 1970s, neoconservatives tended to endorse Ronald Reagan, theRepublican who promised to confront Soviet expansionism. Neoconservatives organized in the AmericanEnterprise Institute and The Heritage Foundation to counter the liberal establishment.[33]

In another (2004) article, Michael Lind also wrote:[34]

Neoconservatism ... originated in the 1970s as a movement of anti-Soviet liberals and socialdemocrats in the tradition of Truman, Kennedy, Johnson, Humphrey and Henry ('Scoop')Jackson, many of whom preferred to call themselves 'paleoliberals.' [After the end of the ColdWar] ... many 'paleoliberals' drifted back to the Democratic center ... Today's neocons are ashrunken remnant of the original broad neocon coalition. Nevertheless, the origins of theirideology on the left are still apparent. The fact that most of the younger neocons were never onthe left is irrelevant; they are the intellectual (and, in the case of William Kristol and JohnPodhoretz, the literal) heirs of older ex-leftists.

C. Bradley Thompson, a professor at Clemson University, claims that most influential neoconservativesrefer explicitly to the theoretical ideas in the philosophy of Leo Strauss (1899–1973),[35] although there areseveral writers who claim that in doing so they may draw upon meaning that Strauss himself did notendorse. Eugene Sheppard notes: "Much scholarship tends to understand Strauss as an inspirational founderof American neoconservatism".[36] Strauss was a refugee from Nazi Germany who taught at the New Schoolfor Social Research in New York (1939–1949) and the University of Chicago (1949–1958).[37]

Strauss asserted that "the crisis of the West consists in the West's having become uncertain of its purpose".His solution was a restoration of the vital ideas and faith that in the past had sustained the moral purpose ofthe West. The Greek classics (classical republican and modern republican), political philosophy and theJudeo-Christian heritage are the essentials of the Great Tradition in Strauss's work.[38][39] Straussemphasized the spirit of the Greek classics and Thomas G. West (1991) argues that for Strauss the AmericanFounding Fathers were correct in their understanding of the classics in their principles of justice.

For Strauss, political community is defined by convictions about justice and happiness rather than bysovereignty and force. A classical liberal, he repudiated the philosophy of John Locke as a bridge to 20th-century historicism and nihilism and instead defended liberal democracy as closer to the spirit of the classicsthan other modern regimes.[40] For Strauss, the American awareness of ineradicable evil in human natureand hence the need for morality, was a beneficial outgrowth of the pre-modern Western tradition.[41] O'Neill(2009) notes that Strauss wrote little about American topics, but his students wrote a great deal and thatStrauss's influence caused his students to reject historicism and positivism as morally relativist positions.[42]

They instead promoted a so-called Aristotelian perspective on America that produced a qualified defense ofits liberal constitutionalism.[43] Strauss's emphasis on moral clarity led the Straussians to develop anapproach to international relations that Catherine and Michael Zuckert (2008) call StraussianWilsonianism (or Straussian idealism), the defense of liberal democracy in the face of itsvulnerability.[42][44]

Leo Strauss and his students

Jeane Kirkpatrick

Strauss influenced The Weekly Standard editor Bill Kristol, William Bennett, Robert Bork, Newt Gingrich,Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas, as well as military strategist Paul Wolfowitz.[45][46]

A theory of neoconservative foreign policy during the final years ofthe Cold War was articulated by Jeane Kirkpatrick in "Dictatorshipsand Double Standards",[47] published in Commentary Magazineduring November 1979. Kirkpatrick criticized the foreign policy ofJimmy Carter, which endorsed detente with the Soviet Union. Shelater served the Reagan Administration as Ambassador to the UnitedNations.[48]

In "Dictatorships and Double Standards", Kirkpatrick distinguishedbetween authoritarian regimes and the totalitarian regimes such asthe Soviet Union. She suggested that in some countries democracywas not tenable and the United States had a choice betweenendorsing authoritarian governments, which might evolve intodemocracies, or Marxist–Leninist regimes, which she argued hadnever been ended once they achieved totalitarian control. In such tragic circumstances, she argued thatallying with authoritarian governments might be prudent. Kirkpatrick argued that by demanding rapidliberalization in traditionally autocratic countries, the Carter administration had delivered those countries toMarxist–Leninists that were even more repressive. She further accused the Carter administration of a"double standard" and of never having applied its rhetoric on the necessity of liberalization to communistgovernments. The essay compares traditional autocracies and Communist regimes:

[Traditional autocrats] do not disturb the habitual rhythms of work and leisure, habitual placesof residence, habitual patterns of family and personal relations. Because the miseries oftraditional life are familiar, they are bearable to ordinary people who, growing up in the society,learn to cope.

[Revolutionary Communist regimes] claim jurisdiction over the whole life of the society andmake demands for change that so violate internalized values and habits that inhabitants flee bythe tens of thousands.

Kirkpatrick concluded that while the United States should encourage liberalization and democracy inautocratic countries, it should not do so when the government risks violent overthrow and should expectgradual change rather than immediate transformation.[49] She wrote: "No idea holds greater sway in themind of educated Americans than the belief that it is possible to democratize governments, anytime andanywhere, under any circumstances ... Decades, if not centuries, are normally required for people to acquirethe necessary disciplines and habits. In Britain, the road [to democratic government] took seven centuries totraverse. ... The speed with which armies collapse, bureaucracies abdicate, and social structures dissolveonce the autocrat is removed frequently surprises American policymakers".[50]

Jeane Kirkpatrick

Skepticism towards democracy promotion

1990s

During the 1990s, neoconservatives were once again opposed to the foreign policy establishment, bothduring the Republican Administration of President George H. W. Bush and that of his Democratic successor,President Bill Clinton. Many critics charged that the neoconservatives lost their influence as a result of theend of the Soviet Union.[51]

After the decision of George H. W. Bush to leave Saddam Hussein in power after the first Iraq War during1991, many neoconservatives considered this policy and the decision not to endorse indigenous dissidentgroups such as the Kurds and Shiites in their 1991–1992 resistance to Hussein as a betrayal of democraticprinciples.[52][53][54][55][56]

Some of those same targets of criticism would later become fierce advocates of neoconservative policies.During 1992, referring to the first Iraq War, then United States Secretary of Defense and future VicePresident Richard Cheney said:

I would guess if we had gone in there, I would still have forces in Baghdad today. We'd berunning the country. We would not have been able to get everybody out and bring everybodyhome. And the question in my mind is how many additional American casualties is Saddam[Hussein] worth? And the answer is not that damned many. So, I think we got it right, bothwhen we decided to expel him from Kuwait, but also when the president made the decision thatwe'd achieved our objectives and we were not going to go get bogged down in the problems oftrying to take over and govern Iraq.[57]

Within a few years of the Gulf War in Iraq, many neoconservatives were endorsing the ouster of SaddamHussein. On 19 February 1998, an open letter to President Clinton was published, signed by dozens ofpundits, many identified with neoconservatism and later related groups such as the Project for the NewAmerican Century, urging decisive action to remove Saddam from power.[58]

Neoconservatives were also members of the so-called "blue team", which argued for a confrontationalpolicy toward the People's Republic of China and strong military and diplomatic endorsement for theRepublic of China (also known as Formosa or Taiwan).

