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TIGLATH-PILESER IIIS CAMPAIGNS AGAINSTTYRE AND ISRAEL (734-732 BCE)

Nadav Naaman

H Tadmors long awaited edition of the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III hasjust appeared marking a new stage in the research of the time of the founder of theAssyrian empire (Tadmor 1994) All the extent texts are published and the entirecorpus of inscriptions is carefully edited All the available data are presented in theplates and can be checked and compared with the textual evidence Numerousdetailed studies appear under the veil of excurses and supplementary studiescomplementing the textual edition and clarifying details that were either unknownor disputed among scholars The book will serve as a definitive publication ofTiglath-pilesers inscriptions for many years to come and as a point of departure forall future studies of this crucial period in the history of the ancient Near East

The publication of a comprehensive edition of texts is always an ideal opportunityto examine them once again in an effort to shed more light on old problems It is thepurpose of this article to re-examine some texts referring to the Assyrian campaignsagainst Tyre and Israel in the years 734-732 BCE as well as the closing lines of thedebated episode of Azriyaus rebellion in 738 BCE The textual restorations ofAnn 192-3 and Ann 24 suggested below and the historical inferences drawnfrom them were made known to Prof Tadmor when he prepared the edition ofTiglath-pilesers inscriptions Since an edition of texts is no place for tentativerestorations they naturally were not included I hope that the elucidation of thefragmented texts restored below will contribute to a better understanding ofTiglath-pilesers campaigns to the west during the decisive years of 738- 732 BCE

1 The Conquest of Tyre According to Summ 81-9

Wiseman (195121-22) in his editio princeps did not suggest a clear identificationof the kingdoms mentioned in Lines 1-13 ofND 400 (=Summ 8 see photograph inTadmor 1994 PI LVI) Alt (1953151-157) suggested that the coastal kingdomreferred to in Lines 1-9 is Arvad and that mentioned in Lines 9-13 is IsraelAccording to Vogt (1964349-350) Lines 1-9 refer to either Arvad or TyreKatzenstein (1973215-216) adopted Alts suggestion for Lines 1-9 and identifiedthe enemy of Assyria mentioned in Lines 10-13 with either Damascus or IsraelOded (197446) suggested that Lines 1-7 in the fragment refer to Arvad and Lines10-13 refer to the region south of Kashpuna which may be Tyre or some countryon the coast of Palestine Ephcal (198230) identified the first kingdom with Tyreand the second with either Damascus a Phoenician city-state or Israel Tadmor

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Naaman Tiglath-pileser IIrs Campaigns Against Tyre and Israel

(1994282) in his new edition concluded that the episodes in Summ 81-9 and10-13 may refer to Arvad and Tyre respectively

It seems to me that the kingdom referred to in Lines 1-9 is Tyre and the onementioned in Lines 10-13 is Israel Following is someof the evidence in support ofthese geographical attributions

a) The following sequence of episodes is related in Summ 9 (=ND 4301+) rev5-31 Tyre Israel Ashkelon Gaza Samsi queen of the Arabs Egypt Metenna ofTyre lJulli of Tabal Arabian tribesl (Tadmor 1994181) It may be compared withthe sequence of episodes that appear in Summ 8 + Summ 7rev 1-16 GNl (Lines1-9) GN2 (Lines 10-13) Gaza Ashkelon Egypt Siruatti the Meunite Samsiqueen of the Arabs Arabian tribes Summary list of vassal kings lJulli of TabalMetenna of Tyre (Tadmor 1994156-157) The identity of episodes and the closesimilarity of their order in the two texts is self evident and one would naturallyidentify GN 1 with Tyre and GN2with Israel We may even go one step further andassume that the four episodes of BIt-Agusi Unqi2IJatarikka and BIt-lJazaili thatare depicted in Summ 9 (obv 24-27 rev 1-4) before the list of episodes enumeratedabove also appeared once in the same order within the missing part at thebeginning of Summ 8

b) There is no evidence that the island kingdom of Arvad occupied continentalterritories in the time of the Assyrian expansion to the west in the 9th-7th centuriesBCE According to the Kurkh Monolith of Shalmaneser IIIArvad sent only 200soldiers to the battle of Qarqar (Oppenheim 1955279a) a number befitting thelimited extent of its island territory3 Moreover the province of ~imirra establishedby Tiglath-pileser III in 738 BcE covered the entire coastal area opposite theisland of Arvad up to Kashpuna (modern Kusba situated southeast of Tripoli seeNaaman 1978231) in the south and no Arvadite territory is mentioned there (forthe text see Tadmor 199458-63 Lines 4-11) Thus the assumption that anArvadite continental fortified city and its territory were conquered by Tiglath-pileser

Summ 9rev 30-31 probably refer to the Arabian tribes mentioned in Summ 7rev 3-5Thus Line 30 possibly opens with a list of tribal names and the end of Line 31 may berestored with a plural pronoun (ta-mar-ta-su-[nu am-hur fl

2 One may restore at the beginning of Summ 927 [KVR su-a-tjU that country The samerestoration may also be suggested for the end of Line 24

3 In his 21st campaign Shalmaneser III attacked Hazael of Damascus He then marchedwestward against a certain king named Bail received his tribute and set up his royal image inthe city of Laruba() his stronghold (Laessoe 1959154-155) Astour (197919) suggestedrestoring the damaged name of Bails country [Ar-ma-dJa-a-a = Arvad However thebroken sign in Line 17 does not look like a da sign As far as I am aware there is no evidencethat in the Iron Age the island kingdom of Arvad occupied territories on the Phoeniciancoast

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in his 734-732 BCE campaigns is untenable Some other coastal kingdom isreferred to in Lines 1-9 of Summ 8

e)There is no similarity whatsoever between the description ofthe subjugation ofTyre in Summ 9rev 5-8 and the text of Summ 810-13 Noteworthy is the 3rdperson sing in the former description as against the 3rd person pI in the latter Theconquest of some other kingdom is evidently being described in the latter text (for~

further discussion of Summ 810-13 see Part 2 below)d) There is a marked similarity between the episode ofTyre in Summ 95-8 and

the more detailed description of the Tyrian episode in Summ 81-9 The city whoseconquest is related in Summ 83 is Mabalab described in Summ 9rev 6 as his(ie Hirams) fortified city (al dannutisu) Its name is spelled Maballiba in theAnnals of Sennacherib (Luckenbill 192429 Line 42) It is situated south of themouth of the Litani River (today Khirbet el-Ma~alib) on the main road leading toTyre from the north In my opinion MabalabjMaballiba is referred to in Josh1929 in the descriptive name the fortress of Tyre (fr mib~ar ~i5r 2 Sam 247mib~ar ~i5r) a designation that befits its strategic location4 Biblical ltfr mib~ar

(fortified city) is an accurate equivalent of Akkadian al dannuti thus bothdescriptive terms refer to the same city

On the basis of Summ 9rev 6-7 Lines 3-6 of Summ 8 may be restored thus

3 ( their weapons] I dispersed That city to(gether with (other) largecities I captured]

4 For recent discussions of the tribal territory of Asher see Kallai 198637-40212-224 withearlier literature Naaman 1986b50-60 Lemaire 1991135-137 143 Lipinski 1991162-165The northern boundary of Asheris described in detail (Josh 1928-29) and can accurately bedelineated The assumption of some scholars (Alt 192769 n 3 Noth 1935222-225 Lemaire1991 136) that the phrases unto great Sidon and and to the fortress of Tyre were insertedinto Josh 1928-29 is arbitrary and is founded on Noths obsolete idea of an original unifieddocument that was formulated as a list of border points (Grenzjixpunkte) (for a criticaldiscussion see Kallai 19867-999-102 and passim) The two phrases are integral parts ofthe original description of Ashers borders The northern boundary of Asher reached theLilani River turned sharply (sab) along its southern bank to Ramah (Lemaire [1991136]and Lipinski [1991163-164] read hayyammah [to the sea1 instead of haramah) andreached the fortress of Tyre (fr mibsectar sector) The identification of the fortress of Tyre withthe fortified city (al danniitl) of Ma~alab Ma~alliba located south of the mouth of the LilaniRiver is self evident At this point the boundary turned sharply (sab) southward passedthrough a place called Hosah which must be sought east of the city ofU su (Old Tyre todayTell er-Rashidiyeh) and reached the sea leaving a small continental territory for thekingdom of Tyre (Naaman 1986b54-56) The town list that follows runs from bl toAhzib Some MS of the Old Greek translates mblfrom Oleb(Barthelemy 198257-59)In light of Judg 131 it should best be rendered from Ahlab The town may tentatively belocated at Ras el-Abyad (the Promotorium Album of Pliny) 12 km south of Tyre and hasnothing to do with the town of Magalab Magalliba (the fortress of Tyre) situated furtherto the north (Kallai 1986221-223 Naaman 1986b57-60)

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Naaman Tiglath-pileser Ills Campaigns Against Tyre and Israel

4 [Their spoil The rest of them] I devastated in the midst of the sea andanni[hilated them]

5 [ he fear]ed ([ip-IaJlJ-ma) and was frightened He put on sackcloth[( ) came before me and kissed my feet]

6 [20 talents of gold ]

The tribute list is long and covers Lines 6-7 Lines 8-9 detail the administrativearrangements of Tiglath-pileser along the Phoenician coast It opens with aterritorial definition from Kashpuna which is on the shore of the [Upper] Seapossibly continued with a list of towns situated along the coast and ends with thewords [I placed it] under the control of my eunuch the governor of ~i[mirra]Since Kashpuna is located on the southernmost end of the province of ~imirra (seeAnn 195) the entire Phoenician coast south of it including the kingdom ofGubla and the continental areas ofTyre must have been entrusted to the supervisionof the governor of ~imirra

e) Tiglath-pilesers administrative arrangements along the Phoenician coast areilluminated by the letters of Qurdi-Assur-lamur (Saggs 1955127-133 196376-78)This Assyrian official built Kashpuna and settled it with Babylonian deportees (ND2715 Lines 30-49 Postgate 1974391-393) appointed tax-collectors over the quaysof all Mount Lebanon and levied taxes on anyone who brought wood down to thequays (ND 2715 Lines 1-29 Postgate 1974390-391) inspected the affairs of Tyreand Sidon (ND 2715 Lines 1-29 ND 2686) and defended the Phoenician coastagainst Greek pirates (ND 2370 Saggs 196376-78) Qurdi-Assur-liimur must havebeen the governor of ~imirra who was appointed as inspector of the southern areasofthe Phoenician coast following the Assyrian campaign of734 RCE His lettersare additional evidence that Lines 1-9 of Summ 8 indeed refer to the kingdom ofTyre

2 Tiglath-pilesers Campaigns against Israel (734-732 BCE)

Tadmor (1994279-282 cf 1990) summarizes all the available evidence of theAssyrian campaigns against Israel in the years 734-732 RCE I also discussedrecently some aspects of these campaigns (1986a71-74 1993105-106) Yet therelationship of the two annal fragments that describe the Assyrian 733 RCEcampaign against Israel to the summary inscriptions in which the events of severalyears are combined together is not entirely clear and needs to be further investigated

The major obstacle for the discussion is the fragmentary condition of the tworelevant sections (Ann 18 and 24) Moreover the original slabs were left in themound and Layards original copies now published by Tadmor (1994 PIs XV andXXIII) are our main source for the episode Since Ann 23 which relates the eventsof the Assyrian campaign of year 733 against Damascus and Ann 24 which

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Tel Aviv 22 (1995)

describes the campaign against Israel and the submission of Ashkelon wereoriginally two columns on one slab (Tadmor 1994220-221) the length of lines ofthe two columns was probably the same With the help of the text of Ann 18 onemay tentatively reconstruct the text of Ann 24 Admittedly the reconstruction ishighly speculative in particular since there are certain variant readings in the twotexts Also there may have been expanded details of certain towns (compare egTadmor 19947211 8013-14 1863-4) and the captives of two towns aresometimes (though not often) grouped together (see eg Tadmor 199480 15-16)Nevertheless the reconstructed text hypothetical as it is may give us a better ideaof the overall structure and contents of the annalistic account and may helpestimate the number of toponyms enumerated in the original text

]

mRa-(bi-a-ni)]]]

]

5

Ann 24 restoredsa la [ kim a (im-ba-ri as-b)u-up (-su)]sa la [ xx URumes]sa 16 na-[(ge-e sa KUR E iju-um-ri] qa)-[qqaris amnu x ME xx]sal-la-[at uTUDa-(ba-ra-a 6 ME 25 sallat UTUx_a )_2 ME 26 [sallat uruGN3 x ME xx sallat UTUGN4x ME xx]sal-la-at [UTU(iji-na-tu-na 6 ME 50 sallat UTUKu)_ ]4 ME+x [sallat UTUGN7x ME xx sallat UTUIa-(at-bi-te]6 ME 56 sal-[la-at uruSa-a)m-bu-na x ME xx sallat uruGNIO]

13 LIM 5 ME 20 [UNmes sallat uruGNu (UTUA-ru-ma-a uTUMa-ru-um)]10 a-di mar-si-ti-su-nu [alpesunu ~enISunu imeresunu aslula]

KUR-e mar-~u-ti [ ana KUR u-ra-a]mMi-ti-in-ti KUR As-[(qa-lu-na-a-a ina a-de)-e DINGIRmes GALmes

ib-ti-ma]it-ti-ia it-ta-[bal-kit e-mur-ma u ip-Ulb [libbasu (ina mi-qit) temi

15 ba-at-ti ra-ma-ni-[su imqussu mRu-u-kib-tu DUMU-[su (ina gisGUZA-su u-sib a-na)

Translation

[ like a fog I covered His xxx] without [ xx cities] of the 16 di[stricts ofBIt-ijumri I razed to the ground xx] captives [from the city of Dabara 625 captivesfrom GN2] 226 [captives from GN3 xx captives from GN4 xx] captives [from thecity of ijinatuna 650 captives from the city of Ku ] 400+ x [captives from GN 7 xxcaptives from the city of Yatbite] 656 cap[tives from the city of Shambuna xxcaptives from GNIO] 13520 [people captives from the cities of GNu ArumaMarum] with their belongings [their cattle their sheep their asses I took as spoil Ihad them cross] difficult mountains [and carried off to the land of ]

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Naaman Tiglath-pileser Ills Campaigns Against Tyre and Israel

Mitinti of Ash[kelon broke the loyalty oath (sworn) by the great gods] andre[volted] against me [ the defeat of Rezin] he saw and was fri[ghtened In anattack of desperation panic he fe]ared for his life [ ] Rukibtu [his] son [saton his throne In order to ]

Notes to the textThe length of the restored lines is about the same as that of Ann 23 Identical

signs that are common to Ann 18 and 24 are italicized The estimated location ofthe text of Ann 18 in each line is marked by the signs ( ) According to thereconstruction one line of Ann 18covers about one and half lines of Ann 24 Line11 of Ann 24 was probably omitted from the text of Ann 18 Also the episode ofMitinti is longer in Ann 24 (compare Line 9 of Ann 18 with Line 14 of Ann 24)

For the toponyms see recently Naaman 1993105-106 Tadmor 199482-83Line 9 the restoration is highly uncertain Tadmor (1994281) suggests that thefigure of 13520 people may be the sum total of the deported in one or severalcampaigns to northern Israel This is a plausible suggestion although the sumtotal does not match the preceding numbers of deportees nor is there another text inTiglath-pilesers inscriptions in which an exact total follows a detailed list ofcaptives Since the cities of Aruma and Marum appear in Ann 18 I suggest that ashort list of cities followed the sum total of 13520 thereby the scribe indicated thatthe overall number of captives includes many more people than the precedingdetailed list of deportees and their original locationLine 10 the restoration is based on Ann 2314-15 and Summ 811Line 12 see Ann 253 Summ 719Line 16 the episode continues in Ann 18 It describes how Rukibtu wanderedaround (idill) seeking the support of the Assyrian king and was obliged to pay hislord a tribute of 500 [talents of silver] in return for recognition of his kingshipFor a recent discussion of the episode see Ehrlich 199156-58

The reconstruction clarifies the structure of the account of the Assyrian 733BCE campaign against Israel It may be divided into three parts (a) a descriptionof an attack and conquest (Lines 1-3) (b) a long list of places and the numbers oftheir deportees (Lines 4-8) (c) a conclusion of the episode (Lines 9-11) Sections(a) and (c) agree well with the first portion of both the Israelite passages inTiglath-pilesers four summary inscriptions and the account of the Assyriancampaign in the Book of Kings This is illustrated by the following five citations

a) Summ 415-17 - The land of BIt-ijumria [to its full extent I captured] Thehost (illilt) [of its troops I killed scattered] All its people [I captured] andcarried off [to] Assyria

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Tel Aviv 22 (1995)

b) Summ 9rev 9 - [The land ofBIt-ijumria] to its fu[ll extent I captured Allits people together with] their belongings [I carried off to Assyria]

c) Summ 810-11- [] I filled [the plain] with the bodies oftheirwarriors [likegr]ass [ All its people with] their belongings their cattle their sheep their asses[I took as spoil]

d) Summ 1317-18 - [The land of BIt-ijumria] all [of whose] cities I had[devastated] in my former campaigns [all its people with] its livestock I haddespoiled and had spared Samaria alone

e) 2 Kgs 1529 - In the days of Pekah king of Israel Tiglath-pileser king ofAssyria came and captured Ijon Abel-beth-maacah Janoah Kedesh Hazor allthe land of Naphtali and he carried the people captive to Assyria5

The text of Summ 1317-18 indicates that Tiglath-pileser conducted severalcampaigns against Israel (Tadmor 1994281)However the close similarity betweenthe text of the annals of year 733 and all four summary inscriptions implies that thiswas the major campaign in which Israels power was broken and a massivedeportation took place One may further assume that the north Galilean townsenumerated in 2 Kgs 1529 were also captured and their inhabitants deportedduring the 733 BCE campaign

In his 734 campaign Tiglath-pileser subjugated the Philistine coast up to itssouthernmost border (Na1)alMu~ur today Wadi Ghazzeh) and on his waysouthward he must have conquered the Phoenician coast between Kashpuna andMount Carmel and the Israelite coast between Mount Carmel and the YarkonRiver In his 732 campaign Tiglath-pileser conquered and annexed the kingdom ofDamascus as well as the Transjordanian areas east of the Jordan River (on thestatus of Transjordan on the eve of the Assyrian campaign see Naamanforthcoming) The sparing of Samaria alone (Summ 1318) exactly reflects thestate of affairs following the three Assyrian campaigns in the years 734-732 BCEand the probable annexation of the three provinces of Dor Megiddo and Gilead tothe Assyrian territory

The episode of the removal of Pekah and the installation of Hoshea on the thronefollows the episode of conquest and deportation in all four Assyrian summaryinscriptions and in the Book of Kings Following is a translation of this secondepisode

a) Summ 417-19 - Pekah their king died (DU (illik)rnaml-m)u-sisul)I installed Hoshea [as king] over them 10talents of gold 1000(sic) talents of silver

5 Commentators have noted that Gilead does not accord with the list of towns and that theterm Galilee appears here in its late Hebrew Aramaized form (Cogan and Tadmor 1988174)They thus suggest that the geographical designations Galilee and Gilead are glosses Theoriginal text summarized the list of towns by the phrase all the land of Naphtali SeeMontgomery 1951452 Wtirthwein 1984383 Cogan and Tadmor 1988174

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Naaman Tiglath-pileser Ills Campaigns Against Tyre and Israel

their [tribu]te ([ta-marti-su-nu) I received from them and [car]ried them [toAssyria]

Notes to the textThe original fragmentary slab was left on the mound On the basis of several

squeezes Smith first made rough copies and then restored the text and published itin III R 102 (see the discussion in Tadmor 1994136-137) The reading illiknammusisu is based on Smiths early draft now published by Tadmor (1994 PI LFr d Line 17) It should be noted that the cuneiform signs of Line 17 in Smithsrough copy look quite different from those in the composite restored text (1994 PILI)

The reading 10(talents of gold) and 1000(talents ofsilver)(so Tadmor 1994276)follows a pattern according to which the weight of the silver is either a multiplicationof 10or 100 ofthe gold see Ann 106 Summ 7rev 15 Ann 215 (30 talents ofgold and 300 talents of silver)

The restoration ta-marti-su-nu matches exactly the missing space (PI LI Line18)and fits the context of a heavy tribute paid by a newly installed king in return forthe recognition of the Assyrian king (see Tadmor 1994276)

b) Summ 9rev 10-11 - [ I installed Hoshea] as king over them [ hetheywent] before me to the city of Sarrabanu [and kissed my feet)

c) Summ 812-13 - [ They have killedPekah their king] within his palace[ ] I accepted their plea to [forgive] their sin and sp[ared] their country

