The demise of

Syed Jaffer

“In reply to my request for an interview, your Secretary told me that you said that if I was seeking an interview to discuss the subject matter of the letters I had been writing to you, you saw no need to grant me an interview. I do not mean to offend you if I tell you that the money of a Laik Ali or an Alladin could buy your support to their aims, while all our sincerety and selfless entreaties could not attract you attention. You could not have dared to refuse an interview to a mediocre like Babu Khan and could take the initiative to invite a declared and deliberate enemy of the Muslim cause like Ali Yavar Jung to come and see you. You should not take this as an offence as these are plain facts. I am taking this opportunity to write to you because I am anxious to tell you inspite of your refusal to meet me what I would have told you if I had secured an interview. The only pity is that you cannot now reach my mind by cross-examining me.”

Mr. Syed Alla Bux addresses the lines above to the Qaide Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah founder of Pakistan. Hardly any one who was with the Qaid as his soldier for the cause of Muslims of the subcontinent in general and Muslim community all over the world in particular or most of his opponents could confront or argue with the Qaid. Mr. Alla Bux derived the courage form the personality he served. Saadat Hassn Manto describes relations between the Qaid and Nawab Sahib compared to some of the top leaders working with the Qaid. He being the private secretary of Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung could take liberty of his position. Above phrases may look harsh but a different angle reflect the sincerity of the purpose for the up lift of the Muslims of the subcontinent as well as the down trodden non Muslims.

An English translation of a selected paragraph about Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung from Saadat Hasan Manto’s ‘Mera Sahib’: According to Azad, the Late Bahadur Yar Jung was among Qaid-e-Azam’s best friends. “It was only him with whom he was so frank. Whenever he came to visit, both men would talk about the country and politics like true best friends. At that time, Qaid-e-Azam would separate his outer shell from his inner self. He was the only one with whom the Sahib was so frank and open. One felt as if they were childhood buddies. When they talked to each other, one could hear the loud laughter coming out of the closed doors. Other than Bahadur Yar Jung, other Muslim League leaders, such as Raja Mahmud Abad, I. I. Chundrigarh, Maulana Zahid Husain, Nawabzadah Liaquat Ali Khan, Nawab Ismail, and Ali Imam sahib used to pay visit. But the Sahib dealt with them in a professional manner, not in a frank way reserved for Bahadur Yar Jung.” “Khan Liaquat Ali Khan must have visited quite often,” I said to Azad. Said Azad, “Yes, the Sahib treated him as if he were Sahib’s best student. And the Khan Sahib listened to him very carefully, obeyed, and carried his orders. When he was asked to pay visit, sometimes he would ask me, ‘Hey, Azad, how’s Sahib’s mood today?’ I would tell him how his mood was. If the Sahib were not in his good mood, every wall in the mansion would know it.

Syed Alla Bux on 12th July 1946 further wrote the following words to Qaide Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, and as he anticipated; on the morning of September 13, 1948 within two years of this writing, fifth infantry battalions and an armored regiment of the battle-hardened Indian Army under the command of Maj Gen J N Chaudhry entered the princely state of Hyderabad Deccan the Kingdom of Lt.General His Exalted Highness Nizam of Hyderabad and Berar, Mir Osman Ali Khan.

Syed Alla Bux wrote “Concluding, I must reiterate that if you express the least hostility to Hyderabad played in Kashmir. Your hostility may even end Hyderabad within two years, for there will be the invasion of Hindus and the division of loyalties between the Ruler and yourself would derive (drive) the last nail in the coffin.”

I have brought together some details from history with the help of these old letters acquired, from the Department of Achieves Government of Pakistan. My father, Syed Alla Bux, was informed by one of his friends that some letters by him to Quaid e Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah are available in the Department of Archives Government of Pakistan. During the struggle for the independence of Indian Subcontinent Mr. Syed Alla Bux was a political worker and had the opportunity to come together with the leaders of those days. He was progressive by his political outlook and very outspoken. While he was assisting, in his capacity as a political worker, for the independence he had his personal views on the position of Mysore state and Hyderabad Deccan after the partition of the Subcontinent. He thought that The East India Company,

chartered as it was a trading concern, had no right by any code of morality or existing international customs to conquer territories, administer them, dispose them off or constitute itself a body charged with responsibility of governing a people. They had no authority to transgress the very object for which the Company was chartered. Nor can the actions of the Company be validated by a transfer of their self-assumed powers to the British Crown, for the assumption of the posers itself makes their transfer null and void, more so where the Indian State are concerned. Since Mysore state was conquered by the East India Company without a mandate to transfer the territory to the Indian Union Mysore should be an independent country at the Malabar Coast. His dream of an independent Mysore and Hyderabad Deccan on the basis of democracy did not materialize and now it is not even a part of history. In this regard in the capacity of Secretary General YOUNG MUSLIMS ORGANISATION MYSORE he did submit on the 30th of April 1946 a memorandum to the British Cabinet Mission. The cabinet Mission was formulated by the then British Prime Minister Clement Attlee and comprised of Secretary of State for India Lord Pethick-Lawrence, President of the Board of Trade, Sir Stafford Cripps, First Lord of the Admiralty, A. V. Alexander, Viceroy of India, Lord Wavell. The text of the memorandum was printed on Page four of Dawn of Thursday May 2, 1946. At the later part of this book you will find a photograph of a rare cutting of the news paper Dawn of 1946 preserved by Mr. Syed Alla Bux. When you become old and want to search yourself and your roots, you need someone to guide you. That is the case with me. Now that I go through old papers of my father I need one of my elder to confirm. I feel how unfortunate it is to miss your father when you want to know of his deeds and achievements.

He used to tell us how one of our ancestors like Syed Yakoob Tawakali, very outspoken, three generations before him was a Governor of Cuddpah, one of the provinces of Mysore. It was during the time of Hyder Ali. Later on, when Tipu Sultan took over Tipu could not cope up with the straight forward attitude and boldness of his governor and they parted ways.

When the British Empire took over the State of Mysore they recognized it and the village Channapatana to which we belonged was exempted from any tax for their entire rule. My father is no more who could tell me the names and confirm the dates. Regarding the Position of Hyderabad Deccan he was of the opinion that Nawab Bahadur Yar Jang to whom he served as a private secretary was politically eliminated from the scene by a conspiracy. He was firm that the Nawab Sahib was murdered by poisoning; he thought Nizam the ruler of Hyderabad Deccan was responsible for the murder. For the debacle of Hyderabad, he always had a lot to tell about,

the situation and intrigues of the higher ups of those days for their self interest. Syed Alla Bux was witness to all the events after the death of Qaide Millat Bahadur Yar Jung. Bahadur Yar Jung was more popularly known as Qade Millat in those days in the southern part of India and else where also. Liaqat Ali Khan was a back bencher when Bahadur Yar Jung was alive. One of the letters Mr. Syed Alla Bux wrote to the Qaide Azam contains all the details of the events of the death of Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung. That letter also includes the certified copy of the statement to the police by the widow of the Late Nawab sahib. That letter describes peculiar activities of the well to do people gathered at the scene of the death of the Qaide Millat Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung.

Legends and Anecdotes of Hyderabad When the Nizam Wept By Narendra Luther Bahadur Yar Jung thus reduced the Nizam from the personification of sovereignty to its mere symbol. He often said things which caused the Nizam discomfiture, and, not unoften, even offence. Once when he thundered against the British presence and their direction of administration in the State, the Nizam was compelled by the Resident to censure and to silence him and to be confined to his house for some time. The jagirdars were not allowed to participate in politics. To overcome that constraint, Bahadur Yar Jung renounced his jagir and title in 1940 and intensified his activities. That added to his popularity.

In 1944, he had gone to a dinner at the house of Hashim Ali Khan, a judge of the High Court and a close friend. Coming rather late, he ran up the steps and apologized to his host and other guests. Then he sat down and, as he took a pull at the hookah, he collapsed. His sudden and unexpected death raised suspicion that he was poisoned allegedly at the instance of the Nizam. But only whispers were heard. However, the Nizam joined the mammoth funeral procession the next morning. In spite of his politics, he was a friend of many leaders of other communities. Sarojini Naidu, for example, used to refer to him as her son. His early death changed the course of history in the State.

Great leaders die; conspiracy theories follow, upcoming leaders make promise of through investigation to find the reasons behind the elimination of those departed leaders. Common people mourn for the departed leaders for some time, some leaders are remembered for long in history while most of the leaders are forgotten. An independent southern India was the vision of Mr. Syed Alla Bux. He tried hard to convince the important leaders of those days and did not succeed. Some times he would accuse Mr. Jinnah that he was in a hurry to become the king of Karachi. In the same breadth he would comment that the old man knew that he would not live long and his disciple are bound to mess up things after him so he had to hurry up. Pakistan until now is used as a guinea pig for experimentation of political systems. He did work very hard to bring the leaders of south India and Mr. Jinnah together. Especially he strived very hard to make Mr. Jinnah and the Nizam of Hyderabad cooperate with each other. He went beyond his limits to get Sir Mirza Ismail as the Prime minister of Hyderabad Deccan. Unfortunately Mr. Jinnah and the Nizam were very arrogant and fought trying to show-down each other. Mysore state and Hyderabad Deccan were looked-up-to by the Muslims of other countries of those days, migration pattern of the populace was form Middle East to Hyderabad and not vice versa. Students of other part of the world which at that time were domains of the imperial powers where Muslims lived would come to Hyderabad Deccan for higher studies. Mr. Alla Bux was of the view that an independent southern India along the Malabar coast would be favourable to the minority Muslims in the Indian princely states, other Muslims of the world and low cast majority Hindus living in that territory. He was skeptical of the intentions of Brahaman Banya and wrote in one of his letters to the Qaid of his personal experience of Banya prejudice. In his views the whole thing was messed up by Nizam and Qaide Azam. Qasim Rizvi became the villain character in the history of that state he was popular to be fond of doing target practice on a Hindus with a cigarette in the mouth of the target. According to Mr. Syed Alla Bux Qasim Rizvi, Laiq Ali, Chattari were intriguers in the team of Nizam he accuse these characters to create misunderstanding in Jinnah and Nizam. The people who were close to the Qaid were sycophants; Mr. Liaqat Ali according to him lacked vision.

He did a lot of lobbying to get Sir Mirza Ismail, who was earlier at different occasions Dewan of Mysore state and of Junagarh, as the Prime Minister of Hyderabad Deccan. Sir Mirza is famous for his administration. While the partition of the Sub Continent was in progress, he was of the view that it would be in the interest of the people of Hyderabad in general, and Indian Muslims in the south of India, in particular if there was an able administrator at the helm of affairs of Hyderabad Deccan. The transcripts and photographs of the letters and of some of the documents collected from the Department of archives, Government of Pakistan, throw light on how things were in the forties just before the independence. The study of the events can be a lesson to the students of history to see how one event leads to the later events in history, and how minor mistakes by the influential leaders shape the nations; drag them astray or lead them to glory.

After every thing was over, Mysore and Hyderabad became part of India. Mr. Syed Alla Bux took jobs as journalist Editor of Mazdoor. At that particular time he was the secretary to The Hyderabad (Dn.) journalists’ Association. Because of his views he was declared on of the personae non gratae by the rulers there and had to flee to Pakistan. History is the most vulgarized subject. Rulers and the vested interest pay historians to paint it with colours which are in their interest and play with the history. Facts are difficult to dig out. Few people know about Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung, fewer still will know about him in the future. Hardly any one in Pakistan knows about Sir Mirza Ismail. None of the new generation even in the Muslim community of the Andhra Pradesh which was once Hyderabad Deccan know the glory of their ancestors. During the struggle for independence we lost Gurdaspur, Junagarh, Manawader, Mysore, and Hyderabad Deccan. We still have to settle about Kashmir. I don’t

consider here the eastern part of the subcontinent the greater Bangal; we forced them chose to live separately. In the early days of the struggle for the independence of the Indian sub-continent every one with a moderate view wanted all the nationalities in India to live together as one, even the Qaid held that view; he was initially the member of Congress. But with the passage of time, individuals with rigid attitude and divisive tendencies started grabbing control of the situation. Those who wanted to live together started thinking otherwise. Mr. Jinnah continued with having duel membership of Indian National Congress and Muslim League for quite some time. Mr. Syed Alla Bux writes in one of the letters to Qaide Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah to reflect his disillusionment. Extremist tendencies are bad for all communities for all times whether past, present or future. All those who initially were for the unity started working for the division. Contrary to the above a large number of Muslims went for the unity of India and preferred staying back. Do they, these days, have equal rights there for themselves? It is an irony that in both the countries those who worked for the division are still working for further division and those who hoped for the unity are scared to live openly. Even now, it is a fact that Muslims who stayed back in India are afraid even to take phone calls from those who migrated and left India to opt for Pakistan. In a routine letter he addresses the Qaid to send the funds collected for the Muslim league. It will be interesting to note down the way Muslims were politically organized in India in the forties. The main and the largest party for Muslims was All India Muslim League. While this party claimed to be the sole representative of Muslims of the subcontinent no subject of the princely states and the kingdoms were allowed its membership. For the Muslims belonging to Mysore State and Hyderabad Deccan while they were offering sacrifices, the membership of All India Muslim League was not allowed. They were members of All India States Muslim League which was headed by Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung. The majority that was in the actual struggle were mostly the ones who stayed back in India after its partition. Mr. Alla Bux was a native of Mysore State born in Channapatana a small town between Bangalore and Mysore. Sir Mirza Ismail and he were friends in their youth. The area of expertise of Sir Mirza Ismail among others was industrialization of the state to which he rendered his services. Mr. Alla Bux was part of the team of Sir Mirza for the industrialization of Mysore as early as 1935. The then Mysore government had assembled a team lead by Syed Alla Bux to go around the world and study the process of industrialization in different countries. Mysore had its own aircraft factory and very advanced electronics production of those days. Later on the largest industrial exhibitions in Karachi, Peshawar and Multan were organized by Syed Alla Bux. The area popularly known as Purani Numaish (meaning Old Exhibition in Urdu language) in Karachi city of the independent Pakistan is because of the Industrial exhibition the largest event of those days organized in that locality. Mr. Syed Alla Bux was very fond of Sir Mirza Ismail and was his acquaintance even before 1935. The letters will show that he tried to convince Qaide Azam to support

Sir Mirza Ismail as the prime Minister of Hyderabad Deccan. Though Sir Mirza became the Prime Minister, but could not continue due to the intrigues of the members of Majlis and Nizam himself on the one hand and lack of political support from the Qaide Azam.

Books written later on declare that Sir Mrza Ismail resigned from the post and wrote the following to Nizam. Sir Mirza Ismail wrote on May 15, 1947 to H.E.H. the Nizam as follows- “It is with the deepest regret that I have to ask Your Exalted Highness to relieve me to the high office with which you have been pleased to entrust me to the high office with which you have been pleased to entrust me. At a time which is perhaps, the most critical the Dominion will ever know, I came to Hyderabad at your Exalted Highness’s invitation, full of enthusiasm and with deep attachment to Your Exalted highness’s person and dynasty. I was determined to devote my lifelong experience and the capabilities which God has given me to the right solution of the many problems with which the future of the Dominion is beset. In the pursuit of this earnest desire I planned many things which in the fullness of time would have assuredly contributed to the greatness and glory of Hyderabad and to the happiness and prosperity of your people. I could only succeed in such a task if I were assured of your Exalted Highness’s full support and sympathy. I have had the misfortune to find myself opposed at every turn by a certain section of the local Musalmans who, in my opinion, are set on a course that is suicidal to the state. I have not taken a single step that has been detrimental to their real interests. On the other hand, I have done all that is humanly possible to serve, but in vain. At the instigation of arch-conspirators who have other ends to serve, they have carried on a vigorous and calculated campaign of vilification against me. It has been my further misfortune to find that I have lost the confidence of Your Exalted Highness as against myself. But, while a word from you would have stopped the campaign at once, you have maintained silence, and the agitators have given the impression that they enjoy Your Exalted Highness’s goodwill and patronage. Only recently, I wrote your Exalted Highness from Berar saying and unless Your Exalted Highness could give me your fullest confidence and support if would not be possible for me to carry on. As that support has not been forth coming, there is no alternative for me but to ask to be relieved. In spite of the sad memories of my stay in Hyderabad, I shall always pray that God in His mercy, may protect the Asafiah Crown from the dangers that I see looming ahead.” Sir Mirza Ismail left Hyderabad for Bangalore. Sir Mirza whose decision in the matter was final was sure to send his resignation in a week. Thus Hyderabad Musulmans and Nizam lost the mature guidance of a sagacious administrator.

I don’t have the replies from Mr. Jinnah in the collection of my father, which I have. In one of his letters the remarks of Mr. Alla Bux about Mr. Chattari were right, later events in the history confirm it. It seems that the Qaid had little time for any consideration in this regard. Recalling the events he at occasions Mr. Alla Bux told me that after the creation of Pakistan his name was considered by the Qaid for the post of Private Secretary to him, which never materialized; again the intrigues. He always considered that the death of Nawab Sahib and elimination of Sir Mirza was the death blow for the Muslims of the sub-continent living in the southern part. While he considered Sir Mirza a very honest and able administrator he thought Bhahadur Yar Jung as a leader was an essential for the wellbeing of the Muslims. In Bahadur yar Jung, who had a feudal background, he saw a revolutionary. For the welfare of the masses he relinquishes the title and the Jageer conferred to him by the kingdom of the Nizam that was like the lordship conferred by the British Crown. The oratory of The Nawab was un comparable and of the highest order, he could keep gatherings of thousands spellbound for hours, and no one was equal to him in the whole of subcontinent of that time. Most of his speeches were like congregations and would continue beyond mid night. Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung could speak different languages spoken in the sub continent. Mr. Jinnah delivered most of his speeches in English. Final speech always would be delivered by Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung and he would sum up the entire proceeding and interpret the thoughts of the Qaid. Mr. Syed Alla Bux claimed that he was the favourite of Nawab Sahib. He used to recall an occasion of photo session when everyone was ready for the click. Suddenly Nawab sahib felt the absence of Mr. Syed Alla Bux, and asked where my pocket secretary is, Alla Bux was short in height. Since everyone had taken his place Mr. Bux thought it fit to stay aside and let the session go undisturbed. The Nawab Sahib called him and made him sit on his own chair and he himself stood on the back. Mr. Bux used to claim that he always felt at liberty to issue press statements on behalf of the Nawab Sahib. Nawab sahib used to say at occasions “Bux did I actually say what the paper has printed?” Mr. Bux used to reply Sir this is the only reaction a leader of your importance could offer. According to Syed Alla Bux such a thing happened at several important occasions. Mr. Bux was of the opinion that political reactions should always be correct and timely. Mr. Alla Bux used to recollect that he would fight tooth and nail for something he thought correct even with his boss at the same time he was thankful to the Almighty that he had such boss like Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung. Mr. Syed Alla Bux was of the opinion that Hyderabad was a state with Hindu majority and Muslim ruler. He was of the firm opinion that, for the survival of a state, all the subjects of a state should be willing to obey the state and its ruler. It was in his opinion essential that there should be harmony and love among different sections of a society. You cannot compel a majority by force to live along a ruling minority. He thought that if you do justice to all the subjects irrespective of who is in majority the result would be prosperity for all. Mr. Alla Bux thought that Sir Mirza

Ismail was capable of bringing about such a situation in the last days of Hyderabad. It was the general perception that Sir Mirza Ismail was pro-Hindu administrator. Mr. Alla Bux thought that Sir Mirza was only honest in recognizing the rights of each section of the society, he always held Sir Mirza Ismail in the highest esteem. He thought that at that particular time in history if there was some one like Sir Mirza Ismail at the top slots in the state it would be good for the survival of Hyderabad as an independent state. He used to recall that he desperately ventured to bring Mr. Jinnah and Sir Mirza together. Mr. Alla Bux had a great influence on Sir Mirza Ismail it was a fact that Sir Mirza himself was a leader of international stature. Mr. Syed Alla Bux not only convinced Sir Mirza to come in the open support of the Muslims of the subcontinent but could get the written commitment from him that he will obey the Qaide Azam in every respect. The general perception of Sir Mirza Ismail that he is a pro Hindu Congressite according to Mr. Syed Alla Bux was not true. He was a honest person and did what ever was correct ignoring what perception he will get. But the history had different fate for that state. Power went into the hands of the most conservative people. Instead of taking the majority low cast Hindus along rulers thought that the majority could be brought in the folds by suppression. Instead of being sympathetic to the poor majority the rulers chose the path of atrocities. As a result India took advantage of the situation and marched in to save the Hindu population.

THERE ONCE WAS A HYDERABAD! By Mohan Guruswamy On the morning of September 13, 1948 five infantry battalions and an armored regiment of the battle hardened Indian Army under the command of Maj Gen J N Chaudhry entered the princely state of Hyderabad, over a year after Independence and after the patience of the new Indian Union was tested beyond endurance. The Nizam of Hyderabad like the Maharaja of Jammu & Kashmir too entertained notions of an independent state and had so far managed to avoid accession. In the meantime the Nizam sought to widen the issue by moving the United Nations, took the advice and assistance of Pakistan, and began stockpiling arms. The Times in London reported on August 9, 1948 that the Hyderabad army was strengthened to 40,000 and supplies of arms were being received, presumably from Pakistan. The Prime Minister of Hyderabad Mir Laik Ali boasted that if “the Indian government takes any action against Hyderabad, 100,000 men are ready to fight. We also have a hundred bombers in Saudi Arabia ready to bomb Bombay!”