During the late 1990s, Irving Kristol and other writers in neoconservative magazines began touting anti-Darwinist views as an endorsement of intelligent design. Since these neoconservatives were largely ofsecular origin, a few commentators have speculated that this – along with endorsement of religion generally– may have been a case of a "noble lie", intended to protect public morality, or even tactical politics, toattract religious endorsers.[59]

The Bush campaign and the early Bush administration did not exhibit strong endorsement ofneoconservative principles. As a presidential candidate, Bush had argued for a restrained foreign policy,stating his opposition to the idea of nation-building[60] and an early foreign policy confrontation with Chinawas managed without the vociferousness suggested by some neoconservatives.[61] Also early in theadministration, some neoconservatives criticized Bush's administration as insufficiently supportive of Israeland suggested Bush's foreign policies were not substantially different from those of President Clinton.[62]

Bush's policies changed dramatically immediately after the 11 September 2001 attacks.

2000s

Administration of George W. Bush

During November 2010, former U.S.President George W. Bush (here withthe former President of Egypt HosniMubarak at Camp David in 2002)wrote in his memoir Decision Pointsthat Mubarak endorsed theadministration's position that Iraq hadWMDs before the war with thecountry, but kept it private for fear of"inciting the Arab street"[63]

President Bush meets with Secretaryof Defense Donald Rumsfeld and hisstaff at the Pentagon, 14 August 2006

During Bush's State of the Union speech of January 2002, he namedIraq, Iran and North Korea as states that "constitute an axis of evil"and "pose a grave and growing danger". Bush suggested thepossibility of preemptive war: "I will not wait on events, whiledangers gather. I will not stand by, as peril draws closer and closer.The United States of America will not permit the world's mostdangerous regimes to threaten us with the world's most destructiveweapons".[64][65]

Some major defense and national-security persons have been quitecritical of what they believed was a neoconservative influence ingetting the United States to go to war against Iraq.[66]

Former Nebraska Republican U.S. senator and Secretary of Defense,Chuck Hagel, who has been critical of the Bush administration'sadoption of neoconservative ideology, in his book America: OurNext Chapter wrote:

So why did we invade Iraq? I believe it was the triumphof the so-called neo-conservative ideology, as well asBush administration arrogance and incompetence thattook America into this war of choice. ... They obviouslymade a convincing case to a president with very limitednational security and foreign policy experience, whokeenly felt the burden of leading the nation in the wakeof the deadliest terrorist attack ever on American soil.

The Bush Doctrine of preemptive war was stated explicitly in theNational Security Council (NSC) text "National Security Strategyof the United States". published 20 September 2002: "We mustdeter and defend against the threat before it is unleashed ... even ifuncertainty remains as to the time and place of the enemy's attack.... The United States will, if necessary, act preemptively".[67]

The choice not to use the word "preventive" in the 2002 NationalSecurity Strategy and instead use the word "preemptive" waslargely in anticipation of the widely perceived illegality ofpreventive attacks in international law via both Charter Law andCustomary Law.[68]

Policy analysts noted that the Bush Doctrine as stated in the 2002 NSC document had a strong resemblanceto recommendations presented originally in a controversial Defense Planning Guidance draft written during1992 by Paul Wolfowitz, during the first Bush administration.[69]

The Bush Doctrine was greeted with accolades by many neoconservatives. When asked whether he agreedwith the Bush Doctrine, Max Boot said he did and that "I think [Bush is] exactly right to say we can't sitback and wait for the next terrorist strike on Manhattan. We have to go out and stop the terrorists overseas.We have to play the role of the global policeman. ... But I also argue that we ought to go further".[70]

Bush Doctrine

President George W. Bush andSenator John McCain at the WhiteHouse, 5 March 2008, after McCainbecame the Republican presumptivepresidential nominee

Discussing the significance of the Bush Doctrine, neoconservative writer Bill Kristol claimed: "The world isa mess. And, I think, it's very much to Bush's credit that he's gotten serious about dealing with it. ... Thedanger is not that we're going to do too much. The danger is that we're going to do too little".[71]

John McCain, who was the Republican candidate for the 2008United States presidential election, endorsed continuing the secondIraq War, "the issue that is most clearly identified with theneoconservatives". The New York Times reported further that hisforeign policy views combined elements of neoconservatism and themain competing conservative opinion, pragmatism, also known asrealism:[72]

Among [McCain's advisers] are several prominentneoconservatives, including Robert Kagan ... [and] MaxBoot... 'It may be too strong a term to say a fight isgoing on over John McCain's soul,' said LawrenceEagleburger ... who is a member of the pragmatistcamp, ... [but he] said, "there is no question that a lot ofmy far right friends have now decided that since youcan't beat him, let's persuade him to slide over as bestwe can on these critical issues.

Barack Obama campaigned for the Democratic nomination during 2008 by attacking his opponents,especially Hillary Clinton, for originally endorsing Bush's Iraq-war policies. Obama maintained a selectionof prominent military officials from the Bush Administration including Robert Gates (Bush's DefenseSecretary) and David Petraeus (Bush's ranking general in Iraq).

By 2010, U.S. forces had switched from combat to a training role in Iraq and they left in 2011.[73] Theneocons had little influence in the Obama White House,[74][75] and neo-conservatives have lost muchinfluence in the Republican party since the rise of Tea Party Movement.

Several neoconservatives played a major role in the Stop Trump movement in 2016, in opposition to theRepublican presidential candidacy of Donald Trump, due to his criticism of interventionist foreign policies,as well as their perception of him as an "authoritarian" figure.[76] Since Trump took office, someneoconservatives have joined his administration, such as Elliott Abrams.[77] Neoconservatives havesupported the Trump administration's hawkish approach towards Iran[78] and Venezuela,[79] while opposingthe administration's withdrawal of troops from Syria[80] and diplomatic outreach to North Korea.[81]

2008 presidential election and aftermath

2010s

Evolution of opinions

Usage and general views

External video Booknotes interview with Irving

Kristol on Neoconservatism: TheAutobiography of an Idea, 1995 (https://www.c-span.org/video/?67045-1/neoconservatism), C-SPAN

During the early 1970s, socialist Michael Harrington was one of the first to use "neoconservative" in itsmodern meaning. He characterized neoconservatives as former leftists – whom he derided as "socialists forNixon" – who had become more conservative.[8] These people tended to remain endorsers of socialdemocracy, but distinguished themselves by allying with the Nixon administration with respect to foreignpolicy, especially by their endorsement of the Vietnam War and opposition to the Soviet Union. They stillendorsed the welfare state, but not necessarily in its contemporary form.