Note to the textThe restoration of Line 12is uncertain Another possible restoration [] within

his palace [I set up my throne] See Ann 258d) Summ 1318 - [Pek]ah their king []e) 2 Kgs 1530 - Then Hoshea the son of Elah made a conspiracy against

Pekah the son of Remaliah and struck him down and slew him and reigned in hisstead

The slaying of Pekah and the installment of Hoshea as king of Israel should bedated to 731 BCE when Tiglath-pileser was engaged in Babylonia after thetermination of his Syro-Palestinian campaigns (Naaman 1986a71-74) The authorof Summ 4 uses a general expression to relate the rise of a new king in Samaria andit remains uncertain whether any of the summary inscriptions explicitly refer to theslaying of Pekah by Hoshea (note the alternative possible restorations of Summ812) The author of the Book of Kings on the other hand had before him a bettersource and was able to describe in detail the background for the installation ofHoshea the last king of Israel on the throne of Samaria

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3 The End of Azriyaus Rebellion (Ann 192-3)

The original slab was left in the mound and Layards original copy now publishedby Tadmor (1994 PI XVI) is our main source The slab was also copied byRawlinson (see Tadmor 1994 PI XVII) It was collated and prepared forpublication by Smith who made rough copies (Tadmor 1994PIs XXVII-XXVII)and finally a reconstructed text (III R 93 see the detailed discussions in Tadmor199432-33216-219)

In his edition of Ann 192-3 Tadmor (199458 n 2) followed the text ofLayard and noted some variant readings in Smiths facsimile and translation ofLine 2 He further commented (ibid 216) that it seeIlis that Smith alsoincorporated in III R 93 some improved readings derived from consulting thesqueeze (or Rawlinsons rough copy of the slab made in situ) There is no apparentmotivation for Smith to replace Layards cuneiform signs by his own readings Itseems that he had observed the improved readings either in the squeeze or inRawlinsons rough copy and integrated them into his draft and lithographic copy ofthe text

In light of some parallels (Ann 179237 Summ 719) the beginning of Line 2may safely be restored thus mAz-ri-a-u[a-di ina qiitell u~ab-bit-ma6 Smithscopy of the ma- sign as a GAL indicates that he saw a horizontal wedge after the maand it may be interpreted as an AS-sign He further copied Layards ZA-sign as an aand the AD-sign as a ia Smiths ia-sign may possibly be deciphered as an ad-sign+the beginning of a di but this remains uncertain In this light the second half ofLine 2 may be restored thus ina hi-raa-ti ad-[di-su-nu-ti] (compare Summ719-20)

In Line 3 I suggest restoring [me-ni-DIN GIR ana LUG AL]-u-ti ina [UGU-su-nuaskunma biltu] ma-da-at-tu ki-i sa [ emissu]

A suggested translation for Lines 2-3 I seized Azriyau [together with hisnobles with (my) hands] I pl[aced them in fet]ters [and took them to Assyria () Iinstalled Eni-il as k]ing ov[er them I imposed upon him] tribute like that [of anearlier king]

6 Smith (1875276 Line 12) translated Azriau my hand greatly captur~d In Ann 256-7one may restore thus Tutammu together with his nobles [I seized with (my) hands andtook them to Assyria] I captured Kinalua (compare Ann 178) The number of signsrestored at the beginning of Line 7 equals the number of signs restored at the beginning ofLine 3 (see Tadmors note to Line 3)

7 Theformula kfSa Assurf emissunuti restored by Tadmor (1994583) refers to territories thatwere annexed to Assyria I believe that Line 3 refers to a vassal king (Eni-il) and thereforesuggest a different restoration based on Sargon IIs inscription that relates the organizationof the province of Hamath following its rebellion and annexation (Fuchs 199419724) Foranother possible restoration see Lambert 1981125 Lines 10-12

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Naaman Tiglath-pileser Ills Campaigns Against Tyre and Israel

Tiglath-pilesers annexation and organization of the two provinces of ijatarikkaand ~imirra is described in detail in Ann 1958-63 Lines 4-11 It is clear thatLines 2- 3 refer to different matters According to the above suggested restorationsLine 2 relates the end of Azriyaus rebellion and the captivity of its leader and hissupporters whereas Line 3 recounts the installment of Eni-il on the throne of thereduced kingdom of Hamath These text restorations support my former suggestion(Naaman 197439 1978229-230238-239) that Azriyau was king of ijatarikka+Hamath possibly of Aramean origin who stood at the head of the rebellion againstAssyria in 738 BCE and was defeated and lost his kingdom and probably his lifes

8 I am grateful to Prof H Tadmor who read the manuscript of this paper and suggestednumerous valuable comments

REFERENCES

Alt A 1927 Eine galiHiischeOrtsliste in Jos 19 ZA W 4559-81Alt A 1953Tiglathpilesers III erster Feldzug nach Palastina Kleine Schriften zur

Geschichte des Volkes Israel II Munich150-162Astour MC 1979 The Kingdom of Siyannu-Usnatu Ugarit Forschungen

1113-28Barthelemy D 1982 Critique textuelle de IAncien Testament 1 Josue Juges

Ruth Samuel Rois Chroniques Esdras Nehemie Esther (Orbis Biblicus etOrientalis 501) Fribourg and Gottingen

Cogan M and Tadmor H 1988 II Kings (The Anchor Bible) Garden CityEhrlich CS 1991 Coalition Politics in Eighth Century BCE Palestine The

Philistines and the Syro-Ephraimite War ZDPV 10748-58Ephcal I 1982 The Ancient Arabs Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile Crescent

9th-5th Centuries BC Jerusalem and LeidenFuchs A 1994 Die Inschriften Sargons II aus Khorsabad GottingenKallai Z 1986 Historical Geography of the Bible The Tribal Territories of Israel

Jerusalem and LeidenKatzenstein HJ 1973 The History of Tyre from the Beginning of the Second

Millennium BCE until the Fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire in 538B cE Jerusalem

Lambert WG 1981 Portion ofInscribed Stela of Sargon II King of Assyria InMuscarella OW ed Ladders to Heaven Toronto

Laessoe J 1959 A Statue of Shalmaneser III from Nimrud Iraq 21147-157Lemaire A 1991 Asher et Ie Royaume de Tyr In Lipinski A ed Phoenicia and

the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 135-152

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Lipinski A 1991 The Territory of Asher and the Tribe of Asher In Lipinski Aed Phoenicia and the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 153-166

Luckenbill DD 1924 The Annals of Sennacherib ChicagoMontgomery JA 1951 A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of

Kings (The International Critical Commentary) EdinburghNaaman N 1974 Sennacheribs Letter to God on his Campaign to Judah

BASOR 21425-39Naaman N 1978 Looking for KTK WO 9220-239Naaman N 1986a Historical and Chronological Notes on the Kingdoms ofIsrael

and Judah in the Eighth Century Bc VT3671-92Naaman N 1986bBorders and Districts in Biblical Historiography Seven Studies

in Biblical Geographical Lists JerusalemNaaman N 1993 Population Changes in Palestine following Assyrian

Deportations Tel Aviv 20104-124Naaman N forthcoming Rezin of Damascus and the Land of Gilead ZDPV

1112Noth M 1935 Studien zu den historisch-geographischen Dokumenten des

J osuabuches ZDPV 58185-255Oded B 1974 The Phoenician Cities and the Assyrian Empire in the Time of

Tiglath-pileser III ZDPV9038-49Oppenheim AL 1955Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts ANET 265-317Postgate JN 1974 Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire RomeSaggs HWF 1955 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part II Iraq 17126-154Saggs HWF 1963 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part VI Iraq 2570-80Smith G 1875 Assyrian Discoveries LondonTadmor H 1990 Tiglath-pileser III in Palestine Shnaton - An Annual for

Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies 10179-187 (Hebrew)Tadmor H 1994 The Inscriptions of Tiglath- Pieser III King of Assyria Critical

Edition with Introductions Translations and Commentary JerusalemVogt E 1964 Die Texte Tiglath-Pilesers III tiber die Eroberung PaHistinas

Biblica 45348-354Wiseman DJ 1951 The Historical Inscriptions from Nimrud Iraq 1321-26Wtirthwein E 1984 Die Bucher der Konige 1 Kon 17-2 Kon 25 (Das Alte

Testament Deutsch XI2) Gottingen

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(1994282) in his new edition concluded that the episodes in Summ 81-9 and10-13 may refer to Arvad and Tyre respectively

It seems to me that the kingdom referred to in Lines 1-9 is Tyre and the onementioned in Lines 10-13 is Israel Following is someof the evidence in support ofthese geographical attributions

a) The following sequence of episodes is related in Summ 9 (=ND 4301+) rev5-31 Tyre Israel Ashkelon Gaza Samsi queen of the Arabs Egypt Metenna ofTyre lJulli of Tabal Arabian tribesl (Tadmor 1994181) It may be compared withthe sequence of episodes that appear in Summ 8 + Summ 7rev 1-16 GNl (Lines1-9) GN2 (Lines 10-13) Gaza Ashkelon Egypt Siruatti the Meunite Samsiqueen of the Arabs Arabian tribes Summary list of vassal kings lJulli of TabalMetenna of Tyre (Tadmor 1994156-157) The identity of episodes and the closesimilarity of their order in the two texts is self evident and one would naturallyidentify GN 1 with Tyre and GN2with Israel We may even go one step further andassume that the four episodes of BIt-Agusi Unqi2IJatarikka and BIt-lJazaili thatare depicted in Summ 9 (obv 24-27 rev 1-4) before the list of episodes enumeratedabove also appeared once in the same order within the missing part at thebeginning of Summ 8

b) There is no evidence that the island kingdom of Arvad occupied continentalterritories in the time of the Assyrian expansion to the west in the 9th-7th centuriesBCE According to the Kurkh Monolith of Shalmaneser IIIArvad sent only 200soldiers to the battle of Qarqar (Oppenheim 1955279a) a number befitting thelimited extent of its island territory3 Moreover the province of ~imirra establishedby Tiglath-pileser III in 738 BcE covered the entire coastal area opposite theisland of Arvad up to Kashpuna (modern Kusba situated southeast of Tripoli seeNaaman 1978231) in the south and no Arvadite territory is mentioned there (forthe text see Tadmor 199458-63 Lines 4-11) Thus the assumption that anArvadite continental fortified city and its territory were conquered by Tiglath-pileser

Summ 9rev 30-31 probably refer to the Arabian tribes mentioned in Summ 7rev 3-5Thus Line 30 possibly opens with a list of tribal names and the end of Line 31 may berestored with a plural pronoun (ta-mar-ta-su-[nu am-hur fl

2 One may restore at the beginning of Summ 927 [KVR su-a-tjU that country The samerestoration may also be suggested for the end of Line 24

3 In his 21st campaign Shalmaneser III attacked Hazael of Damascus He then marchedwestward against a certain king named Bail received his tribute and set up his royal image inthe city of Laruba() his stronghold (Laessoe 1959154-155) Astour (197919) suggestedrestoring the damaged name of Bails country [Ar-ma-dJa-a-a = Arvad However thebroken sign in Line 17 does not look like a da sign As far as I am aware there is no evidencethat in the Iron Age the island kingdom of Arvad occupied territories on the Phoeniciancoast

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in his 734-732 BCE campaigns is untenable Some other coastal kingdom isreferred to in Lines 1-9 of Summ 8

e)There is no similarity whatsoever between the description ofthe subjugation ofTyre in Summ 9rev 5-8 and the text of Summ 810-13 Noteworthy is the 3rdperson sing in the former description as against the 3rd person pI in the latter Theconquest of some other kingdom is evidently being described in the latter text (for~

further discussion of Summ 810-13 see Part 2 below)d) There is a marked similarity between the episode ofTyre in Summ 95-8 and

the more detailed description of the Tyrian episode in Summ 81-9 The city whoseconquest is related in Summ 83 is Mabalab described in Summ 9rev 6 as his(ie Hirams) fortified city (al dannutisu) Its name is spelled Maballiba in theAnnals of Sennacherib (Luckenbill 192429 Line 42) It is situated south of themouth of the Litani River (today Khirbet el-Ma~alib) on the main road leading toTyre from the north In my opinion MabalabjMaballiba is referred to in Josh1929 in the descriptive name the fortress of Tyre (fr mib~ar ~i5r 2 Sam 247mib~ar ~i5r) a designation that befits its strategic location4 Biblical ltfr mib~ar

(fortified city) is an accurate equivalent of Akkadian al dannuti thus bothdescriptive terms refer to the same city

On the basis of Summ 9rev 6-7 Lines 3-6 of Summ 8 may be restored thus

3 ( their weapons] I dispersed That city to(gether with (other) largecities I captured]

4 For recent discussions of the tribal territory of Asher see Kallai 198637-40212-224 withearlier literature Naaman 1986b50-60 Lemaire 1991135-137 143 Lipinski 1991162-165The northern boundary of Asheris described in detail (Josh 1928-29) and can accurately bedelineated The assumption of some scholars (Alt 192769 n 3 Noth 1935222-225 Lemaire1991 136) that the phrases unto great Sidon and and to the fortress of Tyre were insertedinto Josh 1928-29 is arbitrary and is founded on Noths obsolete idea of an original unifieddocument that was formulated as a list of border points (Grenzjixpunkte) (for a criticaldiscussion see Kallai 19867-999-102 and passim) The two phrases are integral parts ofthe original description of Ashers borders The northern boundary of Asher reached theLilani River turned sharply (sab) along its southern bank to Ramah (Lemaire [1991136]and Lipinski [1991163-164] read hayyammah [to the sea1 instead of haramah) andreached the fortress of Tyre (fr mibsectar sector) The identification of the fortress of Tyre withthe fortified city (al danniitl) of Ma~alab Ma~alliba located south of the mouth of the LilaniRiver is self evident At this point the boundary turned sharply (sab) southward passedthrough a place called Hosah which must be sought east of the city ofU su (Old Tyre todayTell er-Rashidiyeh) and reached the sea leaving a small continental territory for thekingdom of Tyre (Naaman 1986b54-56) The town list that follows runs from bl toAhzib Some MS of the Old Greek translates mblfrom Oleb(Barthelemy 198257-59)In light of Judg 131 it should best be rendered from Ahlab The town may tentatively belocated at Ras el-Abyad (the Promotorium Album of Pliny) 12 km south of Tyre and hasnothing to do with the town of Magalab Magalliba (the fortress of Tyre) situated furtherto the north (Kallai 1986221-223 Naaman 1986b57-60)

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4 [Their spoil The rest of them] I devastated in the midst of the sea andanni[hilated them]

5 [ he fear]ed ([ip-IaJlJ-ma) and was frightened He put on sackcloth[( ) came before me and kissed my feet]

6 [20 talents of gold ]

The tribute list is long and covers Lines 6-7 Lines 8-9 detail the administrativearrangements of Tiglath-pileser along the Phoenician coast It opens with aterritorial definition from Kashpuna which is on the shore of the [Upper] Seapossibly continued with a list of towns situated along the coast and ends with thewords [I placed it] under the control of my eunuch the governor of ~i[mirra]Since Kashpuna is located on the southernmost end of the province of ~imirra (seeAnn 195) the entire Phoenician coast south of it including the kingdom ofGubla and the continental areas ofTyre must have been entrusted to the supervisionof the governor of ~imirra

e) Tiglath-pilesers administrative arrangements along the Phoenician coast areilluminated by the letters of Qurdi-Assur-lamur (Saggs 1955127-133 196376-78)This Assyrian official built Kashpuna and settled it with Babylonian deportees (ND2715 Lines 30-49 Postgate 1974391-393) appointed tax-collectors over the quaysof all Mount Lebanon and levied taxes on anyone who brought wood down to thequays (ND 2715 Lines 1-29 Postgate 1974390-391) inspected the affairs of Tyreand Sidon (ND 2715 Lines 1-29 ND 2686) and defended the Phoenician coastagainst Greek pirates (ND 2370 Saggs 196376-78) Qurdi-Assur-liimur must havebeen the governor of ~imirra who was appointed as inspector of the southern areasofthe Phoenician coast following the Assyrian campaign of734 RCE His lettersare additional evidence that Lines 1-9 of Summ 8 indeed refer to the kingdom ofTyre

2 Tiglath-pilesers Campaigns against Israel (734-732 BCE)

Tadmor (1994279-282 cf 1990) summarizes all the available evidence of theAssyrian campaigns against Israel in the years 734-732 RCE I also discussedrecently some aspects of these campaigns (1986a71-74 1993105-106) Yet therelationship of the two annal fragments that describe the Assyrian 733 RCEcampaign against Israel to the summary inscriptions in which the events of severalyears are combined together is not entirely clear and needs to be further investigated

The major obstacle for the discussion is the fragmentary condition of the tworelevant sections (Ann 18 and 24) Moreover the original slabs were left in themound and Layards original copies now published by Tadmor (1994 PIs XV andXXIII) are our main source for the episode Since Ann 23 which relates the eventsof the Assyrian campaign of year 733 against Damascus and Ann 24 which

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describes the campaign against Israel and the submission of Ashkelon wereoriginally two columns on one slab (Tadmor 1994220-221) the length of lines ofthe two columns was probably the same With the help of the text of Ann 18 onemay tentatively reconstruct the text of Ann 24 Admittedly the reconstruction ishighly speculative in particular since there are certain variant readings in the twotexts Also there may have been expanded details of certain towns (compare egTadmor 19947211 8013-14 1863-4) and the captives of two towns aresometimes (though not often) grouped together (see eg Tadmor 199480 15-16)Nevertheless the reconstructed text hypothetical as it is may give us a better ideaof the overall structure and contents of the annalistic account and may helpestimate the number of toponyms enumerated in the original text

]

mRa-(bi-a-ni)]]]

]

5

Ann 24 restoredsa la [ kim a (im-ba-ri as-b)u-up (-su)]sa la [ xx URumes]sa 16 na-[(ge-e sa KUR E iju-um-ri] qa)-[qqaris amnu x ME xx]sal-la-[at uTUDa-(ba-ra-a 6 ME 25 sallat UTUx_a )_2 ME 26 [sallat uruGN3 x ME xx sallat UTUGN4x ME xx]sal-la-at [UTU(iji-na-tu-na 6 ME 50 sallat UTUKu)_ ]4 ME+x [sallat UTUGN7x ME xx sallat UTUIa-(at-bi-te]6 ME 56 sal-[la-at uruSa-a)m-bu-na x ME xx sallat uruGNIO]

13 LIM 5 ME 20 [UNmes sallat uruGNu (UTUA-ru-ma-a uTUMa-ru-um)]10 a-di mar-si-ti-su-nu [alpesunu ~enISunu imeresunu aslula]

KUR-e mar-~u-ti [ ana KUR u-ra-a]mMi-ti-in-ti KUR As-[(qa-lu-na-a-a ina a-de)-e DINGIRmes GALmes

ib-ti-ma]it-ti-ia it-ta-[bal-kit e-mur-ma u ip-Ulb [libbasu (ina mi-qit) temi

15 ba-at-ti ra-ma-ni-[su imqussu mRu-u-kib-tu DUMU-[su (ina gisGUZA-su u-sib a-na)

Translation

[ like a fog I covered His xxx] without [ xx cities] of the 16 di[stricts ofBIt-ijumri I razed to the ground xx] captives [from the city of Dabara 625 captivesfrom GN2] 226 [captives from GN3 xx captives from GN4 xx] captives [from thecity of ijinatuna 650 captives from the city of Ku ] 400+ x [captives from GN 7 xxcaptives from the city of Yatbite] 656 cap[tives from the city of Shambuna xxcaptives from GNIO] 13520 [people captives from the cities of GNu ArumaMarum] with their belongings [their cattle their sheep their asses I took as spoil Ihad them cross] difficult mountains [and carried off to the land of ]

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Mitinti of Ash[kelon broke the loyalty oath (sworn) by the great gods] andre[volted] against me [ the defeat of Rezin] he saw and was fri[ghtened In anattack of desperation panic he fe]ared for his life [ ] Rukibtu [his] son [saton his throne In order to ]

Notes to the textThe length of the restored lines is about the same as that of Ann 23 Identical

signs that are common to Ann 18 and 24 are italicized The estimated location ofthe text of Ann 18 in each line is marked by the signs ( ) According to thereconstruction one line of Ann 18covers about one and half lines of Ann 24 Line11 of Ann 24 was probably omitted from the text of Ann 18 Also the episode ofMitinti is longer in Ann 24 (compare Line 9 of Ann 18 with Line 14 of Ann 24)