With Sir Mirza ismail when he visited Bangalore in 1954

Mr. Brommyate, Mr. Lloyd Jones, Sir

Theodore Tasker, Nawab Ali Yawar Jung 1938

Paper clipping of Madras Mail, with Sir

Mirza Ismail 1938

Moulvi Sir m\Mohammad Yakub at Simal

1 October 1938

H. H. The Nawab Sahib of Palanpur at

Bangalore 1940

Iskandar Mirza President of pakistan

1954 Iskandar Mirza President of pakistan 1954

With Khawaja Nazimuddin Governor

General of Pakistan

left to right PAF officer Ghulam Ishaq

Khan, Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar Syed Alla Bux

With Dr. Khan Sahib Chief Minister of

West Pakistan

I. I. Chundrigar Governer of NWFP

I. I. Chundrigar Governer of NWFP

Banlore G. M. Mehkri and Syed Alla Bux

Naat (Poetry in honour of the Prophet Mohammad Peace be on him)

When the Nizam Wept - by Narendra Luther In November, 1930 a public meeting was held in the Victory Playground to celebrate the birthday of Prophet Muhammad. A young man was moving his audience to tears by his oration. Midway through his speech, there was a general commotion. Policemen on duty started blowing whistles nervously. Mir Osman Ali Khan, Nizam VII, had arrived unannounced to attend the meeting. The young speaker paused only for a while and then greeted the newcomer in an emotion-charged manner: "Oh crowned slave of the Muhammad of Arabia, come, let me tell thee about the style of governance of that emperor of both the spiritual and the corporeal worlds." Osman sat there completely mesmerized and like the thousands amongst the audience, washed by the flood of words coming from that young speaker, tears began to roll down his cheeks. He asked some of the telling sentences of the speech to be repeated, as people say 'encore' in mushairas. A week later, on 25th November he received a firman. It read: "The royal personage was delighted to hear your sermon and on the auspicious occasion of his birthday is pleased to confer the title of Bahadur Yar Jung on you." The young man was born in 1905 to Nawab Nasib Yawar Jung and named Saadi Khan alias Muhammad Bahadur Khan. He was descended from a Pathan family which had come to Hyderabad during the reign of the Nizam Sikandar Jah (1903-29) and was granted a minor jagir of Lal Garhi He was also a hereditary jamadar of the nazm-e- jamiat (commander of the Irregular Forces) of the Nizam. Bahadur Khan's mother died barely seven days after his birth. He was therefore brought up by his maternal grandmother upto the age of 14 and thereafter by his paternal grandmother. He was educated at the Madarsa-e-Aliya and Darul-ul-Uloom and acquired proficiency in wrestling, swimming, marksmanship, and swordsmanship. He was also very fond of shikar. He was married at the age of 14 to Talmain Khatoon, an older cousin. Right from school days he used to excel in declamation and became a popular orator. When Bahadur Khan inherited the jagir on the death of his father in 1923 he also inherited a debt of Rs. 4.5 lakhs. Within four years he set the affairs right and having cleared all the debt, doubled the income from his estate to Rs.40,000 per annum. In 1926 he was elected president of the Society of Mehdivis and in 1927 he started the Society for the Propagation of Islam. In 1930 he was elected secretary of the Union of Jagirdars which had been established in 1892 but was moribund. He served in that capacity for four years and infused new life into it. He was fond of reading and knew Urdu, Arabic, Persian and English and had smattering of Telugu. Because of his oratorical skills he became immensely popular and also very close to the Muslim League leader, Jinnah whose speeches he often interpreted from English into Urdu. In 1938 he was elected president of the Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Musalmeen, a society with a cultural and religious manifesto. However, it soon acquired political complexion and became aligned the Muslim League in British India. He soon rose to be the supreme and unquestioned leader of the Ittehad and imparted a new militancy to it.

Bahadur Yar Jung noted the peculiar political situation of Hyderabad. It was a State with an overwhelming Hindu population -- some 87% -- and a Muslim ruler. With the winds of change blowing all over and the talk of democracy and the demands for a responsible government, the control of power was bound to pass from the ruling Muslim minority to the Hindu majority. To perpetuate the existing state of affairs, heavily weighted in favour of the Muslims, he therefore propounded an ingenious theory. The Nizam claimed that, as a ruler, he was sovereign. Louis XIV of France had proclaimed in the 17th century "L'etat!-- c'est moi!" (I am the State). In 1938, Bahadur Yar Jung enunciated the doctrine of 'Ana'l Malik', -- 'We are sovereign'. According to this theory, sovereignty did not vest in the ruler, but in the Muslim community. The Nizam was merely a symbol of that sovereignty. Every Muslim in the State thus became a participant and a sharer in sovereignty. It thus sought to make it the vested interest of every Muslim to protect his sovereignty and its symbol, the Nizam. It became the official doctrine of the Ittehad and Bahadur Yar Jung insisted that Hyderabad should be declared a Muslim State. In 1931, he performed Haj and thereafter undertook a tour of the Islamic countries of West Asia, and of Europe. To make matters absolutely sure, the demographic balance of the State had to be altered. He therefore undertook a vigorous programme of conversion of Hindus into Muslims - particularly those belonging to the untouchable and backward classes in rural areas. He advised his band of missionary workers to aim not at the conversion of individuals but of whole groups. This work was done with particular zeal for three years and during that period he is credited with the conversion of 24,000 persons. Bahadur Yar Jung thus reduced the Nizam from the personification of sovereignty to its mere symbol. He often said things which caused the Nizam discomfiture, and, not unoften, even offence. Once when he thundered against the British presence and their direction of administration in the State, the Nizam was compelled by the Resident to censure and to silence him and to be confined to his house for some time. The jagirdars were not allowed to participate in politics. To overcome that constraint, Bahadur Yar Jung renounced his jagir and title in 1940 and intensified his activities. That added to his popularity. In 1944, he had gone to a dinner at the house of Hashim Ali Khan, a judge of the High Court and a close friend. Coming rather late, he ran up the steps and apologized to his host and other guests. Then he sat down and, as he took a pull at the hookah, he collapsed. His sudden and unexpected death raised suspicion that he was poisoned allegedly at he instance of the Nizam. But only whispers were heard. However, the Nizam joined the mammoth funeral procession the next morning. Inspite of his politics, he was a friend of many leaders of other communities. Sarojini Naidu, for example, used to refer to him as her son. His early death changed the course of history in the State.

There Once Was A Hyderabad! By Mohan Guruswamy On the morning of September 13, 1948 five infantry battalions and an armored regiment of the battle hardened Indian Army under the command of Maj Gen J N Chaudhry entered the princely state of Hyderabad, over a year after Independence and after the patience of the new Indian Union was tested beyond endurance. The Nizam of Hyderabad like the Maharaja of Jammu & Kashmir too entertained notions of an independent state and had so far managed to avoid accession. In the meantime the Nizam sought to widen the issue by moving the United Nations, took the advice and assistance of Pakistan, and began stockpiling arms. The Times in London reported on August 9, 1948 that the Hyderabad army was strengthened to 40,000 and supplies of arms were being received, presumably from Pakistan. The Prime Minister of Hyderabad Mir Laik Ali boasted that if "the Indian government takes any action against Hyderabad, 100,000 men are ready to fight. We also have a hundred bombers in Saudi Arabia ready to bomb Bombay!" Within the Nizam's realm, militant Razakars led by Kasim Razvi, had stepped up their campaign of terrorizing Hindus and whipping up religious sentiments among the Muslims. Within five days the "police action", actually a military operation, was all but over and the Hyderabad army commanded by Maj. Gen. El-Edroos formally surrendered. The Indian Army's "police action" was as violent as it was swift. It killed 1373 Razakars and captured 1911. In addition Hyderabad State Army lost 807 killed and 1647 captured. The Indian Army's losses were never officially revealed but a figure of less than 10 killed is commonly accepted. It was a sudden and crushing blow to a movement that had vowed to hoist the Asafia flag on the Red Fort. At the time of India's independence, Hyderabad was the largest Indian princely state in terms of population and GNP. Its territory of 82,698 sq miles was more than that of England and Scotland put together. The 1941 census had estimated its population to be 16.34 million, over 85% of who were Hindus and with Muslims accounting for about 12%. It was also a multi-lingual state consisting of peoples speaking Telugu (48.2%), Marathi (26.4%), Kannada (12.3%) and Urdu (10.3%). Its diversity and broad heritage could be seen in the historical monuments at Ajanta, Ellora and Daulatabad in Marathawada, Bijapur, Bidar, Gulbarga, Anegondi and Kampili in Karnataka, and Warangal and Nagarjunakonda in Telangana. Hyderabad city's history goes back to the 11th century when the Kakatiya kings of Warangal built the fort that later became famous as Golconda. Mohammed Quli Qutab Shah founded the capital city that we now know in 1590. Quli Qutab Shah was quite a romantic fellow and first called his city Bhagyanagar after his Hindu born Queen Bhagmati. Bhagmati later took the name Haider Mahal and hence Hyderabad. Haider Mahal also inspired him to pen the immortal lines: "piya baaj pyaala piya jaaye na, piya yakthil jiya jaaye na." This romanticism suffused the spirit of Hyderabad through most of its entire existence. Hyderabad, not only had its own Army, but also had its own Railways, Airline, Postal Service, Radio Broadcasting network and currency. The Nizam and his court ruled over it with the British Resident keeping a close and watchful eye over

everything. The British Army also had a permanent garrison, just in case the "faithful ally of the King Emperor" was found lacking in faith. As can be imagined it was a Muslim dominated state. Typically in 1911, 70% of the police, 55% of the army and 26% of the public administration were Muslims. In 1941 a report on the Civil Service revealed that of the 1765 officers, 1268 were Muslims, 421 were Hindus, and 121 others, presumably British, Christians, Parsis and Sikhs. Of the officials drawing a pay between Rs.600-1200 pm, 59 were Muslims, 38 were "others", and a mere 5 were Hindus. The Nizam and his nobles, who were mostly Muslims, owned 40% of the total land in the kingdom. Quite clearly it was too much of a good thing for so few and the time for its end had come. The Asaf Jah dynasty came into being in the waning years of the Mughal Empire. Mir Qamruddin a Muslim general of Indian origin was first appointed Governor of the Deccan in 1707. He was called the Nizam-ul-Mulk. He returned to Delhi soon after as uncertainty and turmoil overtook the house of Babar. Qamruddin after a brief stint as the Mughal wazir returned to the Deccan in 1723 to carve out an independent domain for himself. He was now Asaf Jah I. On his death in 1748, his second son and a grandson, who secured the support of the French and British respectively, contested the succession. The French won this time, but in 1761 the French were all but beaten by the British in the Carnatic wars. In 1798 Hyderabad came under the dominance of the English when Asaf Jah II entered into a Subsidiary Alliance with the East India Company, which made sure that Hyderabad remained under the Nizam's rule, but under their guidance. As can well be imagined there was absolutely no political activity in the kingdom for most of this period. The faithful ally remained just that while the British waged war on the Maratha's, Sikhs and then by introducing the doctrine of the lapse came to gobble princely state after state. Even the 1857 war passed Hyderabad by. The first stirrings began in 1927 when the Majlis-e-Ittihad-ul-Muslimeen was formed to unite various Islamic sects for "the solution of their problems within the principle of Islam"; and to protect the economic, social and educational interests of the Muslims. In 1933 an association of mulki's or local born Hindus and Muslims called the Nizam's Subjects League was formed as a reaction to the continued domination of non-mulki's in government, even though most of them were Muslims. This was soon to be known as the Mulki League. It was the Mulki League that first mooted the idea of a responsible government in Hyderabad. In 1937 the Mulki League split between the more radical elements that were mostly Hindus and the more status quo inclined. This led to the formation of the Hyderabad Peoples Convention in 1937, a prelude to the establishment of the Hyderabad State Congress the following year. With this the movement for political and constitutional reform picked up momentum. The Hyderabad State Congress agitation coincided with a parallel agitation led by the Arya Samaj and Hindu Mahasabha of VD Savarkar on Hindu civil rights. To a large extent the interests of the Congress and Hindu organizations coincided. This put them squarely against the Majlis who were now led by Bahadur Yar Jung who was also the founder of the Anjuman-i-Tabligh-i-Islam, a proselytizing Muslim

organization whose prime activity was the conversion of Hindus. Bahadur Yar Jung was a charismatic figure became popular among the Muslims. He also had the ear of the Nizam, Osman Ali. The main thrust of Bahadur Yar Jung was to establish that Hyderabad was separate from the rest of India and that it should be declared a Muslim state. The Majlis also considered British style parliamentary democracy as unsuitable to India in general and Hyderabad in particular. Bahadur Yar Jung summed this up very succinctly: "The Majlis policy is to keep the sovereignty of His Exalted Highness intact and to prevent Hindus from establishing supremacy over Muslims." The leadership of the Congress took more nationalist overtones after the arrival of Swami Ramanand Tirtha on the scene. Tirtha hailed from Gulbarga and as a young man became a sadhu. He became President of the Hyderabad Congress in 1946 and attracted around him several young men who rose to prominence in independent India. Foremost among these was PV Narasimha Rao. Others were former Home Minister and Maharashtra Chief Minister, SB Chavan, former Karnataka Chief Minister Veerendra Patil, and former Andhra Chief Minister M Channa Reddy. In doing so Tirtha transformed the Congress from a party dominated by Marathi speakers and Arya Samajis into a broad-based organization representing the diversity of Hyderabad. While the Congress was gaining strength, the Communists were also active in the Telugu speaking areas. They captured the Andhra Mahasabha that was formed in 1921 to represent the interests of the Telugu speaking people in 1942. Unlike the Hyderabad Congress, which took the cue from Mahatma Gandhi and launched a movement for democratic rights in the state to run parallel to the Quit India movement, the Communists joined hands with the Majlis to support the Nizam, who being a faithful ally of the British was fully immersed in the war effort. When WWII ended the Communists, now following the militant line of BT Ranadive took the path of armed revolution. It is said that when they went to Stalin for help in 1948, he took one look at the map and decided that armed insurrection was impossible to sustain in landlocked Telangana. The CPI was accordingly advised to seek other ways of coming to political power. The advent of the Indian Army brought in its wake great changes that were sought ever since political activity began in the state. The Muslim elite soon found themselves marginalized and many migrated to Pakistan. Others like Ali Yavar Jung made a smooth transition into the new order. A new bureaucratic elite was quickly installed even as the communist insurrection was being quelled. The Nizam quickly came to terms with the new circumstances and became the Rajpramukh of the newest state of the Indian Union. Nothing reflected the handing over of the baton better than the transition in the Secunderabad Club seen in its picture gallery of past Presidents. The Club was for long the citadel of power, prestige and privilege in the state and always had a senior Britisher as its President. Maj Gen El-Edroos C-in-C of the Hyderabad State Army became its first non-British President in 1947. In March 1949 he made way for Maj Gen J N Chaudhry, Military Governor. The times still keep changing and the pictures truly reflect this! The story of Hyderabad doesn't end here. The States Re-Organization Bill of 1956 saw its end. The Marathi speaking areas went to Maharashtra, Kannada speaking areas to Karnataka, and Hyderabad city and Telangana were absorbed into Andhra

Pradesh. Like all the other princely states that were absorbed into one or the other state. But the Jammu & Kashmir problem still festers and that makes one wonder if we missed an opportunity?

From autocracy to integration By Lucien D. Benichou The tragedy of Hyderabad A. G. NOORANI The Passing of Patrimonialism: Politics and Political Culture in Hyderabad 1911-1948 by Margrit Pernau; Manohar, THIS is a fascinating study of cultural change. The author selected the princely state of Hyderabad as a case study for two reasons. "First, for centuries cultures encountered and fertilized each other in the Dekkan. This cultural openness, which at time s bordered on syncretism, was an important element in the self-perception mainly but not exclusively of the twentieth century elite. This secular tendency towards synthesis also had an impact on the relationship with British culture. Second, due to the system of indirect rule, the state found itself in a protected position. Far from trying to impose their own culture, the British attempted - at least officially - to respect and support existing values and institutions, partially hoping to participate in the legitimation of traditional rule and partially believing these values and forms of rule to be most suited to Indian requirements, and thereby contributing to the Empire's stability." The book focusses on the rule of the seventh and last Nizam, Mir Osman Ali Khan, from 1911 to 1948, and on the role of the social and political elites in the state. Its objective is to study social action and its values within the framework of the state, and the rules by which the game was played in it. Osman Ali Khan was quite unlike his predecessors, especially the immediate one, the charismatic Mahbub Ali Pasha, who projected himself as the Harun al Rashid of Hyderabad. He died in 1911. "In contrast to his father, Mir Osman Ali Khan was a sober power -politician, who could neither charm the masses nor the historians. The unhappy end of his reign, comprising the rule of the radical Muslim party, Ittehadul Muslimeen, the Communist uprising in Telengana and the military confrontation with the Indian Union, may have contributed to the fact that this epoch to a large extent is still waiting for adequate historiographical treatment." (emphasis added, throughout). Indian works are sometimes marred by tendentiousness; as sadly is Zubaidi Yezdani's work, despite industrious research. The author's survey of recent studies is helpful. None, however, is definitive in scope. There is paucity of literature on the Ittehad ul Muslimeen, which still plays a role in Andhra Pradesh politics. By comparison, there is plenty on the Telengana armed uprising (1946-51), which was "the largest peasant revolution in post-Second World War Asia after the Chinese revolution" - though a comprehensive history of the event is yet to be written. Margrit Pernau's book is indispensable to an understanding of how Osman Ali Khan and the Ittehad drove Hyderabad to its doom. He was ever torn by dilemmas of his own making and eventually overplayed his hand. The most faithful ally of the British aspired to leadership of Muslims, to independent statehood and even dreamt of a corridor to Portuguese Goa. He used the Ittehad till it became a demon which destroyed his options. He resented Jinnah's ways but followed his advice, to

his ruin and Jinnah's own debacle in Kashmir. The Nizam, was in W.C. Smith's brilliant phrase, "a clever man utterly destitute of wisdom." THE book is a feat of research, drawing as it does on archives in London and Hyderabad, a wealth of private papers, extensive interviews and all that there is to read on the subject in English, German and Urdu especially some literature published in Kara chi. Volumes 3 and 4 of Jinnah Papers, published recently in Pakistan, throw much light on his disastrous intervention in Hyderabad's affairs. The Nizam submitted to it against better judgment. The author provides a meticulously researched account of Osman Ali Khan's consolidation of his contested rule, his effort to acquire legitimacy in the eyes of people within and outside Hyderabad, his relationship with the British and his play with political forces within the state, culminating in the rise of the Ittehad. For all his cunning, the man left himself no line of retreat in his quest for the mirage of independence. Margrit Pernau writes with verve, especially in her pen portraits, of which by far the best is of Bahadur Yar Jung, a legend in his own lifetime. "Muhammad Bahadur Khan was a powerful speaker in Urdu, perhaps one of the greatest, whom India brought forth in this century. Only when one takes this into consideration and the tremendous impact, which beauty of diction, poetic imagery and impressive words are able to create on an Urdu audience, does the standing become comprehensible that this young Jagirdar quickly obtained not only among the masses but also vis-a-vis the aristocracy and even the Nizam. The impact of his speeches at times seemed to be almost autonomous of their contents - only thus can it be explained that even a politician like Sar ojini Naidu who certainly did not agree with his radical Muslim nationalism, neither as a Hindu nor as a secular-minded member of the Congress, nevertheless publicly declared him to be her 'son'. Although it is difficult to ascertain whether the enthusiasm of the listeners was directed at the language or at the content, this does not imply that all the ideas were drowned in the sound of the beautiful words and produced no effect. The Nizam himself seems to have proved highly susceptible not only to this concept of puritanical Islam, but also to the emphasis on the equality of all Muslims, at least at prayer meetings and similar religious occasions, and honoured the preacher with a title of nobility for words which would have cost anyone else his position or at least the goodwill of the ruler." That was the golden age of Urdu oratory. Two other notable performers were the Ahrar leader, Ataullah Shah Bukhari, and Abul Kalam Azad. In 1938, Jinnah failed to persuade Bahadur Yar Jung to join the Muslim League, but a year later he succeeded in drawing his Ittehad into his own scheme in order to emerge as the leader of all Muslims. We have a first-hand account of Jinnah's deep affection for him in the legendary Saadat Hasan Mantos' book Ganje Farrishte based on his chauffeur's account Mere Saheb (My boss). As Margrit Pernau remarks, "more disparate partners could not have joined in an alliance." Jinnah wept when he heard of his friend's death - allegedly by poisoning - while on a trip to Srinagar in 1944. It is one of the ironies of history that he fell out with Sheikh Abdullah precisely then, with consequences as fateful as his friendship with the Nawab and liaison with the Nizam.

In 1946, Qasim Razvi became the Ittehad's leader and harried the Nizam's friends and foes alike. Of the former, the role of his constitutional adviser Sir Walter Monckton remains shrouded in mystery. In October 1947 he advised rapprochement with India, according to a document quoted by Lucien Benichou in his book From Autocracy to Integration. But Pernau cites his note of September 15, 1947 in which he advised that Hyderabad should reach out for a treaty, for "when the circumstances change, for example, if Pakistan and Hyderabad grow strong enough to warrant it, the Treaty can be denounced." No one should have the temerity to advise this gifted scholar to pursue her research for a definitive study of the Nizam's diplomacy between 1945 and September 13, 1948 when the Indian Army walked in and put paid to his dreams. Her heart is set on a stud y of Old Delhi in the 19th century. BAHADAR YAR JANG Bahadar Yar Jang, by birth a Pathan, was born in Hyderabad Deccan (India) in 1905, His father, Nawab Naseer Yar Jang, was a wealthy land owner. He brought up his son with utmost care and provided him with all sorts of luxuries. It seems strange that a child brought up among luxuries and comforts; an environment where wealth was considered a mark of respect, would grow up from totally different ideas. He was an individual who rejected the so-called standards of life of him time and developed in himself love for Islam and his fellow-men. He had a strong desire to help the Muslims of India and wanted to pull them out of their miserable plight under the British rule. He was a God fearing person and had great love for humanity. At the age of twenty he started participating in social activities and spent most of his time in doing social work. He had a desire to acquire knowledge about Muslims and the Muslim countries. In this pursuit to understand Islam he paid visits to the Muslim countries. In the light of his experience that he gained from his visits to these Muslim countries he began to build his own principles and set his own ideals. He meditated on the chances of the Muslim being free from the slavery of the British. He hated to see the Muslims being treated as second class citizen during British Raj. Though himself an aristocrat, Bahadar Yar Jang hated aristocracy. The aristocrats of Hydeabad Deccan were not pleased with him due to his beliefs and ideals. They opposed him and tried to obstruct his path. But this opposition only enhanced his struggle for freedom. He was an ardent advocate of Muslim Unity. He proved himself to be a true Muslim who strictly followed the principles and spirit of Islam. Bahadar Yar Jang spread the message of freedom through the Pakistan Movement launched by the All India Muslim League. He was not only a man of words but deeds as well. Friends and foes laid obstacles in his way. The Nizam (governor) of Hyderabad punished him by depriving him of his heritage and by taking back his title. He was imprisoned but he refused to give up the mission of his life. He was steadfast in his beliefs. He respects Quaid-e-Azam immensely and

considered him as the only man who could achieve Pakistan due to his sheer determination. Bahadar Yar Jang never hesitated to do what he considered right for the Muslims of India. Clever, as the British were, the visualised his intelligence and ability and offered him a job. All he said was: "I was not made to sit on an official seat and look after the affairs of the state. The aim of my life is to go on streets and raise storms in the heats of men" Bahadar Yar Jang was an excellent orator. In his speeches on the creation of Pakistan he spoke with the vigour of an erupting volcano. He lectures on Seerat-un-Nabi were like following waters. On the 26th of December, 1943, he delivered a beautiful speech in the All India Muslim League Conference. In the first half of his speech he laid stress on the struggle for Pakistan. In the second half he talked about the creation of Pakistan. At the end he said,

"Muslims! Decisions made under pressure do not last for long. To-day we are not in need of a tree that blooms like a flower or in need of fruit that tastes sweet to our mouths. Instead, we are in the need of fine manure that dissolves in the soil and strengthens the roots. That will unite with the water and soil to produce beautiful flowers. That will destroy itself but will leave its scent and taste in the flowers. We are at present not in need of beautiful scenery that looks good to the eyes, but what we need are foundation stones that will bury themselves in the soil to make the building standing on them strong."

