NATIONAL RECONCILIATION & TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AUDIT BEYOND JUBA PROJECT 2011 -2012 BRIEF 16 of 18: Tororo DISTRICT

NATIONAL RECONCILIATION &

TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AUDIT

BEYOND JUBA PROJECTwww.beyondjubaproject.org

2011 -2012

BRIEF 16 of 18: TororoDISTRICT

http://www.beyondjubaproject.org/

http://www.beyondjubaproject.org/

NR&TJ Audit2011 -2012

Main objectives of the NR&TJ Audit

To document community perspectives on post-independence armed conflicts across Uganda

To identify and assess the outstanding reconciliation and transitional justice needs related to each of these conflicts

BRIEF 16 of 18: Tororo District

Three field teams comprising four researchers and one videographer visit eighteen selected districts equally distributed over the Northern, Southern, Eastern and Central regions in Uganda.

Methodology

In each district, concerned Civil Society Organisations are contacted. The teams conduct Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) with four different groups namely adult women, adult men, youth and representatives of civil society and local government.

There are fifteen participants in each FGD and the discussions take the whole day. FGDs are split into two parts, and follow a simple structure: The morning is spent ‘Looking Back’, at conflicts, their causes, their impacts, and the stakeholders involved, while the afternoon is for “Looking Forward” at the possible justice mechanisms that could be used to address the legacies of conflicts identified – as well as sending messages to key persons and institutions.

In the course of each FGD, key informants are identified for further consultation. Findings are recorded on flip charts, through near-verbatim note taking, and on audio- and video recorders.

Preliminary Findings are presented initially in these Briefs. The final output will be a Compendium of Conflicts in Uganda, supported by video documentation.



PART 1: LOOKING BACKA. Is there peace in Uganda? Conflict Timeline (national/regional/district/village)

B. What were the

Causes behind the conflicts you have identified?

C. What were the

Impacts?D. Who were the

Stakeholders? - Victims- Perpetrators- Beneficiaries- Bystanders- Spoilers- Peacebuilders

Focus Group Discussion GuideNR&TJ Audit2011 -2012


WELCOME BACK - Reminder of purpose of second half: from looking back to looking forward

PART 2: LOOKING FORWARD

A. How does it feel to be talking about the history of this country?

B. 1. What does JUSTICE mean to you? 2. Has JUSTICE been done to the stakeholders? How do you think justice can be done? What would you like to see in the following processes?

C. What messages do you have for key persons and/or institutions?

TRADITIONAL JUSTICE

CHANGES IN LAW / INSTITUTIONS

AMNESTY

PSYCHOSOCIAL SUPPORT MEMORIALIZATION

REPARATIONS

TRUTH-TELLING PROSECUTIONS

RECONCILIATION

Focus Group Discussion GuideNR&TJ Audit2011 -2012


Map of Uganda showing

Districts

DISTRICT INFORMATIONTororo District in eastern Uganda is bordered by Bugiri and Busia districts in the south, Butaleja district in the west, Mbale and Manafwa districts in the north, and Kenya in the east. It has a population estimated at 475,000. The district was formerly known as Bukedi District and came to be known as Tororo District in 1980. What was originally Tororo was later split into Palisa, Budaka, Busia, Butaleja and Tororo Districts. Tororo District consists of four constituencies: Tororo County, West-Budama County North, West Budama County South and Tororo Municipality. The two main ethnic groups in Tororo Municipality and Osukuru Sub-County where the FGDs took place are the Jopadhola and Iteso. The other main ethnicities in the district are the Banyole, Bagisu and Bagwere. For some time, there have been voices advocating that Tororo District be split in two districts, between Budama and Tororo. This split is propagated mainly by the Iteso, who feel marginalized in the district in terms of access to district jobs and resources. This controversy is reflected in this Field Brief.

Accessed at http://1.bp.blogspot.com/_bsw9fKc0A6w/TNwg89BAzSI/AAAAAAAAAFI/1z4b-pgdYF4/s1600/map.JPG



IntroductionThis Field Brief was written by Annelieke van de Wiel with valuable input from Jessica Shewan. It is based on focus group discussions (FGDs) and key informant interviews (KIIs) conducted in Tororo District. The FGDs with women, men and youth were conducted in Osukuru Sub-County, a ten minute drive from Tororo Municipality. The FGD with civil society and local government was conducted in Tororo Municipality. KIIs were conducted in Tororo Municipality, Ngelechom Village, Paya Sub-County and Malaba Town. The field work took place from 28 November to 5 December 2011. The research team included Annelieke van de Wiel (team leader), Marsiale Kadoogo, Hellen Mabonga, Chris Okidi and Solomon Luzinda.

The preliminary findings below reflect opinions expressed in all the FGDs and KIIs. The Field Brief reflects conflict perspectives and opinions as narrated by the FGD participants, which are not necessarily those of the Refugee Law Project (RLP) or its funders.



LOOKING BACK

Past



When asked whether there is peace in Uganda participants answered unanimously that there is no real peace; at best there is relative peace compared to the destructive and violent wars of the past. Participants lamented the deteriorating economic situation in the country and said that “a man with an empty stomach cannot have peace”. They discussed the growing gap between rich and poor and predicted that this could lead to violent conflict in the future. A participant said “I feel insecure because there is no peace. I feel any time a coup can occur.” Participants highlighted conflicts between investors and communities in their area. They said that even though Tororo is rich in mineral resources, the resources either remain unexplored, or benefit outsiders at the expense of local communities. They further deplored decentralization which they said promotes “decentralization of conflict” rather than “decentralization of services,” because it creates a dynamic of rivalry rather than harmony between different ethnic groups in society.

Is there peace in Uganda?

Please remember that this brief reflects community perspectives on national issues.



Participants described different conflicts that have undermined or continue to undermine peace in Uganda at a national, regional, district and village/household level.

Participants identified both armed conflicts that form an obstacle to peace as well as areas of conflict that are “fought” without the use of guns. In the FGDs, the word “rebels” was used to refer to “people from the bush” (in Ateso “lutotikwi”) who have both weapons and a certain level of organization, but do not necessarily express a political agenda. For that reason, attacks by armed thugs were described as “rebel activities” and “armed conflict” alongside armed conflict in the more conventional sense. Thus, participants described a blurred line between criminality driven by personal interest and armed violence for political goals.