For the toponyms see recently Naaman 1993105-106 Tadmor 199482-83Line 9 the restoration is highly uncertain Tadmor (1994281) suggests that thefigure of 13520 people may be the sum total of the deported in one or severalcampaigns to northern Israel This is a plausible suggestion although the sumtotal does not match the preceding numbers of deportees nor is there another text inTiglath-pilesers inscriptions in which an exact total follows a detailed list ofcaptives Since the cities of Aruma and Marum appear in Ann 18 I suggest that ashort list of cities followed the sum total of 13520 thereby the scribe indicated thatthe overall number of captives includes many more people than the precedingdetailed list of deportees and their original locationLine 10 the restoration is based on Ann 2314-15 and Summ 811Line 12 see Ann 253 Summ 719Line 16 the episode continues in Ann 18 It describes how Rukibtu wanderedaround (idill) seeking the support of the Assyrian king and was obliged to pay hislord a tribute of 500 [talents of silver] in return for recognition of his kingshipFor a recent discussion of the episode see Ehrlich 199156-58

The reconstruction clarifies the structure of the account of the Assyrian 733BCE campaign against Israel It may be divided into three parts (a) a descriptionof an attack and conquest (Lines 1-3) (b) a long list of places and the numbers oftheir deportees (Lines 4-8) (c) a conclusion of the episode (Lines 9-11) Sections(a) and (c) agree well with the first portion of both the Israelite passages inTiglath-pilesers four summary inscriptions and the account of the Assyriancampaign in the Book of Kings This is illustrated by the following five citations

a) Summ 415-17 - The land of BIt-ijumria [to its full extent I captured] Thehost (illilt) [of its troops I killed scattered] All its people [I captured] andcarried off [to] Assyria

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Tel Aviv 22 (1995)

b) Summ 9rev 9 - [The land ofBIt-ijumria] to its fu[ll extent I captured Allits people together with] their belongings [I carried off to Assyria]

c) Summ 810-11- [] I filled [the plain] with the bodies oftheirwarriors [likegr]ass [ All its people with] their belongings their cattle their sheep their asses[I took as spoil]

d) Summ 1317-18 - [The land of BIt-ijumria] all [of whose] cities I had[devastated] in my former campaigns [all its people with] its livestock I haddespoiled and had spared Samaria alone

e) 2 Kgs 1529 - In the days of Pekah king of Israel Tiglath-pileser king ofAssyria came and captured Ijon Abel-beth-maacah Janoah Kedesh Hazor allthe land of Naphtali and he carried the people captive to Assyria5

The text of Summ 1317-18 indicates that Tiglath-pileser conducted severalcampaigns against Israel (Tadmor 1994281)However the close similarity betweenthe text of the annals of year 733 and all four summary inscriptions implies that thiswas the major campaign in which Israels power was broken and a massivedeportation took place One may further assume that the north Galilean townsenumerated in 2 Kgs 1529 were also captured and their inhabitants deportedduring the 733 BCE campaign

In his 734 campaign Tiglath-pileser subjugated the Philistine coast up to itssouthernmost border (Na1)alMu~ur today Wadi Ghazzeh) and on his waysouthward he must have conquered the Phoenician coast between Kashpuna andMount Carmel and the Israelite coast between Mount Carmel and the YarkonRiver In his 732 campaign Tiglath-pileser conquered and annexed the kingdom ofDamascus as well as the Transjordanian areas east of the Jordan River (on thestatus of Transjordan on the eve of the Assyrian campaign see Naamanforthcoming) The sparing of Samaria alone (Summ 1318) exactly reflects thestate of affairs following the three Assyrian campaigns in the years 734-732 BCEand the probable annexation of the three provinces of Dor Megiddo and Gilead tothe Assyrian territory

The episode of the removal of Pekah and the installation of Hoshea on the thronefollows the episode of conquest and deportation in all four Assyrian summaryinscriptions and in the Book of Kings Following is a translation of this secondepisode

a) Summ 417-19 - Pekah their king died (DU (illik)rnaml-m)u-sisul)I installed Hoshea [as king] over them 10talents of gold 1000(sic) talents of silver

5 Commentators have noted that Gilead does not accord with the list of towns and that theterm Galilee appears here in its late Hebrew Aramaized form (Cogan and Tadmor 1988174)They thus suggest that the geographical designations Galilee and Gilead are glosses Theoriginal text summarized the list of towns by the phrase all the land of Naphtali SeeMontgomery 1951452 Wtirthwein 1984383 Cogan and Tadmor 1988174

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Naaman Tiglath-pileser Ills Campaigns Against Tyre and Israel

their [tribu]te ([ta-marti-su-nu) I received from them and [car]ried them [toAssyria]

Notes to the textThe original fragmentary slab was left on the mound On the basis of several

squeezes Smith first made rough copies and then restored the text and published itin III R 102 (see the discussion in Tadmor 1994136-137) The reading illiknammusisu is based on Smiths early draft now published by Tadmor (1994 PI LFr d Line 17) It should be noted that the cuneiform signs of Line 17 in Smithsrough copy look quite different from those in the composite restored text (1994 PILI)

The reading 10(talents of gold) and 1000(talents ofsilver)(so Tadmor 1994276)follows a pattern according to which the weight of the silver is either a multiplicationof 10or 100 ofthe gold see Ann 106 Summ 7rev 15 Ann 215 (30 talents ofgold and 300 talents of silver)

The restoration ta-marti-su-nu matches exactly the missing space (PI LI Line18)and fits the context of a heavy tribute paid by a newly installed king in return forthe recognition of the Assyrian king (see Tadmor 1994276)

b) Summ 9rev 10-11 - [ I installed Hoshea] as king over them [ hetheywent] before me to the city of Sarrabanu [and kissed my feet)

c) Summ 812-13 - [ They have killedPekah their king] within his palace[ ] I accepted their plea to [forgive] their sin and sp[ared] their country

Note to the textThe restoration of Line 12is uncertain Another possible restoration [] within

his palace [I set up my throne] See Ann 258d) Summ 1318 - [Pek]ah their king []e) 2 Kgs 1530 - Then Hoshea the son of Elah made a conspiracy against

Pekah the son of Remaliah and struck him down and slew him and reigned in hisstead

The slaying of Pekah and the installment of Hoshea as king of Israel should bedated to 731 BCE when Tiglath-pileser was engaged in Babylonia after thetermination of his Syro-Palestinian campaigns (Naaman 1986a71-74) The authorof Summ 4 uses a general expression to relate the rise of a new king in Samaria andit remains uncertain whether any of the summary inscriptions explicitly refer to theslaying of Pekah by Hoshea (note the alternative possible restorations of Summ812) The author of the Book of Kings on the other hand had before him a bettersource and was able to describe in detail the background for the installation ofHoshea the last king of Israel on the throne of Samaria

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3 The End of Azriyaus Rebellion (Ann 192-3)

The original slab was left in the mound and Layards original copy now publishedby Tadmor (1994 PI XVI) is our main source The slab was also copied byRawlinson (see Tadmor 1994 PI XVII) It was collated and prepared forpublication by Smith who made rough copies (Tadmor 1994PIs XXVII-XXVII)and finally a reconstructed text (III R 93 see the detailed discussions in Tadmor199432-33216-219)

In his edition of Ann 192-3 Tadmor (199458 n 2) followed the text ofLayard and noted some variant readings in Smiths facsimile and translation ofLine 2 He further commented (ibid 216) that it seeIlis that Smith alsoincorporated in III R 93 some improved readings derived from consulting thesqueeze (or Rawlinsons rough copy of the slab made in situ) There is no apparentmotivation for Smith to replace Layards cuneiform signs by his own readings Itseems that he had observed the improved readings either in the squeeze or inRawlinsons rough copy and integrated them into his draft and lithographic copy ofthe text

In light of some parallels (Ann 179237 Summ 719) the beginning of Line 2may safely be restored thus mAz-ri-a-u[a-di ina qiitell u~ab-bit-ma6 Smithscopy of the ma- sign as a GAL indicates that he saw a horizontal wedge after the maand it may be interpreted as an AS-sign He further copied Layards ZA-sign as an aand the AD-sign as a ia Smiths ia-sign may possibly be deciphered as an ad-sign+the beginning of a di but this remains uncertain In this light the second half ofLine 2 may be restored thus ina hi-raa-ti ad-[di-su-nu-ti] (compare Summ719-20)

In Line 3 I suggest restoring [me-ni-DIN GIR ana LUG AL]-u-ti ina [UGU-su-nuaskunma biltu] ma-da-at-tu ki-i sa [ emissu]

A suggested translation for Lines 2-3 I seized Azriyau [together with hisnobles with (my) hands] I pl[aced them in fet]ters [and took them to Assyria () Iinstalled Eni-il as k]ing ov[er them I imposed upon him] tribute like that [of anearlier king]

6 Smith (1875276 Line 12) translated Azriau my hand greatly captur~d In Ann 256-7one may restore thus Tutammu together with his nobles [I seized with (my) hands andtook them to Assyria] I captured Kinalua (compare Ann 178) The number of signsrestored at the beginning of Line 7 equals the number of signs restored at the beginning ofLine 3 (see Tadmors note to Line 3)

7 Theformula kfSa Assurf emissunuti restored by Tadmor (1994583) refers to territories thatwere annexed to Assyria I believe that Line 3 refers to a vassal king (Eni-il) and thereforesuggest a different restoration based on Sargon IIs inscription that relates the organizationof the province of Hamath following its rebellion and annexation (Fuchs 199419724) Foranother possible restoration see Lambert 1981125 Lines 10-12

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Naaman Tiglath-pileser Ills Campaigns Against Tyre and Israel

Tiglath-pilesers annexation and organization of the two provinces of ijatarikkaand ~imirra is described in detail in Ann 1958-63 Lines 4-11 It is clear thatLines 2- 3 refer to different matters According to the above suggested restorationsLine 2 relates the end of Azriyaus rebellion and the captivity of its leader and hissupporters whereas Line 3 recounts the installment of Eni-il on the throne of thereduced kingdom of Hamath These text restorations support my former suggestion(Naaman 197439 1978229-230238-239) that Azriyau was king of ijatarikka+Hamath possibly of Aramean origin who stood at the head of the rebellion againstAssyria in 738 BCE and was defeated and lost his kingdom and probably his lifes

8 I am grateful to Prof H Tadmor who read the manuscript of this paper and suggestednumerous valuable comments

REFERENCES

Alt A 1927 Eine galiHiischeOrtsliste in Jos 19 ZA W 4559-81Alt A 1953Tiglathpilesers III erster Feldzug nach Palastina Kleine Schriften zur

Geschichte des Volkes Israel II Munich150-162Astour MC 1979 The Kingdom of Siyannu-Usnatu Ugarit Forschungen

1113-28Barthelemy D 1982 Critique textuelle de IAncien Testament 1 Josue Juges

Ruth Samuel Rois Chroniques Esdras Nehemie Esther (Orbis Biblicus etOrientalis 501) Fribourg and Gottingen

Cogan M and Tadmor H 1988 II Kings (The Anchor Bible) Garden CityEhrlich CS 1991 Coalition Politics in Eighth Century BCE Palestine The

Philistines and the Syro-Ephraimite War ZDPV 10748-58Ephcal I 1982 The Ancient Arabs Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile Crescent

9th-5th Centuries BC Jerusalem and LeidenFuchs A 1994 Die Inschriften Sargons II aus Khorsabad GottingenKallai Z 1986 Historical Geography of the Bible The Tribal Territories of Israel

Jerusalem and LeidenKatzenstein HJ 1973 The History of Tyre from the Beginning of the Second

Millennium BCE until the Fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire in 538B cE Jerusalem

Lambert WG 1981 Portion ofInscribed Stela of Sargon II King of Assyria InMuscarella OW ed Ladders to Heaven Toronto

Laessoe J 1959 A Statue of Shalmaneser III from Nimrud Iraq 21147-157Lemaire A 1991 Asher et Ie Royaume de Tyr In Lipinski A ed Phoenicia and

the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 135-152

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Lipinski A 1991 The Territory of Asher and the Tribe of Asher In Lipinski Aed Phoenicia and the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 153-166

Luckenbill DD 1924 The Annals of Sennacherib ChicagoMontgomery JA 1951 A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of

Kings (The International Critical Commentary) EdinburghNaaman N 1974 Sennacheribs Letter to God on his Campaign to Judah

BASOR 21425-39Naaman N 1978 Looking for KTK WO 9220-239Naaman N 1986a Historical and Chronological Notes on the Kingdoms ofIsrael

and Judah in the Eighth Century Bc VT3671-92Naaman N 1986bBorders and Districts in Biblical Historiography Seven Studies

in Biblical Geographical Lists JerusalemNaaman N 1993 Population Changes in Palestine following Assyrian

Deportations Tel Aviv 20104-124Naaman N forthcoming Rezin of Damascus and the Land of Gilead ZDPV

1112Noth M 1935 Studien zu den historisch-geographischen Dokumenten des

J osuabuches ZDPV 58185-255Oded B 1974 The Phoenician Cities and the Assyrian Empire in the Time of

Tiglath-pileser III ZDPV9038-49Oppenheim AL 1955Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts ANET 265-317Postgate JN 1974 Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire RomeSaggs HWF 1955 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part II Iraq 17126-154Saggs HWF 1963 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part VI Iraq 2570-80Smith G 1875 Assyrian Discoveries LondonTadmor H 1990 Tiglath-pileser III in Palestine Shnaton - An Annual for

Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies 10179-187 (Hebrew)Tadmor H 1994 The Inscriptions of Tiglath- Pieser III King of Assyria Critical

Edition with Introductions Translations and Commentary JerusalemVogt E 1964 Die Texte Tiglath-Pilesers III tiber die Eroberung PaHistinas

Biblica 45348-354Wiseman DJ 1951 The Historical Inscriptions from Nimrud Iraq 1321-26Wtirthwein E 1984 Die Bucher der Konige 1 Kon 17-2 Kon 25 (Das Alte

Testament Deutsch XI2) Gottingen

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in his 734-732 BCE campaigns is untenable Some other coastal kingdom isreferred to in Lines 1-9 of Summ 8

e)There is no similarity whatsoever between the description ofthe subjugation ofTyre in Summ 9rev 5-8 and the text of Summ 810-13 Noteworthy is the 3rdperson sing in the former description as against the 3rd person pI in the latter Theconquest of some other kingdom is evidently being described in the latter text (for~

further discussion of Summ 810-13 see Part 2 below)d) There is a marked similarity between the episode ofTyre in Summ 95-8 and

the more detailed description of the Tyrian episode in Summ 81-9 The city whoseconquest is related in Summ 83 is Mabalab described in Summ 9rev 6 as his(ie Hirams) fortified city (al dannutisu) Its name is spelled Maballiba in theAnnals of Sennacherib (Luckenbill 192429 Line 42) It is situated south of themouth of the Litani River (today Khirbet el-Ma~alib) on the main road leading toTyre from the north In my opinion MabalabjMaballiba is referred to in Josh1929 in the descriptive name the fortress of Tyre (fr mib~ar ~i5r 2 Sam 247mib~ar ~i5r) a designation that befits its strategic location4 Biblical ltfr mib~ar

(fortified city) is an accurate equivalent of Akkadian al dannuti thus bothdescriptive terms refer to the same city

On the basis of Summ 9rev 6-7 Lines 3-6 of Summ 8 may be restored thus

3 ( their weapons] I dispersed That city to(gether with (other) largecities I captured]

4 For recent discussions of the tribal territory of Asher see Kallai 198637-40212-224 withearlier literature Naaman 1986b50-60 Lemaire 1991135-137 143 Lipinski 1991162-165The northern boundary of Asheris described in detail (Josh 1928-29) and can accurately bedelineated The assumption of some scholars (Alt 192769 n 3 Noth 1935222-225 Lemaire1991 136) that the phrases unto great Sidon and and to the fortress of Tyre were insertedinto Josh 1928-29 is arbitrary and is founded on Noths obsolete idea of an original unifieddocument that was formulated as a list of border points (Grenzjixpunkte) (for a criticaldiscussion see Kallai 19867-999-102 and passim) The two phrases are integral parts ofthe original description of Ashers borders The northern boundary of Asher reached theLilani River turned sharply (sab) along its southern bank to Ramah (Lemaire [1991136]and Lipinski [1991163-164] read hayyammah [to the sea1 instead of haramah) andreached the fortress of Tyre (fr mibsectar sector) The identification of the fortress of Tyre withthe fortified city (al danniitl) of Ma~alab Ma~alliba located south of the mouth of the LilaniRiver is self evident At this point the boundary turned sharply (sab) southward passedthrough a place called Hosah which must be sought east of the city ofU su (Old Tyre todayTell er-Rashidiyeh) and reached the sea leaving a small continental territory for thekingdom of Tyre (Naaman 1986b54-56) The town list that follows runs from bl toAhzib Some MS of the Old Greek translates mblfrom Oleb(Barthelemy 198257-59)In light of Judg 131 it should best be rendered from Ahlab The town may tentatively belocated at Ras el-Abyad (the Promotorium Album of Pliny) 12 km south of Tyre and hasnothing to do with the town of Magalab Magalliba (the fortress of Tyre) situated furtherto the north (Kallai 1986221-223 Naaman 1986b57-60)

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4 [Their spoil The rest of them] I devastated in the midst of the sea andanni[hilated them]

5 [ he fear]ed ([ip-IaJlJ-ma) and was frightened He put on sackcloth[( ) came before me and kissed my feet]

6 [20 talents of gold ]

The tribute list is long and covers Lines 6-7 Lines 8-9 detail the administrativearrangements of Tiglath-pileser along the Phoenician coast It opens with aterritorial definition from Kashpuna which is on the shore of the [Upper] Seapossibly continued with a list of towns situated along the coast and ends with thewords [I placed it] under the control of my eunuch the governor of ~i[mirra]Since Kashpuna is located on the southernmost end of the province of ~imirra (seeAnn 195) the entire Phoenician coast south of it including the kingdom ofGubla and the continental areas ofTyre must have been entrusted to the supervisionof the governor of ~imirra

e) Tiglath-pilesers administrative arrangements along the Phoenician coast areilluminated by the letters of Qurdi-Assur-lamur (Saggs 1955127-133 196376-78)This Assyrian official built Kashpuna and settled it with Babylonian deportees (ND2715 Lines 30-49 Postgate 1974391-393) appointed tax-collectors over the quaysof all Mount Lebanon and levied taxes on anyone who brought wood down to thequays (ND 2715 Lines 1-29 Postgate 1974390-391) inspected the affairs of Tyreand Sidon (ND 2715 Lines 1-29 ND 2686) and defended the Phoenician coastagainst Greek pirates (ND 2370 Saggs 196376-78) Qurdi-Assur-liimur must havebeen the governor of ~imirra who was appointed as inspector of the southern areasofthe Phoenician coast following the Assyrian campaign of734 RCE His lettersare additional evidence that Lines 1-9 of Summ 8 indeed refer to the kingdom ofTyre

2 Tiglath-pilesers Campaigns against Israel (734-732 BCE)

Tadmor (1994279-282 cf 1990) summarizes all the available evidence of theAssyrian campaigns against Israel in the years 734-732 RCE I also discussedrecently some aspects of these campaigns (1986a71-74 1993105-106) Yet therelationship of the two annal fragments that describe the Assyrian 733 RCEcampaign against Israel to the summary inscriptions in which the events of severalyears are combined together is not entirely clear and needs to be further investigated

The major obstacle for the discussion is the fragmentary condition of the tworelevant sections (Ann 18 and 24) Moreover the original slabs were left in themound and Layards original copies now published by Tadmor (1994 PIs XV andXXIII) are our main source for the episode Since Ann 23 which relates the eventsof the Assyrian campaign of year 733 against Damascus and Ann 24 which

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describes the campaign against Israel and the submission of Ashkelon wereoriginally two columns on one slab (Tadmor 1994220-221) the length of lines ofthe two columns was probably the same With the help of the text of Ann 18 onemay tentatively reconstruct the text of Ann 24 Admittedly the reconstruction ishighly speculative in particular since there are certain variant readings in the twotexts Also there may have been expanded details of certain towns (compare egTadmor 19947211 8013-14 1863-4) and the captives of two towns aresometimes (though not often) grouped together (see eg Tadmor 199480 15-16)Nevertheless the reconstructed text hypothetical as it is may give us a better ideaof the overall structure and contents of the annalistic account and may helpestimate the number of toponyms enumerated in the original text