This great speech could be delivered only by a great man like Bahadar Yar Jang. Pakistan as created by the efforts of many like Bahadar Yar Jung.

INDIA DEFENCE CONSULTANTS WHAT'S HOT? –– ANALYSIS OFRECENT HAPPENINGS HYDERABAD 1948 REVISITED –– WAS KASHMIR A MISTAKE? An IDC Analysis New Delhi, 14 September 2002 Mohan Guruswamy's piece on the Hyderabad operation in 1948, vividly brings out that a strong leadership with clear vision can ensure that the Armed Forces get unambiguous orders to follow and succeed. The Indian Army then had clear instructions and an aim. The operation was within India, against Indians and the aim of how much force to use was specified. The Leaders then like Sardar Patel did not believe in vagueness. In 1969 in Goa during operation VIJAY the voluminous OPS ORDERS were very clear. Today we get the impression that the Army's aim in Kashmir stands extended and diffused. The so-called Unified Command is with the Chief Minister. On the 12th, the Unified Command met with Defence Minister and the BSF Chief Shri Ajai Raj Singh flying in from Delhi. The discussions, media reported, were on conducting peaceful polls in J & K and the duties of the Army. The first and foremost task of the Army (at present in a state of mobilization) is to defend India's Security on the borders. It has also become the anti-terrorist force in Kashmir and elsewhere and more and more in dealing with Disaster Management for the nation. TV showed the young recruits from the Army handling dead bodies at the Bihar Rajdhani train crash. Added to this is to carry out peaceful polls and other extraneous duties with other Agencies. These tasks are too varied and each needs expertise. This begs the question, “Can the Army fulfill all the tasks –– with sophisticated weaponry to maintain, contain militants crossing the border and face the Artillery fire from across the LOC? And also be ready for war? If the answer is debatable then what are the one million para military forces with budgets aggregating over half a billion dollars doing? The fact is that once the Army is called in, all other agencies whose responsibility it is to carry out these duties tend to wash their hands off the matter. In fact 11 September 2002 will go down in history as three separate Seminars took place in Delhi. The Defence Minister George Fernandes attended two of them. One was an excellent discourse on DISASTER MANAGEMENT, held at the IAF Auditorium. The Army Chief rightly stated that the Army should not be used for more than 15 days at a time in Disaster Management. The learned professor, Dr AK Gupta from IIM Ahmedabad, who had done a remarkable job of coordinating the NGO effort during the earthquake in Gujarat, said the Army had been used like an over protective and indulgent mother, so everybody else had stopped thinking of Disaster Management except on paper and looked to the Army, to do all. At the other, CII–Defence Industry Seminar attended by Defence Minister, the need to attract private firms to take part in Defence Manufacturing was highlighted. In the third at USI –– S E Asia was discussed.

There are a lot of discussions but as the IIM Professor said we are good at discussions but poor in implementation. IDC hope that some good will come out of the Army Chief's pragmatic statement.

THERE ONCE WAS A HYDERABAD! By Mohan Guruswamy On the morning of September 13, 1948 five infantry battalions and an armored regiment of the battle hardened Indian Army under the command of Maj Gen J N Chaudhry entered the princely state of Hyderabad, over a year after Independence and after the patience of the new Indian Union was tested beyond endurance. The Nizam of Hyderabad like the Maharaja of Jammu & Kashmir too entertained notions of an independent state and had so far managed to avoid accession. In the meantime the Nizam sought to widen the issue by moving the United Nations, took the advice and assistance of Pakistan, and began stockpiling arms. The Times in London reported on August 9, 1948 that the Hyderabad army was strengthened to 40,000 and supplies of arms were being received, presumably from Pakistan. The Prime Minister of Hyderabad Mir Laik Ali boasted that if “the Indian government takes any action against Hyderabad, 100,000 men are ready to fight. We also have a hundred bombers in Saudi Arabia ready to bomb Bombay!” Within the Nizam’s realm, militant Razakars led by Kasim Razvi, had stepped up their campaign of terrorizing Hindus and whipping up religious sentiments among the Muslims. Within five days the “police action”, actually a military operation, was all but over and the Hyderabad army commanded by Maj. Gen. El-Edroos formally surrendered. The Indian Army’s “police action” was as violent as it was swift. It killed 1373 Razakars and captured 1911. In addition Hyderabad State Army lost 807 killed and 1647 captured. The Indian Army’s losses were never officially revealed but a figure of less than 10 killed is commonly accepted. It was a sudden and crushing blow to a movement that had vowed to hoist the Asafia flag on the Red Fort. At the time of India’s independence, Hyderabad was the largest Indian princely state in terms of population and GNP. Its territory of 82,698 sq miles was more than that of England and Scotland put together. The 1941 census had estimated its population to be 16.34 million, over 85% of who were Hindus and with Muslims accounting for about 12%. It was also a multi-lingual state consisting of peoples speaking Telugu (48.2%), Marathi (26.4%), Kannada (12.3%) and Urdu (10.3%). Its diversity and broad heritage could be seen in the historical monuments at Ajanta, Ellora and Daulatabad in Marathawada, Bijapur, Bidar, Gulbarga, Anegondi and Kampili in Karnataka, and Warangal and Nagarjunakonda in Telangana. Hyderabad city’s history goes back to the 11th century when the Kakatiya kings of Warangal built the fort that later became famous as Golconda. Mohammed Quli Qutab Shah founded the capital city that we now know in 1590. Quli Qutab Shah was quite a romantic fellow and first called his city Bhagyanagar after his Hindu born Queen Bhagmati. Bhagmati later took the name Haider Mahal and hence Hyderabad. Haider Mahal also inspired him to pen the immortal lines: “piya baaj pyaala piya jaaye na, piya yakthil jiya jaaye na.” This romanticism suffused the spirit of Hyderabad through most of its entire existence. Hyderabad, not only had its own Army, but also had its own Railways, Airline, Postal Service, Radio Broadcasting network and currency. The Nizam and his court ruled over it with the British Resident keeping a close and watchful eye over

everything. The British Army also had a permanent garrison, just in case the “faithful ally of the King Emperor” was found lacking in faith. As can be imagined it was a Muslim dominated state. Typically in 1911, 70% of the police, 55% of the army and 26% of the public administration were Muslims. In 1941 a report on the Civil Service revealed that of the 1765 officers, 1268 were Muslims, 421 were Hindus, and 121 others, presumably British, Christians, Parsis and Sikhs. Of the officials drawing a pay between Rs.600–1200 pm, 59 were Muslims, 38 were “others”, and a mere 5 were Hindus. The Nizam and his nobles, who were mostly Muslims, owned 40% of the total land in the kingdom. Quite clearly it was too much of a good thing for so few and the time for its end had come. The Asaf Jah dynasty came into being in the waning years of the Mughal Empire. Mir Qamruddin a Muslim general of Indian origin was first appointed Governor of the Deccan in 1707. He was called the Nizam-ul-Mulk. He returned to Delhi soon after as uncertainty and turmoil overtook the house of Babar. Qamruddin after a brief stint as the Mughal wazir returned to the Deccan in 1723 to carve out an independent domain for himself. He was now Asaf Jah I. On his death in 1748, his second son and a grandson, who secured the support of the French and British respectively, contested the succession. The French won this time, but in 1761 the French were all but beaten by the British in the Carnatic wars. In 1798 Hyderabad came under the dominance of the English when Asaf Jah II entered into a Subsidiary Alliance with the East India Company, which made sure that Hyderabad remained under the Nizam’s rule, but under their guidance. As can well be imagined there was absolutely no political activity in the kingdom for most of this period. The faithful ally remained just that while the British waged war on the Maratha’s, Sikhs and then by introducing the doctrine of the lapse came to gobble princely state after state. Even the 1857 war passed Hyderabad by. The first stirrings began in 1927 when the Majlis-e-Ittihad-ul-Muslimeen was formed to unite various Islamic sects for “the solution of their problems within the principle of Islam”; and to protect the economic, social and educational interests of the Muslims. In 1933 an association of mulki’s or local born Hindus and Muslims called the Nizam’s Subjects League was formed as a reaction to the continued domination of non-mulki’s in government, even though most of them were Muslims. This was soon to be known as the Mulki League. It was the Mulki League that first mooted the idea of a responsible government in Hyderabad. In 1937 the Mulki League split between the more radical elements that were mostly Hindus and the more status quo inclined. This led to the formation of the Hyderabad Peoples Convention in 1937, a prelude to the establishment of the Hyderabad State Congress the following year. With this the movement for political and constitutional reform picked up momentum. The Hyderabad State Congress agitation coincided with a parallel agitation led by the Arya Samaj and Hindu Mahasabha of VD Savarkar on Hindu civil rights. To a large extent the interests of the Congress and Hindu organizations coincided. This put them squarely against the Majlis who were now led by Bahadur Yar Jung who was also the founder of the Anjuman-i-Tabligh-i-Islam, a proselytizing Muslim

organization whose prime activity was the conversion of Hindus. Bahadur Yar Jung was a charismatic figure became popular among the Muslims. He also had the ear of the Nizam, Osman Ali. The main thrust of Bahadur Yar Jung was to establish that Hyderabad was separate from the rest of India and that it should be declared a Muslim state. The Majlis also considered British style parliamentary democracy as unsuitable to India in general and Hyderabad in particular. Bahadur Yar Jung summed this up very succinctly: “The Majlis policy is to keep the sovereignty of His Exalted Highness intact and to prevent Hindus from establishing supremacy over Muslims.” The leadership of the Congress took more nationalist overtones after the arrival of Swami Ramanand Tirtha on the scene. Tirtha hailed from Gulbarga and as a young man became a sadhu. He became President of the Hyderabad Congress in 1946 and attracted around him several young men who rose to prominence in independent India. Foremost among these was PV Narasimha Rao. Others were former Home Minister and Maharashtra Chief Minister, SB Chavan, former Karnataka Chief Minister Veerendra Patil, and former Andhra Chief Minister M Channa Reddy. In doing so Tirtha transformed the Congress from a party dominated by Marathi speakers and Arya Samajis into a broad-based organization representing the diversity of Hyderabad. While the Congress was gaining strength, the Communists were also active in the Telugu speaking areas. They captured the Andhra Mahasabha that was formed in 1921 to represent the interests of the Telugu speaking people in 1942. Unlike the Hyderabad Congress, which took the cue from Mahatma Gandhi and launched a movement for democratic rights in the state to run parallel to the Quit India movement, the Communists joined hands with the Majlis to support the Nizam, who being a faithful ally of the British was fully immersed in the war effort. When WWII ended the Communists, now following the militant line of BT Ranadive took the path of armed revolution. It is said that when they went to Stalin for help in 1948, he took one look at the map and decided that armed insurrection was impossible to sustain in landlocked Telangana. The CPI was accordingly advised to seek other ways of coming to political power. The advent of the Indian Army brought in its wake great changes that were sought ever since political activity began in the state. The Muslim elite soon found themselves marginalized and many migrated to Pakistan. Others like Ali Yavar Jung made a smooth transition into the new order. A new bureaucratic elite was quickly installed even as the communist insurrection was being quelled. The Nizam quickly came to terms with the new circumstances and became the Rajpramukh of the newest state of the Indian Union. Nothing reflected the handing over of the baton better than the transition in the Secunderabad Club seen in its picture gallery of past Presidents. The Club was for long the citadel of power, prestige and privilege in the state and always had a senior Britisher as its President. Maj Gen El-Edroos C-in-C of the Hyderabad State Army became its first non-British President in 1947. In March 1949 he made way for Maj Gen J N Chaudhry, Military Governor. The times still keep changing and the pictures truly reflect this! The story of Hyderabad doesn’t end here. The States Re-Organization Bill of 1956 saw its end. The Marathi speaking areas went to Maharashtra, Kannada speaking areas to Karnataka, and Hyderabad city and Telangana were absorbed into

Andhra Pradesh. Like all the other princely states that were absorbed into one or the other state. But the Jammu & Kashmir problem still festers and that makes one wonder if we missed an opportunity?

Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung: spell-binding orator Sharif al Mujahid in daily Dawn Among the young Muslim leaders that got catapulted to the pinnacle of fame and popularity during the late 1930s and the early 1940s, Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung was unique – and among the most distinguished. He belonged to a princely state (Hyderabad, Deccan), yet he rose to prominence as one of Muslim India’s few front rank leaders. He literally herded the somnolent Muslims in the princely states into the surging Muslim political mainstream; he fashioned a political platform for them in the All States’ Muslim League; above all, he helped to cause a measure of interaction and integration between the Muslims of British India and those of the princely India, in respect of their long-term political goals and aspirations. For the first time he articulated eloquently the Muslim grievances in the Indian States; he aggregated and processed their demands; he built up incrementally and assiduously British Indian Muslim interest in their problems and support for their resolution. The most sought after speaker in the Muslim League camp, he was in demand everywhere and all the time. His addresses in Urdu after the close of the All-India Muslim League sessions were listened to with rapt attention as Jinnah’s were in English. And when he died rather suddenly on June 25, 1944, he was widely mourned throughout the subcontinent. At the time of his death, Bahadur Yar Jung was barely 39 years old. He was born in 1905 in a family of Panni Pathans that had originally come to India along with Ahmad Shah Abdali in the mid-18th century. First settled at Bara Basti in Jaipur state, his forefathers had later migrated to Hyderabad (Deccan) during the time of Sikandar Jah early in the 19th century, and subsequently received honours (with titles and jagirs) for their distinguished services during the Maratha wars. Named Bahadur Khan at birth, Bahadur Yar Jung had little by way of formal schooling. His mother had died when he was hardly seven and his father when he was barely eighteen. The management of the jagir and the clearance of his father’s debts amounting to some five hundred thousand rupees, an astronomical amount at the time, fell upon his young shoulders. But sheer hard work, steely determination and an adroit management of affairs enabled him, finally, to achieve the impossible barely eight years. After accomplishment of this initial vexatious task, he felt like offering his immense gratitude to Almighty Allah: he went on Haj. The return journey took him on an extended tour of the Middle East and Afghanistan, marking a significant landmark in his life and career. He came into live contact with the problems and plight of the peoples in the Muslim heartland, his travels helping him to widen his mental horizon, accentuate his interest in the region, and introduce him to some of the leading figures in the Middle East. With accredited leaders such as Mustafa Nahas Pasha (President of Egyptian Wafd), Muhammad Ali Pasha of Egypt, and Al-Haj Emin el-Hussaini (the Grand mufti of Jerusalem), he became well acquainted. And, with them, for several years, he kept up a regular correspondence, diagnosing and discussing the ailments of the Muslim peoples, and exploring the way out of their current predicaments. Bahadur Yar Jung began his public life in Hyderabad. He founded the Majlis-i-Tabligh-i-Islam in 1927 to counter the Arya Samajists in Hyderabad, enlisted and trained a missionary corps, organized a campaign for Tabligh and converted some

five thousand people to Islam. The number of people who turned to Islam through his indirect influence runs to about 20,000. Second, he joined the Khaksar movement and organized it in Hyderabad (Dn.). Third, in the late 1930s, he joined the Majlis-i-Ittihad-ul-Muslimin, becoming its President in 1939, and took upon himself the more difficult task of organizing it at the grass root level. And, finally, in 1939, Bahadur Yar Jung founded the All India States’ Muslim League, after coming in close touch with Jinnah and the Muslim League. As noted earlier, Bahadur Yar Jung was attracted to the Khaksar movement, founded by Allama Inayatullah Khan Mashriqi, but only for a while. During its most critical phase, in the tragic aftermath of the March 19, 1940, firing in Lahore and the subsequent ban on the organization in the Punjab, Bahadur Yar Jung stood steadfast by it. However, subsequent to a Khaksar’s dastardly attack on Jinnah on July 20, 1943, he realized that, instead of strengthening and bolstering Muslim ranks, Allama Mashriqi’s policies had caused division and dissension among them. He, therefore, left it for good in November, 1943. By the late 1930s, Bahadur Yar Jung had caught the eye of Jinnah, then feverishly engaged in the herculean task of effecting unity among disparate Muslim ranks and organizing Muslims on the Muslim League platform, of evolving a uniform all-India policy for the entire Muslim India, and of making the claim of a pan-Indian Muslim constituency and a ‘third force’ in India’s body politic a fait accompli. But, in view of Jinnah’s inability to speak in Urdu to vast crowds, he needed a leader of impeccable integrity and outstanding ability, who could carry the League message to the remotest corner in the subcontinent. And for this his choice inevitably fell on Bahadur Yar Jung. And superbly apt was the choice became all too evident, before long. By founding the States’ Muslim League in 1939, his greatest contribution was to get the Muslims of Indian States associated for the first time with the politics and policies of Muslim India and the Muslim League. Besides, the States’ Muslim League fought for the protection of the legitimate rights of the Musalmans in the various states, including their language and culture. If only because of Bahadur Yar Jung’s vigorous efforts and his extensive tours, the States’ Muslim League became popular with the Muslims in the princely states such as the States’ Congress was with the Hindus. And from 1940 onwards the sessions of all India States’ Muslim League came to be held along with the sessions of the Muslim League, after its conclusion. By founding the States’ Muslim League in 1939, his greatest contribution was to get the Muslims of Indian States associated for the first time with the politics and policies of Muslim India and the Muslim League. Besides, the States’ Muslim League fought for the protection of the legitimate rights of the Musalmans in the various states, including their language and culture. If only because of Bahadur Yar Jung’s vigorous efforts and his extensive tours, the States’ Muslim League became popular with the Muslims in the princely states such as the States’ Congress was with the Hindus. And from 1940 onwards the sessions of all India States’ Muslim League came to be held along with the sessions of the Muslim League, after its conclusion. Although Bahadur Yar Jung was a State subject and as such had no locus standi in the deliberations of the All India Muslim League (which concerned itself with British India), yet he was always there on hand at the League sessions, to explain

its viewpoint and, since 1940, to elucidate the Muslim demand for Pakistan. Among his addresses, his December 26, 1943 address, after the conclusion of the last League session at Karachi, is by far the most outstanding. It has often been invoked while discussing the role of Islam in Pakistan. Jinnah was, of course, present on the occasion. Great indeed were the services rendered by Bahadur Yar Jung to the cause of the Muslim League and Pakistan. His was the voice that had inspired millions upon millions to swell the League’s ranks. His were the arguments that had induced thousands of Muslims to vote for the League in most of the bye-elections to Muslim constituencies between 1938 and mid-1944, especially in the four crucial bye-elections that were fought in the Khan Brothers’ dominated West Frontier Province in 1943. This tour of the Frontier he had undertaken after he had read Jinnah’s reply to Sirdar Aurangzeb Khan, who had earlier sent a message of sympathy to Jinnah on the murderous, but luckily, unsuccessful, attack made by a Khaksar on the latter’s life. Therein Jinnah had told the Frontier leader, “Until such time as the League comes out triumphant in the Frontier my wounds would not be healed”. Bahadur Yar Jung was an extremely persuasive speaker. This first became exceedingly evident when he had to bring the infuriated Khaksars to reason in March 1940. The Khaksars had come in clash with the Punjab Government on March 19, 1940, barely three days before the League’s session was due to meet in Lahore. Provoked by police excesses, the Khaksars had launched upon a sort of civil disobedience movement, with the situation getting worse every day. There were even talks of postponing the session, but Bahadur Yar Jung would not listen to anything of this sort. He took upon himself the task of pacifying the enraged Khaksars and creating a proper climate for the holding of the historic League session where the “Pakistan” resolution was to be adopted. By all standards, Bahadur Yar Jung was a brilliant orator. The first time he spoke at Aligarh’s famous Strachey Hall, he spoke till 3 a.m., and still the audience showed no sign of restlessness or boredom. At the League’s Allahabad session (1942) when Bahadur Yar Jung appealed for funds, no less than Rs. 125,000 were contributed on the spot. At the next League session at Delhi (1943), he spoke till 4 a.m. and on his appeal for funds, the large contingent of women in the audience gave away all their jewelry amounting to some ten lakh rupees. The Quaid was, of course, hugely overwhelmed by their generous response; but, characterically, insisted upon the jewelry being returned to their owners. But the vexatious problem was: how? No one knew which one belonged to whom. And in Lahore, he alone could have pacified the enraged Khaksars who were in such an extremely agitated mood. Bahadur Yar Jung’s activities and popularity, however, caused alarm to the power brokers in his own native State. Instead of turning to the King’s Kothi (Nizam’s palace), the Muslims had come to look to Mahdavi Manzil (Bahadur Yar Jung’s residence) for both guidance and inspiration. In order, therefore, to curb his activities, the Nizam issued an edict, prohibiting jagirdars from taking part in politics. In response, Bahadur Yar Jung coolly and characteristically returned his titles and surrendered his jagir. Politics, which paved the way for Muslim empowerment and welfare, meant for him much more than power and belf. Even so, it did mean for him a good deal of hardship, but, again, characteristically, he remained undaunted to the last breath of his all too brief a life. This episode and this posture made him

the first Muslim League leader to renounce titles and surrender his jagir for a political cause – a step which other League members would take after the adoption of the ‘Direct Action’ Resolution by the All India Muslim League Council at Bombay on July 29, 1946. Although a very selfless and sincere man himself, Bahadur Yar Jung had quite a few opponents in Hyderabad and elsewhere. During the last years of his life, he was a victim of intrigue and malice; he was also prohibited from making any public speech in Hyderabad itself. He also died in extremely suspicious circumstances: it is widely held that his Huqqo was poisoned. Although the Muslims all over the subcontinent were agitated at these reports, no proper inquiry was held. Nor did the Ittihadul Musslimin demand an inquiry till three years after his death when Syed Qasim Rizvi became its President. “In him, Islam and the Mussalmans have lost one of their staunchest and sincerest workers”, said Jinna in his condolence message. His death was, of course, mourned throughout Muslim India, and his absence was acutely felt during the rest of the Pakistan movement, especially during the 1945-46 general elections, when the fate of Muslim India hung in the balance. To keep the memory alive, the first wave of immigrants from Hyderabad (Dn.) after its traumatic fall, were imaginative and committed enough to set up an Academy named after him, in Karachi.—

Sir Mirza Mohammad Ismail, K.C.I.E., O.B.E. A comprehensive blog collection by Murali Verma. Sir Mirza Mohammed Ismail (1883-1959) belonged to the rare class of great administrators who served various princely states under British India with great distinction. The quality of administration of the princely states had been greatly contributed by men of exceptional caliber like him. In 1945, the American Ambassador wrote to the Secretary of State about Sir Mirza Ismail that he “had not met anyone else in India, either Indian or European, who was in his class”.