Participants noted that much of the violence they witnessed was not aimed directly at their community, but resulted from the district’s locality close to the border. Many armed groups were simply passing through the area on their way to Kenya, often followed by Government soldiers, leaving a trail of suffering and destruction.


NR&TJ Audit2011 -2012Conflict Timeline:


Conflicts Timeline: National Level

1962 19851971 19791966 1981 1986

Political and tribal conflict and unrest (ongoing): Political and tribal unrest affects the country from the national level to the community level, and is seen to be on the increase. At the time of the FGDs, political unrest was mainly centred on the conflict between Museveni and Kizza Besigye (leader of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC)) and inspired the Walk to Work demonstrations and the use of tear gas. Participants lamented that tribal divisions are growing and that people from the west of the country are disproportionately represented in Government offices, whereas other tribes struggle to find a job. Decentralization has exacerbated political and tribal problems around the country. In Tororo, for example, it has caused political tension between the Jopadhola and Iteso.


“Wars that will never end” (ongoing): Some conflicts in society were qualified as “wars that will never end”, such as political differences between people and domestic violence.Corruption (ongoing): Participants said that corruption undermines service delivery and peace. “If a few people grab billions, then you cannot say that there is peace.”Widening gap between the rich and the poor (ongoing): Skyrocketing prices render the community poor and disempowered. The gap between the rich and poor is widening - some said it has been deliberately widened - partially through the education system. This has resulted in riots and teacher strikes. A woman said “Here in Uganda we are not together. Things are not okay. (…) They say free education. But if you compare a child of the one who pays fees with the one which is free, it is not the same. It was argued that, through the education system, there is a deliberate creation or consolidation of different classes in society. The children of poor families go to bad schools where they pass to the next level regardless of their academic achievements, only to drop out at a later stage. However, the children of rich families go to good schools and continue to university on Government scholarships. “In Uganda now, the gap between the rich and the poor is going to be very wide. Give it just two years from now. The rich man will remain rich for life, the poor man will remain poor for life. That is where Uganda is headed to. It is a very big time bomb. (…) That thing in history brought a lot of wars.” In one FGD there was disagreement on whether the widening gap between rich and poor was deliberate or should be subscribed to unfavourable economic circumstances. A local government representative argued that not all the economic challenges should be blamed on the Ugandan government. He advocated for hard work and initiative by Ugandans rather than “always blaming government.”

Conflict between citizens and the Government (ongoing): This conflict is primarily due to a lack of trust in Government intentions, related to poor governance (particularly the corrupt justice system) and support that the Government gives to investors for personal rather than national interests. Participants in several FGDs claimed the Government has too big a hand in all facets of society and that it abuses that power, e.g. with regards to the judiciary, cooperative societies, trade unions and the distribution of land to investors in a way that disrespects land owners’ rights. A youth said, “We have reached dictatorship” and complained about illegal detention and torture by the Government.

2012



Insecurity related to oil (ongoing): According to participants, the discovery of oil in Uganda is not necessarily a blessing. They referred to their own regional problems related to resources and said that the discovery of oil is already causing insecurity and has the potential to cause conflict.Buganda Crisis (1966): The Buganda Crisis, involving a power dispute between Prime Minister Milton Obote and President Kabaka Muteesa II and resulting in an attack on the Kabaka’s Palace, was at the root of the conflict between the central Government of Uganda and the Buganda Kingdom. This conflict reverberates in Uganda’s history of conflict up to now. During the Bush War, the Baganda in the Luwero Triangle were easily rallied to support Museveni because of anti-Government/anti-Obote sentiment from the Baganda who lived there.

Violence under Amin’s regime (1971 – 1979): Idi Amin came to power through a coup in 1971. His regime was violent and oppressive. In the first year of his regime, due to anti-Amin sentiment, people in Nyero Centre (Kumi District) killed Lugbara and Nubians (who were associated with Amin) “ like goats”. During the final years of the regime, people fled to Kenya but were chased back and drowned in river Malaba, just across the border. At the end of his regime, in 1979, there was an incident along Busia Road where a busload of young students was shot by Amin’s soldiers.

The Bush War (1981 – 1986): During the Bush War, Yoweri Museveni fought against the regime of Obote and his party the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC), and later against the military regime of Tito Okello. President Museveni’s National Resistance Army (NRA) won and came to power in 1986. During the war, people were killed and displaced. People from the east of Uganda were chased out of Buganda by the locals. (For more details on this displacement, see conflicts under “district level.”)

Tito Okello’s coup d’etat (1985): In 1985, Tito Okello overthrew Obote’s Government, and ruled until he in turn was overthrown by Museveni.The war between the Government and the LRA (1986 – to date): The strongest rebel group that Uganda has known since President Museveni came to power was the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). Its leader, Joseph Kony, is still in the bush, though no longer in Uganda. Participants lamented the terrible impacts this conflict had on civilians in northern Uganda, who several people referred to as “our brothers in the north”. Many people were displaced because of the war. People were also displaced in the eastern region, in Teso, mainly around Soroti.

The Celibongo insurgency (shortly after 1986): After Museveni had taken over power, rebels from the north, referred to as “Celibongo”, took people’s property and raped women. An eyewitness described how she encountered the rebels on her way from Gulu to Soroti. “They were tall and some were naked. They took my clothes. They took people’s property and raped women.”

General unrest at the beginning of Museveni’s reign (1986 – 1991): After the Bush War came to an end and Museveni became President, a new phase of conflict started for people in the east. In the period 1986 -1991, Tororo suffered from much armed violence by rebels/armed groups. Some people had political agendas, some took advantage of the period of unrest and availability of guns for their own material gain, and some perhaps had both in mind. As so many people were looting, killing and kidnapping, it was not always clear who was who. Some groups might have overlapped; some groups might have been called by different names. Different groups that were mentioned are described below.

Rebellion led by General Umari (1986 to 1995): General Umari had first fought on the side of Museveni, but later turned against him and fought him through a rebellion from 1986 to 1995. Eventually, the rebels were defeated jointly by the Ugandan and Kenyan armies.

Conflicts Timeline: Regional Level

1986 19911987 1992


1988 1995 20121989



Karimojong cattle raiding (1987): Karimojong cattle raiders took advantage of the unrest in the region after Museveni came to power and raided large numbers of cattle.Dr. Oyese John’s group (1987): This group recruited youths and attacked for survival. When other individuals or groups attacked people, these attacks were often wrongly attributed to Dr. Oyese and his group. He operated in his own area. He was defeated and went to exile in Zaire and later died from sickness.