Irving Kristol remarked that a neoconservative is a "liberal muggedby reality", one who became more conservative after seeing theresults of liberal policies. Kristol also distinguished three specificaspects of neoconservatism from previous types of conservatism:neo-conservatives had a forward-looking attitude from their liberalheritage, rather than the reactionary and dour attitude of previousconservatives; they had a meliorative attitude, proposing alternatereforms rather than simply attacking social liberal reforms; and theytook philosophical ideas and ideologies very seriously.[82]

During January 2009 at the end of President George W. Bush's second term in office, Jonathan Clarke, asenior fellow at the Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs and prominent critic ofNeoconservatism, proposed the following as the "main characteristics of neoconservatism": "a tendency tosee the world in binary good/evil terms", a "low tolerance for diplomacy", a "readiness to use militaryforce", an "emphasis on US unilateral action", a "disdain for multilateral organizations" and a "focus on theMiddle East".[83]

In foreign policy, the neoconservatives' main concern is to prevent the development of a new rival. DefensePlanning Guidance, a document prepared during 1992 by Under Secretary for Defense for Policy PaulWolfowitz, is regarded by Distinguished Professor of the Humanities John McGowan at the University ofNorth Carolina as the "quintessential statement of neoconservative thought". The report says:[84]

Our first objective is to prevent the re-emergence of a new rival, either on the territory of theformer Soviet Union or elsewhere, that poses a threat on the order of that posed formerly by theSoviet Union. This is a dominant consideration underlying the new regional defense strategyand requires that we endeavor to prevent any hostile power from dominating a region whoseresources would, under consolidated control, be sufficient to generate global power.

According to Lead Editor of e-International Relations Stephen McGlinchey: "Neo-conservatism issomething of a chimera in modern politics. For its opponents it is a distinct political ideology thatemphasizes the blending of military power with Wilsonian idealism, yet for its supporters it is more of a'persuasion' that individuals of many types drift into and out of. Regardless of which is more correct, it isnow widely accepted that the neo-conservative impulse has been visible in modern American foreign policyand that it has left a distinct impact".[85]

Neoconservatives claim the "conviction that communism was a monstrous evil and a potent danger".[86]

They endorse social welfare programs that were rejected by libertarians and paleoconservatives.

Neoconservatism first developed during the late 1960s as an effort to oppose the radical cultural changesoccurring within the United States. Irving Kristol wrote: "If there is any one thing that neoconservatives areunanimous about, it is their dislike of the counterculture".[87] Norman Podhoretz agreed: "Revulsion against

Opinions concerning foreign policy

Donald Rumsfeld and VictoriaNuland at the NATO–Ukraineconsultations in Vilnius, Lithuania, 24October 2005

the counterculture accounted for more converts to neoconservatism than any other single factor".[88]

Neoconservatives began to emphasize foreign issues during the mid-1970s.[89]

In 1979, an early study by liberal Peter Steinfels concentrated on theideas of Irving Kristol, Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Daniel Bell. Henoted that the stress on foreign affairs "emerged after the New Leftand the counterculture had dissolved as convincing foils forneoconservatism ... The essential source of their anxiety is notmilitary or geopolitical or to be found overseas at all; it is domesticand cultural and ideological".[90]

Neoconservative foreign policy is a descendant of so-calledWilsonian idealism. Neoconservatives endorse democracypromotion by the U.S. and other democracies, based on the claimthat they think that human rights belong to everyone. They criticizedthe United Nations and detente with the Soviet Union. On domesticpolicy, they endorse a welfare state, like European and Canadianconservatives and unlike American conservatives. According to Norman Podhoretz, "'the neo-conservativesdissociated themselves from the wholesale opposition to the welfare state which had marked Americanconservatism since the days of the New Deal' and ... while neoconservatives supported 'setting certain limits'to the welfare state, those limits did not involve 'issues of principle, such as the legitimate size and role ofthe central government in the American constitutional order' but were to be 'determined by practicalconsiderations'".[91]

In April 2006, Robert Kagan wrote in The Washington Post that Russia and China may be the greatest"challenge liberalism faces today":

The main protagonists on the side of autocracy will not be the petty dictatorships of the MiddleEast theoretically targeted by the Bush doctrine. They will be the two great autocratic powers,China and Russia, which pose an old challenge not envisioned within the new 'war on terror'paradigm. ... Their reactions to the 'color revolutions' in Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan werehostile and suspicious, and understandably so. ... Might not the successful liberalization ofUkraine, urged and supported by the Western democracies, be but the prelude to theincorporation of that nation into NATO and the European Union – in short, the expansion ofWestern liberal hegemony?[92][93]

In July 2008, Joe Klein wrote in Time that today's neoconservatives are more interested in confrontingenemies than in cultivating friends. He questioned the sincerity of neoconservative interest in exportingdemocracy and freedom, saying: "Neoconservatism in foreign policy is best described as unilateralbellicosity cloaked in the utopian rhetoric of freedom and democracy".[94]

In February 2009, Andrew Sullivan wrote he no longer took neoconservatism seriously because its basictenet was defense of Israel:[95]

The closer you examine it, the clearer it is that neoconservatism, in large part, is simply aboutenabling the most irredentist elements in Israel and sustaining a permanent war against anyoneor any country who disagrees with the Israeli right. That's the conclusion I've been forced tothese last few years. And to insist that America adopt exactly the same constant-war-as-survivalthat Israelis have been slowly forced into ... But America is not Israel. And once that distinctionis made, much of the neoconservative ideology collapses.

While neoconservatism is concerned primarily with foreign policy, there is also some discussion of internaleconomic policies. Neoconservatism generally endorses free markets and capitalism, favoring supply-sideeconomics, but it has several disagreements with classical liberalism and fiscal conservatism. Irving Kristolstates that neocons are more relaxed about budget deficits and tend to reject the Hayekian notion that thegrowth of government influence on society and public welfare is "the road to serfdom".[96] Indeed, tosafeguard democracy, government intervention and budget deficits may sometimes be necessary, Kristolargues.

Neoconservative ideology stresses that while free markets do provide material goods in an efficient way,they lack the moral guidance human beings need to fulfill their needs. They say that morality can be foundonly in tradition and that contrary to libertarianism markets do pose questions that cannot be solved solelyby economics, arguing: "So, as the economy only makes up part of our lives, it must not be allowed to takeover and entirely dictate to our society".[97] Critics consider neoconservatism a bellicose and "heroic"ideology opposed to "mercantile" and "bourgeois" virtues and therefore "a variant of anti-economicthought".[98] Political scientist Zeev Sternhell states: "Neoconservatism has succeeded in convincing thegreat majority of Americans that the main questions that concern a society are not economic, and that socialquestions are really moral questions".[99]

Many moderate conservatives oppose neoconservative policies and have sharply negative views on it. Forexample, Stefan Halper and Jonathan Clarke (a libertarian based at Cato), in their 2004 book onneoconservatism, America Alone: The Neo-Conservatives and the Global Order,[100] characterized theneoconservatives at that time as uniting around three common themes:

1. A belief deriving from religious conviction that the human condition is defined as achoice between good and evil and that the true measure of political character is tobe found in the willingness by the former (themselves) to confront the latter.