Born in 1883, Sir Mirza’s remarkable career had its origins in his association with Maharajah Krishnaraja Wodeyar IV of Mysore. Ali Asker, Mirza’s grandfather, had fled the court of the last Shah of Iran and taken refuge under the wings of the Maharaja of Mysore. He trained the royal cavalry and supplied horses to the stable. Sir Mirza's father was Agha Ali Asker, who too continued the family tradition of trading in horses and carpets. Ali Asker created the Ali Asker

Waqf Estate. Two of his family members namely Agha Shahi and Agha Hilaly migrated to Pakistan and became Foreign Secretaries, ambassadors to different countries and Agha Shahi served Pakistan as a minister also. Sir Mirza's grandson, Akbar Mirza Khaleeli, was Indian ambassador to Iran, Italy and Australia. He has four daughters: Zeebundeh Khaleeli, Sabah Backhache, Rehane Yavar Dhala and Essmath Khaleeli. After his graduation from Bangalore he started off as an Asst Superintendent of Police with the government in 1905. Mirza became the private secretary to the Maharajah, who had great faith in the administrative acumen of the young man and supplemented it by elevating him to the coveted position of the Diwan of Mysore in 1926. Sir Mirza served the state in that capacity for fourteen years till 1941. Later he became the Diwan of Jaipur (1941-45) and went on to assume the Diwanship Prime Minister of Hyderabad state during the difficult years of 1946-48. As Diwan of Mysore, he followed the great Sir M. Visvesvarayya’s dream of industrialization. He developed the Brindavan gardens, initiated the first rural electrification programme of India and established the Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd, besides founding a retinue of other industries. He also established the first medical college of Mysore. He provided irrigation facility to Mandya, Malavalli and T.Narsipura (Irwin Canal) areas. The Jog and Shimsha power station was also established during his premiership.

Sir Mirza Ismail, Diwan of Mysore visiting Railway Station Service Centre, Mysore circa

1930s-

His contributions to the Indian Science Academy in Bangalore also are worth mentioning. It was his initiatives which helped to get twelve acres of land from the Maharajah for the Academy in which the Raman Institute also is established. The Nobel laureate Sir CV Raman paid eloquent tributes to Sir Mirza in the following words:” For many years, in fair weather as well as in foul, Sir Mirza Ismail remained the truest of friends to me, ever ready to give support and advice. He leaves behind him a memory which will be treasured and cherished by all who have known him.” Sir Mirza was knighted by the British Government in 1930 for his services to India. “Sir Mirza’s accessibility and personal charm coupled with his breadth of knowledge and his keen sense of human and cultural values made him a great and highly successful administrator”, so said CV Raman. The administration of Mysore under Maharajah Krishnaraja Wodeyar and Sir Mirza Ismail was known as the golden age of Mysore, prompting Mahatma Gandhi to call it “Ramarajya”. The great Maharajah passed away in 1940 and Sir Mirza continued as the Diwan under the Maharajah Jayachamaraja Wodeyar. In 1941, he resigned from his job on personal differences with the government. Proceeding to Jaipur, he contributed greatly to the State as Diwan winning accolades from all including the British government and the locals alike for his great administrative skills. Soon after his arrival in Jaipur, in 1942, he constituted a committee on Constitutional Reforms. Fondly remembered as the architect of modern Jaipur, his efforts considerably enhanced Maharajah Sawai Man Singh’s reputation and his Durbar in the Congress circles. The main road of Jaipur was aptly named after him and bears the name Mirza Ismail Road, till today. G. D. Birla was a close friend of Sir Mirza who used to fund the grand projects Mirza had for Jaipur. When banks were permitted to open branches in Jaipur, United Commercial Bank, under chairmanship of GD, was the first to be permitted to open a branch there in 1945. The Birla institute at Pilani was upgraded to grant degrees and the National Ball-bearing company was established under guidance from Sir Mirza. The chamber of commerce in Jaipur duly recorded that the regime of Sir Mirza Ismail was “the beginning of the industrial era of Jaipur.” In 1946, he became Diwan of Hyderabad, also called Sadar-i-Azam (Prime Minister). He served under the last Nizam of the Princely State of Hyderabad and Berar, Lt.General His Exalted Highness Mir Osman Ali Khan (r.1911-48), who was reportedly the richest man in the world then. Hyderabad became part of the Indian Union in 1948 as a result of the police action, Operation Polo launched by the Indian Government. He put forth his best skills on the issue of accession of Hyderabad to the Indian government but the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi made the Nizam think against acceding to India. On this issue, Sir Mirza Ismail had quit the government. Sir Mirza was a Shia Muslim by birth but he encouraged Sanskrit learning, and helped the Hindu and Christian institutions too and attended to the needs of the society with an impartial outlook holding the interest of the state above that of the individual.

There is a Travancore connection too to Sir Mirza. As Diwan of Mysore, Sir Mirza represented Mysore and Travancore and Cochin in the Indian States Delegation to the Round-Table Conference in London during the winter of 1930. After his Hyderabad stint, Maharaja Hari Singh of Kashmir had offered him the Prime Ministership of his state which he declined politely. Sir Mirza retired to his beautiful house in Bangalore. Pundit Nehru, Mahatma Gandhi, Rajagopalachari and Sarveppalli Radhakrishan were among those who visited Sir Mirza Ismail and often sought his counsel. However, he was quite his own man and never joined the Congress or the government. He was also equidistant from Mohammed Ali Jinnah. He thought that the Partition of the subcontinent was a mistake and had expressed this view to his relatives. Sir Mirza Ismail has penned his memoirs under the title “My Public Life” published in 1954 before his death on 5th January 1959 at his house Windsor lodge in Bangalore. We need to remember the great contributions made by men like Sir Mirza in giving a strong foundation to India as we were approaching the dawn of independence. Their efforts have helped the nation building process in a considerable way as our forefathers built a great nation out of much chaos and commotion.

Historians wrote later on. The story of India celebrating her independence reads differently in Hyderabad. On 15th August 1947, the Nizam declared, “We are neither with free India nor with Pakistan, we are free and independent". He went to Mecca Masjid to offer a prayer of thanksgiving. A congratulatory meeting was held at Abids crossroads because now His Highness had become "His Majesty". Offerings were made to him at this meeting. Little did the Nizam know that this pomp and pageantry would not last even for a year. The Muslim politics of Hyderabad today, in terms of its political predilection and the socialization process of both the leaders and the led is partly a hangover of the conflict between a communal set up and a demand for responsible secular government in the past. Hyderabad had been continuously under Muslim rule since the 15th century and at a later stage had become a part of Moghul Empire. It was more or less a self contained unit with its own currency, communication, army and judiciary. Hyderabad was for all practical purposes an Islamic State Muslims and Muslim institutions all over India and even abroad used to look upon Hyderabad for its traditional patronage. The bias in favour of Muslim institutions was so heavy and obvious that at one time the Executive Council of the Nizam advised him "not to identify himself with Islamic movements outside the state, except perhaps Aligarh". A study of the size and composition of the Hyderabad State would give us an idea of the irony of the rise and influence of the Razakkars. According to the 1941 census, of the 16 million people of the state, 13% or about 2 million were Muslims, 81% or about 13 million were Hindus and the remainder about 1 million were chiefly Christians. Hyderabad was the major area in India where a political and social structure from medieval Muslim rule had been preserved more or less intact. At the head of the social order stood the Nizam, the absolute ruler, inordinately rich. Hyderabad also had a handful of very affluent industrialists operating on a very big scale. The state held, as a rule, 50% or more of the capital in important enterprises, a device which enabled the Nizam to keep and extend his control of affairs, as well as his wealth and to subsidize the chosen, normally Muslim entrepreneurs. The next group in the social ladder were the administrative and official class, who were chiefly Muslims. The lower strata of the government employees were also manned predominantly by Muslims. Therefore the Muslims of Hyderabad formed as it were an "upper caste". The rule of the Nizam had a distinctive and deliberate Islamic tinge. All the members of the Muslim community, in varying degrees, participated psychologically in the Muslim dominance. The Muslim was more conscious of belonging to the Muslim community scattered throughout India concentrated in Pakistan and stretching across the world. Political activity in Hyderabad had evoked a lot of interest by 1947. Four main organizations existed, each being related at least in principle to a major political body outside the state.

The Nizam was quite conscious and apprehensive of the political stirrings in the state. In spite of the efforts of the Prime Minister of Hyderabad, Sir Ali Imam to induce the Nizam to set up an Executive Council, the Nizam reduced it to impotence and suppressed all political activities. In 1926 Mohammed Nawaz Khan, a retired official in the Nizam's service founded the Majlis al ittehad ul muslimeen. Its objective was to unite the Muslims in the state in support of the Nizam and reduce the Hindu majority by large-scale conversion to Islam. The Majlis it is believed was formed as a defence mechanism with religious overtones to unite the fragmented Muslims belonging to different groups. It was formed to combat Arya Samaj which had started penetrating the masses with its mission of reconversion of Muslims. It was first known as Majlis -e- Ittehad-e-Bainul-Muslimeen (Council For Unity Among Muslims). A fifteen-member executive was elected and Qilendar declared the first secretary. Later the word 'Bain' (among) was dropped to make it more precise. The objectives of the organization were stated thus:

• To unit the various Islamic Sects within the Islamic principles for the preservation of Islam.

• To protect the economic, social and educational objectives of Muslims. • To express loyalty to the state and to the ruler and to respect the state laws.

The Nizam was fully supportive of these moves. The rise of Ittehad to active politics only began in the 1930’s. It was a reaction to the effects of the Government of India Act, 1935 and its follow up movements. The Act had recognized the federal principles for the entire country. The Congress began to demand the inclusion of all princely states into the Indian federation. The Hyderabad government and the Nizam had sympathy for an All-India Federation but the Nizam was not inclined to the immediate entry of Hyderabad without preserving her position. The Hindus in the state began to feel that the Government belonged to the Muslims and that they had no status in the society. They stated resenting the domination of Muslims. This, among the Muslim circles, was interpreted as their tendency to rebel. These mental reservations among both the communities could only fan communal tension in several districts. Majlis, hitherto a mainly dormant religious body woke up. On February 14th 1938 Abdul Qadeer Siddiqi, Head, Department of Islamiyat, Osmania University presided over a Majlis meeting which added a political clause to its constitution. Muslims were urged to strengthen a political base for themselves. Bahadhur Yar Jung's efforts to organize Muslims at the political level yielded quick results. The number of Majlis units grew rapidly. He made Majlis the center of all Muslim political, economic and cultural movements of this period. Its popularity was in keeping with the Islamic tradition of mixing religion and politics. To quote him:

"If the goal is not Quranic, it only leads to a hell of insults and disaster. Majlis considers such politics whose source is not Quaran as mirage".

In the same year of the founding of the Ittehad, the British under the pretext of misrule in Hyderabad appointed four British officials to take charge of important departments of the state, which included Revenue, Police and Industries. One of them would be a member of the Executive Council but the Muslims deeply resented what they called the encroachment. They launched the Mulki movement to eliminate all non-Hyderabadis from position, power and influence. The famous slogan of the movement was "Long live the Nizam, the Royal Embodiment of Deccani Nationalism". This quietly disturbed a number of non-Mulkis of the state who were mostly Muslims from north India. They were interested in diverting the passion which the movement had raised. They therefore raised the slogan of “Muslim Sovereignty of Hyderabad.” Therefore, this became a pro-Muslim movement and therefore anti-British and anti-Hindu. Bahadur Yar Jung emerged as the leader of the leader of the Muslims and the Ittehad under him became a powerful communal organization. Its aim was to thwart the political aspirations of the Hindus and progressive Muslims. To reiterate his stand on anti-Hindu communalism, he set out to convert the Hindus and gained the title of the crusader among Muslims. All these developments stirred up the other three political parties against the Ittehad. The Arya Samajists, the Hindu Mahasabha and the Congress began to take up the cause of non-Muslims. All of them raked up communal issues in politics All these developments stirred up the other three political parties against the Ittehad. The Arya Samajists, the Hindu Mahasabha and the Congress began to take up the cause of non-Muslims. All of them raked up communal issues in politics A non-cooperation movement or Satyagraha was started during 1938 by the three parties against the Nizam's government. This made matters worse, as to an average Muslim, especially among uneducated classes, it appeared that the aim of these parties was to oust the Muslims from Hyderabad and make them lose the privileges they had, which they were not prepared to forego. In 1937, Sir Akbar Hydari, the then Finance minister was made the Prime Minister. Sir Akbar though not a fanatic by any means, had to do some tightrope walking. Though he swore by Hindu-Muslim unity, the government he presided over worked unhindered to strengthen the Ittehad. It banned the State Congress and interfered with the religious freedom of the Hindus as never before. Even the educational policy of the government was aimed at promoting the Urdu language. The Osmania University's primary object was to attract fanatic Muslim scholars imbibed with the Muslim doctrine. Most of the non-Muslims chose to join colleges affiliated to Madras University; because even if they did join Osmania University, their chances of joining state services were very meager. Impact of the Razakkar domination on Hindus: Sir Akbar, though he claimed to be non-communal, did much harm to the Hindus. They were by a slow process eliminated from the Public Works Department and the Accounts Department. His good relations with the British kept his position secure. The table below shows the number of Hindus and Muslim officials in the civil department in the year 1931.

TABLE No. IV - 1 Table showing the number of Hindus and Muslim Officers in the Civil Departments of the HEH Nizam's Service in 1931

Department Hindus Muslims Secretariat 16 54 Finance 15 26 Revenue 20 196 Judicial 12 136 Police & Jail 13 40 Education 53 183 Medical 45 41 PWD 34 62 Miscellaneous 40 126 Total 248 864

Source: Classified list of officers of the civil department of HEH the Nizam's Government for the year 1931, compiled in Accountant General’s Office, Hyderabad, Government. Central Press, Hyderabad. Every effort was made by the Nizam under the influence of Razakkars to crush the Hindus in the state in order to maintain the Muslim dominance. The State Congress was declared unlawful on the ground that it was a communal organization. Hindus, in course of time, were prevented from building or repairing temples in any locality where Muslims resided. Hindu temples were often desecrated, but the culprits were rarely traced, and even if they were, they were never punished. While Hindu religious teachers were prevented from delivering discourses, the Muslim leaders earned on the vigorous campaign of proselytizing the Hindus. Many efforts were made by the Ittehad and the Nizam's Government to woo a helpless Hindu into Islam. The poor Harijans in the village found it hard sometimes to resist the temptation or the pressure and therefore several conversions took place. A starving Harijan family would allow one of its members to become a Muslim to earn his reward, while the rest of the family including his wife would remain a Hindu. In many cases when the pressure was relaxed the converts would revert to their ancestral religion. Rise of Kasim Razvi When the time came to choose a successor to Bahadur, the choice of the Nizam was Kasim Razvi, a practicing lawyer from the district of Lattur now in Maharashtra. He was a graduate of the Aligarh Muslim University and was the head of the local Ittehad Kasim Razvi, as the leader of the Muslims, took his role very seriously. He had a goal and a mission to accomplish. He wanted to liberate the Muslims of the Deccan from the

Indian Union. As president of Latur District, Majlis in Osmanabad districts, he had grown in public stature by offering his entire property to the Majlis cause and was there after referred to as Siddiq-e-Deccan. Razvi thought of giving prominence to the Razakar wing of Majlis to face the situation of post independence and began a phase marked by communal fanaticism and militancy. The zeal with which Kasim Razvi wanted to accomplish his mission was unmatched. It was quite contagious and appealing to most of the Muslims. He insisted that it was the right of the Muslims to enslave the Hindus. He was also encouraged secretly by a number of men who were trying to realize their interests and dreams through this man who was now intoxicated with the dreams. But unfortunately he wanted to achieve his goals in an inhuman and insensitive way. He led a number of attacks on terror-stricken Hindus and created fear among those villagers who were unarmed. Those who supported Razvi secretly felt that once he was successful in lifting the banner of Islam in Deccan, the Muslims in North India would flock to it and support them. The Hindus would also reconcile themselves to the divine right of the Nizam to represent the Muslim community and would not look beyond the borders to their co-religionists in India for help. They were also under the assumption that the Government of India was too unstable and its army too ill-organized to take any strong action against Hyderabad. They also felt that if action was taken, the Muslims of India would rise as one man and overthrow it. Razvi with undaunted devotion and unwavering faith built up the Razakkars and moulded them in the role of Holy Crusaders. A Razakkar was to take the pledge to sacrifice his life while joining the corps and the number of volunteers kept increasing. Activities of Razakkars: The Razakkars did many things to make their presence felt. They held demonstrations in the towns; they harassed everyone who favored accession to the Union. They overawed the public by staging marches. The Razakkars also had a good network of espionage and propaganda. They also had abundant means at their disposal. It was quite obvious that they had a very prosperous benefactor helping them. The Razakkars also enjoyed the support of the then Police Commissioner, Nawab Deen Yar Jung. Mir Laik Ali another prominent businessman was one of the main financiers of their movement. Steadily the Razakkar movement was gaining popularity and the present Darussalam, which ironically means Abode Of Peace, was their headquarters and stronghold. Many intelligent writers and poets were swept in the tide of emotion created by the Razakkars

and were engaged in its propaganda. Fasihuddin gave control of Parcham to Ibrahim Jalis allowing him to write whatever he pleased. His only stipulation being that he should not forget to "share the proceeds". A big room had been allotted to Ibrahim Jalis and his colleagues in Darussalam, where about 10 or 15 people were allowed to stay. Boarding was free. Mirza Zafrul Hasan was in charge of radio propaganda. From seven in the morning till midnight propaganda speeches and poems were broadcast from Radio Hyderabad and Aurangabad and one had to admit that it was done effectively. Akthar Hassan, one of the members of the Progressive Writers Association in Hyderabad, says that a Muslim who spoke against the Razakkars was considered anti- Muslim. When he openly criticized the activities of the Razakkars his house in Mallepally and also his sister's house were attacked. Then Akthar Hassan got a chance meeting with Kasim Razvi while traveling by train. He got an opportunity to discuss many things happening in Hyderabad at that time including Politics, Press, the Nizam and the rights of the Muslims. The topic of the Islamic war of liberation was touched upon. In response to some of his objections Kasim Razvi replied, "There is no institution of kingship in Islam, but we want to keep our King alive, administering him morphine so as to guard the interests of Muslims and it is in their interests that this state should continue its existence." The Nizam had made it clear that unlike other Native States he would not sign the Instrument of Accession with the Indian Government after independence. He sent to Delhi a delegation consisting of Walter Monckton, Nawab of Chattari and Sultan Ahmed for talks with Mountbatten. The talks dragged on until the end of September1947. Finally the Nizam agreed to enter into a Standstill Agreement for one year. On 22nd October, 1947, the Hyderabad delegation returned home with the draft of the Standstill Agreement for the signature of the Nizam. The Nizam after much deliberation with his Executive Council agreed to sign the Agreement on 27th October 1948. But this news incensed the Razakkars. A mob converged on the Prime Minister's official residence; Shah Manzil (The Shah Manzil is now the Raj Bhavan, the official residence of the Governor of Andhra Pradesh), and set fire to his house. The police kept aloof and the army stayed in the barracks. The crowds demanded that the Nawab of Chattari and other members of the delegation should not leave for Delhi. The Nawab was too courteous and gentlemanly to punish anybody. After this no respect was left for the government or for its chief. No effective action was taken against the culprits. Regarding the Standstill Agreement Razvi said,

"Some say that the agreement gives respite to India. She would become more and more powerful each day and would pose a threat to Hyderabad. But why shouldn't I suppose that we have gained time with its conclusion. Why shouldn't I believe that India in view of her political disorder, racial and religious differences, and in view of the international situation would become more and more powerless with each passing day

Hyderabad was referred by Sardar Patel in a broadcast on 15th August 1948 as "Cancer in the belly" and by V.P. Menon as "Pakistan's Island within India".

In 1948 November, the Nawab of Chattari resigned. He served during a difficult period and bore his cross bravely. Laik Ali took over as Prime Minister. Laik Ali was Razvi’s man and enjoyed the confidence of Jinnah. The Nawab of Chattari was a confidant of the Nizam and a loyal servant of the state. But the Nizam under the influence of the Razakkars took no heed to any of the sensible advice given by these Ministers. The Nawab's loyalty to the State can be proved from a speech he made at a function held in honor of Commander-in-Chief as Chief Guest during World War II on12th April 1944. He said,

"His Exalted Highness has always looked upon this war as his own and his government and people are at one with him. These ties, coupled with the hands of an alliance contracted over 200 years ago which is as effective now as then, are not of monetary consequences, they have stood the test of time and are likely to be strengthened all the more to mutual advantage in the days to come".

A new delegation approved by Razvi consisting of three members, namely Moin Nawab Jung, Abdul Rahim, the Ittehad leader and Pingali Venkatarama Reddy, a courtier of Nizam was sent. Finally on 29t h November 1947, the Nizam entered into a Standstill Agreement with the Government of India. The following arrangement was agreed upon as per the stand still Agreement:

Article 1: Until new agreements in this behalf are made, all agreements and administrative arrangements as to the matter of common concern, including External Affairs, Defense and Communication, which were existing between the Crown and the Nizam immediately before the 15th August 1947 shall, in so far as may be the Nizam. Nothing herein contained shall impose any obligation or confer any regret on the dominion.

1. To send troops to assist the Nizam in the maintenance of internal order, or

2. To sanction troops in Hyderabad territory except in time of war and with the consent.of the Nizam which will not be unreasonably withheld, any troops so sanctioned to be withdrawn from Hyderabad's territory within six months of the termination of hostilities.