]

mRa-(bi-a-ni)]]]

]

5

Ann 24 restoredsa la [ kim a (im-ba-ri as-b)u-up (-su)]sa la [ xx URumes]sa 16 na-[(ge-e sa KUR E iju-um-ri] qa)-[qqaris amnu x ME xx]sal-la-[at uTUDa-(ba-ra-a 6 ME 25 sallat UTUx_a )_2 ME 26 [sallat uruGN3 x ME xx sallat UTUGN4x ME xx]sal-la-at [UTU(iji-na-tu-na 6 ME 50 sallat UTUKu)_ ]4 ME+x [sallat UTUGN7x ME xx sallat UTUIa-(at-bi-te]6 ME 56 sal-[la-at uruSa-a)m-bu-na x ME xx sallat uruGNIO]

13 LIM 5 ME 20 [UNmes sallat uruGNu (UTUA-ru-ma-a uTUMa-ru-um)]10 a-di mar-si-ti-su-nu [alpesunu ~enISunu imeresunu aslula]

KUR-e mar-~u-ti [ ana KUR u-ra-a]mMi-ti-in-ti KUR As-[(qa-lu-na-a-a ina a-de)-e DINGIRmes GALmes

ib-ti-ma]it-ti-ia it-ta-[bal-kit e-mur-ma u ip-Ulb [libbasu (ina mi-qit) temi

15 ba-at-ti ra-ma-ni-[su imqussu mRu-u-kib-tu DUMU-[su (ina gisGUZA-su u-sib a-na)

Translation

[ like a fog I covered His xxx] without [ xx cities] of the 16 di[stricts ofBIt-ijumri I razed to the ground xx] captives [from the city of Dabara 625 captivesfrom GN2] 226 [captives from GN3 xx captives from GN4 xx] captives [from thecity of ijinatuna 650 captives from the city of Ku ] 400+ x [captives from GN 7 xxcaptives from the city of Yatbite] 656 cap[tives from the city of Shambuna xxcaptives from GNIO] 13520 [people captives from the cities of GNu ArumaMarum] with their belongings [their cattle their sheep their asses I took as spoil Ihad them cross] difficult mountains [and carried off to the land of ]

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Mitinti of Ash[kelon broke the loyalty oath (sworn) by the great gods] andre[volted] against me [ the defeat of Rezin] he saw and was fri[ghtened In anattack of desperation panic he fe]ared for his life [ ] Rukibtu [his] son [saton his throne In order to ]

Notes to the textThe length of the restored lines is about the same as that of Ann 23 Identical

signs that are common to Ann 18 and 24 are italicized The estimated location ofthe text of Ann 18 in each line is marked by the signs ( ) According to thereconstruction one line of Ann 18covers about one and half lines of Ann 24 Line11 of Ann 24 was probably omitted from the text of Ann 18 Also the episode ofMitinti is longer in Ann 24 (compare Line 9 of Ann 18 with Line 14 of Ann 24)

For the toponyms see recently Naaman 1993105-106 Tadmor 199482-83Line 9 the restoration is highly uncertain Tadmor (1994281) suggests that thefigure of 13520 people may be the sum total of the deported in one or severalcampaigns to northern Israel This is a plausible suggestion although the sumtotal does not match the preceding numbers of deportees nor is there another text inTiglath-pilesers inscriptions in which an exact total follows a detailed list ofcaptives Since the cities of Aruma and Marum appear in Ann 18 I suggest that ashort list of cities followed the sum total of 13520 thereby the scribe indicated thatthe overall number of captives includes many more people than the precedingdetailed list of deportees and their original locationLine 10 the restoration is based on Ann 2314-15 and Summ 811Line 12 see Ann 253 Summ 719Line 16 the episode continues in Ann 18 It describes how Rukibtu wanderedaround (idill) seeking the support of the Assyrian king and was obliged to pay hislord a tribute of 500 [talents of silver] in return for recognition of his kingshipFor a recent discussion of the episode see Ehrlich 199156-58

The reconstruction clarifies the structure of the account of the Assyrian 733BCE campaign against Israel It may be divided into three parts (a) a descriptionof an attack and conquest (Lines 1-3) (b) a long list of places and the numbers oftheir deportees (Lines 4-8) (c) a conclusion of the episode (Lines 9-11) Sections(a) and (c) agree well with the first portion of both the Israelite passages inTiglath-pilesers four summary inscriptions and the account of the Assyriancampaign in the Book of Kings This is illustrated by the following five citations

a) Summ 415-17 - The land of BIt-ijumria [to its full extent I captured] Thehost (illilt) [of its troops I killed scattered] All its people [I captured] andcarried off [to] Assyria

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b) Summ 9rev 9 - [The land ofBIt-ijumria] to its fu[ll extent I captured Allits people together with] their belongings [I carried off to Assyria]

c) Summ 810-11- [] I filled [the plain] with the bodies oftheirwarriors [likegr]ass [ All its people with] their belongings their cattle their sheep their asses[I took as spoil]

d) Summ 1317-18 - [The land of BIt-ijumria] all [of whose] cities I had[devastated] in my former campaigns [all its people with] its livestock I haddespoiled and had spared Samaria alone

e) 2 Kgs 1529 - In the days of Pekah king of Israel Tiglath-pileser king ofAssyria came and captured Ijon Abel-beth-maacah Janoah Kedesh Hazor allthe land of Naphtali and he carried the people captive to Assyria5

The text of Summ 1317-18 indicates that Tiglath-pileser conducted severalcampaigns against Israel (Tadmor 1994281)However the close similarity betweenthe text of the annals of year 733 and all four summary inscriptions implies that thiswas the major campaign in which Israels power was broken and a massivedeportation took place One may further assume that the north Galilean townsenumerated in 2 Kgs 1529 were also captured and their inhabitants deportedduring the 733 BCE campaign

In his 734 campaign Tiglath-pileser subjugated the Philistine coast up to itssouthernmost border (Na1)alMu~ur today Wadi Ghazzeh) and on his waysouthward he must have conquered the Phoenician coast between Kashpuna andMount Carmel and the Israelite coast between Mount Carmel and the YarkonRiver In his 732 campaign Tiglath-pileser conquered and annexed the kingdom ofDamascus as well as the Transjordanian areas east of the Jordan River (on thestatus of Transjordan on the eve of the Assyrian campaign see Naamanforthcoming) The sparing of Samaria alone (Summ 1318) exactly reflects thestate of affairs following the three Assyrian campaigns in the years 734-732 BCEand the probable annexation of the three provinces of Dor Megiddo and Gilead tothe Assyrian territory

The episode of the removal of Pekah and the installation of Hoshea on the thronefollows the episode of conquest and deportation in all four Assyrian summaryinscriptions and in the Book of Kings Following is a translation of this secondepisode

a) Summ 417-19 - Pekah their king died (DU (illik)rnaml-m)u-sisul)I installed Hoshea [as king] over them 10talents of gold 1000(sic) talents of silver

5 Commentators have noted that Gilead does not accord with the list of towns and that theterm Galilee appears here in its late Hebrew Aramaized form (Cogan and Tadmor 1988174)They thus suggest that the geographical designations Galilee and Gilead are glosses Theoriginal text summarized the list of towns by the phrase all the land of Naphtali SeeMontgomery 1951452 Wtirthwein 1984383 Cogan and Tadmor 1988174

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their [tribu]te ([ta-marti-su-nu) I received from them and [car]ried them [toAssyria]

Notes to the textThe original fragmentary slab was left on the mound On the basis of several

squeezes Smith first made rough copies and then restored the text and published itin III R 102 (see the discussion in Tadmor 1994136-137) The reading illiknammusisu is based on Smiths early draft now published by Tadmor (1994 PI LFr d Line 17) It should be noted that the cuneiform signs of Line 17 in Smithsrough copy look quite different from those in the composite restored text (1994 PILI)

The reading 10(talents of gold) and 1000(talents ofsilver)(so Tadmor 1994276)follows a pattern according to which the weight of the silver is either a multiplicationof 10or 100 ofthe gold see Ann 106 Summ 7rev 15 Ann 215 (30 talents ofgold and 300 talents of silver)

The restoration ta-marti-su-nu matches exactly the missing space (PI LI Line18)and fits the context of a heavy tribute paid by a newly installed king in return forthe recognition of the Assyrian king (see Tadmor 1994276)

b) Summ 9rev 10-11 - [ I installed Hoshea] as king over them [ hetheywent] before me to the city of Sarrabanu [and kissed my feet)

c) Summ 812-13 - [ They have killedPekah their king] within his palace[ ] I accepted their plea to [forgive] their sin and sp[ared] their country

Note to the textThe restoration of Line 12is uncertain Another possible restoration [] within

his palace [I set up my throne] See Ann 258d) Summ 1318 - [Pek]ah their king []e) 2 Kgs 1530 - Then Hoshea the son of Elah made a conspiracy against

Pekah the son of Remaliah and struck him down and slew him and reigned in hisstead

The slaying of Pekah and the installment of Hoshea as king of Israel should bedated to 731 BCE when Tiglath-pileser was engaged in Babylonia after thetermination of his Syro-Palestinian campaigns (Naaman 1986a71-74) The authorof Summ 4 uses a general expression to relate the rise of a new king in Samaria andit remains uncertain whether any of the summary inscriptions explicitly refer to theslaying of Pekah by Hoshea (note the alternative possible restorations of Summ812) The author of the Book of Kings on the other hand had before him a bettersource and was able to describe in detail the background for the installation ofHoshea the last king of Israel on the throne of Samaria

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3 The End of Azriyaus Rebellion (Ann 192-3)

The original slab was left in the mound and Layards original copy now publishedby Tadmor (1994 PI XVI) is our main source The slab was also copied byRawlinson (see Tadmor 1994 PI XVII) It was collated and prepared forpublication by Smith who made rough copies (Tadmor 1994PIs XXVII-XXVII)and finally a reconstructed text (III R 93 see the detailed discussions in Tadmor199432-33216-219)

In his edition of Ann 192-3 Tadmor (199458 n 2) followed the text ofLayard and noted some variant readings in Smiths facsimile and translation ofLine 2 He further commented (ibid 216) that it seeIlis that Smith alsoincorporated in III R 93 some improved readings derived from consulting thesqueeze (or Rawlinsons rough copy of the slab made in situ) There is no apparentmotivation for Smith to replace Layards cuneiform signs by his own readings Itseems that he had observed the improved readings either in the squeeze or inRawlinsons rough copy and integrated them into his draft and lithographic copy ofthe text

In light of some parallels (Ann 179237 Summ 719) the beginning of Line 2may safely be restored thus mAz-ri-a-u[a-di ina qiitell u~ab-bit-ma6 Smithscopy of the ma- sign as a GAL indicates that he saw a horizontal wedge after the maand it may be interpreted as an AS-sign He further copied Layards ZA-sign as an aand the AD-sign as a ia Smiths ia-sign may possibly be deciphered as an ad-sign+the beginning of a di but this remains uncertain In this light the second half ofLine 2 may be restored thus ina hi-raa-ti ad-[di-su-nu-ti] (compare Summ719-20)

In Line 3 I suggest restoring [me-ni-DIN GIR ana LUG AL]-u-ti ina [UGU-su-nuaskunma biltu] ma-da-at-tu ki-i sa [ emissu]

A suggested translation for Lines 2-3 I seized Azriyau [together with hisnobles with (my) hands] I pl[aced them in fet]ters [and took them to Assyria () Iinstalled Eni-il as k]ing ov[er them I imposed upon him] tribute like that [of anearlier king]

6 Smith (1875276 Line 12) translated Azriau my hand greatly captur~d In Ann 256-7one may restore thus Tutammu together with his nobles [I seized with (my) hands andtook them to Assyria] I captured Kinalua (compare Ann 178) The number of signsrestored at the beginning of Line 7 equals the number of signs restored at the beginning ofLine 3 (see Tadmors note to Line 3)

7 Theformula kfSa Assurf emissunuti restored by Tadmor (1994583) refers to territories thatwere annexed to Assyria I believe that Line 3 refers to a vassal king (Eni-il) and thereforesuggest a different restoration based on Sargon IIs inscription that relates the organizationof the province of Hamath following its rebellion and annexation (Fuchs 199419724) Foranother possible restoration see Lambert 1981125 Lines 10-12

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Naaman Tiglath-pileser Ills Campaigns Against Tyre and Israel

Tiglath-pilesers annexation and organization of the two provinces of ijatarikkaand ~imirra is described in detail in Ann 1958-63 Lines 4-11 It is clear thatLines 2- 3 refer to different matters According to the above suggested restorationsLine 2 relates the end of Azriyaus rebellion and the captivity of its leader and hissupporters whereas Line 3 recounts the installment of Eni-il on the throne of thereduced kingdom of Hamath These text restorations support my former suggestion(Naaman 197439 1978229-230238-239) that Azriyau was king of ijatarikka+Hamath possibly of Aramean origin who stood at the head of the rebellion againstAssyria in 738 BCE and was defeated and lost his kingdom and probably his lifes

8 I am grateful to Prof H Tadmor who read the manuscript of this paper and suggestednumerous valuable comments

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1113-28Barthelemy D 1982 Critique textuelle de IAncien Testament 1 Josue Juges

Ruth Samuel Rois Chroniques Esdras Nehemie Esther (Orbis Biblicus etOrientalis 501) Fribourg and Gottingen

Cogan M and Tadmor H 1988 II Kings (The Anchor Bible) Garden CityEhrlich CS 1991 Coalition Politics in Eighth Century BCE Palestine The

Philistines and the Syro-Ephraimite War ZDPV 10748-58Ephcal I 1982 The Ancient Arabs Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile Crescent

9th-5th Centuries BC Jerusalem and LeidenFuchs A 1994 Die Inschriften Sargons II aus Khorsabad GottingenKallai Z 1986 Historical Geography of the Bible The Tribal Territories of Israel

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Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies 10179-187 (Hebrew)Tadmor H 1994 The Inscriptions of Tiglath- Pieser III King of Assyria Critical

Edition with Introductions Translations and Commentary JerusalemVogt E 1964 Die Texte Tiglath-Pilesers III tiber die Eroberung PaHistinas

Biblica 45348-354Wiseman DJ 1951 The Historical Inscriptions from Nimrud Iraq 1321-26Wtirthwein E 1984 Die Bucher der Konige 1 Kon 17-2 Kon 25 (Das Alte

Testament Deutsch XI2) Gottingen

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4 [Their spoil The rest of them] I devastated in the midst of the sea andanni[hilated them]

5 [ he fear]ed ([ip-IaJlJ-ma) and was frightened He put on sackcloth[( ) came before me and kissed my feet]

6 [20 talents of gold ]

The tribute list is long and covers Lines 6-7 Lines 8-9 detail the administrativearrangements of Tiglath-pileser along the Phoenician coast It opens with aterritorial definition from Kashpuna which is on the shore of the [Upper] Seapossibly continued with a list of towns situated along the coast and ends with thewords [I placed it] under the control of my eunuch the governor of ~i[mirra]Since Kashpuna is located on the southernmost end of the province of ~imirra (seeAnn 195) the entire Phoenician coast south of it including the kingdom ofGubla and the continental areas ofTyre must have been entrusted to the supervisionof the governor of ~imirra

e) Tiglath-pilesers administrative arrangements along the Phoenician coast areilluminated by the letters of Qurdi-Assur-lamur (Saggs 1955127-133 196376-78)This Assyrian official built Kashpuna and settled it with Babylonian deportees (ND2715 Lines 30-49 Postgate 1974391-393) appointed tax-collectors over the quaysof all Mount Lebanon and levied taxes on anyone who brought wood down to thequays (ND 2715 Lines 1-29 Postgate 1974390-391) inspected the affairs of Tyreand Sidon (ND 2715 Lines 1-29 ND 2686) and defended the Phoenician coastagainst Greek pirates (ND 2370 Saggs 196376-78) Qurdi-Assur-liimur must havebeen the governor of ~imirra who was appointed as inspector of the southern areasofthe Phoenician coast following the Assyrian campaign of734 RCE His lettersare additional evidence that Lines 1-9 of Summ 8 indeed refer to the kingdom ofTyre

2 Tiglath-pilesers Campaigns against Israel (734-732 BCE)

Tadmor (1994279-282 cf 1990) summarizes all the available evidence of theAssyrian campaigns against Israel in the years 734-732 RCE I also discussedrecently some aspects of these campaigns (1986a71-74 1993105-106) Yet therelationship of the two annal fragments that describe the Assyrian 733 RCEcampaign against Israel to the summary inscriptions in which the events of severalyears are combined together is not entirely clear and needs to be further investigated

The major obstacle for the discussion is the fragmentary condition of the tworelevant sections (Ann 18 and 24) Moreover the original slabs were left in themound and Layards original copies now published by Tadmor (1994 PIs XV andXXIII) are our main source for the episode Since Ann 23 which relates the eventsof the Assyrian campaign of year 733 against Damascus and Ann 24 which

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describes the campaign against Israel and the submission of Ashkelon wereoriginally two columns on one slab (Tadmor 1994220-221) the length of lines ofthe two columns was probably the same With the help of the text of Ann 18 onemay tentatively reconstruct the text of Ann 24 Admittedly the reconstruction ishighly speculative in particular since there are certain variant readings in the twotexts Also there may have been expanded details of certain towns (compare egTadmor 19947211 8013-14 1863-4) and the captives of two towns aresometimes (though not often) grouped together (see eg Tadmor 199480 15-16)Nevertheless the reconstructed text hypothetical as it is may give us a better ideaof the overall structure and contents of the annalistic account and may helpestimate the number of toponyms enumerated in the original text

]

mRa-(bi-a-ni)]]]

]

5

Ann 24 restoredsa la [ kim a (im-ba-ri as-b)u-up (-su)]sa la [ xx URumes]sa 16 na-[(ge-e sa KUR E iju-um-ri] qa)-[qqaris amnu x ME xx]sal-la-[at uTUDa-(ba-ra-a 6 ME 25 sallat UTUx_a )_2 ME 26 [sallat uruGN3 x ME xx sallat UTUGN4x ME xx]sal-la-at [UTU(iji-na-tu-na 6 ME 50 sallat UTUKu)_ ]4 ME+x [sallat UTUGN7x ME xx sallat UTUIa-(at-bi-te]6 ME 56 sal-[la-at uruSa-a)m-bu-na x ME xx sallat uruGNIO]

13 LIM 5 ME 20 [UNmes sallat uruGNu (UTUA-ru-ma-a uTUMa-ru-um)]10 a-di mar-si-ti-su-nu [alpesunu ~enISunu imeresunu aslula]

KUR-e mar-~u-ti [ ana KUR u-ra-a]mMi-ti-in-ti KUR As-[(qa-lu-na-a-a ina a-de)-e DINGIRmes GALmes

ib-ti-ma]it-ti-ia it-ta-[bal-kit e-mur-ma u ip-Ulb [libbasu (ina mi-qit) temi

15 ba-at-ti ra-ma-ni-[su imqussu mRu-u-kib-tu DUMU-[su (ina gisGUZA-su u-sib a-na)

Translation

[ like a fog I covered His xxx] without [ xx cities] of the 16 di[stricts ofBIt-ijumri I razed to the ground xx] captives [from the city of Dabara 625 captivesfrom GN2] 226 [captives from GN3 xx captives from GN4 xx] captives [from thecity of ijinatuna 650 captives from the city of Ku ] 400+ x [captives from GN 7 xxcaptives from the city of Yatbite] 656 cap[tives from the city of Shambuna xxcaptives from GNIO] 13520 [people captives from the cities of GNu ArumaMarum] with their belongings [their cattle their sheep their asses I took as spoil Ihad them cross] difficult mountains [and carried off to the land of ]

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Mitinti of Ash[kelon broke the loyalty oath (sworn) by the great gods] andre[volted] against me [ the defeat of Rezin] he saw and was fri[ghtened In anattack of desperation panic he fe]ared for his life [ ] Rukibtu [his] son [saton his throne In order to ]

Notes to the textThe length of the restored lines is about the same as that of Ann 23 Identical

signs that are common to Ann 18 and 24 are italicized The estimated location ofthe text of Ann 18 in each line is marked by the signs ( ) According to thereconstruction one line of Ann 18covers about one and half lines of Ann 24 Line11 of Ann 24 was probably omitted from the text of Ann 18 Also the episode ofMitinti is longer in Ann 24 (compare Line 9 of Ann 18 with Line 14 of Ann 24)