2. An assertion that the fundamental determinant of the relationship between statesrests on military power and the willingness to use it.

3. A primary focus on the Middle East and global Islam as the principal theater forAmerican overseas interests.

In putting these themes into practice, neo-conservatives:

1. Analyze international issues in black-and-white, absolute moral categories. Theyare fortified by a conviction that they alone hold the moral high ground and arguethat disagreement is tantamount to defeatism.

2. Focus on the "unipolar" power of the United States, seeing the use of military forceas the first, not the last, option of foreign policy. They repudiate the "lessons ofVietnam," which they interpret as undermining American will toward the use offorce, and embrace the "lessons of Munich," interpreted as establishing the virtuesof preemptive military action.

3. Disdain conventional diplomatic agencies such as the State Department andconventional country-specific, realist, and pragmatic, analysis (see shoot first andask questions later). They are hostile toward nonmilitary multilateral institutions andinstinctively antagonistic toward international treaties and agreements. "Globalunilateralism" is their watchword. They are fortified by international criticism,believing that it confirms American virtue.

Views on economics

Friction with other conservatives

4. Look to the Reagan administration as the exemplar of all these virtues and seek toestablish their version of Reagan's legacy as the Republican and nationalorthodoxy.[100]:10–11

Starting during the 1980s, disputes concerning Israel and public policy contributed to a conflict withpaleoconservatives. Pat Buchanan terms neoconservatism "a globalist, interventionist, open bordersideology".[101] Paul Gottfried has written that the neocons' call for "permanent revolution" existsindependently of their beliefs about Israel,[102] characterizing the neos as "ranters out of a Dostoyevskiannovel, who are out to practice permanent revolution courtesy of the U.S. government" and questioning howanyone could mistake them for conservatives.[103]

What make neocons most dangerous are not their isolated ghetto hang-ups, like hating Germansand Southern whites and calling everyone and his cousin an anti-Semite, but the leftistrevolutionary fury they express.[103]

He has also argued that domestic equality and the exportability of democracy are points of contentionbetween them.[104]

Responding to a question about neoconservatives in 2004, William F. Buckley Jr. said: "I think those I know,which is most of them, are bright, informed and idealistic, but that they simply overrate the reach of U.S.power and influence".[105]

Critics have argued that since the founders of neo-conservatism included ex-Trotskyists, Trotskyist traitscontinue to characterize neo-conservative ideologies and practices.[106] During the Reagan administration,the charge was made that the foreign policy of the Reagan administration was being managed by exTrotskyists. This claim was called a "myth" by Lipset (1988, p. 34), who was a neoconservative himself.[107]

This "Trotskyist" charge was repeated and widened by journalist Michael Lind during 2003 to assert atakeover of the foreign policy of the George W. Bush administration by former Trotskyists;[108] Lind's"amalgamation of the defense intellectuals with the traditions and theories of 'the largely Jewish-AmericanTrotskyist movement' [in Lind's words]" was criticized during 2003 by University of Michigan professorAlan M. Wald,[109] who had discussed Trotskyism in his history of "the New Yorkintellectuals".[110][111][112]

The charge that neoconservativism is related to Leninism has also been made. Francis Fukuyama identifiedneoconservatism with Leninism during 2006.[18] He wrote that neoconservatives "believed that history canbe pushed along with the right application of power and will [substantially analogous to "will to power" ofNietzschean memory]. Leninism was a tragedy in its Bolshevik version, and it has returned as farce whenpracticed by the United States. Neoconservatism, as both a political symbol and a body of thought, hasevolved into something I can no longer support".[18]

Friction with paleoconservatism

Trotskyism allegation

Criticism

Critics of neoconservatism take issue with neoconservatives' support for interventionistic foreign policy.Critics from the left take issue with what they characterize as unilateralism and lack of concern withinternational consensus through organizations such as the United Nations.[113][114][115]

Critics from both the left and right have assailed neoconservatives for the role Israel plays in their policieson the Middle East.[116][117]

Neoconservatives respond by describing their shared opinion as a belief that national security is bestattained by actively promoting freedom and democracy abroad as in the democratic peace theory throughthe endorsement of democracy, foreign aid and in certain cases military intervention. This is different fromthe traditional conservative tendency to endorse friendly regimes in matters of trade and anti-communismeven at the expense of undermining existing democratic systems.

Republican Congressman Ron Paul has been a longtime critic of neoconservativism as an attack on freedomand the Constitution, including an extensive speech on the House floor addressing neoconservativebeginnings and how neoconservatism is neither new nor conservative.[118]

In a column named "Years of Shame" commemorating the tenth anniversary of 9/11 attacks, Paul Krugmancriticized the neoconservatives for causing a war unrelated to 9/11 attacks and fought for wrongreasons.[119][120]

John McGowan, professor of humanities at the University of North Carolina, states after an extensivereview of neoconservative literature and theory that neoconservatives are attempting to build an AmericanEmpire, seen as successor to the British Empire, its goal being to perpetuate a "Pax Americana". Asimperialism is largely considered unacceptable by the American media, neoconservatives do not articulatetheir ideas and goals in a frank manner in public discourse. McGowan states:[84]

Frank neoconservatives like Robert Kaplan and Niall Ferguson recognize that they areproposing imperialism as the alternative to liberal internationalism. Yet both Kaplan andFerguson also understand that imperialism runs so counter to American's liberal tradition that itmust ... remain a foreign policy that dare not speak its name ... While Ferguson, the Brit,laments that Americans cannot just openly shoulder the white man's burden, Kaplan theAmerican, tells us that "only through stealth and anxious foresight" can the United Statescontinue to pursue the "imperial reality [that] already dominates our foreign policy", but mustbe disavowed in light of "our anti-imperial traditions, and ... the fact that imperialism isdelegitimized in public discourse"... The Bush administration, justifying all of its actions by anappeal to "national security", has kept as many of those actions as it can secret and has scornedall limitations to executive power by other branches of government or international law.

Barry Rubin argues that the neoconservative label is used as an antisemitic pejorative:[121]

First, 'neo-conservative' is a codeword for Jewish. As antisemites did with big business mogulsin the nineteenth century and Communist leaders in the twentieth, the trick here is to take allthose involved in some aspect of public life and single out those who are Jewish. The

Imperialism and secrecy

"Neoconservative" as an antisemitic dogwhistle

George W. Bush announces his$74.7 billion wartime supplementalbudget request as Donald Rumsfeldand Paul Wolfowitz look on

implication made is that this is a Jewish-led movement conducted not in the interests of all the,in this case, American people, but to the benefit of Jews, and in this case Israel.

The list includes public people identified as personally neoconservative at an important time or a highofficial with numerous neoconservative advisers, such as George W. Bush and Dick Cheney.