Article 2: The Government of India and the Nizam agree for the better execution of the purpose of this Agreement to appoint Agents in Hyderabad and Delhi respectively, and to give every facility to them for the discharge of their functions. Article 3: (1) Nothing herein contained shall include or introduce paramountacy functions or create any paramountacy relationship.

(2) Nothing herein contained and nothing done in pursuance here of, shall be deemed to create in favor of either party and right continuing after the date of termination of this agreement, and nothing herein contained and nothing done in pursuance hereof shall be deemed to delegate from any right which, but for this agreement, would have been exercisable by either party to it after the date of termination hereof. Article 4: Any dispute arising out of this agreement or out of agreements or arrangement hereby continued shall be referred to the arbitration of two arbitrators, one appointed by each of the parties, and an umpire appointed by these arbitrators. Article 5: This agreement shall come into force at once and shall remain in force for a period of one year. In confirmation whereof the Governor General of India and the Nizam of Hyderabad and Berar have appended their signatures.

A look at the background to the negotiations between Delhi and Hyderabad is necessary at this stage. The Delhi government was living through one of its weakest moment. With Partition came the ugly communal riots in Punjab and open fighting in Kashmir. There seemed a real possibility of war with Pakistan. An economic and administrative breakdown at home was also possible. On the other hand, the Nizam felt he had increased in strength after August 15t h and he regarded this period as the expansion of his autocracy. India had conceded the Standstill Agreement to Hyderabad, only to give time and opportunity to accede with grace and dignity. But the Nizam's government approached the negotiations in a quite different spirit. It was not prepared at this stage to sacrifice sovereignty. Thus all these factors led to mounting tension, both between the governments and the peoples concerned. The Nizam began to violate the terms of the Standstill Agreement. He notified that the Indian currency was not legal tender in his state and also banned the export of gold. It was very clear that the Nizam entered into Standstill Agreement only to gain time to procure arms. Sydney Cotton of Australia was engaged to procure arms and ammunition from different parts of the world and smuggle them into Hyderabad. Atrocities Of Razakkars: The atrocities of the Razakkars on innocent people increased after the Standstill Agreement was signed. In Aurangabad, two Hindus were brutally killed by Muslims. The police who took the suspects into custody were also threatened and they were forced to release them. Many of the Razakkars openly extorted money from wayfarers. The houses of even the poor were looted and their women molested. Even the Bishop, Rev. Edwards, Head of the Diocese of Medak, Church of South India came to K.M. Munshi who was appointed as Agent General in Hyderabad after the Standstill Agreement to complain about the situation prevailing in his diocese. In his

letter dated August 5, 1948 the conditions in the Diocese of Medak were summarized under three heads: The General State of Lawlessness, Open Conflict and Established Rebellion. He wrote,

"It was distressing the other morning to visit a village on the outside near the ally and to find it mostly deserted as a result of looting by a band of Razakkars the previous night, the attack being accompanied by serious bodily injuries. Nevertheless the Christians are being subject to pressure through attempts at bribery and threats... Appeals have been made against the shooting of unarmed villages on new suspicion, and the indiscriminate burning of villages, but they have been of little avail. The Government of India was getting concerned about the events being unfurled in Hyderabad. Jawaharlal Nehru in a letter to Sardar Patel dated 23rd July 1948 said, "You are aware of the fact that there is every chance of the Hyderabad state Govt. referring their dispute with us to the United Nations. We should not wait for this reference and then think about it. We should therefore take immediate steps to prepare our answer and to clear up our own minds as to the attitude we should take... very probably Hyderabad has been intriguing with the Arab and other Muslim countries and possibly borrowing money into their coffers. We are asking our ambassadors there to do what they can do to counter this. It is rather difficult for them to do what they can to do much in the circumstances. Nevertheless they have to be on the alert."

The Nizam in a letter to Clement R Atlee, Prime Minister of England alleged that a serious situation had arisen as a result of India's attempt to force Hyderabad to accede to the Union he appealed as "a staunch friend and faithful ally of the British Government" for help in the difficulties with which "I am now confronted". Commenting on the letter of the Nizam to Atlee Jawaharlal Nehru wrote a letter to Prime Minister, Atlee saying,

"The Government of India has made repeated attempts to arrive at a peaceful settlement in regard to Hyderabad…The statement made by the Nizam that the state had been denied supplies of medical stores, Chlorine for the purification of water supplies, and salt is completely untrue, and large quantities of medical supplies and chlorine have been sent to Hyderabad... Hyderabad is the only state that has no trace of self-government or responsible government. A feudal regime persists there and this has been made far worse by the encouragement given to the Razakkars who kill and rape, burn and loot. You will appreciate that this state of affairs has produced great reaction in the Indian public and the government of India have been strongly criticized for not taking effective action to put an end to these atrocities”

Jawaharlal Nehru in a letter to Lord Mount Batten dated August 1, 1948 wrote,

"The Hyderabad affairs continue to simmer. The Razzakars have become quite rabid and nobody seems to be able to control them. One of the Ministers of Hyderabad Government, Joshi who has been hand in glove with Kasim Razvi and the Razakkars resigned recently and made a long statement. This statement gives a ghastly account of happenings in Hyderabad state and of the atrocities that the Razakkars are committing... Our position briefly put is, that it is impossible to carry on any negotiations till two things happen, the banning of Razakkars and a new Government in Hyderabad."

In a letter to V.K. Krishna Menon on 15th August 1948 Jawaharlal Nehru wrote,

"... What is forcing our hands apart from an almost universal demand, is the progressive deterioration of the situation inside Hyderabad. Our reports indicate that some kind of terrorism prevails in parts of the state. Murder and arson are committed by Razakkars and forcible conversions are taking place. The European Residents there are themselves getting frightened at these developments. We had recently a letter from British missionaries there appealing for help. It is frightfully difficult for us to look on, while this kind of thing is happening on a considerable scale in Hyderabad State. I doubt if any Government can sit tight in view of this developing situation. Even our British Military advisors are coming round to the opinion that Hyderabad must be dealt with in a military way fairly soon."

In another cable to V.K. Krishna Menon, Nehru wrote:

"Situation inside the state is getting intolerable. Razakkars stopped a train the other day and attacked and looted passengers'... one village which resisted Razakkars onslaught for 3 days had to give up fight when munitions gave out. The village Headman was beheaded and his head carried about on a pole.... Police action against Razakkars and their sympathizers in Hyderabad cannot therefore be postponed much longer".

Kasim Razvi, just before the Police Action had the brain wave of visiting Delhi to see Sardar Patel and the Indian Government and to acquaint them of his point of view. However the Indian Government thought otherwise and nobody of importance gave him either an interview or took any interest in him with the result that Kasim Razvi returned, home more determined than ever to create friction between Hyderabad and the Government of India. Kasim Razvi made a series of inflammatory speeches on his return to Hyderabad. On June 9, 1948 he said,

"There is a need for the banks of Musi and Jamuna to converge. We would unfurl the Asafia Flag on the Delhi Red Fort.”

He followed it up on June 27th the same year,

"It is constantly being said for the last six months that Hyderabad would be attacked. The Indian Union cannot attack Hyderabad for another 600 years. If she does, she would destroy herself.... The day Hyderabad is attacked I would not be responsible for the safety of the Red fort. A fire would spread in every direction"

A month later, in July he said,

"If Hyderabad's fate would be that of Junagadh then Red Fort's fate would be worse."

According to K.M. Munshi, the Agent General of India in Hyderabad, the Razakkars would sing provocative songs while crossing the residence of his and other nationalist leaders staying in the city on the eve of Police Action. They were trying to give a psychological edge to their position. One of their popular songs sung while crossing the Dakshina Sadan was,

"we shall force Nehru to bow low at the feet of the Nizam. We shall bury Patel and Munshi in their graves.

N.G. Ranga one of the leaders of the National Movement found a good ally in Munshi when he was appointed the Indian Agent in Hyderabad. He requested him to personally visit the affected border villages on both sides. The Nizam's government refused to assure him requisite protection. For one whole day both of them toured the Andhra border areas. Everywhere rural masses thronged to Munshi, with their tales of attacks made by Razakkars. After reaching Vijayawada, Munshi declared in a huge meeting that Delhi would have to take Police Action. That declaration was outside his book of instructions. But it was so characteristic of Munshi, at once a romantic and a man of action. Soon afterwards, Sardar ordered Police Action. About this incident Munshi used to tell,

"Rangaji you certainly put me in the lions den". I answered but Munshi Saheb, "you bearded these lions in their own dens".

Akthar Hasan, editor of the Urdu daily, Payam replying to Kasim Razvi’s speeches wrote in his paper,

"If the Muslims of the state insisted upon their so called rights then a terrible future awaited the state".

The newspaper Payam conducted an opinion poll among respectable and educated Muslims and the conclusion was that 70 percent were against the Majlis and the Razakkars. According to Akthar Hassan, the idea of Independent Hyderabad was supported by capitalists like Laik Ali, the owner of Nizam Sagar factory and Sirpur Paper Mills, Khan Bahadur Alladin and others who thought that if Hyderabad joined the Indian

Union they would not survive against the might of the Tatas and the Birlas. But Kasim Razvi felt that Hyderabad had to be kept independent and Nizam had to be retained in order to protect their religion. The Nizam was all the time playing a double game. On the one hand, he had accepted the Government formed by Laik Ali, on the other hand he was negotiating with the Indian Union through Zain Yar Jung. There were number of non-officials in the state and among them, Ali Nawaz Jung and Zulkhadar Jung had a sobering influence on the Nizam and were liberal in outlook. Nawab Zain Yar Jung was in favor of Hyderabad joining the Union of India. He was therefore removed from Hyderabad and sent as Hyderabad's Agent General in Delhi as per the terms of the Standstill Agreement where he made unceasing efforts to create goodwill between the Government of India and Hyderabad but he could not succeed much because of the increasing influence of Razakkars on the Nizam after his departure to Delhi. Nawab Zair Yar Jung, mentioned earlier was a distinguished engineer and architect. He married into the Bilgrami family and thus got the opportunity to join the inner circles of Hyderabad. His wife was Ruqquia Begum Bilgrami, who was the daughter of Dr. Syed Ali Bilgrami a great scholar. She had inherited from her father great literary tastes. She went to an English school, Perse just outside Cambridge. She took her Honours degree in History from Newnham College, Cambridge. At the time of her death in 1947 she was the Principal of Women's college, Hyderabad. She was only 50 years old then. She occupies a unique place in the history of educational development in Hyderabad because at a time when religious fervors and tempers were high, she, though religious, did not have the slightest tinge of fanaticism or narrow mindedness. Ruqquia Begum Bilgrami’s cosmopolitan attitude and broadmindedness was inherited by her son, Sadath Ali Khan. He joined the Department Of Information in the Government of Hyderabad. He was able to have a broad perspective towards the issues plaguing Hyderabad. He had a deep desire that the problems in Hyderabad should be settled amicably and peace should prevail. He had great regard for Mahatma Gandhi and with great difficulty he got an appointment to meet him on 28t h January, 1948, two days before his death. According to Sadath Ali, when the Indo-Hyderabad problem was discussed, Mahatma Gandhi replied with a smile and said "Princes were like children". Gandhi was quite optimistic that the Hyderabad problem would be solved soon. In the 1952 General Elections, Sadath Ali contested representing the Congress in Ibrahimpet constituency. He won the seat and claimed that his victory

” was a tribute to the Congress party and to Mr. Nehru's secular policy." Another person who tirelessly worked for creating broadmindedness among Muslims and enabling them to adopt a positive attitude was Fareed Mirza, one of the seven Muslims who openly advised the Nizam to accede to the Indian Union. He was a graduate from Osmania University in 1940 and appointed Tahsildar in 1941. He resigned from Government service on 15th July, 1948 to protest against the activities of Razakkars and the Government's one-sided policy. He joined the Government service

as Deputy Collector on 18th August 1949. He was very impressed with the initiative and leadership of Nehru and even secretly attended the AICC session of Congress in Bombay in 1942 and was very impressed with the struggle for freedom. He read an editorial, which appeared in an Urdu weekly, Khadim the editorial read, "Is this independence or eternal slavery". In it the editor, Mr. Mulla Abdul Basith, strongly criticized the policy of Laik Ali Government and addressed it to restore good relations with the Indian Union. Fareed Mirza wrote a letter to him congratulating him on his courage and soundness of his views. Fareed Mirza not only condemned whatever he saw as unjust, he was also a man of action. While working as Tahsildar he wrote a letter to the first Taluqdar of Nanded district explaining his distress over the atrocities committed by the Razakkars. The gist of his letter reads thus,

"Sir, the subversive activities of the Ittehad Muslimeen Razakkars are on the increase day by day Government and its officers have been so completely dominated by the Ittehad Muslimeen that they do no take any action against the Razakkars. But very often the atrocities of Razakkars are connived at. They commit acts of loot and arson and burn the houses of innocent people and the Government officers content themselves by looking on these acts with indifference and even sometimes with amusement. As a Muslim, I am entirely overcome by a sense of utter shame that such inhuman acts should be committed by members of my community. As a member of the Government whose duty is to safeguard the lives and property of its poor subjects, which it is not doing, I feel a great pain and I have therefore decided to resign my post as an act of protest".

In another letter the copies of which were submitted to Subedar Saheb of Aurangabad for information, the Revenue Member and the Prime Minister, he wrote,

"The members of the depressed classes are also taking possession of hundred of acres of land by force. In this way hundreds, nay thousands of rightful owners of their land have been dispossessed of their lands. The right cause for the Government would be to legislate in the matter and obtain records from Jagirdars and big landholders to see how much land they can cultivate personally and the remaining land should be acquired on payment of some compensation. The present system is not the correct system of helping the depressed classes. I also believe that a permanent agreement should be reached with the Indian Union and this would be beneficial to Hyderabad and also to Muslims."

The Tahsildars prevailed on him not to resign and urged him to take up charge in Biloli. Fareed Mirza along with Mulla Sahed met Baker Ali Mirza and the three of them decided to issue an appeal to Muslims and point out the dangers of the Ittehad's policies and give details of Razakkar activities. This statement was also signed by Nawab Manzoor Jung, a staunch nationalist. Many other Muslims felt that policies of Ittehad was wrong

but were not ready to come out of it openly especially those who were still in Government service. The statement was later signed by three other retired prominent Muslim officers. The statement appeared on 13th August 1948 and it was published in the Urdu Newspaper, Payam. The Paper which contained the statement was in great demand. The Nizam’s Gazette, an Urdu daily reacted to it by calling these seven people as seven traitors of the country. All Ittehad papers condemned them. One of them even stated that this statement was issued at the instance of the government of India. Kasim Razvi reacting to it stated that any hand raised against the honor and self-respect of Muslims would be put down and cut. It also appeared in the press that the government was stopping the pensions of those signatories who were retired government servants. The government had also asked the four pension-signatories, why the pension should not be stopped because of their treacherous activities. Mulla Abdul Basitt gave a fitting reply. He hit back by saying that traitors were those who created hurdles in the achievement of these ends. He said,

"Our asking for responsible government and agreement with the Indian Union could never be termed as treason."

Sir Mirza Ismail was one of the ablest Prime Ministers that His Exalted Highness the Nizam could secure for his Government. Sir Mirza was a seasoned administrator who had efficiently directed State affairs in Mysore and Jaipur. He had been requested several times to accept the reins of Hyderabad administration. But it was ordained that he should come in the first week of August, 1946 to Hyderabad. The liberal views of Sir Mirza were so pronounced that it was quite impossible that Muslim Leaguers would welcome his appointment in such a key position for Musalmans. He inspired great expectations but unfortunately this was not the universal feeling in the State. Let us read what Sir Mirza himself had to say about this:

"What an enormous amount of work there was to be done in Hyderabad and what a wonderful country it could become! This hope, this ambition, was not destined to be fulfilled. Although I was there for only ten months, I am neither sorry I went nor that I left so soon. With the withdrawal of British control, I found, as had anticipated, that it was impossible to stay. The Nizam was bent upon independence. Even more so were that wretched band of foolish Muslims called the Ittehad-ul- Muslameens. A few sentences from an intercepted Press telegram sent to the Ittehad paper in Hyderabad (reproduced below) will show what a poisonous lot of people I had to deal with. They were bent upon moving heaven and earth to see me out of Hyderabad."

The intercepted Press telegram reads thus,

"While Muslims of India are boycotting the so-called Constituent Assembly which has lost all its importance as a constitution-making body and has been reduced to the position of All India Congress Committee, Sir Mirza Ismail, Prime Minister,

himself a Muslim and Chief of Muslim Dominion of Hyderabad, is hobnobbing with Congress leaders in lobbies of constituent Assembly almost every day. Sir Mirza is seen in corridors flirting with Congress members and greeting them with folded hands like Hindus. Sometimes, he was heard saying “Namsthe Namaskaram” He is also believed to have said that the Hindus being in a great majority, would rule in the long run despite all difficulties."

Sir Mirza realized that though he was exerting to harness his energy and talents fully for the cause of justice and fair play he was not certain he could prevail against the mischievous onslaughts of unscrupulous and imprudent people upon the Nizam, whose firmness and trust was his last resort. He writes,

"I found that even senior officers of the State, many of them, had lost their heads. I should have been a thorn in the flesh of these people. So, when I came to Bangalore for summer recess, I reviewed the position and came to the conclusion that I should not go back to Hyderabad. I had also a suspicion that the Nizam would not regret my departure."

Sir Mirza Ismail wrote on May 15, 1947 to H.E.H. the Nizam as follows -

"It is with the deepest regret that I have to ask Your Exalted Highness to relieve me to the high office with which you have been pleased to entrust me. At a time which is perhaps, the most critical the Dominion will ever know, I came to Hyderabad at your Exalted Highness's invitation, full of enthusiasm and with deep attachment to Your Exalted Highness's person and dynasty. I was determined to devote my lifelong experience and the capabilities which God has given me to the right solution of the many problems with which the future of the Dominion is beset. In the pursuit of this earnest desire I had planned many things which in the fullness of time would have assuredly contributed to the greatness and glory of Hyderabad and to the happiness and prosperity of your people. I could only succeed in such a task if I were assured of your Exalted Highness's full support and sympathy. I have had the misfortune to find myself opposed at every turn by a certain section of the local Musalmans who, in my opinion, are set on a course that is suicidal to the State. I have not taken a single step that has been detrimental to their real interests. On the other hand, I have done all that is humanly possible to serve, but in vain. At the instigation of arch-conspirators who have other ends to serve, they have carried on a vigorous and calculated campaign of vilification against me. It has been my further misfortune to find that I have lost the confidence of Your Exalted Highness. The intrigues and agitation to which I refer are, I firmly believe, directed as much against the interest of Your Exalted Highness as against myself. But, while a word from you would have stopped the campaign at once, you have maintained silence, and the agitators have given the impression that they enjoy Your Exalted Highness's goodwill and patronage.

Only recently, I wrote your Exalted Highness from Berar saying and unless Your Exalted Highness could give me your fullest confidence and support it would not be possible for me to carry on. As that support has not been forth coming, there is no alternative for me but to ask to be relieved In spite of the sad memories of my stay in Hyderabad, I shall always pray that God in His mercy, may protect the Asafjah Crown from the dangers that I see looming ahead."

Sir Mirza Ismail left Hyderabad for Bangalore. Sir Mirza whose decision in the matter was final was sure to send his resignation in a week. Thus Hyderabad Musalmans and Nizam lost the mature guidance of a sagacious administrator. On the morning of 22nd August, the tragic news of the murder of Shoebullah Khan, a staunch nationalist and editor of Imroze was received with great sorrow. It was evident that he was murdered only because of his political views. Before things could really go out of hand the Indian Government successfully conducted the 'Operation Polo' or Police Action against Hyderabad. In four days the Razakkars were reduced to nothing. According to Akthar Hasan, editor of Urdu daily,Payam, "No doubt the Razakkar indulged in a lot of goondaism and oppressed other communities, but it should be said that in comparison to whatever Razakkars did, the wrongs perpetrated on the community in the course of Police Action and thereafter was ten times graver for which documentary proof is available. These acts created lot of resentment and fear among the minority community. Fareed Mirza wrote that

"Eight months have passed since police action and still arrests continue to be made in connection with the acts committed before the police action."

Dr. Masood, Assistant Director ICSSR, Osmania University expresses great sadness while reminiscencing on atrocities committed during the post Police Action days. He belongs to the village Tamsa in Nanded District, one of the worst affected during this time. He says that 23 people were shot dead during this time. According to him, three of his uncles were also among them. He readily recollects the names of some of them killed.

1. Azam Khan 2. IsaqUddin 3. Imam Uddin 4. Sardar Uddin 5. Anwaruddin

He mentions the name of Mohammad Ali Khan who was his uncle and the president of

the Majlis. According to him he was shot dead and his daughter was forcibly married to a Hindu. He recollects the name of the Marwari local leader Bansilal, who instigated the perpetrators of the crime to come to that area. The people were shot and the dead bodies were thrown into their burning houses. He laments that the Nizam foolishly came under influence of Kasim Razvi and tarnished his image. "What is the benefit of ending Nizam's rule?" he queries.

"Today if you meet people who lived during the days of Nizam they always claim that they were happier then. Now there is more corruption, unemployment and water scarcity. After independence every political party forgot its mission. The Nizam's feudal rule was brought to an end but the new government was full of feudal lords."

According to him it was Marathwada lobby in Congress which strongly fought for accession to the Indian Union. These leaders made it a Hindu Muslim struggle. For them, Kasim Razvi was their enemy because he wanted to keep Hyderabad independent. The hatred between them was evident from the fact that the atrocities committed in Marathwada region was more than in Telangana region during the post Police Action days. He also recalls an amusing anecdote about the war strategy of Razakkars. When the Karimnagar army chief asked for arms and ammunition from Hyderabad the office replied " I have just booked 2 wagons of weapons". He did not know that there was no train from Hyderabad to Karimnagar. This revealed the ignorance of the Razakkars. Dr. Masood concludes that if Hyderabad had remained independent, then the Razakkars would have been called the 'freedom fighters’. A three man special tribunal in a single unanimous judgment delivered, convicted Syed Kasim Razvi, Razakkar leader of Hyderabad of the charge of conspiracy and abetment of the murder of Shoebullah Khan, editor of Imroze, the Urdu daily of Hyderabad and sentenced him to rigorous imprisonment for life on each count Kasim Razvi rose up smartly and accepted the sentence passed on him by the Tribunal. He said, "I am very much thankful to your Honors" and took his seat. The tribunal in its judgment delivered on 10th September1950, awarded Razvi seven years of hard labor in the Bibinagar dacoity case and life sentence in the Shoebullah murder case. An appeal was filed in the High Court and the plea of the defense was upheld and life sentence quashed. Sentence of seven years rigorous imprisonment was upheld. He was placed in Chanchalguda jail and assigned the number 20063 and given the job of cutting grass in the jail compound. In 1954 he was shifted to the Yeravada jail in Pune where he served the rest of his sentence. He was released on September 1957 on completion of his term. Kamil, an old friend of Razvi came to receive him. Both of them embraced each other and Razvi was surprised to see that there was no crowd of friends and admirers. They reached Hyderabad on 12th September. Razvi realized that times had changed and he had become Irrelevant.