Alice Lakwena’s Holy Spirit Movement (HSM)’s arrival in eastern Uganda (1987-1988): Lakwena came from northern Uganda to Tororo (later followed by a certain Awori, who died in Soroti). The arrival caused suffering, mainly because of the Government counter-insurgency. (For more details, see below under “district level.”)Uganda´s People Army (UPA) (1987-1992): This rebel group emerged under the command of Peter Otai after the change of Government in 1986 for self-defence against both the Government and Karimojong cattle rustlers. The Government reacted brutally against this insurgency, and the 1989 Mukura massacre, where many men were incarcerated in a train wagon and suffocated, took place in this context. The UPA did not operate in Tororo.

Omuse’s two factions (1989 to 1991): These two groups were based in Mella swamp, the bush in Abwanyita and across the border in Kenya, and they operated in Ngelechom. Omuse and his men (primarily desperate youth) were allegedly responsible for the Christmas massacre in 1991 in Ngelechom, when 5 people were killed and animals were stolen in two separate incidents. They were called rebels as they camped in the bush, but seemed not to have a political agenda. One woman remarked, “They were senior thieves.”

Conflicts Timeline: District Level

19601962

Conflict over tax collection (1960): The community thought taxes were collected unfairly and revolted. Chiefs’ houses were burnt, and properties were destroyed. As a result, some people were imprisoned. It was Independence that set them free, through a general pardon for those who participated in the revolt.


Conflict between the UPC and other political parties, particularly DP (Post-Independence - to date): This conflict goes back to Obote’s first regime. Political parties spread lies about each other. For example, the Democratic Party (DP) told people that the UPC’s logo, the palm of a hand, meant “common man, shut up!” A member of the DP remembered how, during Obote’s second regime, he was in and out of prison and was regularly beaten, for merely being open about his party affiliation. “There was outright political discrimination. Anyone who was not a sympathiser of UPC was not expected to get sympathy from the UPC Government.” After the 1980 elections, the relations between the UPC and the DP soured further. When the NRA/M (National Resistance Army/Movement) came to power, the DP lost most of its members and now no longer has an office in the district. Most of DPs former members in Tororo are now absorbed in the NRM, and the conflict is now primarily between the UPC and the NRM.

Liberation War (1979): During the Liberation War which would lead to Amin’s downfall, Amin’s soldiers passed through Tororo and caused havoc. Wakombozi from Tanzania (Tanzania’s national army, the Tanzanian People’s Defence Force) fought against Amin in Abwangwet and Ngelechom, which caused suffering by the local people when Amin’s soldiers hit back. One key informant in Abangwet said, “Amin’s soldiers came, and they started to attack us. That ‘we were the ones who aided these people’. When my grandfather and his son were taken, our houses were burnt.”

Displacement from Buganda and aftermath (1985 – to date): When the NRM came to power, people from Tororo who had been living peacefully in Buganda were chased out by the Baganda as “foreigners”. This was because easterners were known to have supported Obote and the UPC during his regime. When Obote was overthrown by Tito Okello, Baganda-dominated local militia such as the Federal Democratic Movement of Uganda (FEDEMU) and the United Freedom Army (UFA) (primarily through its leader Lutakome Kayira) started to chase easterners from Buganda, especially from Mukono and Kayunga. When these militia later joined Government they continued to chase people and refused to allow them to return. Up to today, displaced people who were forced to Tororo have problems with re-accessing their land in Buganda and are squatters in their own homeland. They demand compensation for the land they lost in Buganda.

20121988 2011



1979 19851986 19901987

Armed robbers (1986 - early 1990s): In the period of unrest and violence after Museveni came to power, there was a rise in violent armed robbers. They stole people’s property and forced people to sleep with their own sons and daughters.Alice Lakwena’s passage through the district with the HSM (1987): In October 1987, Lakwena’s soldiers passed through Tororo. Some participants said they killed and looted. Most said they were relatively peaceful, that they treated the locals with respect and that food was not looted but bought. They said that the killing that took place was of suspected rebel collaborators by the Government, not by the rebels. The NRA arrested many innocent people who were suspected of supporting Lakwena. Some local youths did indeed join Lakwena’s group voluntarily. There were government reprisals by burying people alive. When the rebels arrived in Paya Sub-County, according to some eye witnesses, they were friendly and bought food from locals. Here, the rebels reached on “a very soft ground”, because the Jopadhola (who, like the Acholi, are Luo speakers) formed the majority in that subcounty and were considered “brothers and sisters”. Prof. Isaac Ojok of the HSM talked to them and invited locals to join the rebellion and overthrow the Government. Some boys joined, as they were promised good jobs. A man who, at a young age was recruited into Lakwena´s army from Tororo, said that Alice Lakwena “was telling us that she wanted to capture power, yet she had very little ammunition. She was using stones as bombs and she could smear men with oil which made them glitter like snakes”. He explained that the insurgency group had “prominent men like professor Newton Ojok, who was telling us that they would capture power, and this gave me some confidence”. He said most people who joined from Tororo were at least partially motivated by the fact that the group had a lot of food, and there was famine at the time. He joined Lawkena in their advance towards Kampala but came back when they were defeated. He said, “I like with the NRM Government that even if they know that you were once a recruit they do not follow you up on such issues”. Many other young men, however, did not feel safe from Government when they returned to Tororo. They were the ones to form gangs and terrorize people, rather than that they reintegrated into the communities.

Battle between HSM and NRA in Paya (1987): Shortly after the HSM arrived in Paya a big battle between the HSM and NRA took place. Eye witnesses described how on a Sunday in October 1987, after the Government was informed that Lakwena’s soldiers were in the area, a fleet of lorries, cars and mambas arrived. The battle started at 3 a.m that night. A certain fat man who was rumoured to be related to the President was killed and buried close to the trading centre. While some HSM soldiers engaged Government troops, another group advanced in the direction of Kampala. The next morning, bodies were spread around the Paya Sub-County office. Most of them were presumed to be Lakwena’s soldiers: they were described as “very black, with oiled bodies”.