George W. Bush – 43rd U.S. President, 46th U.S.Governor of Texas[122]

Jeb Bush – 43rd U.S. Governor of Florida, 2016Republican presidential candidate[123]

Dick Cheney – 46th U.S. Vice President, former WhiteHouse Chief of Staff, former U.S. Representative fromWyoming, former U.S. Secretary of Defense - described asa practitioner of neoconservative foreign policy[122] orallied with neoconservatives but not one himself,[124] andwithout a historical background in the ideologicalneoconservative movement[122][124]

Chris Christie – 56th Governor of New Jersey, formerUnited States Attorney for the District of New Jersey, 2016Republican presidential candidate;[125] though he rejectsthe term[126]

Tom Cotton – U.S. Senator from Arkansas, former U.S. Representative fromArkansas[127][128][129]

Lindsey Graham – U.S. Senator from South Carolina, former United States Air Force Colonel,former U.S. Representative from South Carolina, 2016 Republican presidential candidate[130]

John McCain (deceased) – former U.S. Representative & U.S. Senator from Arizona, 2000Republican presidential candidate, 2008 Republican presidential nominee[131][132][133]

Mitch McConnell – U.S. Senator from Kentucky, Senate Majority Leader, former SenateMajority Whip, former Senate Minority Leader[134]

Marco Rubio – U.S. Senator from Florida, 2016 Republican presidential candidate[135][136][137]

Elliot Abrams – foreign policy adviser[138][139][140][141][142][143]

Kenneth Adelman – former Director of Arms Control and Disarmament Agency[143]

William Bennett – former chairman of the National Endowment for the Humanities, formerDirector of the National Drug Control Policy and former U.S. Secretary of Education[138][144]

John R. Bolton – former Ambassador to the United Nations, and former National SecurityAdvisor[145]; though he rejects the term[146]

Eliot A. Cohen – former State Department Counselor, now Robert E. Osgood Professor ofStrategic Studies at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies at the JohnsHopkins University[147][148]

Douglas J. Feith – former Under Secretary of Defense for Policy[142]

Notable people associated with neoconservatism

Politicians

Government officials

Bill Kristol orating at Arizona StateUniversity in March 2017

Ben Shapiro speaking atPoliticon in Pasadena,California in 2016

Frank Gaffney – former Acting Assistant Secretary ofDefense for International Security Affairs, founder andpresident of the Center for Security Policy[148][143][149]

Jeane Kirkpatrick (deceased) – former Ambassador to theUnited Nations[150]

Bill Kristol – former Chief of Staff to the Vice President ofthe United States, co-founder and former editor of TheWeekly Standard, professor of political philosophy andAmerican politics and political adviser[151][152]

Scooter Libby – former Chief of Staff to the Vice Presidentof the United States[153][142]

Richard Perle – former Assistant Secretary of Defense andlobbyist[138][143]

Paul Wolfowitz – former State and Defense Department official[138][154][155][142]

R. James Woolsey Jr. – former Undersecretary of the Navy, former Director of CentralIntelligence, green energy lobbyist[156][142][148][143][149]

Nathan Glazer – Professor of sociology, columnist and authorDonald Kagan – Sterling Professor of Classics and History at Yale UniversityAndrew Roberts – Professor of History at Kings College in London

Fred Barnes – co-founder and former executive editor of TheWeekly Standard[157]

Max Boot – author, consultant, editorialist, lecturer, and militaryhistorian[72]; though wishes to retire label[158]

Arthur Brooks – president of the American Enterprise InstituteMidge Decter – journalist, author[143]

David Frum – journalist, Republican speechwriter andcolumnist[159][160][161]

Reuel Marc Gerecht – writer, political analyst and senior fellow atthe Foundation for Defense of Democracies[162]

Bruce P. Jackson – activist, former U.S. military intelligenceofficer[143]

Frederick Kagan – historian, resident scholar at the AmericanEnterprise Institute[163][164][165]

Robert Kagan – senior fellow at the Brookings Institution,historian, founder of the Yale Political Monthly, adviser to Republican political campaigns andone of 25 members of an advisory board to Hillary Clinton at the State Department (Kagancalls himself a "liberal interventionist" rather than "neoconservative")[166][167]

Charles Krauthammer (deceased) – Pulitzer Prize winner, columnist and psychiatrist[168]

Irving Kristol (deceased) – publisher, journalist, columnist and former Marxist[169]

Eli Lake – journalist and columnist[170]

Academics

Public figures

David Frum speaking to PolicyExchange in 2013

Michael Ledeen – historian, foreign policy analyst, scholarat the American Enterprise Institute[143]

Clifford May – founder and president of the Foundation forDefense of Democracies[171]

Joshua Muravchik – resident scholar at the AmericanEnterprise InstituteDouglas Murray – British writer, journalist and politicalcommentator[172][173]

Daniel Pipes (former neoconservative) – historian, writerand political commentatorDanielle Pletka – American Enterprise Institute vicepresident[174]

John Podhoretz – editor-at-large of Commentary, presidential speech writer and authorNorman Podhoretz – editor-in-chief of Commentary[175][176]

Tom Rogan – journalist and political analyst[170]

Jennifer Rubin – columnist and blogger for The Washington Post[152]

Michael Rubin – resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute[177]

Gary Schmitt – resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute[178][179]

Ben Shapiro – political commentator, public speaker, author, lawyer, founder and editor-in-chiefof The Daily Wire.[180][181][182][183]

Bret Stephens – journalist and columnist for the New York Times[184]

Irwin Stelzer – economist and writer[185]

American Enterprise Institute[186]

Foundation for Defense of Democracies[187][188][189]

Henry Jackson Society[190]

Hudson Institute[191]

Project for the New American Century[192]

CommentaryThe Public Interest (out of circulation)The Washington Free BeaconThe Weekly Standard (out of circulation)

British neoconservatismDemocratic peace theory

Factions in the Republican Party (UnitedStates)Globalization

Related publications and institutions

Institutions

Publications

See also

Intellectual dark webInterventionism (politics)Liberal hawkLiberal internationalismNeoconservatism and paleoconservatismNeoconservatism in JapanNeoconservatism in the Czech RepublicNew Conservatism (China)

NeoliberalismNeo-libertarianismNew Right in the United StatesPaleoconservatismProject for a New American CenturyTory socialismTrotskyism

1. Dagger, Richard. "Neoconservatism" (http://www.britannica.com/topic/neoconservatism).Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 16 May 2016.

2. "Neoconservative" (http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/neoconservative). Merriam-Webster Dictionary. Retrieved 11 November 2012.

3. Record, Jeffrey (2010). Wanting War: Why the Bush Administration Invaded Iraq (https://books.google.com/?id=7hOlgQUq7FYC&pg=PT47). Potomac Books, Inc. pp. 47–50.ISBN 9781597975902. Retrieved 12 June 2016.

4. Vaïsse, Justin (2010). Neoconservatism: The biography of a movement. Harvard UniversityPress. pp. 6–11.

5. Balint, Benjamin (2010). "Running Commentary: The Contentious Magazine that Transformedthe Jewish Left Into the Neoconservative Right". PublicAffairs.