He had decided to go away to Pakistan. On questioned by scribes as to why he would not stay here he said,

"What shall I do? I am an Ex-Convict. I can't practice. How shall I sustain myself?"

His friend accompanied Razvi to Bombay and saw him off at the airport. A young man clenched his teeth at him and said

"Bastard, they should have shot him instead of letting him go to Pakistan". That was the last remark, which Razvi heard in India. In the evening, Radio Pakistan concluded its News Bulletin with an unusual reference to weather. "The weather over Karachi was fine today," it said. That was the code message to say that Razvi had arrived safely in Karachi. Razvi was nobody in Pakistan. He started his practice among refugees from India. He died unwept and unsung on 15th January 1970 He was sixty-seven, when he died. The Razakkars thus added a not so happy chapter in the history of Hyderabad State and its accession to Indian Union. Credit must go to Kasim Razvi for the charismatic personality, which he possessed, which drew large numbers from all rank and file to him. If only he had thought right probably many ugly events could have been avoided. Kasim Razvi had made feeble attempts to organize the dispersed strength of the Razakkars. History would never forgive him for not prohibiting the dispatch of unarmed Razakkars to the border areas. Quite a few were slain in their enthusiasm with no artillery worth the name and with no squadron stationed at Karachi, as was widely rumoured, a token and helpless struggle lacking planning and foresight against the Union forces with a complete military division lasted for 5 days. The Razakkars were demoralized and fought vain battles. The area commander had no instruction in the event of an attack. With the small army and large frontier to defend, little resistance was in evidence except for the first two days. Thus when the Razakkars began the process of making Hyderabad a complete Islamic state the nationalists could not remain silent. Any prominent Muslim who was a nationalist was charged with treason. The Razakkars feared that the privileges they enjoyed under a Muslim ruler would be lost with the end of the Muslim rule. Kasim Razvi had once ordered that if any body would go against them his tongue shall be cut and his hands should be clipped. Hence police action seemed the only solution to contain such atrocities.

Kulapati K M Munshi was the ears and eyes and hands of Sardar Patel during the period he was the Agent General of India in Secunderabad under the Standstill Agreement and the liberation of Hyderabad on the 17th September 1948. Kulapati K M Munshi was the ears and eyes and hands of Sardar Patel during the period he was the Agent General of India in Secunderabad under the Standstill Agreement and the liberation of Hyderabad on the 17th September 1948. Sardar Patel also knew that as long as Mountbatten would be in India as Governor Genera, he would not allow any military action against the Nizam. Sardar spoke very little and never gave his mind even to Jawaharlal Nehru. As soon as Mountbatten left, he felt free to act as he wanted and when he wanted. How cheerful he was is brought out in the following conversation. Sardar Patel: ‘well, Munshi! How are you? Is every thing all right? What about Nizam?’ Mushi: ‘oh, he is alright’. Munshiji then told Sardar Patel about a suggestion of Zahir Ahmed, the secretary External Affairs of Hyderabad that a settlement to the problem should be arrived. Sardar Patel: (as if he has never heard of any such thing) “settlement!” “what Settlement?” Munshiji: “The Mountbatten Settlement” Sardar Patel: ‘Tell him that the Settlement has gone to England’ Sardar Patel was caustic and he laughed. Sir Walter Monckton, the Adviser to the Nizam was drafting the ‘Settlements’. When all the talks broke down, he left for England. The only Settlement Sardar could think of was the end to Nizam’s rule and Razakars’ Islamist fascist atrocities on the Hindu population and that is what Sardar Patel with able assistance from Kulapati K M Munshi accomplished. Jawaharlal Nehru arrogated to himself the J & K affair and we see that it has become an unsolvable problem bleeding India for money and men (dead). Had Sardar Patel been free to deal with J & K, as he dealt with 500 odd other states, J & K would have been solved once for all like Nizam’s Hyderabad.

My Sahib An English translation of Saadat Hasan Manto’s ‘Mera Sahib’ “It happened in 1937. The Muslim League was in its juvenility. I, too, was a young man. I wanted to do something. Anything. Besides, I was healthy and strong, and wanted to engage in a rumble. I wanted to look for trouble and pick fights. I was at an age when one longs to do something. By something, I mean to say, if not a great adventure than something! “After this brief intro I return to the time when Ghalib was young. Don’t know if he ever participated in any political movements or not, but Yours Truly was a very active member of the Muslim League. Ghazi Corps was comprised of youths like me, and I was a sincere member of it. I stress ‘sincere’ because in those days I had nothing else. “It was in those times that Mohammad Ali Jinnah came to Delhi. The Muslims took out a huge and a wonderful procession in his honor. Obviously, Ghazi Corps participated in this procession with full vigor. Our leader was Anwar Qureshi sahib. He was a strong young man who has been given an honor of, and is now known as, ‘Poet of Pakistan’. Our Corps’ youths were singing an anthem written by him. I don’t know if we sang in tune with each other or not, the only thing I remember is nobody cared about singing in synch. “This historical procession started from Delhi’s historical Jamia Masjid and, roaring, passed through Chandni Chowk, Lal Kewan, Hoz Qazi, and Chawri Bazar and ended at its destination, meaning at the Muslim League office. In this historical procession people yelled “Qaid-e-Azam,” which was considered illegal, for Mohammad Ali Jinnah. A six-horse coach was provided for him. All members of Muslim League were there in this procession. There were lots of cars, motorcycles, bi-cycles and camels. But it was exceedingly well organized. Qaid-e-Azam, who by nature was a very civil and organized person, seemed very pleased to see such civility. “I caught many of his glimpses. I don’t know my reaction the first time I saw him. Now, when I think about it and analyze it I conclude that, because sincerity is colorless, my reaction too was colorless. At that time if someone had pointed me to any man and had said ‘there is your Qaid-e-Azam,’ my adoration would have believed him. But when I saw him many times there in that crowd of people and cars, my ego was hurt: my Leader and so skinny…such a weakling! Ghalib has said: He comes to my house God blesses / Sometimes I look at him and sometimes I look at my house. “It was his kindness and God’s blessing that he came to our house. I swear to God when I saw him and his frail body and then my strong physique, I wished either I contract or he expands. In the heart of my heart, to keep him safe from evil eye, I had prayed for him and his feeble body. The wounds he had inflicted were a common topic among his enemies. “Circumstances change. Situation arose such that the art bug that was sleeping in

me started to crawl. I felt like testing my kismet in Bombay in that field. I was attracted to drama ever since I was a kid. I figured maybe there I could show off my skills. Now, on one hand a desire to work for the nation and on the other, acting! A man is weirdly contradictory! “I arrived in Bombay. In those days Imperial Film Company was at the top. It was difficult to get in, but somehow I got in. I worked as an extra for eight anas a day, and used to dream that I will be a top movie star one day. With God’s blessings, I am very talkative. I am not a very pleasant talker, but I am not that unpleasant either. Urdu is my mother tongue, a language the stars of Imperial Films did not know. Urdu helped me out more so in Bombay than it did in Delhi. Almost all the stars there had me read and write letters in response to those that came to them in Urdu. All this reading and writing for them did not help me, though. I was an extra and remained an extra. “During this time I became friends with Buddhan, the very special driver of Saith Ardesher Irani, the owner of Imperial Film Company. Buddhan paid back my friendship with him by teaching me to drive a car in his free time. But his free times were brief, and I was always scared of the Saith lest he finds it out. I never really became a skillful driver. Without Buddhan I could drive the Buick on an alif-like straight road. My knowledge about the parts of the car, however, remained zero. “I was obsessed with acting. But that was in my head. My heart still belonged to the Muslim League and Qaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. At Imperial Film Company, on the Kennedy Bridge, in the Bhindi Bazar, on the Mohammad Ali Road, and at the Play House, we used to have a discussion, with groups of mostly Muslims, about the behavior of the Congress. Everyone at Imperial knew that I was a Muslim Leaguey and adored Qaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. But it was a time when Hindus did not try to kill anyone who uttered the word “Qaid-e-Azam.” Pakistan was not yet on the horizon. I think when people at Imperial Film Company heard me praise Qaid-e-Azam they thought he was a film star and I was a fan of his. That is why one day the biggest film hero D. Blemoria said to me, ‘hey, here’s your Jinnah sahib,’ while moving Times of India towards me. I thought there was a picture of him in the newspaper. But I didn’t see it. So I said, ‘why, bhaiya, where is his picture?’ Blemoria’s John Gilbert style thin mustache expanded with a grin, ‘no photo woto, this is an advertisement.’ I asked, ‘Advertisement? What kind of advertisement?’ Blemoria took the paper back and showed me a long column and said, ‘Mr. Jinnah needs a motor mechanic who can take charge of his garage.’ I saw the ad where Blemoria finger was resting and said ‘Oh!’ as if I read the whole ad. The truth is I knew as much English as Blemoria knew Urdu. “As I already told you, my driving was limited to driving a car on an alif-like straight road. I knew nothing about the mechanism of the car. Why does the engine start when you press the self, if some had asked me that question I would have said that because it is the law of motors; and why it sometimes doesn’t start, then I would have said that is also the law of motors and human intelligence has nothing to do with it! “You’d be surprised to know that I noted down the address of Jinnah sahib I took from Blemoria and decided to go there the next morning. I neither thought nor

expected to get the job. I just wanted to see him in his residence from up close. Therefore, taking my sincerity as a diploma, I arrived at his beautiful mansion, located near the Pleasant Road, on the Malabar Hill. Outside was a Pathan guard. He was wearing an enormous shalwar and a silk turban, was very clean, strong, and intimidating. His appearance made me very happy. I felt strangely satisfied that there was not much difference in his and my biceps, maybe of half-an-inch or so. “There were many candidates. They were all standing with their credentials under their arms. I joined them. The funny thing was, forget about the credentials, I didn’t even have a simple driving license. My heart was beating hard just thinking I am about to meet Qaid-e-Azam any moment. I was still thinking about my heartbeat when Qaid-e-Azam appeared in the porch. Everybody turned attention. I moved to the side. With him was his tall and skinny sister whose pictures I had seen in many newspapers and magazines. On the side was his respectful assistant. “Jinnah sahib fitted his one-glass round eyeglass on his eye and started to scrutinize the candidates. When his eye turned to me, I moved back further. Immediately his piercing voice was loudly heard, but I only heard “You.” I knew that much English. It meant “Tum.” But who was that “Tum” that he addressed? I thought it was the guy next to me, so nudging him I said, ‘I think he’s calling you.’ The guy asked hopefully, ‘me, sahib?’ Qaid-e-Azam said again, ‘No. Tum.’ His skinny but iron-like strong finger was pointing at me. My whole body trembled, ‘Ji, ji, me?’ ‘Yes.’ This three-knot-three bullet ripped through my heart and brain. My throat, which used to yell “Qaid-e-Azam,” was completely dry. I couldn’t say anything. But when he took off his monocle and said “All right,” I felt I might have said something that he heard, or he understood my feelings and said “All right” just to save me from further torture. He turned around and said something to his very handsome and healthy secretary and went inside with his sister. Totally confused, as I hurried to get out of there his assistant called me and said that the Sahib wants me present at ten o’clock tomorrow morning. I couldn’t ask the assistant why the Sahib wanted me; I couldn’t tell him that I was not at all capable and not qualified for the job for which Qaid-e-Azam put out an ad. The assistant went inside and I returned home. “I was there again at ten the next morning. When informed I was there, the handsome and very well dressed secretary came out and, to my surprise, told me that the Sahib had selected me and wants me to take charge of the garage immediately. When I heard this I felt like spilling my guts and tell him that Qaid-e-Azam had misunderstood Yours Truly, and that I showed-up just to have a little fun; why are you putting this garage responsibility on these incompetent shoulders. But I don’t know why I couldn’t say all that. As a result, I was immediately given that responsibility and the keys were handed to me. There were four cars of different makes, and I only knew how to drive Saith Ardesher Irani’s Buick, and on an alif-like straight road at that. There were many turns to get to Malabar Hill, and Azad was going to carry not only his own self in the car. God knows how many different places for important work he had to carry this Leader to whom belonged lakhs of Muslims lives. “I thought of dropping the keys and running away; run straight to my house, pick up

my stuff, and catch the first train to Delhi. But I didn’t think this was the right thing to do. I figured tell the truth to Jinnah sahib, apologize to him, and return to the place where I really belonged. But trust me, sir, I did not get a chance to do this for the next six months.” “How so?” I asked. Mohammad Hanif Azad continued, “Listen to this now. The very next day I was ordered to bring the car. Those things that fly at times like these, almost flew. I decided that the moment the Sahib comes, I’d say salam to him, return the keys, and fall at his feet. But it couldn’t happen. When he came to the porch, I was so intimidated by him that the incompetent me couldn’t utter a word. Besides, Fatima sahiba was with him. To fall into someone’s feet in the presence of a woman, Manto sahib, was too much.” I saw bashfulness in Azad’s big eyes and smiled, “khair, what happened then?” “What happened then, Manto sahib, is that Yours Truly had to start the car. It was a new Packard. I started the car with the name of Allah, and took it out of the mansion very cleanly. When I got to the bottom of the Malabar Hill near the red light at the corner...you know what a red light is, right?” “Yes, yes,” I shook my head affirmatively. “Well, sahib, that became a problem. Master Buddhan had told me to just press the breaks and everything should be alright. In confusion I hit the break with such clumsiness that the car stopped with a sudden jolt. The cigar fell off Qaid-e-Azam’s hands. Fatima Jinnah jumped forward two balisht and started cursing at me. A deep fear seeped through my entire body. My whole body started to tremble. I felt dizzy. Qaid-e-Azam picked up his cigar and said something in English, which probably meant ‘lets go back.’ I obeyed the order. He asked for a new car and a driver and left for where ever he had to go. I did not get to serve him for the next six months after that incident.” “To serve him like that?” I asked, grinning. Azad also smiled. “Yes. You figure the Sahib would not give me another chance. There were other drivers. They served him. The assistant told the drivers the night before the car and the driver that were needed the next day. If I’d asked him about me he couldn’t give me a satisfactory answer. I found out later what was in Sahib’s mind. No one could say anything about him with any certainty, nor could ask him about such matters. He spoke only when he had to, and listened only when he needed to. That’s why, although being so close to him, I could not find out why he kept me like a useless car part.” “It’s possible that he forgot about you,” I said to Azad. A huge laughter came out of Azad’s throat, “No, sir, no. The Sahib never forgot anything even if he wanted to. He knew very well that Azad is breaking free bread. And, Manto sahib, when Azad breaks bread they are not little bread. Look at this built.”

I looked at Azad. I don’t know what he was like in ‘37 or ’38, but I saw a well built and a strong man sitting in front of me. You must have known him as an actor. Before the Division he worked in many films in Bombay. With his other actor friends he is barely making a living in Lahore these days. I found out last year from a friend of mine that this big-eyes, dark-skinned, well-built actor was a driver to Qaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah for some time. I had been, therefore, eyeing him ever since. Whenever I met him, I brought up the topic of his Master and collected his stories in my head. With an intention to write this essay, when I listened to his stories yesterday, I saw a very interesting angle to Qaid-e-Azam’s life. What had struck Mohammad Hanif Azad most was that his Master liked physical strength. Just as Allama Iqbal liked those things that were tall and majestic, Qaid-e-Azam liked strong things. That’s why when he picked his servants, their health and physical strength was the first thing he noticed. In those days, of which Mohammad Hanif Azad talked about, Qaid-e-Azam’s secretary was a very handsome man. All of his drivers had exemplary physical built. The guards for his mansion were also selected based on physical strength. What could be an explanation for this other than that, psychologically, although Late Jinnah was physically very weak but extremely strong from inside, he did not want to associate himself that was weak and feeble. When a person really likes something, he takes care of it real well. Qaid-e-Azam made sure all his well-built servants dressed very well. His Pathan chowkidar was ordered to dress his ethnic dress. Azad was not a Punjabi, but was at times asked to wear a Punjabi turban. This headgear is quite impressive and one looks very impressive in it. Qaid-e-Azam seemed very pleased by it and used to award Azad whenever he put one on. If one thinks about it, Jinnah being so conscious of his own frail body was his very strength of his strong and powerful life. That was evident in the way he walked, talked, ate, and thought. Mohammad Hanif Azad told me that Qaid-e-Azam ate very little. “He ate so little I wondered how he is alive. If I were forced to eat that little my fat would’ve started to melt the next day. Despite him eating so little, four or five chickens were cooked every day. But he used to eat only a very small cup of a chick’s soup. Fruits were delivered everyday, and lots of it; but all of it used to wind up in the servants’ bellies. Every night after the dinner, the Sahib would check the list of grocery and give me a one-hundred-rupee bill for the next day’s dinner.” “One hundred rupees everyday?” I asked Azad. “Yes, sir, exactly one hundred rupees. And the Sahib never asked what happened to it. Whatever remained of it got divided among the servants. Sometimes thirty rupees remained, sometimes forty, and sometimes even sixty or seventy. He must have known that we kept the remainder, but he never asked for it. However, Miss Jinnah was very clever. She used to get mad at us and say we all are thieves. But the way the Sahib treated us we used to think of his things as our own. So we kept quiet when she would lose her temper at us. At times like that the Sahib would say to her sister, ‘It is all right, it is all right,’ and that would be the end of it. But once “It is all right” did not end it. Miss Jinnah kicked the cooks out, not one but both cooks.

Qaid-e-Azam had two cooks at the same time, one was an expert in Hindustani food and the other in English food. Usually the Hindustani cook was a waste and did not do anything. He got to cook maybe once in months. Once in a blue moon he would get an order to cook, but Qaid-e-Azam did not really care about that food. “When both cooks got kicked out,” said Azad, “the Sahib did not say anything. He did not interfere in his sister’s affairs. So he started eating out in restaurants. During this time we had a ball. We would take the car out for hours, hang out, come back and tell them we could not find a cook. Finally, both cooked were asked to come back by Miss Jinnah.” If a man does not eat much, he either hates those who eat a lot, or feels very happy to see others eat a lot. Qaid-e-Azam ate very little but he was very happy to see others eat a lot. That’s the reason he used to hand out one hundred rupees everyday and forget about it. It doesn’t mean he was a spendthrift. Mohammad Hanif Azad recounts an interesting incident. “One evening in 1939, by the Warli Beach, I was driving the white Packard very slowly with the Sahib in it. The low waves were touching the shore gently. It was a beautiful but slightly chilly evening. The Sahib was in a really good mood. I took advantage of it and started talking about Eid. He knew immediately what I was after. I saw in the rear view mirror he took his never-separating cigar out of his mouth and, his thin lips smiling, said in a broken Urdu, ‘Well, well, you suddenly have become a Muslim, try to be a little bit Hindu also.” Four days earlier Qaid-e-Azam had turned Azad into a Muslim, meaning that he had given him two hundred rupees as an award. That‘s why he advised Azad to become a little bit Hindu. But that did not affect Azad. In this Eid Azad came to the film producer Syed Murtaza Jilani to affirm his Musalmani when I saw him and further interviewed him for this story. Qaid-e-Azam’s private life is a mystery and will remain so forever. That is the general feeling. But I think his private life was so mixed-up with his political life that he had practically no private life left. His wife had passed away long time ago and his daughter married a Parsi against his wishes. Mohammad Hanif Azad told me, “The Sahib was in a great shock because of it. He wished his daughter had married a Muslim; the skin color or the ethnic background did not matter to him. His daughter argued that if he could marry to whom ever he wanted, how come he does not grant her the same freedom.” Qaid-e-Azam had married the daughter of a very influential Parsi man. Everyone knows that. But very few people know the Parsi man was very unhappy about it and sought revenge. Some think he conspired to have Qaid-e-Azam’s daughter marry a Parsi. When I talked to Azad about it he said, “Only Allah knows. I only know that this was the second biggest shock to him after his wife’s death. He was greatly affected when he found out that his daughter married a Parsi. His face was a mirror of his feelings, and reaction to even a simple event could be seen on his face. A simple furrow in his eyebrow could become very scary. What must have gone through his heart, only the Late One could tell. What I found out from the outside sources is that he was very disturbed. He did not meet anyone for fifteen days. He must have smoked hundreds of cigars, and must have paced hundreds of miles in his own room.