Force Obote Back Again (FOBA) (1988): FOBA’s agenda was to restore Obote’s rule. Atrocities by FOBA occurred particularly in Busia, and to a lesser extent in Tororo. In Tororo, FOBA operated in Osukuru, Mulanda, Paya and Nagongera Sub-Counties. Those areas were “majorly UPC ground”. In Paya, they locked up one soldier in the Sub-County office and “this was like a coup to the Sub-County”. That same day, a man called Paul Odoi was taken by the FOBA soldiers, and he was never seen again. After that, a Government detach was stationed in the Sub-County and committed terrible atrocities. People were arbitrarily arrested, tortured, buried alive and killed. Two people by the names of Oyo, son of Otong, and Olowo Opio were tortured to death. One of the victims of the Government’s brutal counter-insurgency said, “We were moving, but anything could happen at any moment. Everyone was considered a moving corpse.”

The February 18th Movement (late 1980s – early 1990s): Participants did not know much about who constituted this movement and what their agenda was. It was suggested this might have been another armed gang. They were led by a certain Ocheng Dominic and operated in Osukuru Sub-County. They committed atrocities, stole cattle and traumatized many people.

The political conflict between Jopadhola and Iteso over district leadership and jobs (ongoing): Participants across all FGDs wondered: if other tribes got their own district, then “Why not us?”, because “Tororo is still big.” The desire to split Tororo district in two is primarily fuelled by Jopadhola domination over the position of LCV and over access to employment, given that they are the majority in the district. The minority, the Iteso, are keen to split Tororo District in two so that they can constitute a majority in the newly created district and access leadership and jobs. The controversy about which group “owns” Tororo Municipality (its population is mixed) has obstructed the splitting of the district. Though the Iteso say they feel marginalized, participants emphasized that it is not so much an ethnic problem, but more a political affair, in which political elites incite people. However, some people (though a minority) claimed there are problems between Jopadhola and Iteso children at school. It was claimed one school in the region makes children of the two different ethnic groups line up in different lines for lunch. Most people, however, were of the opinion that the tension between Jopadhola and Iteso is innocent and political, not social in nature, and that the high level of interaction and inter-marriages testifies to this. Though most participants disapproved of decentralization as a divide and rule policy that fuels tribalism, they said that if the policy was being implemented anyway, they also wanted a new district to at least improve their chances of getting a job.

Conflicts over land (ongoing): Land conflicts are rampant. There are land conflicts between districts (for example, the conflict between Tororo and Butalejja over a swamp), between Sub-Counties (Osukuru and Iyolwa), between tribes (the Jopadhola and the Iteso and the Jopadhola and the Banyole), between clans (the Ikuruk and the Ikarwok) and between communities and investors who are supported by Government. A head teacher was killed during a land conflict between the Iteso and the Bagisu. In the conflict between the Ikuruk and Ikarwok clans it was alleged that a certain elder, Etori, is close to Government and has used his position to displace the Ikarwok through burning their houses and planting trees on their land. According to the participants, these conflicts are caused by jealousy, greed, inheritance issues, unregistered land borders, but mainly by poverty.

Land conflict between the community and Madhvani (ongoing): The land conflict most discussed involved the efforts by Madhvani, with the support of Government, to push people off a 26 km 2 piece of land in Osukuru Sub-County and Rubongi Sub-County, allegedly for phosphate exploitation. One participant remarked, “Phosphate was being manufactured in Tororo in the sixties. The factory was living cooperatively with the citizens in that area. So I don’t know which type of phosphate this time, needs people completely out of this area.” The discussion of Madhvani’s attempts to appropriate people’s land made people very distressed and angry. One participant said, “You see, land, is something that is very precious to us in Bukedi region, or particularly Tororo. If you lose a piece of land you are the poorest, because all of our dependency is on land.” Madhvani tried to connive with a few district leaders to get people to sell their land. The area Member of Parliament advised people to lease their land, but not sell it.

Big companies (primarily Tororo Cement Industries - TCI) vs. the community (recent times): It was claimed that big companies, like TCI, use the land in Tororo and pollute the area, but do not benefit the local people at all. The good jobs are all taken by Indians and Kenyans. Another company is Madhvani, whose preparatory phosphate exploitation activities are described above. According to the participants, the big companies are not accessible for dialogue. TCI pays unskilled labourers 4000 shillings per day without food and water, yet they work for over eight hours. It was said that the work conditions are terrible; labourers do not receive protective gear or appointment letters.

Conflicts Timeline: Village/Household Level

1962

Conflicts between men and women (ongoing): There is more tension and conflict between men and women than used to be the case because of changing roles and increased levels of education. According to the youth, girls who are educated can become spoiled. According to elderly female participants, the youth no longer respect the institution of marriage. There is a high incidence of domestic violence by men, who treat women as inferior, drink and go with other women. Women were also blamed, however. An elderly woman said that women who are educated and rich do not share resources with the man: “Women are very selfish when they are rich”. NGOs such as MIFUMI add to the tension, using a wrong approach. For example they teach girls taekwondo for self-defence. Participants wondered how using a martial art is supposed to promote peaceful resolution of conflict.


2012



Poor administration, poor service delivery, corruption, empty promises

Regional imbalances

Change of the Constitution

Displacement

Loss of cattle

The struggle for power

Tribalism

Political differences

Greed and opportunism

Need for change

Loss of lives

Causes & Impacts

Overstaying in power


Impacts

Causes



Causes of conflicts The struggle for power: Amin, for example, used violence to obtain and stay in power. Overstaying in power: Obote, for example, overstayed in power and his regime deteriorated, causing

groups to take up arms against him. Greed and opportunism: People aim for political offices to amass wealth, sometimes through violent

means. Poor administration, poor service delivery, corruption, empty promises: People become

disgruntled when they see Government does not care about people and does not, for example, invest in the health sector. Overstaying in power and corruption are examples of poor administration, according to women. The men emphasized a lack of respect for the Constitution and rule of law as examples of poor administration. The youth commented that there is “no rule of law, but rule of man.”

Need for change: A participant said, “In a society, there comes a time when things go to the extreme, which may not please the community, and that normally calls for a change. If that change is delayed, then the end result will be an uprising. And I think that was the case with Lawkena, which must be investigated. The reason for revolting against the Government.”

Unemployment: When people are unemployed and disgruntled, they can easily fall victim to recruitment by rebel groups. “When you are recruiting, you look for the disgruntled people who are jobless. These were the first victims.”

Tribalism: When people are greedy for other people’s property, they might use the superior position of their tribe to confiscate this property. When one tribe is in power, other tribes might feel marginalized (and they might feel justified in taking up arms to achieve justice). Governments exploit tribalism by playing groups against each other.