6. Beckerman, Gal (6 January 2006). "The Neoconservatism Persuasion". The Forward.7. Friedman, Murray (2005). The Neoconservative Revolution Jewish Intellectuals and the

Shaping of Public Policy. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.8. Harrington, Michael (Fall 1973). "The Welfare State and Its Neoconservative Critics". Dissent.

20. Cited in: Isserman, Maurice (2000). The Other American: the life of Michael Harrington (https://web.archive.org/web/20090619023439/http://www.commentarymagazine.com/viewarticle.cfm/nixon-the-great-society-and-the-future-of-social-policya-symposium-5214). New York:PublicAffairs. ISBN 978-1-891620-30-0. Archived from the original (https://archive.org/details/otheramericanlif0000isse) on 19 June 2009. Retrieved 17 December 2019. "... reprinted aschapter 11 in Harrington's 1976 book The Twilight of Capitalism, pp. 165–272. Earlier during1973, he had described some of the same ideas in a brief contribution to a symposium onwelfare sponsored by Commentary, ""Nixon, the Great Society, and the Future of SocialPolicy" (http://www.commentarymagazine.com/viewarticle.cfm/Nixon-the-Great-Society-and-the-Future-of-Social-PolicyA-Symposium-5214), Commentary 55 (May 1973), p. 39"

9. Goldberg, Jonah (20 May 2003). "The Neoconservative Invention" (https://web.archive.org/web/20121114100459/http://www.nationalreview.com/articles/206955/neoconservative-invention/jonah-goldberg). National Review. Archived from the original (http://www.nationalreview.com/articles/206955/neoconservative-invention/jonah-goldberg) on 14 November 2012. Retrieved2 March 2014.

10. Kristol, Irving (1999). Neoconservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea (https://archive.org/details/neoconservatisma00kris). Ivan R. Dee. ISBN 978-1-56663-228-7.

11. Gerson, Mark (Fall 1995). "Norman's Conquest" (https://web.archive.org/web/20080320065640/http://www.hoover.org/publications/policyreview/3564402.html). Policy Review. Archived fromthe original (http://www.hoover.org/publications/policyreview/3564402.html) on 20 March 2008.Retrieved 31 March 2008.

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Notes

13. Dionne, E.J. (1991). Why Americans Hate Politics. New York: Simon & Schuster. pp. 55–61.ISBN 978-0-671-68255-2.

14. Lipset (1988, p. 39)15. Kinsley, Michael (17 April 2005). "The Neocons' Unabashed Reversal" (https://www.washingto

npost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A57779-2005Apr15.html). The Washington Post. p. B07. Retrieved30 March 2008.

16. "Leave No War Behind" (https://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/13/books/review/Gewen-t.html).The New York Times. 13 June 2010.

17. Marshall, J.M. "Remaking the World: Bush and the Neoconservatives" (http://www.foreignaffairs.org/20031101fareviewessay82614/joshua-micah-marshall/remaking-the-world-bush-and-the-neoconservatives.html) Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20081211043728/http://www.foreignaffairs.org/20031101fareviewessay82614/joshua-micah-marshall/remaking-the-world-bush-and-the-neoconservatives.html) 11 December 2008 at the Wayback Machine. From ForeignAffairs, November/December 2003. Retrieved 1 December 2008.

18. Fukuyama, F. (19 February 2006). After Neoconservatism (https://www.nytimes.com/2006/02/19/magazine/neo.html?pagewanted=1&_r=1). The New York Times Magazine. Retrieved 1December 2008.

19. see "Administration of George W. Bush".20. Nuechterlein, James (May 1996). "The End of Neoconservatism" (http://www.leaderu.com/ftiss

ues/ft9605/opinion/thistime.html). First Things. 63: 14–15. Retrieved 31 March 2008."Neoconservatives differed with traditional conservatives on a number of issues, of which thethree most important, in my view, were the New Deal, civil rights, and the nature of theCommunist threat ... On civil rights, all neocons were enthusiastic supporters of Martin LutherKing, Jr. and the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and 1965.""

21. Robert R. Tomes, Apocalypse Then: American Intellectuals and the Vietnam War, 1954–1975(2000), p. 112.

22. Balint, Benjamin (1 June 2010). Benjamin Balint, Running Commentary: The ContentiousMagazine That Transformed the Jewish Left Into the Neoconservative Right (2010), pp. 100–18 (https://books.google.com/?id=Cm6UEJCGNJsC&printsec=frontcover&dq=running+commentary,+book#v=onepage&q=mcgovern%20campaign&f=false). ISBN 9781586488604.Retrieved 12 June 2016.

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24. Justin Vaïsse, Neoconservatism: The Biography of a Movement (Harvard University Press,2010), pp. 214–19

25. Martin Duberman (2013). A Saving Remnant: The Radical Lives of Barbara Deming and DavidMcReynolds (https://books.google.com/?id=uru7tdlv3FgC&pg=PT84&lpg=PT84&dq=shachtman,+realignment#v=onepage&q=shachtman%2C%20realignment&f=false). The New Press.ISBN 9781595586971. Retrieved 12 June 2016.

26. Maurice Isserman (2001) [8 December 1972]. The Other American: The Life of MichaelHarrington (https://books.google.com/?id=Ym-qm7i5WHYC&pg=PA300&lpg=PA300&dq=shachtman,+sdusa#v=onepage&q=shachtman%2C%20meany&f=false). Public Affairs. p. 300 of290–304. ISBN 9780786752805. Retrieved 12 June 2016.

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53. Dickerson, John (21 October 2005). "Who is Scooter Libby?" (http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/politics/2005/10/who_is_scooter_libby.html). Slate. "Libby is a neocon'sneocon. He studied political science at Yale under former Deputy Secretary of Defense PaulWolfowitz and began working with his former teacher under Cheney at the DefenseDepartment during the George H.W. Bush administration ..."

54. David Corn (13 May 2015). "The Jeb Bush Adviser Who Should Scare You" (https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2015/05/jeb-bush-adviser-paul-wolfowitz). Mother Jones. Retrieved12 June 2016.

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57. Paul Starr, The 'Weekly Standard' and the Eclipse of the Center-Right (https://prospect.org/article/%E2%80%98weekly-standard%E2%80%99-and-eclipse-center-right), The AmericanProspect (5 December 2018): "Founded in 1995 by the neoconservatives Bill Kristol and FredBarnes..."

58. Hunter, Jack. "Max Boot wants to retire 'neocon' label. Why doesn't he stop using'isolationist?' " (https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/opinion/max-boot-wants-to-retire-neocon-label-why-doesnt-he-stop-using-isolationist). Washingtonexaminer.com. Retrieved 12 May2019.

59. Mann, James (September 2004). Rise of the Vulcans (https://archive.org/details/riseofvulcanshis00mann/page/318) (1st paperback ed.). Penguin Books. p. 318 (https://archive.org/details/riseofvulcanshis00mann/page/318). ISBN 978-0-14-303489-6.