“He walked a lot when he was in deep thoughts. In the dead of the night he would pace back and forth on the hard and spotless floor for hours. In calculated steps, from here to there, and there to here, in the measured distance, his white and black, black and white, or white and brown shoes used to make a strange tick tick sound as if a clock is telling the news about its life in a consistent manner. Qaid-e-Azam loved his shoes, perhaps because they were always at his feet and moved according to him. “After fifteen days of constant mental and spiritual disturbance, he suddenly re-emerged. There was no sign of shock on his face any longer, although the sadness had left a slight wound in his neck. But it was still straight and stiff. It did not mean, however, that he had forgotten the shock.” When Azad started to talk about this aspect of Qaid-e-Azam’s life a second time, I asked, “How do you know he had not forgotten that shock?” Azad answered, “Nothing in a house can be hidden from the servants. Sometimes the Sahib would order to open a trunk. In this ship-like trunk were many clothes, of his late wife and of that disobedient daughter when she was a little girl. When those clothes were taken out, the Sahib would look at them with an intense quietness. Then a sudden sadness would cover his thin and very clean face. He would quietly say ‘It is all right, it is all right,’ take off his monocle and, wiping it, would walk away. According to Mohammad Hanif Azad, “Qaid-e-Azam had three sisters: Fatima Jinnah, Rehmat Jinnah, and I don’t remember the name of the third one who lived in Dongri. At Jopati Corner, near Chinnai Motor Works, lived Rehmat Jinnah. Her husband was employed somewhere. Their income was very modest. Every month the Sahib would give me a sealed envelope that had money in it. He would also give me a parcel that perhaps contained clothes and things. I used to deliver these to Rehmat Jinnah. Miss Fatima Jinnah and the Sahib would pay visit there every once in a while. The sister who lived at Dongri was married. All I know about her is that she was well off and did not need anyone’s help. He had a brother. The Sahib would help him out routinely, but he was not allowed in the Sahib’s house. “I had seen this brother of Qaid-e-Azam in Bombay. One evening, in a bar, I saw a man, who looked like Qaid-e-Azam, ordering half rum. The same feature, the same backcombed hair, almost the same white striped hair. When I inquired about him I found out that he is the brother of Mr Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Ahmed Ali. I kept looking at him. Sipping it slowly, he finished that half a glass of rum in a royal manner. It cost one rupee, which he paid as if he is paying a huge amount. From his attitude it appeared as if he is sitting at a bar in Taj Mehal Hotel, not in a flimsy and a cheap one. There was a gathering of Muslims just before the historic meeting between Gandhi and Jinnah. I had a number of friends at that gathering. They told me that Jinnah was on the platform giving a speech in his typical style, and far, at a distance, his brother Ahmed Ali, wearing his monocle, was standing in such a way as if he was chewing his brother’s words. “Billiards was the only indoor game Qaid-e-Azam liked. He would order to open the billiards room when sometimes he felt like playing the game. Although every

room was cleaned every day, the servants made sure the special room he ordered to open was very clean and everything in it was set properly before he walked in. Because I played the game a little, I was allowed in that room. Twelve balls would be presented to him, he would select and the game would begin. Miss Fatima Jinnah would stand nearby. The Sahib would light up a cigar, press it between his lips, and would analyze the position of the ball he was going to hit. He would spend many minutes in his analysis. With this angle. With that angle. He would weigh the cue in his hands and move his bony fingers on it as if it were a sarangi, mumble something, and take a position; but if another angle come to his mind, he would stop, think, make sure, hit the ball with the cue, and if successful, would look at his sister with a conquering smile. “In the game of politics, Qaid-e-Azam was as careful. He would never decide immediately. He would analyze and scrutinize each problem as if it were a billiard ball. He would move his cue to hit only if he was certain. Before he struck, he would weigh his prey with his eyes carefully. He would consider all angles. He would select the weapon according to the size of his opponent. He was not a hunter who would pick up a gun and just shoot. He would make sure not to miss. He would know his prey’s every possible weakness before he aimed.” According to Azad, “Qaid-e-Azam stayed away from the people who came by just to meet him. He hated useless and senseless talk; but only those talks that mattered, and even that had to be very precise and concise, in both what he had to say and hear. That’s why only a few people were allowed in his special room. There was only one sofa inside the room with a small side table on which he would drop the ashes of his cigar. Across the sofa were two showcases. He kept those Qurans in them that were given to him by his fans. That room contained his personal papers as well, where they were kept safely. He would spend most of his time in that room. There was no table there. If a person was asked in that room, he would stay at the door, listen, and walk out backwards. The empty side of the sofa had his papers all over it. If he wanted to write a letter, he would have the steno come in and take dictation. His tone had certain harshness. When he spoke one felt as if he was putting emphasis on those words that did not need emphasis.” Judging from Azad’s testimonies, it seems the psychological reason for his harshness was his physical weakness. His life was more like a smooth pond, but he lived a life of a storm. Some people say that it was his inner strength that had him live for that long, that is, his awareness of his own physical weakness. According to Azad, the Late Bahadur Yar Jung was among Qaid-e-Azam’s best friends. “It was only him with whom he was so frank. Whenever he came to visit, both men would talk about the country and politics like true best friends. At that time, Qaid-e-Azam would separate his outer shell from his inner self. He was the only one with whom the Sahib was so frank and open. One felt as if they were childhood buddies. When they talked to each other, one could hear the loud laughter coming out of the closed doors. Other than Bahadur Yar Jung, other Muslim League leaders, such as Raja Mahmud Abad, I. I. Chundrigarh, Maulana Zahid Husain, Nawabzadah Liaquat Ali Khan, Nawab Ismail, and Ali Imam sahib used to pay visit. But the Sahib dealt with them in a professional manner, not in a frank way reserved for Bahadur Yar Jung.”

“Khan Liaquat Ali Khan must have visited quite often,” I said to Azad. Said Azad, “Yes, the Sahib treated him as if he were Sahib’s best student. And the Khan sahib listened to him very carefully, obeyed, and carried his orders. When he was asked to pay visit, sometimes he would ask me, ‘Hey, Azad, how’s Sahib’s mood today?’ I would tell him how his mood was. If the Sahib were not in his good mood, every wall in the mansion would know it. “Qaid-e-Azam took great care in his servants’ character and personal behavior. Just as he hated bodily dirt and smell, he hated bad behavior and character. He liked his assistant very much, but was very irritated when he found out that the assistant was having an affair with an employed girl. He could not tolerate this irritation for long. The assistant was asked to see him, and was fired. But after firing him, the Sahib started treating him as a friend.” Tells Azad, “Once I came home at two in the morning after having some fun. Those were the days when young blood feels certain pleasure for doing bad things. I thought the Sahib would not know about me coming in so late. But somehow he did. He called me in the next day and said in English, ‘You are developing a bad character.’ Then he said in a broken Urdu, ‘Well, we’ll have you married.’ So, when he went to Bombay from Delhi for a conference, I was married per his instructions. Although I am just a Shaikh, I am fortunate that only because of him I was married in a Sadat Family. The girl’s family accepted me because Azad was a servant of Qaid-e-Azam.” I suddenly asked Azad a question, “Ever heard Qaid-e-Azam say I am sorry?” Azad moved his fat neck in negation, “No. Never.” Then he smiled, “If by an accident he uttered the words “I am Sorry,” I’m certain he would’ve erased those words from the dictionary forever.” I think this spontaneous response of Azad sums up the entire character of Qaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Mohammad Hanif Azad is alive, in this Pakistan given to him by his Qaid-e-Azam. And now, on the map of this world, this Pakistan is struggling to stay alive with the leadership of Jinnah’s best student, Khan Liaquat Ali Khan. In this free country, outside the doors of Punjab Art Pictures, near the paan store, Azad sits on a broken cot and waits for his Master. He also prays for a better time when he would get his salary in time. He is even ready to be a Hindu, as his Master once told him, provided he gets that chance back. He was very worried when I talked to him about Qaid-e-Azam’s life. He did not have money even for a paan. When I started to make small talks to relieve him from his worries, he sighed and said, “Sahib has died. I wish I had gone on that journey with him. It would be his open white Packard. I would be at the wheel. I would drive the car very slowly to his final destination. His frail body could not tolerate jolts, you know. I’ve heard, Allah knows right or wrong, that when the airplane with him on landed in Karachi, the engine of the ambulance that took him

to the Government House was not in good condition. It stopped after going only a short distance. My Sahib must have been so annoyed.” Azad’s big eyes were full of tears.

The memorandum together with Notes on the background was presented by Syed Alla Bux Secretary General YOUNG MUSLIMS ORGANISATION MYSORE on April 30 1946 Dawn, Page Four Thursday, May 2, 1946 Memorandum to Cabinet Mission Mysore Muslims’ Demands Based on Their Historical Position in the State. By Dawn Mysore Correspondent THE following is the text of the memorandum on the historical position and demands of the Muslims of Mysore State, submitted to Lord Pathick - Lawrence, leader of the British Cabinet mission. 1799, the year in which Seringapatam fell to British happened to be the year of founding the existing Mysore state and of installing in power the present dynasty. Before this, the raja of Mysore was a Palligar (Chieftain) of 33 villages having descended from a viceroy of the Vijayanagar Empire. The Moghul Emperor at Delhi was the paramount authority in those Days, subsequent to the fall of Vijayanagar Empire. This Palligar paid an yearly subsidy to the Moghuls through the Governor of the Province Sira. Hyder Ali by his personal efforts rose from a Sepoy, in the service of the Raja of Mysore, to the Governorship of the Province of Sira. In the beginning he acted under the authority of the Moghul Emperor and later the Moghul at Delhi recognized him as an independent Sovereign by conferring the title of ‘Nawab’ on him. In the meantime the Palligar of Mysore which was a vessel of the Moghuls automatically became a subordinate of Hyder Ali. But as Hyder Ali had served under the Mysore Raja he respected him so much that even without a demand he recognized the sovereignty of the Raja over the 33 villages and did not in any way interfere with his internal administration. The subsidy that was being paid to the Sira Subedari was waived. A MUSLIM STATE Hyder Ali’s Stat was a theocratic Muslim State by reason of having a Muslim at its head and by virtue of the Islamic laws of administration enforced therein. A Muslim State was thus carved excluding the areas administered by the Raja which continued to exist as a separate Palligari. The independence of the state was recognized by the Moghul Emperor at Delhi, by the Caliphate of Constantinople and by several other European and Asiatic countries by the diplomatic relations with this Muslim State. The very style of the name of the State “Sultanate Khudadad” which recognizes the Islamic theory of paramountcy is a further argument that this State was recognized as Muslim State internationally. The Palligari of Mysore had voluntarily allied itself with the State in its foreign policy and defence, so much so that it had become a protectorate of the Muslim State. In modern terms of State-craft the State’s paramountcy vested in the Muslims and that paramountcy was untransferable without the consent of its custodians. EAST INDIA COMPANY

The east India Company, chartered as it was, a trading concern, had no right by any code of morality or existing international customs to conquer territories, administer them, dispose them off or constitute itself a body charged with responsibility of governing a people. They had no authority to transgress the very object for which the Company was chartered. Nor can the actions of the Company be validated by a transfer of their self-assumed powers to the British Crown, for the assumption of the posers itself makes their transfer null and void, more so where the Indian State are concerned. THE REAL RULERS In the case of Mysore there are many more arguments besides this. One such is that the conquest of Seringapatam reduced this Muslim State to the status of vanquished nation, but under no international custom does a vanquished nation constitute a chattle transferable from one to another at the will of the conqueror. The Palligar who was recognized by the Company as the Ruler of Mysore was not entitled to this privilege, firstly, because he was an alien to this Muslim State and for this reason the Raja must be construed to be representative of the East India Company acting under the authority and on behalf of the Company; Secondly, the British have admitted this as their policy in regard to Mysore and given effect to that Policy in their interference from time to time in the administration of the state and later in their direct assumption of the authority to rule the State as a Province of British India under a Chief Commissioner. Having had unequivocal assurances from the Raja the State was again restored to him. This rendition proves that the British never intended to recognize the present ruling family as the real rulers of Mysore. Needless to emphasize, these transactions do not invalidate or efface the paramontcy that rest with Musalmans of Mysore and so they are real rulers of Mysore and should be recognised as such. MINIMUM DEMANDS The transfer of the responsibility of governing India to Indians naturally necessitates the consideration of the historical facts summed up above. That this is a Muslim State and should be recognized as such by the powers that be is the most logical demand in the circumstances. If old ideologies like kingship have become obsolete, the position becomes easier. The Muslims of Mysore are prepared to share the responsibility of governing the State with non–Muslims, Muslims at parity with non-Muslims, in a completely responsible Government of the type of Republic. If the institution of kingship is retained. Muslims demand that some direct descendent of Tippu should be installed on the throne of Mysore and he by a proclamation shall grant full responsible government to his people with certain, absolutely necessary safeguards and residuary powers for the protection of Muslims interests. SET RIGHT THE WRONGS Other matters arising out of the change may well be left to be adjusted between the Government that will be constituted on the above lines and the neighboring Governments and peoples-especially matters such as the restoration of the territories ceded over to different powers or taken over to be governed as part of British India after the fall of Seringapatam, whether it desires to be an independent state or to join

any federation that might come to exist in the meantime and the foreign relations of the state if it chooses to be independent. As the present state of affairs is unable to satisfy the Muslims of Mysore and as the logicality and desirability of such a change cannot be questioned it is expedient that the Cabinet Delegation proceed to consider the above the settle the claims of the Muslims of Mysore and set right the wrongs done to them and blunders committed by the East India Company before they transfer power to Indian hands if the demands of the Mysore Muslims are ignored in the new scheme of things, they will have nobody whose sympathy, support or help they could claim except World opinion.

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REGISTERED/Parcel No. F.7-66/81-XP Government of Pakistan Department of Archives

P-14, Al-Markaz, F/8, Islamabad, the 24th Sep, 1981

From:- Mr. Atique Zafar Sheikh, Director of Archives To:- Syed Allah Bux, IV, E-1/5, Nazimabad Karachi-15. Sub:- Supply of Photostat Copies of Quaid-e-Azam Papers Dear Sir, Please refer to your letter No. Nil dated the 9th Sep, 1981 on the above noted subject. We are sending herewith 30 photo-copies of the documents requested by you. Please acknowledge receipt. Yours faithfully, (Atique Zafar Sheikh) Director of Archives. Encls:- As above ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

-786- S. A. BUX, Dairatul Islam, Channapatna 5th August 1941. Dear Quaed-e-Azam, I have studied with un-usual attention the proceedings of the Non Parties Conference, Poona sessions. I was not at all surprised to note that every one of them has vaxed eloquent about the Hindu-Muslim unity, while there are other problems of vital importance to claim their attention. But I was highly surprised and it pained me no little to see that a man like Sir Mirza is labouring under the same delusion. I have a very high regard for him, I had told you in Delhi that I was just keeping my eyes wide open and had not decided a political creed for myself. After the Tour, I can say now, with certainty, that the Hindu Muslim unity is no more than a farce. Here are two very interesting incidents of my tour, which may interest you and besides give you an idea as to why I have come to the conclusion. While we were at Simla, a responsible Congressite member of the Central Assembly, was staying in the room next to ours. He would talk very fast and loudly about the Hindu-Muslim unity. Under the influence of his enthusiastic talks, I began to look suspiciously at the activities of the Muslim League. I mistook the khadar-clad devil for an angel. One day I started from the hotel to meet Sir Mohamed Yaqub, but when I rang him up from the office of the Hotel, I was told Sir Mohamed was out. I returned to my room and sat thinking. The “angel” who was playing bridge and was separated from me by a wooden partition, picked up quarrel with his partner and said in a fit of anger that he was acting more meanly than even a Muslim would act. I was stunned. The devil had shed the veil, unconsciously. Another incident happened in the train that lifted the curtain off my eyes. I was smoking. A fellow passenger, another khaddar clad “angel”, asked me for a match-stick. The only matchstick in the box was extinguished by the draught. Appologitically, I offered the stump to light his cigarette with. He was horrified and refused. The meaning was too clear. Subsequently, I have found the gulf to be wider than I could ever have imagined. I am, now, quite confident that all talks of a Hindu-Muslim unity is a clever trick to keep us from attaining a Free India in which the Muslims could have equal rights; while these same “angels” would welcome a Hindu India, in which the Muslims could be allowed to exhist as a fifth class of the Hindus. The clans who have been living in water-tight chamber for centuries, cannot possibly conceive the idea of a United India with equal rights for all.

I hope that you will appreciate the decision to which I have arrived at the end. May God lift the curtain off the eyes, likewise, of all my Muslim brethren. Amen! Yours fraternally, S A Bux To, Quaed-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah, (Camp) Hyderabad.

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Syed Alla Bux Private Secretary Nawab Bahadur Yar Jang Bahadur 25 June, 1942 Dear Qaed-e-Azam, Nawab Bahadur is on tour. There is a bank Draft to be submitted to you of the contributions received here towards the Muslim League Fund. The list of names will be submitted separately. May Allah keep you fit and strong. Yours Sincerely, Sd/- Qaed-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah.

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S. A. Bux Private Secretary to Mr. Mohammed Bahadur Khan (Late) 30th June 1944. My dear Qaede Azam, The news of the too sudden death of Mr. Bahadur Khan has been communicated to you. It is rather surprising that no condolence message has reached the bereave family yet. Hashim Ali Khan, Judge of the Hyderabad High Court was one of such friends of the Qaidemillat in whom he used to confide. It was Hashim ali Khan who tried to bring together Mr. Bahadur Khan and Qazi Abdul Gaffer of the Daily Piam; so that they may come to understand each other better. On the June 23, Hashim Ali Khan had a talk over the telephone and the appointment for an informal dinner, was fixed for the night of 25th. On the evening of 25th at about 6 P.M, he had telephone call from Mr. Liaquatulla Qureshi ex-Judge of Gwaliar High court who was also invited to the party and promised to pick him up on his way. He started from the Dewdi (Qaidemillath’s residence) at quarter to Nine. He refused to take the driver and drove the car himself, and was not accompanied by any servant either. At a quarter past ten, a servant rushed to my house and informed me that there was just then a telephone call saying that Qaede Millath was ill and senseless. I ran to the Dewdi and before I could start for Hashim Ali Khan’s I had another call to say that he had expired. By this time many neighbourers had collected and were insisting to go with me. A lorry was got and we reached the place of death. Bedum Bahadur Khan who had already left was there when we reached. As I reached there, I saw many important persons from within a radius of seven miles were present. Immediately I was the face, which by this time had assumed a bluish hue, I suspected foul play. I tried to confide in some one and tried Khan Bahadur Ahmed Nawaz Jung (Ahmed Alladin), but he was too scared at the idea and I had to give him up. Then I tried Dr. Bahadur Khan (the famous surgeon of Hyderabad and who is related to the late Mr. Bahadur Khan). He was at first hesitant to declare his opinion but at last said that it would be far too beneath the dignity of Qaede Millath to suspect such things. In grief and despair, I gave up and watched. Begum Saheba was not in her senses to be approached she was crying all along. What struck me most was that all other people except the deceased’s nearest kith and kin who had reached there, were at a distance and their efforts to make a show of their grief could make any one laugh. The body was removed to the lorry which had taken us there, and police did not seem to have been informed at all. We reached the Dewdi where by this time hundreds of people had assembled – grief stricken and stunned at the news which had already spread like wild fire. On my way back, Dr. Yaseen Zubairy, brother of Dr. Yamin Zubairy secterary Ittehadul Muslimeen, who had also reached there accompanied with Mr. Yamin, but too late, was with me. I questioned him if he was quiet sure about the

cause of death and what the details were that he had heared and seen. According to the version of Mr. Yamin and Dr. Yaseen, it seems they received the telephone message from Nawab Mehdi Nawaz Jung’s ( Hashim Ali Khan having no telephone himself ) that Qaede Millath was very ill with what seems to be heart attack. They both rushed to the place. Before they reached there Dr. Hyder ali Khan, Dr. Benkat Chander, Dr. Munawar Ali Dr. Shah Nawaz and Dr. Waghray were already there. They all had lost hope. The circumstances as described to them were that he was smoking a hooka when he coughed suddenly and spasms of convulsion were observed. One or two of the guests ran to telephone for Doctors, but before the doctors arrived, the first to arrive being Dr. Hyder Ali Khan, he had expired. Dr. Yaseen hinted that the hooka should have been examined. But on a taunt from his brother, he was scared and explained that some poisonous worm might have fallen into it. This made my suspicion the stronger. It was about 2 a:m that night, when again I took aside Dr. Bahadur Khan and requested him to satisfy himself about the cause of death. Sometime later, I found him telephoning to some doctor, informing him of this sad news and asking him to come at once. He also said that he could not talk such matters over the telephone. Later on I found him talking in whispers to Mr. Ameer Ali Khan, a near relative of the deceased. Morning came and thousands of people gathered in and around the Dewdi making it extremely difficult to move about. H.E.H arrived and his face clearly indicated grave doubts. The coroner and Assistant Inspector of police arrived at 12 noon on 26th June. They began taking statements in a quiet corner. It was most surprising that statements were taken only from those persons who could not throw any light on the circumstances of his death. Those who were examined, as far as I know, were Mr. Amir Ali Khan who reached there long after the death, Mr. Abul Hassan Syed Ali who was also a late arrival. Mr. Syed Yusuf Thasawar who arrived just before the “inquest “(?) and Nawab Doulath Khan the youngest brother of the deceased who arrived from Nizamabad just then. The Coroner did not declare his verdict nor did he permit the press that even a mention could be made about it. At about 2 pm, the prince of Barar arrived and was very inquisitive about the circumstances of death. Mr. Abul Hassan Syed Ali, I do not know why tried his best impress upon him that it was a heart failure, by all sorts of concockted stories of the death of his father by heart failure and about some bullet that had passed throught the thigh of the deceased some twenty years back, which he said, had done him up now. All my efforts to find one important person to stand by me were in vain and the body was buried. Information from the King Kothi revealed that H.E.H immediately on receiving the news declared that there was foul play. Dr. Bahadur Khan who was his family doctor and knew the Qaede Millath’s constitution in and out has at last confessed before me that it could never have been a heart failure. He says that it must have been some terribly strong irritant that has found its way into the vocal cord at the moment and has locked the muscles with such force that Qaede Millath has been internally strangled to death, just as he would have been, had he been hanged by the rope. He says, also, that it was he himself who forcibly dragged the Coroner there, though it was not his

jurisdiction. The police Surgeon and the Superintendent of Police who had to take the necessary action and hold an inquest were untracable until after the burial. Dr. Bahadur Khan had been looking out for a lead from the members of the Working Committee of the late Qaede Millath in that direction, but none came within a radius of five Yards of the dead body and were all of them trying to explain away things rather than think over and investigate matters. (Next page.) Statements of those who were present at the moment of his death differ from one another. The versions of Mr. Hashim Ali Khan himself differ every time. Dr. Shah Nawaz who also saw the Body within half an hour after death thinks that it can never be a heart failure. Members of the working Committee of the Ittehadul Muslimeen have already begun quarreling over the question of electing their president. A meeting of the Coouncil for election of the president has been fixed for July 5. More details are opening up, but on most sides there is a tendency to hush up matters. I am enclosing a statement given by Befum Saheba to the Police to-day. With this, I leave it to you Qaede Azam, to think what you can and to do what you want. Telegraphically a line to acknowledge the receipt of the letter would put me at peace. Devotedly yours, Sd/- S A Bux