Causes of land conflicts: Causes of land conflicts that were mentioned are jealousy and greed, cultural factors such as the marginalization of girls when it comes to land rights, lack of land titles and permanent land boundaries (e.g. the conflict between Budama and Teso), and the negative influence of investors who are supported by the government (e.g. Madhvani). It was said that, whereas the government should be defending citizens’ land rights, they side with investors against citizens. The land tenure system is brewing conflicts. In some cases, the colonial gazetting of land (West Budama is a case in point) has also caused land conflict.

Causes of domestic violence: Causes of domestic violence that were mentioned are the idea that men want to have power and control over women, gender roles (that disallow women from complaining about too much work), men ignoring responsibilities (they drink, fail to pay school fees and go to other women), addiction to alcohol, polygamy and women misunderstanding marriage so that they become selfish when they have money. Some NGOs like MIFUMI fuel domestic conflicts with their biased and one-sided interventions.

Political differences: People can divide and fight because of supporting different political parties.A participant said a man can be a minister under one regime, and ride a bicycle under the subsequent regime, just because of party affiliation. People also commented on the tension between the DP and the UPC, which is described above.


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Causes of conflicts (cont.) Economic insecurity, unemployment, unfair distribution of the national cake: People from the west of Uganda are over

represented in Government. There is unfair distribution of the national cake regionally, and a widening gap between rich and poor throughout society. Even after finishing university, most people cannot find jobs.

Fear of truth and lack of transparency: People have been mistreated because of false information spread about them. A lack of truth about history can inspire hatred between people. There is no transparency in Parliament. Information can easily be manipulated to mislead the ignorant. Sometimes tribe or clan leaders do not speak the truth about land boundaries. All this inspires conflict.

Deliberate disempowerment of people: Participants said that citizens are kept deliberately powerless and uneducated, for example, through denial of access to good education, through siding with investors in land disputes, through the destruction of cooperative societies and through the manipulation of information to mislead the ignorant.

Decentralization: Decentralization was argued to be a good policy in theory, but a cause of conflict in practice. A civil society member said, “If we look at that time, when everything was at the centre, before decentralization came in, we find that the situation has gone worse than when we were centralized.” He said that through decentralization, “conflict has been decentralized.” When he did a job interview, he was told, “you are not an Iteso, you are not a Jopadhola, so you cannot get a job. He concluded “It has caused a lot of discontent between the people. When I look at you, and you are my friend but we do not share the same tribe, but I have lost a job…” It was argued that decentralization has undermined unity in the country. “In Tororo here, which came out of Bukedi, we used to be proud. In those years we were calling ourselves: we are from UK, the United Kingdom of Bukedi. Because this was a district that was housing many tribes and living together. (…) We found ourselves to a smaller, smaller unit. Now, we are about to go to household decentralization. What have we gained out of it? We have killed the nationalism in Uganda through decentralization. (…) Uganda, there is no way you can call it a country now.”

The term-limit/succession question: The current President has been in power for twenty-six years, disrespecting the 1995 Constitution which provides for term-limits. Currently, they even question the age limit of the President as provided for in the Constitution, arguing that Museveni should be allowed to continue his rule even if he surpasses the age limit. Even if President Museveni were to relinquish power, the succession question is a time bomb and could be the cause of much potential conflict. The Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi says he is next in the queue, and so are the First Lady and First Son.

Lack of a sense of nationalism: When people introduce themselves, they say which region they are from, before they say they are from Uganda. There is a lack of a sense of nationalism and a lack of solidarity with fellow Ugandans due to sectarianism. There is a lack of ownership of the country and pride of being Ugandan.

Poverty: People in Tororo used to have cotton, which has lost value. They used to be employed in many industries in Tororo, such as TCI, Uganda Cement Industries, Tororo Chemical Fertilisers Industry (TCFI), Tororo Steel, a factory for asbestos and five ginneries for ginning cotton. Some factories closed, and some no longer hire locals. This is part of the reason for increasing poverty.

An increasing gap between rich and poor has caused wars in the past in other countries and should be considered “a time bomb”. Please remember that this brief reflects community perspectives on national issues.

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Impacts of conflicts Displacement: People originally from Tororo used to live and own land around Luwero.

The Bush War and aftermath forced them back to Tororo where they no longer had land. They remain squatters up to today. Some people in Katakwi still remain in IDP camps because of cattle rustling. Other people are displaced because of land conflicts.

Lack of harmony in the family: Conflict in society has led to child neglect, separation and divorce in families.

Unemployment has been caused by the damaging effects of conflict on the economy. Loss of lives: In the different conflicts, especially in the period after President

Museveni came to power, many people lost their lives. Rape was committed by several of the armed groups that emerged after 1986. Loss of cattle: In the period just after Museveni came to power, cattle rustling was

very severe, and many people lost their livestock. This contributed to increasing poverty in the region.

Underdevelopment: Around the country, there are areas that are lagging behind in development because of different wars that took place. When Museveni came to power, there was a period of unrest in Teso. Before that time, the Teso economy was one of the strongest in the country, but the war caused Teso to lag behind up to now.

Regional imbalances: According to participants, the western region and central Uganda are better off than the east, because of the different conflicts the east went through and because the political leadership is from the west.

Change of the Constitution: This was possible after the NRM came to power through the gun and has allowed the current President to rule pakalast (forever).

Disrespect of laws: Conflicts and the resulting chaos has allowed people to disrespect the law without consequences.


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NR&TJ Audit2011 -2012Negative


Impacts of conflicts (cont.)

Rampant corruption was mentioned as a result of Uganda’s history of violence.

Lack of trust in Government and a resultant lack of interest in Government programmes.

Breakdown of infrastructure due to conflict, such as schools, roads, etc.Economic deprivation because of the inability to dig during and after

conflict. Increased tribalism/soured relationships between tribes, due to feelings of

bitterness and desire for revenge.Discrimination in employment: Participants said that some employers

discriminate on the basis of tribe during recruitment. This is partly due to negative stereotyping of certain tribes because of conflict narratives.

Increased prevalence of HIV/AIDS due to soldiers who are stationed across the country, displacement and rape.

Increased criminality (looting and rape) due to instability in society.Stress and confusion in people due to traumatic experiences during and

after times of conflict.Famine due to economic deprivation, the inability to dig, displacement, etc.


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NR&TJ Audit2011 -2012Negative


Impacts of conflicts (cont.)

NGOs catch donations, which they are able to use for themselves and distribute to affected communities.