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88. Foster, Peter (24 February 2013). "Obama's new head boy" (https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/us-politics/9891755/Obamas-new-head-boy.html). The Telegraph (UK). Archived(https://web.archive.org/web/20130228034030/http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/us-politics/9891755/Obamas-new-head-boy.html) from the original on 28 February 2013.Retrieved 12 March 2013.

89. Jonsson, Patrik (11 June 2009). "Shooting of two soldiers in Little Rock puts focus on 'lonewolf' Islamic extremists" (http://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Justice/2009/0611/p02s01-usju.html).Christian Science Monitor. Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20130406031548/http://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Justice/2009/0611/p02s01-usju.html) from the original on 6 April 2013.Retrieved 13 March 2013.

90. K. Dodds, K. and S. Elden, "Thinking Ahead: David Cameron, the Henry Jackson Society andBritishNeoConservatism," British Journal of Politics and International Relations (2008), 10(3):347–63.

91. Danny Cooper (2011). Neoconservatism and American Foreign Policy: A Critical Analysis (https://books.google.com/?id=CNyZILpcSgkC&pg=PA45). Taylor & Francis. p. 45. ISBN 978-0-203-84052-8. Retrieved 12 June 2016.

92. Matthew Christopher Rhoades (2008). Neoconservatism: Beliefs, the Bush Administration, andthe Future (https://books.google.com/?id=bnlVbs5HSicC&pg=PA14). p. 14. ISBN 978-0-549-62046-4. Retrieved 12 June 2016.

Albanese, Matteo. The Concept of War in Neoconservative Thinking, IPOC, Milan, 2012.Translated by Nicolas Lewkowicz. ISBN 978-8867720002Auster, Lawrence. "Buchanan's White Whale (https://web.archive.org/web/20040619075200/http://www.frontpagemagazine.com/Articles/ReadArticle.asp?ID=12650)", FrontPageMag, 19March 2004. Retrieved 16 September 2006.Buchanan, Patrick J.. "Whose War (https://web.archive.org/web/20090105221904/http://amconmag.com/03_24_03/cover.html)", The American Conservative, 24 March 2003. Retrieved 16September 2006.Bush, George W., Gerhard Schroeder, et al., "Transcript: Bush, Schroeder Roundtable WithGerman Professionals (https://web.archive.org/web/20111103104411/http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A46687-2005Feb23?language=printer)", The Washington Post, 23February 2005. Retrieved 16 September 2006.Critchlow, Donald T. The conservative ascendancy: how the GOP right made political history(2nd ed., 2011)Dean, John. Worse Than Watergate: The Secret Presidency of George W. Bush, Little, Brown,2004. ISBN 0-316-00023-X (hardback). Critical account of neo-conservatism in theadministration of George W. Bush.Frum, David. "Unpatriotic Conservatives (https://web.archive.org/web/20100108140516/http://www.nationalreview.com/frum/frum031903.asp)", National Review, 7 April 2003. Retrieved 16September 2006.Gerson, Mark, ed. The Essential Neo-Conservative Reader, Perseus, 1997. ISBN 0-201-15488-9 (paperback), ISBN 0-201-47968-0 (hardback).Gerson, Mark. "Norman's Conquest: A Commentary on the Podhoretz Legacy (http://www.policyreview.org/fall95/thgers.html)", Policy Review, Fall 1995, Number 74. Retrieved 16September 2006.Gray, John. Black Mass, Allen Lane, 2007. ISBN 978-0-7139-9915-0.Hanson, Jim The Decline of the American Empire, Praeger, 1993. ISBN 0-275-94480-8.Halper, Stefan and Jonathan Clarke. America Alone: The Neo-Conservatives and the GlobalOrder, Cambridge University Press, 2004. ISBN 0-521-83834-7.Kagan, Robert, et al., Present Dangers: Crisis and Opportunity in American Foreign andDefense Policy. Encounter Books, 2000. ISBN 1-893554-16-3.Kristol, Irving. Neo-Conservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea: Selected Essays 1949-1995,New York: The Free Press, 1995. ISBN 0-02-874021-1 (10). ISBN 978-0-02-874021-8 (13).(Hardcover ed.) Reprinted as Neoconservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea, New York: IvanR. Dee, 1999. ISBN 1-56663-228-5 (10). (Paperback ed.)Kristol, Irving. "What Is a Neoconservative?", Newsweek, 19 January 1976.Lara Amat y León, Joan y Antón Mellón, Joan, "Las persuasiones neoconservadoras: F.Fukuyama, S. P. Huntington, W. Kristol y R. Kagan", en Máiz, Ramón (comp.), Teoríaspolíticas contemporáneas, (2ªed.rev. y ampl.) Tirant lo Blanch, Valencia, 2009. ISBN 978-84-9876-463-5. Ficha del libro (http://www.tirant.com/detalle?articulo=8498764637&titulo=Teor%EDas%20Pol%EDticas%20Contempor%E1neas)