For the toponyms see recently Naaman 1993105-106 Tadmor 199482-83Line 9 the restoration is highly uncertain Tadmor (1994281) suggests that thefigure of 13520 people may be the sum total of the deported in one or severalcampaigns to northern Israel This is a plausible suggestion although the sumtotal does not match the preceding numbers of deportees nor is there another text inTiglath-pilesers inscriptions in which an exact total follows a detailed list ofcaptives Since the cities of Aruma and Marum appear in Ann 18 I suggest that ashort list of cities followed the sum total of 13520 thereby the scribe indicated thatthe overall number of captives includes many more people than the precedingdetailed list of deportees and their original locationLine 10 the restoration is based on Ann 2314-15 and Summ 811Line 12 see Ann 253 Summ 719Line 16 the episode continues in Ann 18 It describes how Rukibtu wanderedaround (idill) seeking the support of the Assyrian king and was obliged to pay hislord a tribute of 500 [talents of silver] in return for recognition of his kingshipFor a recent discussion of the episode see Ehrlich 199156-58

The reconstruction clarifies the structure of the account of the Assyrian 733BCE campaign against Israel It may be divided into three parts (a) a descriptionof an attack and conquest (Lines 1-3) (b) a long list of places and the numbers oftheir deportees (Lines 4-8) (c) a conclusion of the episode (Lines 9-11) Sections(a) and (c) agree well with the first portion of both the Israelite passages inTiglath-pilesers four summary inscriptions and the account of the Assyriancampaign in the Book of Kings This is illustrated by the following five citations

a) Summ 415-17 - The land of BIt-ijumria [to its full extent I captured] Thehost (illilt) [of its troops I killed scattered] All its people [I captured] andcarried off [to] Assyria

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b) Summ 9rev 9 - [The land ofBIt-ijumria] to its fu[ll extent I captured Allits people together with] their belongings [I carried off to Assyria]

c) Summ 810-11- [] I filled [the plain] with the bodies oftheirwarriors [likegr]ass [ All its people with] their belongings their cattle their sheep their asses[I took as spoil]

d) Summ 1317-18 - [The land of BIt-ijumria] all [of whose] cities I had[devastated] in my former campaigns [all its people with] its livestock I haddespoiled and had spared Samaria alone

e) 2 Kgs 1529 - In the days of Pekah king of Israel Tiglath-pileser king ofAssyria came and captured Ijon Abel-beth-maacah Janoah Kedesh Hazor allthe land of Naphtali and he carried the people captive to Assyria5

The text of Summ 1317-18 indicates that Tiglath-pileser conducted severalcampaigns against Israel (Tadmor 1994281)However the close similarity betweenthe text of the annals of year 733 and all four summary inscriptions implies that thiswas the major campaign in which Israels power was broken and a massivedeportation took place One may further assume that the north Galilean townsenumerated in 2 Kgs 1529 were also captured and their inhabitants deportedduring the 733 BCE campaign

In his 734 campaign Tiglath-pileser subjugated the Philistine coast up to itssouthernmost border (Na1)alMu~ur today Wadi Ghazzeh) and on his waysouthward he must have conquered the Phoenician coast between Kashpuna andMount Carmel and the Israelite coast between Mount Carmel and the YarkonRiver In his 732 campaign Tiglath-pileser conquered and annexed the kingdom ofDamascus as well as the Transjordanian areas east of the Jordan River (on thestatus of Transjordan on the eve of the Assyrian campaign see Naamanforthcoming) The sparing of Samaria alone (Summ 1318) exactly reflects thestate of affairs following the three Assyrian campaigns in the years 734-732 BCEand the probable annexation of the three provinces of Dor Megiddo and Gilead tothe Assyrian territory

The episode of the removal of Pekah and the installation of Hoshea on the thronefollows the episode of conquest and deportation in all four Assyrian summaryinscriptions and in the Book of Kings Following is a translation of this secondepisode

a) Summ 417-19 - Pekah their king died (DU (illik)rnaml-m)u-sisul)I installed Hoshea [as king] over them 10talents of gold 1000(sic) talents of silver

5 Commentators have noted that Gilead does not accord with the list of towns and that theterm Galilee appears here in its late Hebrew Aramaized form (Cogan and Tadmor 1988174)They thus suggest that the geographical designations Galilee and Gilead are glosses Theoriginal text summarized the list of towns by the phrase all the land of Naphtali SeeMontgomery 1951452 Wtirthwein 1984383 Cogan and Tadmor 1988174

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Naaman Tiglath-pileser Ills Campaigns Against Tyre and Israel

their [tribu]te ([ta-marti-su-nu) I received from them and [car]ried them [toAssyria]

Notes to the textThe original fragmentary slab was left on the mound On the basis of several

squeezes Smith first made rough copies and then restored the text and published itin III R 102 (see the discussion in Tadmor 1994136-137) The reading illiknammusisu is based on Smiths early draft now published by Tadmor (1994 PI LFr d Line 17) It should be noted that the cuneiform signs of Line 17 in Smithsrough copy look quite different from those in the composite restored text (1994 PILI)

The reading 10(talents of gold) and 1000(talents ofsilver)(so Tadmor 1994276)follows a pattern according to which the weight of the silver is either a multiplicationof 10or 100 ofthe gold see Ann 106 Summ 7rev 15 Ann 215 (30 talents ofgold and 300 talents of silver)

The restoration ta-marti-su-nu matches exactly the missing space (PI LI Line18)and fits the context of a heavy tribute paid by a newly installed king in return forthe recognition of the Assyrian king (see Tadmor 1994276)

b) Summ 9rev 10-11 - [ I installed Hoshea] as king over them [ hetheywent] before me to the city of Sarrabanu [and kissed my feet)

c) Summ 812-13 - [ They have killedPekah their king] within his palace[ ] I accepted their plea to [forgive] their sin and sp[ared] their country

Note to the textThe restoration of Line 12is uncertain Another possible restoration [] within

his palace [I set up my throne] See Ann 258d) Summ 1318 - [Pek]ah their king []e) 2 Kgs 1530 - Then Hoshea the son of Elah made a conspiracy against

Pekah the son of Remaliah and struck him down and slew him and reigned in hisstead

The slaying of Pekah and the installment of Hoshea as king of Israel should bedated to 731 BCE when Tiglath-pileser was engaged in Babylonia after thetermination of his Syro-Palestinian campaigns (Naaman 1986a71-74) The authorof Summ 4 uses a general expression to relate the rise of a new king in Samaria andit remains uncertain whether any of the summary inscriptions explicitly refer to theslaying of Pekah by Hoshea (note the alternative possible restorations of Summ812) The author of the Book of Kings on the other hand had before him a bettersource and was able to describe in detail the background for the installation ofHoshea the last king of Israel on the throne of Samaria

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3 The End of Azriyaus Rebellion (Ann 192-3)

The original slab was left in the mound and Layards original copy now publishedby Tadmor (1994 PI XVI) is our main source The slab was also copied byRawlinson (see Tadmor 1994 PI XVII) It was collated and prepared forpublication by Smith who made rough copies (Tadmor 1994PIs XXVII-XXVII)and finally a reconstructed text (III R 93 see the detailed discussions in Tadmor199432-33216-219)

In his edition of Ann 192-3 Tadmor (199458 n 2) followed the text ofLayard and noted some variant readings in Smiths facsimile and translation ofLine 2 He further commented (ibid 216) that it seeIlis that Smith alsoincorporated in III R 93 some improved readings derived from consulting thesqueeze (or Rawlinsons rough copy of the slab made in situ) There is no apparentmotivation for Smith to replace Layards cuneiform signs by his own readings Itseems that he had observed the improved readings either in the squeeze or inRawlinsons rough copy and integrated them into his draft and lithographic copy ofthe text

In light of some parallels (Ann 179237 Summ 719) the beginning of Line 2may safely be restored thus mAz-ri-a-u[a-di ina qiitell u~ab-bit-ma6 Smithscopy of the ma- sign as a GAL indicates that he saw a horizontal wedge after the maand it may be interpreted as an AS-sign He further copied Layards ZA-sign as an aand the AD-sign as a ia Smiths ia-sign may possibly be deciphered as an ad-sign+the beginning of a di but this remains uncertain In this light the second half ofLine 2 may be restored thus ina hi-raa-ti ad-[di-su-nu-ti] (compare Summ719-20)

In Line 3 I suggest restoring [me-ni-DIN GIR ana LUG AL]-u-ti ina [UGU-su-nuaskunma biltu] ma-da-at-tu ki-i sa [ emissu]

A suggested translation for Lines 2-3 I seized Azriyau [together with hisnobles with (my) hands] I pl[aced them in fet]ters [and took them to Assyria () Iinstalled Eni-il as k]ing ov[er them I imposed upon him] tribute like that [of anearlier king]

6 Smith (1875276 Line 12) translated Azriau my hand greatly captur~d In Ann 256-7one may restore thus Tutammu together with his nobles [I seized with (my) hands andtook them to Assyria] I captured Kinalua (compare Ann 178) The number of signsrestored at the beginning of Line 7 equals the number of signs restored at the beginning ofLine 3 (see Tadmors note to Line 3)

7 Theformula kfSa Assurf emissunuti restored by Tadmor (1994583) refers to territories thatwere annexed to Assyria I believe that Line 3 refers to a vassal king (Eni-il) and thereforesuggest a different restoration based on Sargon IIs inscription that relates the organizationof the province of Hamath following its rebellion and annexation (Fuchs 199419724) Foranother possible restoration see Lambert 1981125 Lines 10-12

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Naaman Tiglath-pileser Ills Campaigns Against Tyre and Israel

Tiglath-pilesers annexation and organization of the two provinces of ijatarikkaand ~imirra is described in detail in Ann 1958-63 Lines 4-11 It is clear thatLines 2- 3 refer to different matters According to the above suggested restorationsLine 2 relates the end of Azriyaus rebellion and the captivity of its leader and hissupporters whereas Line 3 recounts the installment of Eni-il on the throne of thereduced kingdom of Hamath These text restorations support my former suggestion(Naaman 197439 1978229-230238-239) that Azriyau was king of ijatarikka+Hamath possibly of Aramean origin who stood at the head of the rebellion againstAssyria in 738 BCE and was defeated and lost his kingdom and probably his lifes

8 I am grateful to Prof H Tadmor who read the manuscript of this paper and suggestednumerous valuable comments

REFERENCES

Alt A 1927 Eine galiHiischeOrtsliste in Jos 19 ZA W 4559-81Alt A 1953Tiglathpilesers III erster Feldzug nach Palastina Kleine Schriften zur

Geschichte des Volkes Israel II Munich150-162Astour MC 1979 The Kingdom of Siyannu-Usnatu Ugarit Forschungen

1113-28Barthelemy D 1982 Critique textuelle de IAncien Testament 1 Josue Juges

Ruth Samuel Rois Chroniques Esdras Nehemie Esther (Orbis Biblicus etOrientalis 501) Fribourg and Gottingen

Cogan M and Tadmor H 1988 II Kings (The Anchor Bible) Garden CityEhrlich CS 1991 Coalition Politics in Eighth Century BCE Palestine The

Philistines and the Syro-Ephraimite War ZDPV 10748-58Ephcal I 1982 The Ancient Arabs Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile Crescent

9th-5th Centuries BC Jerusalem and LeidenFuchs A 1994 Die Inschriften Sargons II aus Khorsabad GottingenKallai Z 1986 Historical Geography of the Bible The Tribal Territories of Israel

Jerusalem and LeidenKatzenstein HJ 1973 The History of Tyre from the Beginning of the Second

Millennium BCE until the Fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire in 538B cE Jerusalem

Lambert WG 1981 Portion ofInscribed Stela of Sargon II King of Assyria InMuscarella OW ed Ladders to Heaven Toronto

Laessoe J 1959 A Statue of Shalmaneser III from Nimrud Iraq 21147-157Lemaire A 1991 Asher et Ie Royaume de Tyr In Lipinski A ed Phoenicia and

the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 135-152

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Lipinski A 1991 The Territory of Asher and the Tribe of Asher In Lipinski Aed Phoenicia and the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 153-166

Luckenbill DD 1924 The Annals of Sennacherib ChicagoMontgomery JA 1951 A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of

Kings (The International Critical Commentary) EdinburghNaaman N 1974 Sennacheribs Letter to God on his Campaign to Judah

BASOR 21425-39Naaman N 1978 Looking for KTK WO 9220-239Naaman N 1986a Historical and Chronological Notes on the Kingdoms ofIsrael

and Judah in the Eighth Century Bc VT3671-92Naaman N 1986bBorders and Districts in Biblical Historiography Seven Studies

in Biblical Geographical Lists JerusalemNaaman N 1993 Population Changes in Palestine following Assyrian

Deportations Tel Aviv 20104-124Naaman N forthcoming Rezin of Damascus and the Land of Gilead ZDPV

1112Noth M 1935 Studien zu den historisch-geographischen Dokumenten des

J osuabuches ZDPV 58185-255Oded B 1974 The Phoenician Cities and the Assyrian Empire in the Time of

Tiglath-pileser III ZDPV9038-49Oppenheim AL 1955Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts ANET 265-317Postgate JN 1974 Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire RomeSaggs HWF 1955 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part II Iraq 17126-154Saggs HWF 1963 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part VI Iraq 2570-80Smith G 1875 Assyrian Discoveries LondonTadmor H 1990 Tiglath-pileser III in Palestine Shnaton - An Annual for

Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies 10179-187 (Hebrew)Tadmor H 1994 The Inscriptions of Tiglath- Pieser III King of Assyria Critical

Edition with Introductions Translations and Commentary JerusalemVogt E 1964 Die Texte Tiglath-Pilesers III tiber die Eroberung PaHistinas

Biblica 45348-354Wiseman DJ 1951 The Historical Inscriptions from Nimrud Iraq 1321-26Wtirthwein E 1984 Die Bucher der Konige 1 Kon 17-2 Kon 25 (Das Alte

Testament Deutsch XI2) Gottingen

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describes the campaign against Israel and the submission of Ashkelon wereoriginally two columns on one slab (Tadmor 1994220-221) the length of lines ofthe two columns was probably the same With the help of the text of Ann 18 onemay tentatively reconstruct the text of Ann 24 Admittedly the reconstruction ishighly speculative in particular since there are certain variant readings in the twotexts Also there may have been expanded details of certain towns (compare egTadmor 19947211 8013-14 1863-4) and the captives of two towns aresometimes (though not often) grouped together (see eg Tadmor 199480 15-16)Nevertheless the reconstructed text hypothetical as it is may give us a better ideaof the overall structure and contents of the annalistic account and may helpestimate the number of toponyms enumerated in the original text

]

mRa-(bi-a-ni)]]]

]

5

Ann 24 restoredsa la [ kim a (im-ba-ri as-b)u-up (-su)]sa la [ xx URumes]sa 16 na-[(ge-e sa KUR E iju-um-ri] qa)-[qqaris amnu x ME xx]sal-la-[at uTUDa-(ba-ra-a 6 ME 25 sallat UTUx_a )_2 ME 26 [sallat uruGN3 x ME xx sallat UTUGN4x ME xx]sal-la-at [UTU(iji-na-tu-na 6 ME 50 sallat UTUKu)_ ]4 ME+x [sallat UTUGN7x ME xx sallat UTUIa-(at-bi-te]6 ME 56 sal-[la-at uruSa-a)m-bu-na x ME xx sallat uruGNIO]

13 LIM 5 ME 20 [UNmes sallat uruGNu (UTUA-ru-ma-a uTUMa-ru-um)]10 a-di mar-si-ti-su-nu [alpesunu ~enISunu imeresunu aslula]

KUR-e mar-~u-ti [ ana KUR u-ra-a]mMi-ti-in-ti KUR As-[(qa-lu-na-a-a ina a-de)-e DINGIRmes GALmes

ib-ti-ma]it-ti-ia it-ta-[bal-kit e-mur-ma u ip-Ulb [libbasu (ina mi-qit) temi

15 ba-at-ti ra-ma-ni-[su imqussu mRu-u-kib-tu DUMU-[su (ina gisGUZA-su u-sib a-na)

Translation

[ like a fog I covered His xxx] without [ xx cities] of the 16 di[stricts ofBIt-ijumri I razed to the ground xx] captives [from the city of Dabara 625 captivesfrom GN2] 226 [captives from GN3 xx captives from GN4 xx] captives [from thecity of ijinatuna 650 captives from the city of Ku ] 400+ x [captives from GN 7 xxcaptives from the city of Yatbite] 656 cap[tives from the city of Shambuna xxcaptives from GNIO] 13520 [people captives from the cities of GNu ArumaMarum] with their belongings [their cattle their sheep their asses I took as spoil Ihad them cross] difficult mountains [and carried off to the land of ]

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Mitinti of Ash[kelon broke the loyalty oath (sworn) by the great gods] andre[volted] against me [ the defeat of Rezin] he saw and was fri[ghtened In anattack of desperation panic he fe]ared for his life [ ] Rukibtu [his] son [saton his throne In order to ]

Notes to the textThe length of the restored lines is about the same as that of Ann 23 Identical

signs that are common to Ann 18 and 24 are italicized The estimated location ofthe text of Ann 18 in each line is marked by the signs ( ) According to thereconstruction one line of Ann 18covers about one and half lines of Ann 24 Line11 of Ann 24 was probably omitted from the text of Ann 18 Also the episode ofMitinti is longer in Ann 24 (compare Line 9 of Ann 18 with Line 14 of Ann 24)

For the toponyms see recently Naaman 1993105-106 Tadmor 199482-83Line 9 the restoration is highly uncertain Tadmor (1994281) suggests that thefigure of 13520 people may be the sum total of the deported in one or severalcampaigns to northern Israel This is a plausible suggestion although the sumtotal does not match the preceding numbers of deportees nor is there another text inTiglath-pilesers inscriptions in which an exact total follows a detailed list ofcaptives Since the cities of Aruma and Marum appear in Ann 18 I suggest that ashort list of cities followed the sum total of 13520 thereby the scribe indicated thatthe overall number of captives includes many more people than the precedingdetailed list of deportees and their original locationLine 10 the restoration is based on Ann 2314-15 and Summ 811Line 12 see Ann 253 Summ 719Line 16 the episode continues in Ann 18 It describes how Rukibtu wanderedaround (idill) seeking the support of the Assyrian king and was obliged to pay hislord a tribute of 500 [talents of silver] in return for recognition of his kingshipFor a recent discussion of the episode see Ehrlich 199156-58

The reconstruction clarifies the structure of the account of the Assyrian 733BCE campaign against Israel It may be divided into three parts (a) a descriptionof an attack and conquest (Lines 1-3) (b) a long list of places and the numbers oftheir deportees (Lines 4-8) (c) a conclusion of the episode (Lines 9-11) Sections(a) and (c) agree well with the first portion of both the Israelite passages inTiglath-pilesers four summary inscriptions and the account of the Assyriancampaign in the Book of Kings This is illustrated by the following five citations

a) Summ 415-17 - The land of BIt-ijumria [to its full extent I captured] Thehost (illilt) [of its troops I killed scattered] All its people [I captured] andcarried off [to] Assyria

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b) Summ 9rev 9 - [The land ofBIt-ijumria] to its fu[ll extent I captured Allits people together with] their belongings [I carried off to Assyria]

c) Summ 810-11- [] I filled [the plain] with the bodies oftheirwarriors [likegr]ass [ All its people with] their belongings their cattle their sheep their asses[I took as spoil]

d) Summ 1317-18 - [The land of BIt-ijumria] all [of whose] cities I had[devastated] in my former campaigns [all its people with] its livestock I haddespoiled and had spared Samaria alone

e) 2 Kgs 1529 - In the days of Pekah king of Israel Tiglath-pileser king ofAssyria came and captured Ijon Abel-beth-maacah Janoah Kedesh Hazor allthe land of Naphtali and he carried the people captive to Assyria5

The text of Summ 1317-18 indicates that Tiglath-pileser conducted severalcampaigns against Israel (Tadmor 1994281)However the close similarity betweenthe text of the annals of year 733 and all four summary inscriptions implies that thiswas the major campaign in which Israels power was broken and a massivedeportation took place One may further assume that the north Galilean townsenumerated in 2 Kgs 1529 were also captured and their inhabitants deportedduring the 733 BCE campaign