Conflict awareness raising, done by NGOs, could be considered another positive impact.

The changed position of women in society: The fact that both women and men now go to meetings was considered another positive impact.



Positive


STAKEHOLDERS

Victims

Conflicts

BeneficiariesBy-standers

Peace Builders

Spoilers




Women suffered rape during different conflictsOrphans were left to fend for themselves alone and cannot

access economic resourcesUPC supporters suffered in Luwero during the Bush War as

they were considered supporters of a tyrant regimeCitizens are poor and cannot speak their minds Ignorant people are misled by elitesChristians suffered under AminChildren were abducted by rebelsCommunities suffered all the negative impacts of conflictCommunity leaders were often targeted by soldiers and

rebels for having a position of leadershipClan leaders were similarly targetedPrevious members of Government can suffer under the

following GovernmentThe poor who cannot speak their mindsThe Nubian community in Tororo were kicked out after

the fall of Amin and crossed to Kenya

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VictimsNR&TJ Audit2011 -2012


PerpetratorsThe President because of his overstaying in powerThe Government: When the current Government

came to power, they used brutal anti-insurgency tactics in eastern Uganda. They are further responsible for the consequences of poor governance, such as corruption.

Amin’s soldiers raped, looted, tortured and killedFOBA was responsible for the suffering of people in

the areas they operatedAlice Lakwena Kony and his soldiersKarimojong looted people’s cattlePower hungry people. Some people were misled

with promises that they would become a Minister if they joined a rebellion. In the course of rebellion, they committed atrocities.

Judicial officials, who engage in corruptionThe UPDF, in for example the Mukura incidentThe police, who in some cases raped womenPeter Otai Media who misinform people


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BeneficiariesGovernment soldiers also benefited financially.Opportunists like those who use times of unrest

to enrich themselves.NGOs benefited from donor funds sent to them

because of ongoing wars and post-conflict situations.

People employed in NGOs benefited through employment and indirect access to donor funds.

Collaborators of government and rebel forces benefited financially and built mansions.

Civil servants benefited from reparation programmes. One local government representative openly admitted that during Government restocking of cattle, she also made sure she benefited, even though she never lost cattle. It was said, “We no longer have civil servants but business workers.”

Thugs/robbers/thieves use periods of unrest to enrich themselves.

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The United Nations have the capacity to send Peace Keeping Missions, but never intervened in Uganda.

Passive Members of Parliament who remain silent when there are conflicts over land with investors.

Donors have the capacity to stop the conflicts but they stand aside.

The judicial system which is too weak and allows conflicts to continue.

Cultural leaders like Tieng Adhola and Emorimorir have kept silent about conflict.

Religious leaders are reduced to bystanders because of the prohibition to involve in politics.


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Bystanders



The media has sometimes fuelled conflict, e.g. in the Kabaka Riots of 2009

NGOs like MIFUMI, who spoil domestic relations between men and women

Passive Members of Parliament who amended the Constitution and got rid of term limits.

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Spoilers



Peace Builders The Amnesty Commission gave amnesty to former fighters

and thus promoted peace Churches who preach for reconciliation Cultural leaders who encourage harmony in society Civil society organizations (CSOs) who struggle for peace

and do not fear talking about controversial issues The Uganda Human Rights Commission who have

formulated policies that safe guard rights for women and children in conformity with international conventions

Communities who have built peace, especially in land wrangles

The media who run radio programmes on peace sensitization

The judiciary at times makes sure conflicts are settled without violence

Humanitarian organizations, like the Red Cross NGOs who play a positive role in settling conflicts peacefully

and building peace Parents in domestic conflicts who act in a spirit of peace The Family Protection Unit of the police which plays a

role in promoting reconciliation in families

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LOOKING FORWARD

Future



TALKING ABOUT THE HISTORY OF CONFLICT IN UGANDA


It is painful talking about our history. “Today’s history is worse than yesterday’s.”

“I see hope and encouragement that maybe we shall achieve peace and justice.”

I see a lot of divisions. An example is that the President wants a district for every tribe.

“I feel insecure because there is no peace. I feel any time a coup can occur.”

There is need to cause change, and it is our duty to bring and foster development and peace.



Participants were asked how it felt to talk about the history of Uganda. These were some of the reactions:

Perspectives of JusticePeople indicated they considered justice to not be limited to the formal court system, but to necessarily include fairness and truth. A participant said: “Justice is not only related to the court, it is a broad word.” “Justice is being very fair to both sides or to each other.” “[To achieve justice] you don’t rush; you have to examine from both sides, and then being able to arrive at the truth.” The formal justice system was heavily criticized as a result of corruption. A man said, “Someone who is poor cannot have justice.” The group continued, “If there is a rich man who wants to grab land, they can win the case.” The group also complained about political interference: “Some people call themselves untouchable. Just because of a call they are released. There is a lot of political interference.” At the same time, some argued that prosecutions (of rebel leader/senior thief Omuse, for example) were necessary for justice to prevail. Some further perceptions on justice by participants were: Justice is about fair treatment Justice is about harmony Money has made justice meaningless It was emphasized that everyone with links with Government was considered to enjoy impunity,

which is undermining justice “Justice is like an endangered species,” said one participant, because of current discussions on scrapping bail and losing the principle that innocence should be presumed until guilt is proven.




Institutional Reforms

Prosecution

Transitional Justice Processes

Participants challenged the efficacy of the formal criminal justice system as an institution capable of bringing justice. They criticized the system as being open to political influence.

The poor are intimidated by the formality of the criminal justice system and do not access it. They also lack resources to access the system because police and judicial officers will always ask, “How much do you have?” This, according to participants, is “justice upside down”.

Because of failings in the formal justice system, communities reportedly get involved in mob justice, destabilizing peace.

It was argued that prosecutions are not always in the interest of peace, as they can generate fear in the community and inspire people to conceal information so that it cannot be used to prosecute themselves, family members or friends.

A participant said, “Justice has not been done. Especially where the perpetrators are still in Government. Because when someone commits a crime and he supports the Government in power he is not put on trial. But after overthrow is when you think of putting people on trial. Justice has not been done in that area. If the law is there let it get everybody, in Government and outside Government, at all times.”

Throughout the FGDs, much criticism was expressed vis-à-vis the country’s institutions, especially the judiciary, the police and the education system.