References

Lara Amat y León, Joan, "Cosmopolitismo y anticosmoplitismo en el neoconservadurismo:Fukuyama y Huntington", en Nuñez, Paloma y Espinosa, Javier (eds.), Filosofía y política en elsiglo XXI. Europa y el nuevo orden cosmopolita, Akal, Madrid, 2009. ISBN 978-84-460-2875-8.Ficha del libro (http://www.akal.com/libros/FilosofIa-y-PolItica-en-el-siglo-XXI/9788446028758)Lasn, Kalle. "Why won't anyone say they are Jewish? (https://web.archive.org/web/20090614072646/http://canadiancoalition.com/adbusters01/)", Adbusters, March/April 2004. Retrieved 16September 2006.Lewkowicz, Nicolas. "Neoconservatism and the Propagation of Democracy (https://www.democracychronicles.com/neoconservatism-and-the-propagation-of-democracy/)", DemocracyChronicles, 11 February 2013.Lipset, Seymour (4 July 1988). "Neoconservatism: Myth and reality". Society. 25 (5): 29–37.doi:10.1007/BF02695739 (https://doi.org/10.1007%2FBF02695739). ISSN 0147-2011 (https://www.worldcat.org/issn/0147-2011).Mann, James. Rise of the Vulcans: The History of Bush's War Cabinet, Viking, 2004. ISBN 0-670-03299-9 (cloth).Massing, Michael (1987). "Trotsky's orphans: From Bolshevism to Reaganism". The NewRepublic: 18–22.Mascolo, Georg. "A Leaderless, Directionless Superpower: interview with Ex-Powell aideWilkerson" (http://service.spiegel.de/cache/international/spiegel/0,1518,388857,00.html),Spiegel Online, 6 December 2005. Retrieved 16 September 2006.Muravchik, Joshua. "Renegades", Commentary, 1 October 2002. Bibliographical information (https://web.archive.org/web/20050727161903/http://www.aei.org/publications/pubID.14335%2Cfilter.all/pub_detail.asp) is available online, the article itself is not.Muravchik, Joshua. "The Neoconservative Cabal", Commentary, September 2003.Bibliographical information (https://web.archive.org/web/20050729034016/http://www.aei.org/publications/pubID.19107%2Cfilter.all/pub_detail.asp) is available online, the article itself is not.Prueher, Joseph. U.S. apology to China over spy plane incident (http://www.sinomania.com/CHINANEWS/usa_china_apology.htm), 11 April 2001. Reproduced on sinomania.com.Retrieved 16 September 2006.Podoretz, Norman. The Norman Podhoretz Reader. New York: Free Press, 2004. ISBN 0-7432-3661-0.Roucaute Yves. Le Neoconservatisme est un humanisme. Paris: Presses Universitaires deFrance, 2005.ISBN 2-13-055016-9.Roucaute Yves. La Puissance de la Liberté. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France,2004.ISBN 2-13-054293-X.Ruppert, Michael C.. Crossing the Rubicon: The Decline of the American Empire at the End ofthe Age of Oil, New Society, 2004. ISBN 0-86571-540-8.Ryn, Claes G., America the Virtuous: The Crisis of Democracy and the Quest for Empire,Transaction, 2003. ISBN 0-7658-0219-8 (cloth).Stelzer, Irwin, ed. Neoconservatism, Atlantic Books, 2004.Smith, Grant F. Deadly Dogma: How Neoconservatives Broke the Law to Deceive America.ISBN 0-9764437-4-0.Solarz, Stephen, et al. "Open Letter to the President (https://web.archive.org/web/20040404193525/http://www.iraqwatch.org/perspectives/rumsfeld-openletter.htm)", 19 February 1998,online at IraqWatch.org. Retrieved 16 September 2006.Steinfels, Peter (1979). The neoconservatives: The men who are changing America's politics(https://archive.org/details/neoconservatives00stei). New York: Simon and Schuster.ISBN 978-0-671-22665-7.Strauss, Leo. Natural Right and History, University of Chicago Press, 1999. ISBN 0-226-77694-8.

Arin, Kubilay Yado: Think Tanks: The Brain Trusts of US Foreign Policy. Wiesbaden: VSSpringer 2013.Balint, Benjamin V. Running Commentary: The Contentious Magazine that Transformed theJewish Left into the Neoconservative Right (2010).Dorrien, Gary. The Neoconservative Mind. ISBN 1-56639-019-2, n attack from the Left.Ehrman, John. The Rise of Neoconservatism: Intellectual and Foreign Affairs 1945 – 1994,Yale University Press, 2005, ISBN 0-300-06870-0.Eisendrath, Craig R. and Melvin A. Goodman. Bush League Diplomacy: How theNeoconservatives are Putting The World at Risk (Prometheus Books, 2004), ISBN 1-59102-176-6.Franczak, Michael . 2019. "Losing the Battle, Winning the War: Neoconservatives versus theNew International Economic Order, 1974–82 (https://academic.oup.com/dh/advance-article-abstract/doi/10.1093/dh/dhz043/5569521?redirectedFrom=fulltext)."Diplomatic HistoryFriedman, Murray. The Neoconservative Revolution: Jewish Intellectuals and the Shaping ofPublic Policy. Cambridge University Press, 2006. ISBN 0-521-54501-3.Grandin, Greg."Empire's Workshop: Latin America, the United States, and the Rise of the NewImperialism." Metropolitan Books Henry Holt & Company, 2006.ISBN 978-0-8050-8323-1.Heilbrunn, Jacob. They Knew They Were Right: The Rise of the Neocons, Doubleday (2008)ISBN 0-385-51181-7.

Heilbrunn, Jacob. "5 Myths About Those Nefarious Neocons" (https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/02/05/AR2008020502852_pf.html), The Washington Post,10 February 2008.

Kristol, Irving. "The Neoconservative Persuasion" (https://www.weeklystandard.com/irving-kristol/the-neoconservative-persuasion).Lind, Michael. "How Neoconservatives Conquered Washington" (http://www.salon.com/2003/04/09/neocons_4/), Salon, 9 April 2003.MacDonald, Kevin. "The Neoconservative Mind" (http://www.kevinmacdonald.net/HeilbrunnReview-final.pdf), review of They Knew They Were Right: The Rise of the Neocons by JacobHeilbrunn.Vaïsse, Justin. Neoconservatism: The Biography of a Movement (Harvard U.P. 2010),translated from the French.McClelland, Mark, The unbridling of virtue: neoconservatism between the Cold War and theIraq War.Shavit, Ari, "White Man's Burden" (http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/white-man-s-burden-1.14110), Haaretz, 3 April 2003.Singh, Robert. "Neoconservatism in the age of Obama." in Inderjeet Parmar, ed., Obama andthe World (Routledge, 2014). 51-62. online (http://www.kropfpolisci.com/obama.foreign.policy.singh.pdf)

Strauss, Leo. The Rebirth of Classical Political Rationalism, University of Chicago Press, 1989.ISBN 0-226-77715-4.Tolson, Jay. "The New American Empire? (https://web.archive.org/web/20070810093311/http://www.usnews.com/usnews/culture/articles/030113/13empire.htm)", U.S. News and WorldReport, 13 January 2003. Retrieved 16 September 2006.Wilson, Joseph. The Politics of Truth. Carroll & Graf, 2004. ISBN 0-7867-1378-X.Woodward, Bob. Plan of Attack, Simon and Schuster, 2004. ISBN 0-7432-5547-X.

Further reading

"Neocon 101: What do neoconservatives believe?" (https://web.archive.org/web/20040606171855/https://www.csmonitor.com/specials/neocon/neocon101.html), Christian Science Monitor,2003Rose, David, "Neo Culpa" (https://www.vanityfair.com/news/2006/12/neocons200612), VanityFair, 2006Steigerwald, Bill. "So, what is a 'Neocon'?" (http://www.jewishworldreview.com/0604/steigerwald060104.asp).Lind, Michael, "A Tragedy of Errors" (https://www.thenation.com/article/tragedy-errors/).

Fukuyama, Francis. "After Neoconservatism" (https://www.nytimes.com/2006/02/19/magazine/after-neoconservatism.html), The New York Times, 2006.Thompson, Bradley C. (with Yaron Brook). Neoconservatism. An Obituary for an Idea.Boulder/London: Paradigm Publishers, 2010. ISBN 978-1-59451-831-7."Paul Gottfried and Claes Ryn on Leo Strauss" (http://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/2013/09/paul-gottfried-and-claes-ryn-on-leo-strauss/) by Kevin MacDonald.

Adam Curtis, The Power of Nightmares, BBC. Archive (https://archive.org/details/ThePowerOfNightmares)."Why Neoconservatism Still Matters" (https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/05_neoconservatism_vaisse.pdf) by Justin Vaïsse."Neoconservativism in a Nutshell" (https://lobelog.com/neoconservativism-in-a-nutshell/) byJim Lobe.

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