In his 734 campaign Tiglath-pileser subjugated the Philistine coast up to itssouthernmost border (Na1)alMu~ur today Wadi Ghazzeh) and on his waysouthward he must have conquered the Phoenician coast between Kashpuna andMount Carmel and the Israelite coast between Mount Carmel and the YarkonRiver In his 732 campaign Tiglath-pileser conquered and annexed the kingdom ofDamascus as well as the Transjordanian areas east of the Jordan River (on thestatus of Transjordan on the eve of the Assyrian campaign see Naamanforthcoming) The sparing of Samaria alone (Summ 1318) exactly reflects thestate of affairs following the three Assyrian campaigns in the years 734-732 BCEand the probable annexation of the three provinces of Dor Megiddo and Gilead tothe Assyrian territory

The episode of the removal of Pekah and the installation of Hoshea on the thronefollows the episode of conquest and deportation in all four Assyrian summaryinscriptions and in the Book of Kings Following is a translation of this secondepisode

a) Summ 417-19 - Pekah their king died (DU (illik)rnaml-m)u-sisul)I installed Hoshea [as king] over them 10talents of gold 1000(sic) talents of silver

5 Commentators have noted that Gilead does not accord with the list of towns and that theterm Galilee appears here in its late Hebrew Aramaized form (Cogan and Tadmor 1988174)They thus suggest that the geographical designations Galilee and Gilead are glosses Theoriginal text summarized the list of towns by the phrase all the land of Naphtali SeeMontgomery 1951452 Wtirthwein 1984383 Cogan and Tadmor 1988174

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their [tribu]te ([ta-marti-su-nu) I received from them and [car]ried them [toAssyria]

Notes to the textThe original fragmentary slab was left on the mound On the basis of several

squeezes Smith first made rough copies and then restored the text and published itin III R 102 (see the discussion in Tadmor 1994136-137) The reading illiknammusisu is based on Smiths early draft now published by Tadmor (1994 PI LFr d Line 17) It should be noted that the cuneiform signs of Line 17 in Smithsrough copy look quite different from those in the composite restored text (1994 PILI)

The reading 10(talents of gold) and 1000(talents ofsilver)(so Tadmor 1994276)follows a pattern according to which the weight of the silver is either a multiplicationof 10or 100 ofthe gold see Ann 106 Summ 7rev 15 Ann 215 (30 talents ofgold and 300 talents of silver)

The restoration ta-marti-su-nu matches exactly the missing space (PI LI Line18)and fits the context of a heavy tribute paid by a newly installed king in return forthe recognition of the Assyrian king (see Tadmor 1994276)

b) Summ 9rev 10-11 - [ I installed Hoshea] as king over them [ hetheywent] before me to the city of Sarrabanu [and kissed my feet)

c) Summ 812-13 - [ They have killedPekah their king] within his palace[ ] I accepted their plea to [forgive] their sin and sp[ared] their country

Note to the textThe restoration of Line 12is uncertain Another possible restoration [] within

his palace [I set up my throne] See Ann 258d) Summ 1318 - [Pek]ah their king []e) 2 Kgs 1530 - Then Hoshea the son of Elah made a conspiracy against

Pekah the son of Remaliah and struck him down and slew him and reigned in hisstead

The slaying of Pekah and the installment of Hoshea as king of Israel should bedated to 731 BCE when Tiglath-pileser was engaged in Babylonia after thetermination of his Syro-Palestinian campaigns (Naaman 1986a71-74) The authorof Summ 4 uses a general expression to relate the rise of a new king in Samaria andit remains uncertain whether any of the summary inscriptions explicitly refer to theslaying of Pekah by Hoshea (note the alternative possible restorations of Summ812) The author of the Book of Kings on the other hand had before him a bettersource and was able to describe in detail the background for the installation ofHoshea the last king of Israel on the throne of Samaria

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3 The End of Azriyaus Rebellion (Ann 192-3)

The original slab was left in the mound and Layards original copy now publishedby Tadmor (1994 PI XVI) is our main source The slab was also copied byRawlinson (see Tadmor 1994 PI XVII) It was collated and prepared forpublication by Smith who made rough copies (Tadmor 1994PIs XXVII-XXVII)and finally a reconstructed text (III R 93 see the detailed discussions in Tadmor199432-33216-219)

In his edition of Ann 192-3 Tadmor (199458 n 2) followed the text ofLayard and noted some variant readings in Smiths facsimile and translation ofLine 2 He further commented (ibid 216) that it seeIlis that Smith alsoincorporated in III R 93 some improved readings derived from consulting thesqueeze (or Rawlinsons rough copy of the slab made in situ) There is no apparentmotivation for Smith to replace Layards cuneiform signs by his own readings Itseems that he had observed the improved readings either in the squeeze or inRawlinsons rough copy and integrated them into his draft and lithographic copy ofthe text

In light of some parallels (Ann 179237 Summ 719) the beginning of Line 2may safely be restored thus mAz-ri-a-u[a-di ina qiitell u~ab-bit-ma6 Smithscopy of the ma- sign as a GAL indicates that he saw a horizontal wedge after the maand it may be interpreted as an AS-sign He further copied Layards ZA-sign as an aand the AD-sign as a ia Smiths ia-sign may possibly be deciphered as an ad-sign+the beginning of a di but this remains uncertain In this light the second half ofLine 2 may be restored thus ina hi-raa-ti ad-[di-su-nu-ti] (compare Summ719-20)

In Line 3 I suggest restoring [me-ni-DIN GIR ana LUG AL]-u-ti ina [UGU-su-nuaskunma biltu] ma-da-at-tu ki-i sa [ emissu]

A suggested translation for Lines 2-3 I seized Azriyau [together with hisnobles with (my) hands] I pl[aced them in fet]ters [and took them to Assyria () Iinstalled Eni-il as k]ing ov[er them I imposed upon him] tribute like that [of anearlier king]

6 Smith (1875276 Line 12) translated Azriau my hand greatly captur~d In Ann 256-7one may restore thus Tutammu together with his nobles [I seized with (my) hands andtook them to Assyria] I captured Kinalua (compare Ann 178) The number of signsrestored at the beginning of Line 7 equals the number of signs restored at the beginning ofLine 3 (see Tadmors note to Line 3)

7 Theformula kfSa Assurf emissunuti restored by Tadmor (1994583) refers to territories thatwere annexed to Assyria I believe that Line 3 refers to a vassal king (Eni-il) and thereforesuggest a different restoration based on Sargon IIs inscription that relates the organizationof the province of Hamath following its rebellion and annexation (Fuchs 199419724) Foranother possible restoration see Lambert 1981125 Lines 10-12

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Tiglath-pilesers annexation and organization of the two provinces of ijatarikkaand ~imirra is described in detail in Ann 1958-63 Lines 4-11 It is clear thatLines 2- 3 refer to different matters According to the above suggested restorationsLine 2 relates the end of Azriyaus rebellion and the captivity of its leader and hissupporters whereas Line 3 recounts the installment of Eni-il on the throne of thereduced kingdom of Hamath These text restorations support my former suggestion(Naaman 197439 1978229-230238-239) that Azriyau was king of ijatarikka+Hamath possibly of Aramean origin who stood at the head of the rebellion againstAssyria in 738 BCE and was defeated and lost his kingdom and probably his lifes

8 I am grateful to Prof H Tadmor who read the manuscript of this paper and suggestednumerous valuable comments

REFERENCES

Alt A 1927 Eine galiHiischeOrtsliste in Jos 19 ZA W 4559-81Alt A 1953Tiglathpilesers III erster Feldzug nach Palastina Kleine Schriften zur

Geschichte des Volkes Israel II Munich150-162Astour MC 1979 The Kingdom of Siyannu-Usnatu Ugarit Forschungen

1113-28Barthelemy D 1982 Critique textuelle de IAncien Testament 1 Josue Juges

Ruth Samuel Rois Chroniques Esdras Nehemie Esther (Orbis Biblicus etOrientalis 501) Fribourg and Gottingen

Cogan M and Tadmor H 1988 II Kings (The Anchor Bible) Garden CityEhrlich CS 1991 Coalition Politics in Eighth Century BCE Palestine The

Philistines and the Syro-Ephraimite War ZDPV 10748-58Ephcal I 1982 The Ancient Arabs Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile Crescent

9th-5th Centuries BC Jerusalem and LeidenFuchs A 1994 Die Inschriften Sargons II aus Khorsabad GottingenKallai Z 1986 Historical Geography of the Bible The Tribal Territories of Israel

Jerusalem and LeidenKatzenstein HJ 1973 The History of Tyre from the Beginning of the Second

Millennium BCE until the Fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire in 538B cE Jerusalem

Lambert WG 1981 Portion ofInscribed Stela of Sargon II King of Assyria InMuscarella OW ed Ladders to Heaven Toronto

Laessoe J 1959 A Statue of Shalmaneser III from Nimrud Iraq 21147-157Lemaire A 1991 Asher et Ie Royaume de Tyr In Lipinski A ed Phoenicia and

the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 135-152

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Lipinski A 1991 The Territory of Asher and the Tribe of Asher In Lipinski Aed Phoenicia and the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 153-166

Luckenbill DD 1924 The Annals of Sennacherib ChicagoMontgomery JA 1951 A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of

Kings (The International Critical Commentary) EdinburghNaaman N 1974 Sennacheribs Letter to God on his Campaign to Judah

BASOR 21425-39Naaman N 1978 Looking for KTK WO 9220-239Naaman N 1986a Historical and Chronological Notes on the Kingdoms ofIsrael

and Judah in the Eighth Century Bc VT3671-92Naaman N 1986bBorders and Districts in Biblical Historiography Seven Studies

in Biblical Geographical Lists JerusalemNaaman N 1993 Population Changes in Palestine following Assyrian

Deportations Tel Aviv 20104-124Naaman N forthcoming Rezin of Damascus and the Land of Gilead ZDPV

1112Noth M 1935 Studien zu den historisch-geographischen Dokumenten des

J osuabuches ZDPV 58185-255Oded B 1974 The Phoenician Cities and the Assyrian Empire in the Time of

Tiglath-pileser III ZDPV9038-49Oppenheim AL 1955Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts ANET 265-317Postgate JN 1974 Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire RomeSaggs HWF 1955 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part II Iraq 17126-154Saggs HWF 1963 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part VI Iraq 2570-80Smith G 1875 Assyrian Discoveries LondonTadmor H 1990 Tiglath-pileser III in Palestine Shnaton - An Annual for

Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies 10179-187 (Hebrew)Tadmor H 1994 The Inscriptions of Tiglath- Pieser III King of Assyria Critical

Edition with Introductions Translations and Commentary JerusalemVogt E 1964 Die Texte Tiglath-Pilesers III tiber die Eroberung PaHistinas

Biblica 45348-354Wiseman DJ 1951 The Historical Inscriptions from Nimrud Iraq 1321-26Wtirthwein E 1984 Die Bucher der Konige 1 Kon 17-2 Kon 25 (Das Alte

Testament Deutsch XI2) Gottingen

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Mitinti of Ash[kelon broke the loyalty oath (sworn) by the great gods] andre[volted] against me [ the defeat of Rezin] he saw and was fri[ghtened In anattack of desperation panic he fe]ared for his life [ ] Rukibtu [his] son [saton his throne In order to ]

Notes to the textThe length of the restored lines is about the same as that of Ann 23 Identical

signs that are common to Ann 18 and 24 are italicized The estimated location ofthe text of Ann 18 in each line is marked by the signs ( ) According to thereconstruction one line of Ann 18covers about one and half lines of Ann 24 Line11 of Ann 24 was probably omitted from the text of Ann 18 Also the episode ofMitinti is longer in Ann 24 (compare Line 9 of Ann 18 with Line 14 of Ann 24)

For the toponyms see recently Naaman 1993105-106 Tadmor 199482-83Line 9 the restoration is highly uncertain Tadmor (1994281) suggests that thefigure of 13520 people may be the sum total of the deported in one or severalcampaigns to northern Israel This is a plausible suggestion although the sumtotal does not match the preceding numbers of deportees nor is there another text inTiglath-pilesers inscriptions in which an exact total follows a detailed list ofcaptives Since the cities of Aruma and Marum appear in Ann 18 I suggest that ashort list of cities followed the sum total of 13520 thereby the scribe indicated thatthe overall number of captives includes many more people than the precedingdetailed list of deportees and their original locationLine 10 the restoration is based on Ann 2314-15 and Summ 811Line 12 see Ann 253 Summ 719Line 16 the episode continues in Ann 18 It describes how Rukibtu wanderedaround (idill) seeking the support of the Assyrian king and was obliged to pay hislord a tribute of 500 [talents of silver] in return for recognition of his kingshipFor a recent discussion of the episode see Ehrlich 199156-58

The reconstruction clarifies the structure of the account of the Assyrian 733BCE campaign against Israel It may be divided into three parts (a) a descriptionof an attack and conquest (Lines 1-3) (b) a long list of places and the numbers oftheir deportees (Lines 4-8) (c) a conclusion of the episode (Lines 9-11) Sections(a) and (c) agree well with the first portion of both the Israelite passages inTiglath-pilesers four summary inscriptions and the account of the Assyriancampaign in the Book of Kings This is illustrated by the following five citations

a) Summ 415-17 - The land of BIt-ijumria [to its full extent I captured] Thehost (illilt) [of its troops I killed scattered] All its people [I captured] andcarried off [to] Assyria

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b) Summ 9rev 9 - [The land ofBIt-ijumria] to its fu[ll extent I captured Allits people together with] their belongings [I carried off to Assyria]

c) Summ 810-11- [] I filled [the plain] with the bodies oftheirwarriors [likegr]ass [ All its people with] their belongings their cattle their sheep their asses[I took as spoil]

d) Summ 1317-18 - [The land of BIt-ijumria] all [of whose] cities I had[devastated] in my former campaigns [all its people with] its livestock I haddespoiled and had spared Samaria alone

e) 2 Kgs 1529 - In the days of Pekah king of Israel Tiglath-pileser king ofAssyria came and captured Ijon Abel-beth-maacah Janoah Kedesh Hazor allthe land of Naphtali and he carried the people captive to Assyria5

The text of Summ 1317-18 indicates that Tiglath-pileser conducted severalcampaigns against Israel (Tadmor 1994281)However the close similarity betweenthe text of the annals of year 733 and all four summary inscriptions implies that thiswas the major campaign in which Israels power was broken and a massivedeportation took place One may further assume that the north Galilean townsenumerated in 2 Kgs 1529 were also captured and their inhabitants deportedduring the 733 BCE campaign

In his 734 campaign Tiglath-pileser subjugated the Philistine coast up to itssouthernmost border (Na1)alMu~ur today Wadi Ghazzeh) and on his waysouthward he must have conquered the Phoenician coast between Kashpuna andMount Carmel and the Israelite coast between Mount Carmel and the YarkonRiver In his 732 campaign Tiglath-pileser conquered and annexed the kingdom ofDamascus as well as the Transjordanian areas east of the Jordan River (on thestatus of Transjordan on the eve of the Assyrian campaign see Naamanforthcoming) The sparing of Samaria alone (Summ 1318) exactly reflects thestate of affairs following the three Assyrian campaigns in the years 734-732 BCEand the probable annexation of the three provinces of Dor Megiddo and Gilead tothe Assyrian territory

The episode of the removal of Pekah and the installation of Hoshea on the thronefollows the episode of conquest and deportation in all four Assyrian summaryinscriptions and in the Book of Kings Following is a translation of this secondepisode

a) Summ 417-19 - Pekah their king died (DU (illik)rnaml-m)u-sisul)I installed Hoshea [as king] over them 10talents of gold 1000(sic) talents of silver

5 Commentators have noted that Gilead does not accord with the list of towns and that theterm Galilee appears here in its late Hebrew Aramaized form (Cogan and Tadmor 1988174)They thus suggest that the geographical designations Galilee and Gilead are glosses Theoriginal text summarized the list of towns by the phrase all the land of Naphtali SeeMontgomery 1951452 Wtirthwein 1984383 Cogan and Tadmor 1988174

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their [tribu]te ([ta-marti-su-nu) I received from them and [car]ried them [toAssyria]

Notes to the textThe original fragmentary slab was left on the mound On the basis of several

squeezes Smith first made rough copies and then restored the text and published itin III R 102 (see the discussion in Tadmor 1994136-137) The reading illiknammusisu is based on Smiths early draft now published by Tadmor (1994 PI LFr d Line 17) It should be noted that the cuneiform signs of Line 17 in Smithsrough copy look quite different from those in the composite restored text (1994 PILI)

The reading 10(talents of gold) and 1000(talents ofsilver)(so Tadmor 1994276)follows a pattern according to which the weight of the silver is either a multiplicationof 10or 100 ofthe gold see Ann 106 Summ 7rev 15 Ann 215 (30 talents ofgold and 300 talents of silver)

The restoration ta-marti-su-nu matches exactly the missing space (PI LI Line18)and fits the context of a heavy tribute paid by a newly installed king in return forthe recognition of the Assyrian king (see Tadmor 1994276)

b) Summ 9rev 10-11 - [ I installed Hoshea] as king over them [ hetheywent] before me to the city of Sarrabanu [and kissed my feet)

c) Summ 812-13 - [ They have killedPekah their king] within his palace[ ] I accepted their plea to [forgive] their sin and sp[ared] their country

Note to the textThe restoration of Line 12is uncertain Another possible restoration [] within

his palace [I set up my throne] See Ann 258d) Summ 1318 - [Pek]ah their king []e) 2 Kgs 1530 - Then Hoshea the son of Elah made a conspiracy against

Pekah the son of Remaliah and struck him down and slew him and reigned in hisstead

The slaying of Pekah and the installment of Hoshea as king of Israel should bedated to 731 BCE when Tiglath-pileser was engaged in Babylonia after thetermination of his Syro-Palestinian campaigns (Naaman 1986a71-74) The authorof Summ 4 uses a general expression to relate the rise of a new king in Samaria andit remains uncertain whether any of the summary inscriptions explicitly refer to theslaying of Pekah by Hoshea (note the alternative possible restorations of Summ812) The author of the Book of Kings on the other hand had before him a bettersource and was able to describe in detail the background for the installation ofHoshea the last king of Israel on the throne of Samaria

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3 The End of Azriyaus Rebellion (Ann 192-3)

The original slab was left in the mound and Layards original copy now publishedby Tadmor (1994 PI XVI) is our main source The slab was also copied byRawlinson (see Tadmor 1994 PI XVII) It was collated and prepared forpublication by Smith who made rough copies (Tadmor 1994PIs XXVII-XXVII)and finally a reconstructed text (III R 93 see the detailed discussions in Tadmor199432-33216-219)

In his edition of Ann 192-3 Tadmor (199458 n 2) followed the text ofLayard and noted some variant readings in Smiths facsimile and translation ofLine 2 He further commented (ibid 216) that it seeIlis that Smith alsoincorporated in III R 93 some improved readings derived from consulting thesqueeze (or Rawlinsons rough copy of the slab made in situ) There is no apparentmotivation for Smith to replace Layards cuneiform signs by his own readings Itseems that he had observed the improved readings either in the squeeze or inRawlinsons rough copy and integrated them into his draft and lithographic copy ofthe text

In light of some parallels (Ann 179237 Summ 719) the beginning of Line 2may safely be restored thus mAz-ri-a-u[a-di ina qiitell u~ab-bit-ma6 Smithscopy of the ma- sign as a GAL indicates that he saw a horizontal wedge after the maand it may be interpreted as an AS-sign He further copied Layards ZA-sign as an aand the AD-sign as a ia Smiths ia-sign may possibly be deciphered as an ad-sign+the beginning of a di but this remains uncertain In this light the second half ofLine 2 may be restored thus ina hi-raa-ti ad-[di-su-nu-ti] (compare Summ719-20)

In Line 3 I suggest restoring [me-ni-DIN GIR ana LUG AL]-u-ti ina [UGU-su-nuaskunma biltu] ma-da-at-tu ki-i sa [ emissu]

A suggested translation for Lines 2-3 I seized Azriyau [together with hisnobles with (my) hands] I pl[aced them in fet]ters [and took them to Assyria () Iinstalled Eni-il as k]ing ov[er them I imposed upon him] tribute like that [of anearlier king]

6 Smith (1875276 Line 12) translated Azriau my hand greatly captur~d In Ann 256-7one may restore thus Tutammu together with his nobles [I seized with (my) hands andtook them to Assyria] I captured Kinalua (compare Ann 178) The number of signsrestored at the beginning of Line 7 equals the number of signs restored at the beginning ofLine 3 (see Tadmors note to Line 3)