When participants were asked for suggestions for institutional reform, they condemned corruption in the judicial system (the shielding of high profile political figures and civil servants) and the police (falsely claiming “they are investigating” cases), and said that it should be addressed. This could be through increasing the salaries of civil servants to decrease the temptation to accept bribes.

Delays because of case backlog should be addressed by ensuring courts have the necessary facilities to work. There should be enough resources to ensure witnesses will make it to court.

Officers within the judicial system are to have the right work ethics and should otherwise be dismissed.

An example was given of a boda boda man who got killed in a traffic incidence in which the police was involved.





Am

nesty

On the issue of amnesty, participants underlined the need for amnesty of otherwise innocent people whose minds were “confused,” and because it gives an opportunity to those in the bush to come out and could thus reduce the incidence of deaths. At the same time, it was held to be important that a person who is granted amnesty should reconcile with the community: “The Government should bring such a person to the community. They should apologize and swear they will never do it again. The most important thing is to see his face and hear his apology.”

An example of a local person who was granted amnesty was Okoth Ogola, who was alleged to have been involved in both Amin and FOBA atrocities. Another example of amnesty occurred many decades ago. A resident of Paya explained how people who were imprisoned during the colonial time for protesting against the tax collection system where released when Independence was declared.

Before the Amnesty Act of 2000, informal amnesties were granted. Rebel leaders were granted amnesty through a letter by the LCI that accepted them back in the community.

Several examples of memorializing incidents of war and conflict were given. A road along Osukuru Sub-County is called Saba Saba Road, the local name for the Liberation War. The incident where a bus filled with children was attacked at the end of the Liberation War is memorialized with a stone monument at the spot where the incident occurred. (Though when the research team went to check the location, it found the monument completely hidden by bushes.)

Sometimes, natural land marks such as anthills mark places where massacres occurred. It is sometimes the case that people have strong memories at certain places, whereas others are clueless with regards to what happened there. For example, the research team visited a school (Barinyanga Technical School), where the askari pointed at a football pitch where he was forced, by the LCIII and army, to bury five bodies of people who died during fights between Alice Lakwena and the NRA. The head teacher of the school, who joined the school not long before, had never known that his students were playing football on a mass grave.

When visiting a mass grave in Paya, calls were made for either exhumation or the construction of a monument.

Participants emphasized it is very important to be sensitive in the construction of memorials. An example was quoted of a sculpture that used to be at one of Tororo Municipality’s main round-abouts. It depicted a big man and a small man. The big man was misinterpreted to be a Jopadhola, looking down on and oppressing the small man, who was misinterpreted to be an Iteso. In 2005, this provoked such anger that some Iteso stormed the sculpture, and some people were injured. The sculpture was taken down and replaced by a clock tower.

Mem

ori

aliza

tion




Trad

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al

Justic

e

Recon

cilia

tion

Reconciliation in the context of amnesty (both informal amnesties that were granted before the 2000 Amnesty Act as well as amnesties granted under the Act) was criticized as a top-down process. Reconciliation took place between Government and rebel groups by the granting of amnesty, but participants questioned where this left the victims. “The victims kept quiet. Who can question the government?” It was argued, however, that this top down approach was a necessary evil to avoid mob justice.

Other than reconciliation through amnesty, participants mentioned there are many actors that deal with reconciliation within families, such as traditional and cultural leaders and Family Protection Units of the police.

When asked about reconciliation vis-à-vis the tensions between Jopadhola and Iteso in Tororo, some argued that the tension is of a political (regarding the district) rather than social nature, and that there is therefore no need for reconciliation. It was mentioned that intermarriage takes places on a regular basis, and that intermarriage is some form of reconciliation as it brings the two tribes closer to each other.

Representatives of the Iteso Cultural Union explained how they were successful in building dialogue with the Karimojong. They went to Moroto in 2009 and 2010, and rituals were performed to symbolize reconciliation. They also engaged in successful dialogue with Acholi and Langi elders with regards to atrocities of the LRA in Teso.

Participants suggested that traditional justice is in a better position to deal with conflicts than formal justice. Reasons given were that it is easier to make false statements that remain unchallenged before the formal court, whereas in traditional justice, the community witnesses the statements and can protest against them if they are false. In traditional justice, people sit together and apologies are made, encouraging reconciliation, unlike in formal justice. Also, corruption is less likely to thwart justice in traditional justice than before the formal court of law, as everyone in the clan has a chance to say something. It was further argued that there is no money involved in traditional justice, that the truth plays a more important role, that it prevents the killing of perpetrators, and that there is more space for reconciliation.

One of the examples of traditional justice practices in the region that were given was Kayo Chogo (literally meaning “biting the bone”). Conflicting parties come together to resolve their grievances.

It was regretted that formal justice mechanisms “have washed away cultural values,” such as community members being able to discipline other people’s children. If you do that now, “you’ll find yourself in prison.” Traditional values and justice mechanisms, it was argued, still have value in resolving differences in communities and promoting peace.

Participants recommended that Government revitalizes traditional justice and economically empowers traditional leaders, who could assist the Government in sensitizing communities on human rights. During a key informant interview, representatives of the Iteso Cultural Union said the institution could have a big role to play in dispute resolution and peace, but that currently it is weak because of a lack of financial resources. It was also argued that Government prefers not to work with cultural institutions as it does not want to empower them, and instead prefers to work with individuals based on political party affiliation.






Ackn

ow

led

gem

en

t

The Government should acknowledge wrongs that were done. One good example is acknowledgement of the Mukura massacre. Government stated it was a mistake by some of its own officers.

Some youth argued that people heal more easily from trauma when they are busy, through employment and/or sports. This could be a kind of reparation offered to war victims to help them heal psychologically.

Psych

osocia

l S

up

port




Truth-telling Participants called for a truth and reconciliation commission such as in South Africa. It was

argued that without a credible truth-seeking process, the young generation will never grasp the conflicts that Uganda went through, and history is bound to repeat itself.

It was said that a truth commission could settle tensions and differences that arise out of conflicting narratives about Uganda’s history: “There is a lot of truth Ugandans want to know in these conflicts. There are accusations and counter-accusations. You see it in the campaigns. “The previous government killed.” “No, this government has killed.” You feel there is a truth that is hidden. There is the issue of Mukura, where people were burned in wagons. If it was the sitting government or the rebels, the truth should come out. Someone should be seen apologizing. Every Ugandan would want to see that, someone saying, ‘I am responsible’. The government says, “it was the rebels.” The rebels, “it was the government.” A truth and reconciliation commission should be set in Uganda.”