7 Theformula kfSa Assurf emissunuti restored by Tadmor (1994583) refers to territories thatwere annexed to Assyria I believe that Line 3 refers to a vassal king (Eni-il) and thereforesuggest a different restoration based on Sargon IIs inscription that relates the organizationof the province of Hamath following its rebellion and annexation (Fuchs 199419724) Foranother possible restoration see Lambert 1981125 Lines 10-12

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Tiglath-pilesers annexation and organization of the two provinces of ijatarikkaand ~imirra is described in detail in Ann 1958-63 Lines 4-11 It is clear thatLines 2- 3 refer to different matters According to the above suggested restorationsLine 2 relates the end of Azriyaus rebellion and the captivity of its leader and hissupporters whereas Line 3 recounts the installment of Eni-il on the throne of thereduced kingdom of Hamath These text restorations support my former suggestion(Naaman 197439 1978229-230238-239) that Azriyau was king of ijatarikka+Hamath possibly of Aramean origin who stood at the head of the rebellion againstAssyria in 738 BCE and was defeated and lost his kingdom and probably his lifes

8 I am grateful to Prof H Tadmor who read the manuscript of this paper and suggestednumerous valuable comments

REFERENCES

Alt A 1927 Eine galiHiischeOrtsliste in Jos 19 ZA W 4559-81Alt A 1953Tiglathpilesers III erster Feldzug nach Palastina Kleine Schriften zur

Geschichte des Volkes Israel II Munich150-162Astour MC 1979 The Kingdom of Siyannu-Usnatu Ugarit Forschungen

1113-28Barthelemy D 1982 Critique textuelle de IAncien Testament 1 Josue Juges

Ruth Samuel Rois Chroniques Esdras Nehemie Esther (Orbis Biblicus etOrientalis 501) Fribourg and Gottingen

Cogan M and Tadmor H 1988 II Kings (The Anchor Bible) Garden CityEhrlich CS 1991 Coalition Politics in Eighth Century BCE Palestine The

Philistines and the Syro-Ephraimite War ZDPV 10748-58Ephcal I 1982 The Ancient Arabs Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile Crescent

9th-5th Centuries BC Jerusalem and LeidenFuchs A 1994 Die Inschriften Sargons II aus Khorsabad GottingenKallai Z 1986 Historical Geography of the Bible The Tribal Territories of Israel

Jerusalem and LeidenKatzenstein HJ 1973 The History of Tyre from the Beginning of the Second

Millennium BCE until the Fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire in 538B cE Jerusalem

Lambert WG 1981 Portion ofInscribed Stela of Sargon II King of Assyria InMuscarella OW ed Ladders to Heaven Toronto

Laessoe J 1959 A Statue of Shalmaneser III from Nimrud Iraq 21147-157Lemaire A 1991 Asher et Ie Royaume de Tyr In Lipinski A ed Phoenicia and

the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 135-152

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Lipinski A 1991 The Territory of Asher and the Tribe of Asher In Lipinski Aed Phoenicia and the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 153-166

Luckenbill DD 1924 The Annals of Sennacherib ChicagoMontgomery JA 1951 A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of

Kings (The International Critical Commentary) EdinburghNaaman N 1974 Sennacheribs Letter to God on his Campaign to Judah

BASOR 21425-39Naaman N 1978 Looking for KTK WO 9220-239Naaman N 1986a Historical and Chronological Notes on the Kingdoms ofIsrael

and Judah in the Eighth Century Bc VT3671-92Naaman N 1986bBorders and Districts in Biblical Historiography Seven Studies

in Biblical Geographical Lists JerusalemNaaman N 1993 Population Changes in Palestine following Assyrian

Deportations Tel Aviv 20104-124Naaman N forthcoming Rezin of Damascus and the Land of Gilead ZDPV

1112Noth M 1935 Studien zu den historisch-geographischen Dokumenten des

J osuabuches ZDPV 58185-255Oded B 1974 The Phoenician Cities and the Assyrian Empire in the Time of

Tiglath-pileser III ZDPV9038-49Oppenheim AL 1955Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts ANET 265-317Postgate JN 1974 Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire RomeSaggs HWF 1955 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part II Iraq 17126-154Saggs HWF 1963 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part VI Iraq 2570-80Smith G 1875 Assyrian Discoveries LondonTadmor H 1990 Tiglath-pileser III in Palestine Shnaton - An Annual for

Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies 10179-187 (Hebrew)Tadmor H 1994 The Inscriptions of Tiglath- Pieser III King of Assyria Critical

Edition with Introductions Translations and Commentary JerusalemVogt E 1964 Die Texte Tiglath-Pilesers III tiber die Eroberung PaHistinas

Biblica 45348-354Wiseman DJ 1951 The Historical Inscriptions from Nimrud Iraq 1321-26Wtirthwein E 1984 Die Bucher der Konige 1 Kon 17-2 Kon 25 (Das Alte

Testament Deutsch XI2) Gottingen

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b) Summ 9rev 9 - [The land ofBIt-ijumria] to its fu[ll extent I captured Allits people together with] their belongings [I carried off to Assyria]

c) Summ 810-11- [] I filled [the plain] with the bodies oftheirwarriors [likegr]ass [ All its people with] their belongings their cattle their sheep their asses[I took as spoil]

d) Summ 1317-18 - [The land of BIt-ijumria] all [of whose] cities I had[devastated] in my former campaigns [all its people with] its livestock I haddespoiled and had spared Samaria alone

e) 2 Kgs 1529 - In the days of Pekah king of Israel Tiglath-pileser king ofAssyria came and captured Ijon Abel-beth-maacah Janoah Kedesh Hazor allthe land of Naphtali and he carried the people captive to Assyria5

The text of Summ 1317-18 indicates that Tiglath-pileser conducted severalcampaigns against Israel (Tadmor 1994281)However the close similarity betweenthe text of the annals of year 733 and all four summary inscriptions implies that thiswas the major campaign in which Israels power was broken and a massivedeportation took place One may further assume that the north Galilean townsenumerated in 2 Kgs 1529 were also captured and their inhabitants deportedduring the 733 BCE campaign

In his 734 campaign Tiglath-pileser subjugated the Philistine coast up to itssouthernmost border (Na1)alMu~ur today Wadi Ghazzeh) and on his waysouthward he must have conquered the Phoenician coast between Kashpuna andMount Carmel and the Israelite coast between Mount Carmel and the YarkonRiver In his 732 campaign Tiglath-pileser conquered and annexed the kingdom ofDamascus as well as the Transjordanian areas east of the Jordan River (on thestatus of Transjordan on the eve of the Assyrian campaign see Naamanforthcoming) The sparing of Samaria alone (Summ 1318) exactly reflects thestate of affairs following the three Assyrian campaigns in the years 734-732 BCEand the probable annexation of the three provinces of Dor Megiddo and Gilead tothe Assyrian territory

The episode of the removal of Pekah and the installation of Hoshea on the thronefollows the episode of conquest and deportation in all four Assyrian summaryinscriptions and in the Book of Kings Following is a translation of this secondepisode

a) Summ 417-19 - Pekah their king died (DU (illik)rnaml-m)u-sisul)I installed Hoshea [as king] over them 10talents of gold 1000(sic) talents of silver

5 Commentators have noted that Gilead does not accord with the list of towns and that theterm Galilee appears here in its late Hebrew Aramaized form (Cogan and Tadmor 1988174)They thus suggest that the geographical designations Galilee and Gilead are glosses Theoriginal text summarized the list of towns by the phrase all the land of Naphtali SeeMontgomery 1951452 Wtirthwein 1984383 Cogan and Tadmor 1988174

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their [tribu]te ([ta-marti-su-nu) I received from them and [car]ried them [toAssyria]

Notes to the textThe original fragmentary slab was left on the mound On the basis of several

squeezes Smith first made rough copies and then restored the text and published itin III R 102 (see the discussion in Tadmor 1994136-137) The reading illiknammusisu is based on Smiths early draft now published by Tadmor (1994 PI LFr d Line 17) It should be noted that the cuneiform signs of Line 17 in Smithsrough copy look quite different from those in the composite restored text (1994 PILI)

The reading 10(talents of gold) and 1000(talents ofsilver)(so Tadmor 1994276)follows a pattern according to which the weight of the silver is either a multiplicationof 10or 100 ofthe gold see Ann 106 Summ 7rev 15 Ann 215 (30 talents ofgold and 300 talents of silver)

The restoration ta-marti-su-nu matches exactly the missing space (PI LI Line18)and fits the context of a heavy tribute paid by a newly installed king in return forthe recognition of the Assyrian king (see Tadmor 1994276)

b) Summ 9rev 10-11 - [ I installed Hoshea] as king over them [ hetheywent] before me to the city of Sarrabanu [and kissed my feet)

c) Summ 812-13 - [ They have killedPekah their king] within his palace[ ] I accepted their plea to [forgive] their sin and sp[ared] their country

Note to the textThe restoration of Line 12is uncertain Another possible restoration [] within

his palace [I set up my throne] See Ann 258d) Summ 1318 - [Pek]ah their king []e) 2 Kgs 1530 - Then Hoshea the son of Elah made a conspiracy against

Pekah the son of Remaliah and struck him down and slew him and reigned in hisstead

The slaying of Pekah and the installment of Hoshea as king of Israel should bedated to 731 BCE when Tiglath-pileser was engaged in Babylonia after thetermination of his Syro-Palestinian campaigns (Naaman 1986a71-74) The authorof Summ 4 uses a general expression to relate the rise of a new king in Samaria andit remains uncertain whether any of the summary inscriptions explicitly refer to theslaying of Pekah by Hoshea (note the alternative possible restorations of Summ812) The author of the Book of Kings on the other hand had before him a bettersource and was able to describe in detail the background for the installation ofHoshea the last king of Israel on the throne of Samaria

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3 The End of Azriyaus Rebellion (Ann 192-3)

The original slab was left in the mound and Layards original copy now publishedby Tadmor (1994 PI XVI) is our main source The slab was also copied byRawlinson (see Tadmor 1994 PI XVII) It was collated and prepared forpublication by Smith who made rough copies (Tadmor 1994PIs XXVII-XXVII)and finally a reconstructed text (III R 93 see the detailed discussions in Tadmor199432-33216-219)

In his edition of Ann 192-3 Tadmor (199458 n 2) followed the text ofLayard and noted some variant readings in Smiths facsimile and translation ofLine 2 He further commented (ibid 216) that it seeIlis that Smith alsoincorporated in III R 93 some improved readings derived from consulting thesqueeze (or Rawlinsons rough copy of the slab made in situ) There is no apparentmotivation for Smith to replace Layards cuneiform signs by his own readings Itseems that he had observed the improved readings either in the squeeze or inRawlinsons rough copy and integrated them into his draft and lithographic copy ofthe text

In light of some parallels (Ann 179237 Summ 719) the beginning of Line 2may safely be restored thus mAz-ri-a-u[a-di ina qiitell u~ab-bit-ma6 Smithscopy of the ma- sign as a GAL indicates that he saw a horizontal wedge after the maand it may be interpreted as an AS-sign He further copied Layards ZA-sign as an aand the AD-sign as a ia Smiths ia-sign may possibly be deciphered as an ad-sign+the beginning of a di but this remains uncertain In this light the second half ofLine 2 may be restored thus ina hi-raa-ti ad-[di-su-nu-ti] (compare Summ719-20)

In Line 3 I suggest restoring [me-ni-DIN GIR ana LUG AL]-u-ti ina [UGU-su-nuaskunma biltu] ma-da-at-tu ki-i sa [ emissu]

A suggested translation for Lines 2-3 I seized Azriyau [together with hisnobles with (my) hands] I pl[aced them in fet]ters [and took them to Assyria () Iinstalled Eni-il as k]ing ov[er them I imposed upon him] tribute like that [of anearlier king]

6 Smith (1875276 Line 12) translated Azriau my hand greatly captur~d In Ann 256-7one may restore thus Tutammu together with his nobles [I seized with (my) hands andtook them to Assyria] I captured Kinalua (compare Ann 178) The number of signsrestored at the beginning of Line 7 equals the number of signs restored at the beginning ofLine 3 (see Tadmors note to Line 3)

7 Theformula kfSa Assurf emissunuti restored by Tadmor (1994583) refers to territories thatwere annexed to Assyria I believe that Line 3 refers to a vassal king (Eni-il) and thereforesuggest a different restoration based on Sargon IIs inscription that relates the organizationof the province of Hamath following its rebellion and annexation (Fuchs 199419724) Foranother possible restoration see Lambert 1981125 Lines 10-12

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Tiglath-pilesers annexation and organization of the two provinces of ijatarikkaand ~imirra is described in detail in Ann 1958-63 Lines 4-11 It is clear thatLines 2- 3 refer to different matters According to the above suggested restorationsLine 2 relates the end of Azriyaus rebellion and the captivity of its leader and hissupporters whereas Line 3 recounts the installment of Eni-il on the throne of thereduced kingdom of Hamath These text restorations support my former suggestion(Naaman 197439 1978229-230238-239) that Azriyau was king of ijatarikka+Hamath possibly of Aramean origin who stood at the head of the rebellion againstAssyria in 738 BCE and was defeated and lost his kingdom and probably his lifes

8 I am grateful to Prof H Tadmor who read the manuscript of this paper and suggestednumerous valuable comments

REFERENCES

Alt A 1927 Eine galiHiischeOrtsliste in Jos 19 ZA W 4559-81Alt A 1953Tiglathpilesers III erster Feldzug nach Palastina Kleine Schriften zur

Geschichte des Volkes Israel II Munich150-162Astour MC 1979 The Kingdom of Siyannu-Usnatu Ugarit Forschungen

1113-28Barthelemy D 1982 Critique textuelle de IAncien Testament 1 Josue Juges

Ruth Samuel Rois Chroniques Esdras Nehemie Esther (Orbis Biblicus etOrientalis 501) Fribourg and Gottingen

Cogan M and Tadmor H 1988 II Kings (The Anchor Bible) Garden CityEhrlich CS 1991 Coalition Politics in Eighth Century BCE Palestine The

Philistines and the Syro-Ephraimite War ZDPV 10748-58Ephcal I 1982 The Ancient Arabs Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile Crescent

9th-5th Centuries BC Jerusalem and LeidenFuchs A 1994 Die Inschriften Sargons II aus Khorsabad GottingenKallai Z 1986 Historical Geography of the Bible The Tribal Territories of Israel

Jerusalem and LeidenKatzenstein HJ 1973 The History of Tyre from the Beginning of the Second

Millennium BCE until the Fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire in 538B cE Jerusalem

Lambert WG 1981 Portion ofInscribed Stela of Sargon II King of Assyria InMuscarella OW ed Ladders to Heaven Toronto

Laessoe J 1959 A Statue of Shalmaneser III from Nimrud Iraq 21147-157Lemaire A 1991 Asher et Ie Royaume de Tyr In Lipinski A ed Phoenicia and

the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 135-152

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Lipinski A 1991 The Territory of Asher and the Tribe of Asher In Lipinski Aed Phoenicia and the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 153-166

Luckenbill DD 1924 The Annals of Sennacherib ChicagoMontgomery JA 1951 A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of

Kings (The International Critical Commentary) EdinburghNaaman N 1974 Sennacheribs Letter to God on his Campaign to Judah

BASOR 21425-39Naaman N 1978 Looking for KTK WO 9220-239Naaman N 1986a Historical and Chronological Notes on the Kingdoms ofIsrael

and Judah in the Eighth Century Bc VT3671-92Naaman N 1986bBorders and Districts in Biblical Historiography Seven Studies

in Biblical Geographical Lists JerusalemNaaman N 1993 Population Changes in Palestine following Assyrian

Deportations Tel Aviv 20104-124Naaman N forthcoming Rezin of Damascus and the Land of Gilead ZDPV

1112Noth M 1935 Studien zu den historisch-geographischen Dokumenten des

J osuabuches ZDPV 58185-255Oded B 1974 The Phoenician Cities and the Assyrian Empire in the Time of

Tiglath-pileser III ZDPV9038-49Oppenheim AL 1955Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts ANET 265-317Postgate JN 1974 Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire RomeSaggs HWF 1955 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part II Iraq 17126-154Saggs HWF 1963 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part VI Iraq 2570-80Smith G 1875 Assyrian Discoveries LondonTadmor H 1990 Tiglath-pileser III in Palestine Shnaton - An Annual for

Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies 10179-187 (Hebrew)Tadmor H 1994 The Inscriptions of Tiglath- Pieser III King of Assyria Critical

Edition with Introductions Translations and Commentary JerusalemVogt E 1964 Die Texte Tiglath-Pilesers III tiber die Eroberung PaHistinas

Biblica 45348-354Wiseman DJ 1951 The Historical Inscriptions from Nimrud Iraq 1321-26Wtirthwein E 1984 Die Bucher der Konige 1 Kon 17-2 Kon 25 (Das Alte

Testament Deutsch XI2) Gottingen

278

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their [tribu]te ([ta-marti-su-nu) I received from them and [car]ried them [toAssyria]

Notes to the textThe original fragmentary slab was left on the mound On the basis of several

squeezes Smith first made rough copies and then restored the text and published itin III R 102 (see the discussion in Tadmor 1994136-137) The reading illiknammusisu is based on Smiths early draft now published by Tadmor (1994 PI LFr d Line 17) It should be noted that the cuneiform signs of Line 17 in Smithsrough copy look quite different from those in the composite restored text (1994 PILI)

The reading 10(talents of gold) and 1000(talents ofsilver)(so Tadmor 1994276)follows a pattern according to which the weight of the silver is either a multiplicationof 10or 100 ofthe gold see Ann 106 Summ 7rev 15 Ann 215 (30 talents ofgold and 300 talents of silver)

The restoration ta-marti-su-nu matches exactly the missing space (PI LI Line18)and fits the context of a heavy tribute paid by a newly installed king in return forthe recognition of the Assyrian king (see Tadmor 1994276)

b) Summ 9rev 10-11 - [ I installed Hoshea] as king over them [ hetheywent] before me to the city of Sarrabanu [and kissed my feet)

c) Summ 812-13 - [ They have killedPekah their king] within his palace[ ] I accepted their plea to [forgive] their sin and sp[ared] their country

Note to the textThe restoration of Line 12is uncertain Another possible restoration [] within

his palace [I set up my throne] See Ann 258d) Summ 1318 - [Pek]ah their king []e) 2 Kgs 1530 - Then Hoshea the son of Elah made a conspiracy against

Pekah the son of Remaliah and struck him down and slew him and reigned in hisstead

The slaying of Pekah and the installment of Hoshea as king of Israel should bedated to 731 BCE when Tiglath-pileser was engaged in Babylonia after thetermination of his Syro-Palestinian campaigns (Naaman 1986a71-74) The authorof Summ 4 uses a general expression to relate the rise of a new king in Samaria andit remains uncertain whether any of the summary inscriptions explicitly refer to theslaying of Pekah by Hoshea (note the alternative possible restorations of Summ812) The author of the Book of Kings on the other hand had before him a bettersource and was able to describe in detail the background for the installation ofHoshea the last king of Israel on the throne of Samaria

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3 The End of Azriyaus Rebellion (Ann 192-3)

The original slab was left in the mound and Layards original copy now publishedby Tadmor (1994 PI XVI) is our main source The slab was also copied byRawlinson (see Tadmor 1994 PI XVII) It was collated and prepared forpublication by Smith who made rough copies (Tadmor 1994PIs XXVII-XXVII)and finally a reconstructed text (III R 93 see the detailed discussions in Tadmor199432-33216-219)

In his edition of Ann 192-3 Tadmor (199458 n 2) followed the text ofLayard and noted some variant readings in Smiths facsimile and translation ofLine 2 He further commented (ibid 216) that it seeIlis that Smith alsoincorporated in III R 93 some improved readings derived from consulting thesqueeze (or Rawlinsons rough copy of the slab made in situ) There is no apparentmotivation for Smith to replace Layards cuneiform signs by his own readings Itseems that he had observed the improved readings either in the squeeze or inRawlinsons rough copy and integrated them into his draft and lithographic copy ofthe text

In light of some parallels (Ann 179237 Summ 719) the beginning of Line 2may safely be restored thus mAz-ri-a-u[a-di ina qiitell u~ab-bit-ma6 Smithscopy of the ma- sign as a GAL indicates that he saw a horizontal wedge after the maand it may be interpreted as an AS-sign He further copied Layards ZA-sign as an aand the AD-sign as a ia Smiths ia-sign may possibly be deciphered as an ad-sign+the beginning of a di but this remains uncertain In this light the second half ofLine 2 may be restored thus ina hi-raa-ti ad-[di-su-nu-ti] (compare Summ719-20)