Participants were of the opinion that a truth commission should examine and address conflicts by recommending solutions. It should make efforts to unite the country.

One man stated he thought people had information they feared to bring out: “Those who saw and who have the evidence are not ready. There is the fear that someone can bring out the picture. So we tend to forgive and forget.”

The need for independence and victim and witness protection was underlined: “People are living in fear; people don’t want to speak out freely, because they will be identified, so people die in silence. (…) If the executive can interfere in a small ad hoc committee investigating oil, what about a truth and reconciliation commission? (…) So long as there is no confidence in the system, nobody is going to come out. And even the members, who are the people who are going to sit in the truth and reconciliation commission? Are they NRM, are they FDC? It could be the perpetrators listening to their own victims.”

It was also argued that previous commissions of inquiry have been useless and that their reports have never been published, so this mistake should not be repeated.





ReparationsParticipants stressed the need for reparations to open the door to sustainable peace and justice, especially

for cows lost during the insurgencies after 1986. It was argued that this could reconcile people with the Government and with each other. It was lamented that Government made promises on reparations several times, especially before elections, but that most such promises were never fulfilled. It was said, however, that some restocking of animals in Teso took place, but that this was not properly managed. Only areas that supported Government received support and a comprehensive effort at providing reparations never took place. “Locally here, we had the issue of the Lakwena war, that problem is not yet solved. People lost property and lives during that war. But nobody is highlighting it at all in the district or in the country.”When someone in the FGD with civil society and local Government explained that there is a committee handing war debts related to the Lakwena insurgency, someone reacted with surprise: “There is something being done in my favour without my knowledge, so we shall see!” He continued, “I have seen some family who has not yet recovered from that war. They have lost, and they are now destitute.”During the FGD with men, participants explained how some restocking had been done and that some animals had reached the Farming Institute for distribution, but that because of corruption, most of the animals did not reach the rightful beneficiaries. Instead they went to local civil servants involved in the investigations. In fact, during a FGD with civil society and local government, one participant openly admitted that even though she was not affected by the cattle raids, “I also had to benefit,” and so she took some cows.Amongst the participants, there was disagreement about whether the benefits of NUSAF and PRDP could be considered effective reparations for losses incurred during war as such programmes are aimed at recovery and general development, but do not specifically target people who incurred losses related the war. One elderly member of civil society stated “We need clear attention on Lakwena, not massive programmes. Because if I lost my mother, if I lost my father, even if I’m now a rich man, you think that by constructing a road, my heart will be settled?(…) Some people are not poor because Lakwena passed there. Some people are poor because they have made themselves poor, at times. [When they benefit from compensation meant for war victims] it is unfair to me. I think specific compensation should be made to the victims direct.” He also said, “People in Luwero were compensated, how are they different from us? (…) Justice should be equitable. (…) A death in war should be a death in war anywhere.





Messages to Leaders/InstitutionsTo President Museveni The decentralization policy is being abused

and should be checked. Treat all regions equally. Mr. President Sir, you came in power through

bloodshed. I request you to exit power without bloodshed.

The militarization of the police by the Government is not good.

You should provide fair treatment to all Ugandans. We are all Ugandans with one blood.

Restore back full democracy and build on the foundation left by other leaders. Don´t distort it.

Job well done, but allow others to lead. Enjoy the fruits of Uganda. In this you will earn more respect and dignity.

Respect the Constitution, and let Parliament do its job.To the Government Bring investors who are ready to cooperate

with the people and not the ones who will disagree with the people, like these Indians we have today.

We are yearning for peace and we are yearning for togetherness. When we have peace and when we are together, we are approaching development.


To Joseph Kony You fought for many years. What is

your agenda? Please abandon the war and welcome peace.

To the Inspector General of Police Teach people how to respect

human life. We are not interested in

uniforms but in service delivery and respecting human life.

To the Minister of Justice There are local people trained to settle

cases. They are doing a lot of work but have never been paid at all. Think about allowances.

To the area Member of Parliament, Hon. Ekanya Geofrey You know the truth of our

grievances but do not bother about us. You are doing your own things. You have forgotten about us.



To the Asian community-investors Stop buying our

community land. Otherwise we shall fight back.

NR&TJ Audit2011 -2012Acknowledgements

RLP is very grateful for the contributions made by different individuals and organisations towards the success of National Reconciliation & Transitional Justice Audit research in Tororo District. We particularly acknowledge the participation of Tororo Civil Society Network (TOCINET) and the Iteso Cultural Union. We look forward to future collaboration with them in transitional justice processes in Uganda. Further, we are very grateful for the contribution of the Tororo District authorities, in particular their authorisation of and participation in the FGDs. In addition, we highly appreciate the excellent interpretation by Echiria Steven during FGDs in Osukuru Sub-County. Finally, our greatest appreciation goes to all our FGD participants for sparing a whole day to actively participate in the discussions and to the Swedish International Development Agency and the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs for providing financial support for this research.

Presentation prepared by Opiny Shaffic, with inputs and edits from Dr. Chris Dolan, Annelieke van de Wiel and Moses Alfred Nsubuga.


NR&TJ Audit2011 -2012Acknowledgements for pictures & maps

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g http://semuwemba.files.wordpress.com/2009/12/kb1.jpg http://in2eastafrica.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/08/Geoffrey-Ekanya-150x125.jpg http://in2eastafrica.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/03/Justice-Minister-Gen.-Kahinda-Otafiir

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Websites






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http://www.trevorloudon.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/10/usflag_med.jpg

http://logok.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/07/ICRC.png

http://str8talkchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/President-Yoweri-Museveni3.jpg

http://www.ugpulse.com/images/articles/daily/20070417_105_02.jpg

http://www.weinformers.net/wp-content/uploads/2011/05/Amama-Mbabazi-John-patrick.jpg

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http://semuwemba.files.wordpress.com/2009/12/kb1.jpg

http://in2eastafrica.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/08/Geoffrey-Ekanya-150x125.jpg

http://in2eastafrica.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/03/Justice-Minister-Gen.-Kahinda-Otafiire.jpg

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http://mw2.google.com/mw-panoramio/photos/medium/44672213.jpg

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Watch this space for Brief 17: Kitgum District


Documents

NATIONAL RECONCILIATION & TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AUDIT BEYOND JUBA PROJECT 2011 -2012 BRIEF 16 of 18: Tororo DISTRICT