In Line 3 I suggest restoring [me-ni-DIN GIR ana LUG AL]-u-ti ina [UGU-su-nuaskunma biltu] ma-da-at-tu ki-i sa [ emissu]

A suggested translation for Lines 2-3 I seized Azriyau [together with hisnobles with (my) hands] I pl[aced them in fet]ters [and took them to Assyria () Iinstalled Eni-il as k]ing ov[er them I imposed upon him] tribute like that [of anearlier king]

6 Smith (1875276 Line 12) translated Azriau my hand greatly captur~d In Ann 256-7one may restore thus Tutammu together with his nobles [I seized with (my) hands andtook them to Assyria] I captured Kinalua (compare Ann 178) The number of signsrestored at the beginning of Line 7 equals the number of signs restored at the beginning ofLine 3 (see Tadmors note to Line 3)

7 Theformula kfSa Assurf emissunuti restored by Tadmor (1994583) refers to territories thatwere annexed to Assyria I believe that Line 3 refers to a vassal king (Eni-il) and thereforesuggest a different restoration based on Sargon IIs inscription that relates the organizationof the province of Hamath following its rebellion and annexation (Fuchs 199419724) Foranother possible restoration see Lambert 1981125 Lines 10-12

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Tiglath-pilesers annexation and organization of the two provinces of ijatarikkaand ~imirra is described in detail in Ann 1958-63 Lines 4-11 It is clear thatLines 2- 3 refer to different matters According to the above suggested restorationsLine 2 relates the end of Azriyaus rebellion and the captivity of its leader and hissupporters whereas Line 3 recounts the installment of Eni-il on the throne of thereduced kingdom of Hamath These text restorations support my former suggestion(Naaman 197439 1978229-230238-239) that Azriyau was king of ijatarikka+Hamath possibly of Aramean origin who stood at the head of the rebellion againstAssyria in 738 BCE and was defeated and lost his kingdom and probably his lifes

8 I am grateful to Prof H Tadmor who read the manuscript of this paper and suggestednumerous valuable comments

REFERENCES

Alt A 1927 Eine galiHiischeOrtsliste in Jos 19 ZA W 4559-81Alt A 1953Tiglathpilesers III erster Feldzug nach Palastina Kleine Schriften zur

Geschichte des Volkes Israel II Munich150-162Astour MC 1979 The Kingdom of Siyannu-Usnatu Ugarit Forschungen

1113-28Barthelemy D 1982 Critique textuelle de IAncien Testament 1 Josue Juges

Ruth Samuel Rois Chroniques Esdras Nehemie Esther (Orbis Biblicus etOrientalis 501) Fribourg and Gottingen

Cogan M and Tadmor H 1988 II Kings (The Anchor Bible) Garden CityEhrlich CS 1991 Coalition Politics in Eighth Century BCE Palestine The

Philistines and the Syro-Ephraimite War ZDPV 10748-58Ephcal I 1982 The Ancient Arabs Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile Crescent

9th-5th Centuries BC Jerusalem and LeidenFuchs A 1994 Die Inschriften Sargons II aus Khorsabad GottingenKallai Z 1986 Historical Geography of the Bible The Tribal Territories of Israel

Jerusalem and LeidenKatzenstein HJ 1973 The History of Tyre from the Beginning of the Second

Millennium BCE until the Fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire in 538B cE Jerusalem

Lambert WG 1981 Portion ofInscribed Stela of Sargon II King of Assyria InMuscarella OW ed Ladders to Heaven Toronto

Laessoe J 1959 A Statue of Shalmaneser III from Nimrud Iraq 21147-157Lemaire A 1991 Asher et Ie Royaume de Tyr In Lipinski A ed Phoenicia and

the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 135-152

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viv

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Tel Aviv 22 (1995)

Lipinski A 1991 The Territory of Asher and the Tribe of Asher In Lipinski Aed Phoenicia and the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 153-166

Luckenbill DD 1924 The Annals of Sennacherib ChicagoMontgomery JA 1951 A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of

Kings (The International Critical Commentary) EdinburghNaaman N 1974 Sennacheribs Letter to God on his Campaign to Judah

BASOR 21425-39Naaman N 1978 Looking for KTK WO 9220-239Naaman N 1986a Historical and Chronological Notes on the Kingdoms ofIsrael

and Judah in the Eighth Century Bc VT3671-92Naaman N 1986bBorders and Districts in Biblical Historiography Seven Studies

in Biblical Geographical Lists JerusalemNaaman N 1993 Population Changes in Palestine following Assyrian

Deportations Tel Aviv 20104-124Naaman N forthcoming Rezin of Damascus and the Land of Gilead ZDPV

1112Noth M 1935 Studien zu den historisch-geographischen Dokumenten des

J osuabuches ZDPV 58185-255Oded B 1974 The Phoenician Cities and the Assyrian Empire in the Time of

Tiglath-pileser III ZDPV9038-49Oppenheim AL 1955Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts ANET 265-317Postgate JN 1974 Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire RomeSaggs HWF 1955 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part II Iraq 17126-154Saggs HWF 1963 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part VI Iraq 2570-80Smith G 1875 Assyrian Discoveries LondonTadmor H 1990 Tiglath-pileser III in Palestine Shnaton - An Annual for

Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies 10179-187 (Hebrew)Tadmor H 1994 The Inscriptions of Tiglath- Pieser III King of Assyria Critical

Edition with Introductions Translations and Commentary JerusalemVogt E 1964 Die Texte Tiglath-Pilesers III tiber die Eroberung PaHistinas

Biblica 45348-354Wiseman DJ 1951 The Historical Inscriptions from Nimrud Iraq 1321-26Wtirthwein E 1984 Die Bucher der Konige 1 Kon 17-2 Kon 25 (Das Alte

Testament Deutsch XI2) Gottingen

278

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Tel Aviv 22 (1995)

3 The End of Azriyaus Rebellion (Ann 192-3)

The original slab was left in the mound and Layards original copy now publishedby Tadmor (1994 PI XVI) is our main source The slab was also copied byRawlinson (see Tadmor 1994 PI XVII) It was collated and prepared forpublication by Smith who made rough copies (Tadmor 1994PIs XXVII-XXVII)and finally a reconstructed text (III R 93 see the detailed discussions in Tadmor199432-33216-219)

In his edition of Ann 192-3 Tadmor (199458 n 2) followed the text ofLayard and noted some variant readings in Smiths facsimile and translation ofLine 2 He further commented (ibid 216) that it seeIlis that Smith alsoincorporated in III R 93 some improved readings derived from consulting thesqueeze (or Rawlinsons rough copy of the slab made in situ) There is no apparentmotivation for Smith to replace Layards cuneiform signs by his own readings Itseems that he had observed the improved readings either in the squeeze or inRawlinsons rough copy and integrated them into his draft and lithographic copy ofthe text

In light of some parallels (Ann 179237 Summ 719) the beginning of Line 2may safely be restored thus mAz-ri-a-u[a-di ina qiitell u~ab-bit-ma6 Smithscopy of the ma- sign as a GAL indicates that he saw a horizontal wedge after the maand it may be interpreted as an AS-sign He further copied Layards ZA-sign as an aand the AD-sign as a ia Smiths ia-sign may possibly be deciphered as an ad-sign+the beginning of a di but this remains uncertain In this light the second half ofLine 2 may be restored thus ina hi-raa-ti ad-[di-su-nu-ti] (compare Summ719-20)

In Line 3 I suggest restoring [me-ni-DIN GIR ana LUG AL]-u-ti ina [UGU-su-nuaskunma biltu] ma-da-at-tu ki-i sa [ emissu]

A suggested translation for Lines 2-3 I seized Azriyau [together with hisnobles with (my) hands] I pl[aced them in fet]ters [and took them to Assyria () Iinstalled Eni-il as k]ing ov[er them I imposed upon him] tribute like that [of anearlier king]

6 Smith (1875276 Line 12) translated Azriau my hand greatly captur~d In Ann 256-7one may restore thus Tutammu together with his nobles [I seized with (my) hands andtook them to Assyria] I captured Kinalua (compare Ann 178) The number of signsrestored at the beginning of Line 7 equals the number of signs restored at the beginning ofLine 3 (see Tadmors note to Line 3)

7 Theformula kfSa Assurf emissunuti restored by Tadmor (1994583) refers to territories thatwere annexed to Assyria I believe that Line 3 refers to a vassal king (Eni-il) and thereforesuggest a different restoration based on Sargon IIs inscription that relates the organizationof the province of Hamath following its rebellion and annexation (Fuchs 199419724) Foranother possible restoration see Lambert 1981125 Lines 10-12

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ity

Naaman Tiglath-pileser Ills Campaigns Against Tyre and Israel

Tiglath-pilesers annexation and organization of the two provinces of ijatarikkaand ~imirra is described in detail in Ann 1958-63 Lines 4-11 It is clear thatLines 2- 3 refer to different matters According to the above suggested restorationsLine 2 relates the end of Azriyaus rebellion and the captivity of its leader and hissupporters whereas Line 3 recounts the installment of Eni-il on the throne of thereduced kingdom of Hamath These text restorations support my former suggestion(Naaman 197439 1978229-230238-239) that Azriyau was king of ijatarikka+Hamath possibly of Aramean origin who stood at the head of the rebellion againstAssyria in 738 BCE and was defeated and lost his kingdom and probably his lifes

8 I am grateful to Prof H Tadmor who read the manuscript of this paper and suggestednumerous valuable comments

REFERENCES

Alt A 1927 Eine galiHiischeOrtsliste in Jos 19 ZA W 4559-81Alt A 1953Tiglathpilesers III erster Feldzug nach Palastina Kleine Schriften zur

Geschichte des Volkes Israel II Munich150-162Astour MC 1979 The Kingdom of Siyannu-Usnatu Ugarit Forschungen

1113-28Barthelemy D 1982 Critique textuelle de IAncien Testament 1 Josue Juges

Ruth Samuel Rois Chroniques Esdras Nehemie Esther (Orbis Biblicus etOrientalis 501) Fribourg and Gottingen

Cogan M and Tadmor H 1988 II Kings (The Anchor Bible) Garden CityEhrlich CS 1991 Coalition Politics in Eighth Century BCE Palestine The

Philistines and the Syro-Ephraimite War ZDPV 10748-58Ephcal I 1982 The Ancient Arabs Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile Crescent

9th-5th Centuries BC Jerusalem and LeidenFuchs A 1994 Die Inschriften Sargons II aus Khorsabad GottingenKallai Z 1986 Historical Geography of the Bible The Tribal Territories of Israel

Jerusalem and LeidenKatzenstein HJ 1973 The History of Tyre from the Beginning of the Second

Millennium BCE until the Fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire in 538B cE Jerusalem

Lambert WG 1981 Portion ofInscribed Stela of Sargon II King of Assyria InMuscarella OW ed Ladders to Heaven Toronto

Laessoe J 1959 A Statue of Shalmaneser III from Nimrud Iraq 21147-157Lemaire A 1991 Asher et Ie Royaume de Tyr In Lipinski A ed Phoenicia and

the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 135-152

277

Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey P

ublis

hing

(c)

Frie

nds

of th

e In

stitu

te o

f Arc

haeo

logy

of T

el A

viv

Uni

vers

ity

Tel Aviv 22 (1995)

Lipinski A 1991 The Territory of Asher and the Tribe of Asher In Lipinski Aed Phoenicia and the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 153-166

Luckenbill DD 1924 The Annals of Sennacherib ChicagoMontgomery JA 1951 A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of

Kings (The International Critical Commentary) EdinburghNaaman N 1974 Sennacheribs Letter to God on his Campaign to Judah

BASOR 21425-39Naaman N 1978 Looking for KTK WO 9220-239Naaman N 1986a Historical and Chronological Notes on the Kingdoms ofIsrael

and Judah in the Eighth Century Bc VT3671-92Naaman N 1986bBorders and Districts in Biblical Historiography Seven Studies

in Biblical Geographical Lists JerusalemNaaman N 1993 Population Changes in Palestine following Assyrian

Deportations Tel Aviv 20104-124Naaman N forthcoming Rezin of Damascus and the Land of Gilead ZDPV

1112Noth M 1935 Studien zu den historisch-geographischen Dokumenten des

J osuabuches ZDPV 58185-255Oded B 1974 The Phoenician Cities and the Assyrian Empire in the Time of

Tiglath-pileser III ZDPV9038-49Oppenheim AL 1955Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts ANET 265-317Postgate JN 1974 Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire RomeSaggs HWF 1955 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part II Iraq 17126-154Saggs HWF 1963 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part VI Iraq 2570-80Smith G 1875 Assyrian Discoveries LondonTadmor H 1990 Tiglath-pileser III in Palestine Shnaton - An Annual for

Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies 10179-187 (Hebrew)Tadmor H 1994 The Inscriptions of Tiglath- Pieser III King of Assyria Critical

Edition with Introductions Translations and Commentary JerusalemVogt E 1964 Die Texte Tiglath-Pilesers III tiber die Eroberung PaHistinas

Biblica 45348-354Wiseman DJ 1951 The Historical Inscriptions from Nimrud Iraq 1321-26Wtirthwein E 1984 Die Bucher der Konige 1 Kon 17-2 Kon 25 (Das Alte

Testament Deutsch XI2) Gottingen

278

Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey P

ublis

hing

(c)

Frie

nds

of th

e In

stitu

te o

f Arc

haeo

logy

of T

el A

viv

Uni

vers

ity

Naaman Tiglath-pileser Ills Campaigns Against Tyre and Israel

Tiglath-pilesers annexation and organization of the two provinces of ijatarikkaand ~imirra is described in detail in Ann 1958-63 Lines 4-11 It is clear thatLines 2- 3 refer to different matters According to the above suggested restorationsLine 2 relates the end of Azriyaus rebellion and the captivity of its leader and hissupporters whereas Line 3 recounts the installment of Eni-il on the throne of thereduced kingdom of Hamath These text restorations support my former suggestion(Naaman 197439 1978229-230238-239) that Azriyau was king of ijatarikka+Hamath possibly of Aramean origin who stood at the head of the rebellion againstAssyria in 738 BCE and was defeated and lost his kingdom and probably his lifes

8 I am grateful to Prof H Tadmor who read the manuscript of this paper and suggestednumerous valuable comments

REFERENCES

Alt A 1927 Eine galiHiischeOrtsliste in Jos 19 ZA W 4559-81Alt A 1953Tiglathpilesers III erster Feldzug nach Palastina Kleine Schriften zur

Geschichte des Volkes Israel II Munich150-162Astour MC 1979 The Kingdom of Siyannu-Usnatu Ugarit Forschungen

1113-28Barthelemy D 1982 Critique textuelle de IAncien Testament 1 Josue Juges

Ruth Samuel Rois Chroniques Esdras Nehemie Esther (Orbis Biblicus etOrientalis 501) Fribourg and Gottingen

Cogan M and Tadmor H 1988 II Kings (The Anchor Bible) Garden CityEhrlich CS 1991 Coalition Politics in Eighth Century BCE Palestine The

Philistines and the Syro-Ephraimite War ZDPV 10748-58Ephcal I 1982 The Ancient Arabs Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile Crescent

9th-5th Centuries BC Jerusalem and LeidenFuchs A 1994 Die Inschriften Sargons II aus Khorsabad GottingenKallai Z 1986 Historical Geography of the Bible The Tribal Territories of Israel

Jerusalem and LeidenKatzenstein HJ 1973 The History of Tyre from the Beginning of the Second

Millennium BCE until the Fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire in 538B cE Jerusalem

Lambert WG 1981 Portion ofInscribed Stela of Sargon II King of Assyria InMuscarella OW ed Ladders to Heaven Toronto

Laessoe J 1959 A Statue of Shalmaneser III from Nimrud Iraq 21147-157Lemaire A 1991 Asher et Ie Royaume de Tyr In Lipinski A ed Phoenicia and

the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 135-152

277

Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey P

ublis

hing

(c)

Frie

nds

of th

e In

stitu

te o

f Arc

haeo

logy

of T

el A

viv

Uni

vers

ity

Tel Aviv 22 (1995)

Lipinski A 1991 The Territory of Asher and the Tribe of Asher In Lipinski Aed Phoenicia and the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 153-166

Luckenbill DD 1924 The Annals of Sennacherib ChicagoMontgomery JA 1951 A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of

Kings (The International Critical Commentary) EdinburghNaaman N 1974 Sennacheribs Letter to God on his Campaign to Judah

BASOR 21425-39Naaman N 1978 Looking for KTK WO 9220-239Naaman N 1986a Historical and Chronological Notes on the Kingdoms ofIsrael

and Judah in the Eighth Century Bc VT3671-92Naaman N 1986bBorders and Districts in Biblical Historiography Seven Studies

in Biblical Geographical Lists JerusalemNaaman N 1993 Population Changes in Palestine following Assyrian

Deportations Tel Aviv 20104-124Naaman N forthcoming Rezin of Damascus and the Land of Gilead ZDPV

1112Noth M 1935 Studien zu den historisch-geographischen Dokumenten des

J osuabuches ZDPV 58185-255Oded B 1974 The Phoenician Cities and the Assyrian Empire in the Time of

Tiglath-pileser III ZDPV9038-49Oppenheim AL 1955Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts ANET 265-317Postgate JN 1974 Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire RomeSaggs HWF 1955 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part II Iraq 17126-154Saggs HWF 1963 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part VI Iraq 2570-80Smith G 1875 Assyrian Discoveries LondonTadmor H 1990 Tiglath-pileser III in Palestine Shnaton - An Annual for

Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies 10179-187 (Hebrew)Tadmor H 1994 The Inscriptions of Tiglath- Pieser III King of Assyria Critical

Edition with Introductions Translations and Commentary JerusalemVogt E 1964 Die Texte Tiglath-Pilesers III tiber die Eroberung PaHistinas

Biblica 45348-354Wiseman DJ 1951 The Historical Inscriptions from Nimrud Iraq 1321-26Wtirthwein E 1984 Die Bucher der Konige 1 Kon 17-2 Kon 25 (Das Alte

Testament Deutsch XI2) Gottingen

278

Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey P

ublis

hing

(c)

Frie

nds

of th

e In

stitu

te o

f Arc

haeo

logy

of T

el A

viv

Uni

vers

ity

Tel Aviv 22 (1995)

Lipinski A 1991 The Territory of Asher and the Tribe of Asher In Lipinski Aed Phoenicia and the Bible (Studia Phoenicia XI) Leuven 153-166

Luckenbill DD 1924 The Annals of Sennacherib ChicagoMontgomery JA 1951 A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of

Kings (The International Critical Commentary) EdinburghNaaman N 1974 Sennacheribs Letter to God on his Campaign to Judah

BASOR 21425-39Naaman N 1978 Looking for KTK WO 9220-239Naaman N 1986a Historical and Chronological Notes on the Kingdoms ofIsrael

and Judah in the Eighth Century Bc VT3671-92Naaman N 1986bBorders and Districts in Biblical Historiography Seven Studies

in Biblical Geographical Lists JerusalemNaaman N 1993 Population Changes in Palestine following Assyrian

Deportations Tel Aviv 20104-124Naaman N forthcoming Rezin of Damascus and the Land of Gilead ZDPV

1112Noth M 1935 Studien zu den historisch-geographischen Dokumenten des

J osuabuches ZDPV 58185-255Oded B 1974 The Phoenician Cities and the Assyrian Empire in the Time of

Tiglath-pileser III ZDPV9038-49Oppenheim AL 1955Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts ANET 265-317Postgate JN 1974 Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire RomeSaggs HWF 1955 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part II Iraq 17126-154Saggs HWF 1963 The Nimrud Letters 1952 - Part VI Iraq 2570-80Smith G 1875 Assyrian Discoveries LondonTadmor H 1990 Tiglath-pileser III in Palestine Shnaton - An Annual for

Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies 10179-187 (Hebrew)Tadmor H 1994 The Inscriptions of Tiglath- Pieser III King of Assyria Critical

Edition with Introductions Translations and Commentary JerusalemVogt E 1964 Die Texte Tiglath-Pilesers III tiber die Eroberung PaHistinas

Biblica 45348-354Wiseman DJ 1951 The Historical Inscriptions from Nimrud Iraq 1321-26Wtirthwein E 1984 Die Bucher der Konige 1 Kon 17-2 Kon 25 (Das Alte

Testament Deutsch XI2) Gottingen

278