786 NOTE OF THE STATEMENT OF THE BEGUM SAHIBA OF THE LATE BAHADUR YAR JUNG, DATED June 30, 1944, FRIDAY: DEWDI OF THE LATE NAWAB SAHIB, TIME 1.20 P.M. BEGUN. ---------------------------------- On the 25th June at 10 O’Clock in the night, Mrs Dr Munawwar Ali telephoned to me but I could not myself talk to her as the telephone at the upper story was out of order. I ordered that the instrument from below which is kept in the Guard Room be brought up. But instead I received information that Nawab Sahib has become senseless while smoking a hooka at the residence of Hashim Ali Khan Sahib and that I should bring Dr. Bahadur Khan with me. I went to Dr Bahadur Khan’s and was told that he was called for and had already left. About 10.30 in the night I reached there. The males went aside and Mrs. Hashim ali Khan and her sister and daughters came to receive me in a manner as if I had been invited to a party, I was bewildered and asked how he was, in what state and where he was. I was asked to come up and when I reached the verandah Mrs Hashim Ali Khan told me that Nawab Sahib was finished. There were no signs of sorrow whatever on their faces but contrary to habit they were Chewing “pan’. When I went to the dead body there was no body beside it. The face and the lips were quite blue. Experienced people say that in a case of heart failure the colour does not change so quickly. I asked what had happened and what they had fed him with. I was told that he did not take anything. Asked how he died, Mrs hashim Ali Khan told me that he was finished in two pulls at the Hooka. I demanded the Hooka to be brought and shown to me and was told that it was in the adjoining room. I could not go and see the hooka as there were males there. If such a thing had happened at my place to my guest and if my heart were clean, I would have first of all shown the hooka and would have handed it over to the police. These people did not do like that. From the dead body I was taken away into another room. There after ten minutes, Lady Doctor Mrs Maqbool Ali came and sat by my side. I asked her, “Have you seen the dead Body. How the has turned blue and how the lips are above all so blue. “Without any hesitation she replied, “What is there to see. God had sent death and he died. And now you should try to be as your husband was. At this I began to cry and she said, “Are you a Muslim to cry like this. And can Muslims like you make me a Muslim.” I was badly hurt and did not talk to her. Mrs Maqbool Ali was wearing a silk Sari. She did not express any sympathy with me. Whether she was already there or had arrived later I do not know. The revolver that went off many years ago had wounded his thigh but he had never complained of any pain on this account, at any time. The revolver

had wounded his right leg. In the knee of the left leg during winter he used to feel pain. After the death of Nawab Sahib, I have informed every important personage that Nawab Sahib died of poisoning through the Hooka. Even now I suspect this. Complet inquiries and investigation may be held and I may be informed. Out of the invitees at hashim Ali Khan’s is only Qazi Abdul Gaffar, Editor of the Daily Piam, who had Differences with him on political grounds. It was Hashim ali Khan himself who had tried to being these two together for a better understanding. The late Nawab Sahib was not used to taking supper at night but would take some fruits, milk or some light diet. He used to take a full lunch. P.T.O. Read out and accepted as correct In person. In our presence the above notes were taken from the Begum Sahiba in person

1. Shah Alam Khan. (Signed) 2. Bhikan Khan. (Signed)

In Person. Abdul Naeem Khan. (Assistant Superintendent of the C.I.D.) Translation of the Notes By Syed Alla Bux, Private Secretary to The Qaidemillath, from a copy made by him as the notes were made. Sd/- S A Bux

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Syed Alla Bux Ex-Private Secretary to The late Nawab Bahadur. SHAMSIA CHANCHALGUDA HYDRABAD DECCAN 2nd April 1946 My dear Qaede Azam You must be too busy. Please enlist me as one of your soldiers in the coming fight. Ittehadul Muslamin leaders have left for Delhi yesterday by train. Mr. Abdul Hassan Syed Ali had left for Delhi by air today. Both these may seek to meet you and place their views on different matters before you. The Dichpalli mosque agitation which culminated in the Shah Manzil episode may figure in the talks. As I analyse, the party in power in the Majlis desired to make a political stunt out of this commonplace affair which could have been set right without much ado. Chattari wanted a stunt to his credit for securing extension. H.E.H was out to shoot two birds at a time --- one, allaying Muslim suspicions in him and the other creating a convention of interfering in the day to day administrating in spite of the Executive Council. The British element in the Council opposed this interference. The forces fought each other --- and the clash came when all had been settled as every body desired. H.E.H himself is not, many believe, above intrigues. But Chattari certainly is not innocent. If he pleads not guilty he must admit his incompetence. The party in power in the Majlis had demonstrated its bankruptcy of leadership and is now at its wits end to get out of the situation. Their opinion and activities are influenced by their desire to secure release of arrested leaders by cajoling Government. They are supporting Chattari and seeking his protection not knowing that his boat is sinking. H.E.H has decided to take Mirza. But Mirza shall not come here unless he comes through you, unless you are sure that he will not harm Muslim interests. The decision has been taken. The announcement may come any moment. You should know what to do but something must be done With respects, Yours obediently, Sd/- The Qaede Azam, New Delhi

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S. A. Bux Ex private Secretary to The Late Bahadur Yar Jung Bahadur 1336 CIV, Begum Bazar Hydrabad Deccan 8th February 1946 My dear Qaide Azam, I thank you for having given me nearly an hour at Delhi on 27-1-46. An undesirable person was with me and though your secretary pointedly told us that the appointment was in my name and that I could choose to go with him or alone he clung to me and I had to drop off the object of my troubling you. Rumours were rife in Hyderabad that Sir Mirza Ismail was to be appointed the president of Executive Council of H.E.H. The rumour was also current that it was your intervention that had stopped his appointment here at least for the time being. The next choice that was named in knowledgable circles was Nawab Salar Jung Bahadur of the well know Salar Jung family. It was known that Nawab Salar Jung was working feverishly for achieving this object and his money flowed into the open mouths of British Agents for this purpose. It was believed that he had converted the Residency to his side and that he was working on Political Department officials at Delhi for their support. Your remark about the present President is fresh in my memory and I think that the same word would be a hundred times more suitable to this aspirant of that office. I think that if the choice was between this gentleman and Sir Mirza, any one would prefer the latter and even if the choice as between the present occupant and the latter, one would cast his vote in favour of the latter. As a Mysorean, I have had occasion to study Sir Mirza from close quarters and even without this intimate knowledge I would proclaim him to be one of the best administrators in India. The only hurdle according to Muslim Circles here is that he is an out and out pro-Hindu politician. I do not think that he is a political mind at all; his politics are unswerving loyalty to the Ruler and every effort for the all round progress of the State that he serves. In short I believe that he can adjust himself to circumstances. I thought that if I were given an opportunity I could study his reactions to the case of the Hyderabad Muslims. So I contacted him and sought to meet him; he replied favourable. I met the Muslim leaders here, but they were uncommunicative. I got the impression that his other handicap was that he is a Shia and that the Shia party here would

succeed in enveloping him and erasing his zest in no time. But, compared with the other aspirant who is also a Shia and who is in the bad books with both the Ruler and public and who must needs be thrust upon an unwilling Ruler and an unwilling public by the British paramountcy to strengthen its hold further, Sir Mirza would be definitely better. Moreover in the present situation, when the Muslims and H.E.H are both trying to induce the Hindus to work out the reforms, it would be easier to bring around the Hindus with a strong man at the helm of affairs with Sir Mirza’s pro-Hindu reputation as another advantage, if he held out an assurance to those responsible that he would not loosen the Muslim hold over this vast Kingdom. With these ideas, I proceeded to Jaipur having studied the Muslim case as best as my understanding could grasp. The intention was that even if he did not hold out any such assurance and was thrust upon an unwilling Hyderabad, I would have the satisfaction of having put the case of Muslims before him in time before he takes a decision. In my six successive interviews with him, I discussed many things and was at least able to discuss Hyderabad frankly with him. He told me that he was not hankering after the job, but that was convinced that he was the only man who could save Hyderabad and develop it. I talked away how it was believed that he killed Urdu in Jaipur. He denied it emphatically and claimed that he had actually saved it from being strangled to death. I said that it was believed that he had a hand in the late Qaide Millath’s externment from Kashmir. He replied that nothing could be more untrue. I said that the late Qaide Millath was told that he had spoken ill of him before the Princess of Berar. He replied that it was incredulous there being neither an occasion nor the necessity for him to do it. He said that his picture could not have been painted blacker. I told him that he had written a letter to you before he came to Jaipur and that the same was the subject of a great many misunderstandings about him. He replied that he was not wrong in writing that letter nor was there anything bad about it and that he could even now write a similar letter to you. I explained to him the case of Hyderabad, the Muslim case and Muslim demands and gave him a note a copy of which as re-written from memory is enclosed. He gave me a very patient hearing and remarked that the Muslims were the obstacle to his coming to Hyderabad. I said that the obstacle could become his biggest support if he could assure them of his intentions regarding their aspirations. He said in reply, “After all I am a Muslim”. I clarified the position saying that he must not do anything which could harm the Muslim cause, he must do everything to satisfy the demands of the Majlis, must do everything to secure and uphold the independence of Hyderabad, and must not allow himself to be ruled by party cliques. He said that he would do his best. I next told him that I would write a letter to him about these and asked him if he would condescend to reply it assuring me about these things; to this he replied, ‘Don’t drag me down to that. If you like you can assure the Muslims of Hyderabad on my behalf that I will do nothing which would harm their interests”. I asked if I could say that he had told me to assure them, he said “Yes”. It would not be out of place to mention here that I had assured him that I was speaking in my personal capacity and that I had no other capacity.

I told him that from Jaipur I was proceeding to Delhi to see the Raja Sahib of Mehmudabad and if possible Qaide Azam and asked him if it would be desirable to give a graphic account of this interview to them. He said that he did not know the Raja Sahib but if I thought fit I could tell him also besides you. I promised him my best efforts and told him that I would communicate to him the result of my interview with you. The gigantic post-war schemes require a man of sound administrative experience and a great builder. Constitutional Reforms require a man of his pro-Hindu reputation. Bahadur Yar jung is dead, with him is gone the strength and solidarity of the Majlis. His most veritable successor is practically out of the Majlis. Chattari’s extension has been deferred. The efforts of both these candidates must be enough to oust him. It will be ruinous to Hyderabad if the other man succeeds. If our weight is in the scale in favour of Sir Mirza he will be bolder and stronger; of course Muslims will make a show of opposing him but that will further strengthen his hands. You should know better. If I am wrong command me to shut up. With respects. Yours Obediently Sd/- S. A. Bux

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SYED ALLA BUX Shamsia Chanchalguda, Hyderabad Deccan, 12th June 46. My dear Sir Mirza, This letter claims your careful perusal. I want to place before you things as plainly as possible and if anything looks rather sharp please attribute it to the agitated state of my mind. Mr. Jinnah, I am assured by informed quarters, is coming to Hyderabad to Prevent H.E.H. from taking you. I await confirmation from Delhi but his visit is decided. I am determined to make a desperate and bold move driven by my conviction that you are best suited to Hyderabad and that this time you are entirely for the Muslims and Muslim cause. Your statement before a responsible person during your stay here that Muslims could at best hope for a cent per cent weightage and that their claim for parity in representation was ridiculous is being circulated in all responsible Muslim Quarters. All the Civil Service officers including some heads of Departments and Secretaries as well as influential public spirited young men whom I had converted to favour you have begun to criticize sharply on this score. The open and unreserved lift you gave to Nawab Hosh Yar Jung who has beyond any doubt proved himself, throughout his career, the most clever and dangerous intriguer of Hyderabad has badly startled sincere workers and officials. I have carefully watched how he tried to budge in at the opportune moment as your prime supporter even though he was loudest in opposing you not long back. I also know how Sir Sultan Ahmed began to take an open interest in your case, thereby trying to establish a permanent grip over you and as to how he employed Hoshyar Jung and Qazi Abdul Ghaffar. I have noted with grave apprehensions that these persons were trying to encircle you in a net of intrigues. I have keenly observed with a heavy heart the vaning enthusiasm of Nawab Shaheed Yar Jung your most sincere and ardent supporter from the very outset, when he felt that you had been surrounded by Hoshyar Jung and his friends. It is a matter of grave concern to me that strange rumours are being spread by some of those who met you which have startled sincere patriots, dynamic young Muslims and capable officers who did not think it proper to meet you or to talk to you on the real problems facing Hyderabad just yet. You will have to excuse me a little frank talk. Things have been developing so fast that there is no other way.

One thing must be made clear at the outset, even though it might appear a reiteration. We want you in Hyderabad for more sublime reasons than better administration. Things are changing so fast and so decisively in the All-India field that we have to make up our mind whether to quit Hyderabad once for all or stay here honourably. We are interested in Hyderabad because this is the island in sight for Muslims from Hindu Provinces and States where they can seek refuge. Muslims of Mysore too look up to Hyderabad as their last refuge. We do not believe that we are going to have an easy time in any Hindu-dominated Government. And that is why we do not want to lose our hold over Hyderabad. The task of having Hyderabad for Muslims is a very grave one and very difficult too. We back you as the champion of our cause and we want you for the cloak you have worn all these days of pro-Hindu and pro-Gandhi leanings. We cannot now depend on the strength of Muslim public opinion in Hyderabad to be able to save this State for Muslims. Aurangzeb Alamgir conquered this land 600 years back with the force of arms. You are going to do it again. This battle must be fought with the cunning and skill of clever brains. It is a struggle for existence. If I think that you are the right man for this, it is not my fault. You and your ability have given me to believe it. If what they say is true in connection with Mr Jinnah’s visit it looks as though all our efforts on that front have been negatived by some agency more powerful and influencial ---- Most probably Mr Ghulam Muhammad and Mr Laik Ali on the one hand and the Chattari clique on the other. Though Chattari himself seems to be indifferent as to what happens, his sympathizers are working with unabated energy still. I learn from a reliable source that Mr Jinnah is going to ask H.E.H to select on of the three, Sir Firoz Khan, Sir Nasimuddin and Mr Gulam Muhammad. You know H.E.H. has got to accept his advice if he insists or he would have to risk the support and sympathy of Muslim public opinion. The risk is too great and we ourselves wish he does not take that risk. But somehow we have got to straighten out things. I must be frank in spite of the fear of offending you. You do not care for the job and might not care for Hyderabad and the Muslims of Hyderabad. But what have you really done for the Muslim community in the past? Have you made any substantial contribution to the Muslim cause? If you have not, is it not high time that make some lasting contribution to stone for your past? We want the sacrifice of your self-respect, your personal attachments and political ideologies. I appeal to you in the name of the life and existence of 25 lakh Muslims of Hyderabad and lakhs of others who will have eventually to take refuge in Hyderabad to make this sacrifice, for now is the opportunity. No sacrifice is too great when you know what is at stake. I need not tell you Mr Jinnah is no fool. He must know your value and your worth. He must realize that you are the right man for Hyderabad. He must be able to assess the value of your pro-Hindu reputation. We will have our chance with him and may be we will succeed. But that depends on how much willingness on your part to make a compromise with Mr Jinnah will be translated into motion. We are mobilizing all support we can secure for you. We have our arguments, entreaties and assurances held out by you. We can assure, on this strength, that the position of Muslims will be protected in this state. But in spite of all this we may not be able to convince him

without a direct commitment from you. If you like you may contact the Raja Sahib of Mahmudabad either directly or through us. But the necessity for compromise cannot be overlooked. This is how we think you are going to adjust matters. You will assure Mr Jinnah or somebody on his behalf that in All-India matters the policy of the State will not be such as to be unacceptable or harmful to the Muslim League. You will pledge financial help and moral support to the Muslim cause in the All-India field. You will work with an understanding with local Muslim patriots that they should, to all appearances, charge you with pro-Hindu and at times anti-Muslim bias and will encourage agitation by them and as if to placate Muslim public opinion you will concede to them as much as possible short of anything which would cause a Hindu revolt. In short you will work on a clever plan calculated to save Hyderabad for Muslims under the guise of building it. As president of the Executive Council you public utterances will be so balanced as to give no room for misunderstanding or discontent in Indian Muslim public opinion. I do not know if I should or should not take some liberties on your behalf. I want your reactions to my frank opinions and sincere suggestions. You can trust me with a line in reply. Immediately I hear from you I will proceed to Delhi and so I am anxious that this reaches you in time. You must excuse me little presumptuousness if you believe that I am. Very sincerely yours Sd/- S. A. Bux Sir Mirza H. Ismail, E.C.I.E., O.B.S.,

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Private Bangalore 14th June 1946. My dear Allah Bux Thank you very much for your letter. What a terrible place Hyderabad is! The people are so suspicious and believe anything they hear, however absurd or fantastic it may be. I am not a man to be rude to any body -- especially when I go to a place as a visitor. Hoshyar Jung and so many others were nice to me and I was nice to them. That is all. The Muslims need have no fear that I am going to sacrifice their interests in the slightest degree. How can I possibly persuade that no Muslim Administrator in India could serve Hyderabad Ruler and Muslim cause more effectively and loyally than I would. If I come to Hyderabad it will be with that intention and no other - - to do my very best for the dynasty and its Muslim Subjects. I expressed no opinion on the proposed reforms for the simple reason that I know nothing about them. All I said was that it would be wise thing to bring them into operation. The longer the Announcement is delayed the worse might become the position of the Muslims. That was the opinion of several patriotic Muslims in Hyderabad too. Yours Sincerely (sd) Mirza H. Ismail P.S. Please treat this letter as private (Sd) M.I. “COPY” Sd/- S. A. B ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

S. A. Bux Ex-Private Secretary to the late Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung Bahadur 1336 C (1), Bedum Bazar, Hyderabad Dn. 19th June 46. My dear Qaide Azam I invite your reference to my letters dated 8th February, 11th February and 2nd April, 1946. I enclose herein copies of two letters, one written by me to Sir Mirza Ismail and the other his reply to it. With all the emphasis at my command I have fully impressed upon him during numerous interviews and several letters that Hyderabad must be saved at any cost for the Muslims under the guise of building it and that to achieve that object your patronage and the support of the Muslim League is indispensable. I am glad to say that he has pledged himself to this programme and due to different influences I have brought to bear upon him he is willing to cooperate with the Muslim League for carrying out this programme in Hyderabad. I hope to bring him on his knees before you and I request you not to push back a very useful man who is coming into your folds. I need not tell you that only a man who is apparently an established pro-Hindu but who is at heart pledged to serve the Muslim cause, can save Hyderabad now. Sir Mirza had come round and has been fully inspired. I am today leaving for Bangalore and hope to get a more definite commitment from him. A Firman of H.E.H was privately circulated the day before yesterday among Members of the Executive Council announcing the appointment of Sir Mriza and saying that if the Nawab Sahib of Chattari desires to relinquish office immediately he may had over charge to Sir Mehdi Yar Jung, the Deputy President. Yesterday a letter has been written by H.E.H to Sir Mirza asking him to come and take over charge of office as soon as possible. I want that he should obtain you blessings before he assumes office in Hyderabad. Anyhow I shall acquaint you with the whole situation after my return from Bangalore. I was glad to learn from a youngman named Mr. Bahauddin Salim that you have accepted his invitation to tome to Hyderabad to be weighed in gold and silver. I very

warmly welcome the honour you want to bestow on Hyderabad. All the Muslims here are beaming with enthusiasm to give a befitting reception to their Qaede Azam, the single-handed fighter and champion who has successfully fought to liberate the Muslims from a double yoke of slavery. But the notice is too short. It would facilitate arrangements if you would please fix your programme somewhere in the end of July. I trust you will have received a telegramme to this effect before this reaches you. With respects. Obediently yours. Sd/- S. A. Bux The Qaede Aza

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S. A. Bux Shamsia, Chanchalguda, Hyderabad Deccan, 12th July 1946 Dear Qaide Azam, In reply to my request for an interview, your Secretary told me that you said that if I was seeking an interview to discuss the subject matter of the letters I had been writing to you, you saw no need to grant me an interview. I do not mean to offend you if I tell you that the money of a Laik Ali or an Alladin could buy your support to their aims, while all our sincerety and selfless entreaties could not attract you attention. You could not have dared to refuse an interview to a mediocre like Babu Khan and could take the initiative to invite a declared and deliberate enemy of the Muslim cause like Ali Yavar Jung to come and see you. You should not take this as an offence as these are plain facts. I am taking this opportunity to write to you because I am anxious to tell you inspite of your refusal to meet me what I would have told you if I had secured an interview. The only pity is that you cannot now reach my mind by cross-examining me. In the first instance, ever since this affair began you have relied most probably on reports from interested quarters which sought to exploit your personal dislike of Sir Mirza. I have every reason to believe that my method of approach to the problem was the right one and that you are, now, convinced of it yourself, having studied the position from close quarters… If you have understood the position as correctly as I do, even now much can be saved. One side of the developments since July 5 (my last letter) may still be unknown to you. H.E.H was very much perturbed at the prospect of his being forced by your extraordinary influence to change his decision. If his decision had not become public and as final as it was, he might have revised it. To add to this there was the clamour of the Congress Press that you were coming here with the one and only object to preventing him from taking Sir Mirza. The plain fact is that he was afraid that any change in his already too public a decision would give a just reason for the undesirable interference on the part of Congress. This reluctance on his part to displease you on the one side and to maintain his own prestige on the other landed him in a very uncomfortable position. That was when we could, and did, exert all our influence in your favour on the right plea that to displease you in the least would be to create a division in the loyalty of the local Muslims and putting a stop to all the sympathies of Muslim India in general. At this juncture the statement of the President of the Majlis who could not be brought round to accept this line of action turned the tables against us. He is known to have been instigated by Chattari to issue that statement. Inspite of this set-back we were

not disheartened. We suppressed all counter-statements we could lay hands upon. Of course, Hindu leaders did issue statements commenting upon this, but the fact that for two days we could successfully control even the deliberately anti-Ittehadul Muslimeen Plan from publishing such matters must be noted. We actually got a printed statement erased from the printing machine at 4 O’clock in the morning and burned the copies that carried it. I am enclosing a copy of this statement as printed in the copies which were burnt (July 7th) as also a copy which was finally distributed. Even before this overtures from the side of H.E.H had begun and we were asked to help him to save the prestige of the Throne. To do this as harmlessly as possible we decided to bring out a pamphlet which would carry statements supporting Sir Mirza, so that we could give you an impression of the strength of the section of opinion supporting him and at the same time strengthen the hands of H.E.H (as interpreted by circles close to him). But this pamphlet could not come out of the press until the evening of 9th July that is after your audience with H.E.H. In the meantime one statement in favour of Sir Mirza had slipped out of our hands and that was perhaps one of the reasons for stiff attitude of H.E.H. The attitude of H.E.H before your arrival here was this: He was going to tell you of the difficulties in his way to change the decision and was going to give you every possible assurance on behalf of Sir Mirza or himself and was in favour of convincing you by arguments and if necessary by appeals and entreaties. Some of his advisors had told him that you would not be adamant and that in view of his unenviable position you would agree. This is perhaps where they committed the mistake. I apprehend that your interview with Mr. Zahid Hussain suddenly changed his attitude. You must have laid all your cards on the table, with the result that every word that was told to you during the audience was pre-determined; so that he might not lose his case by allowing you a chance to argue. We came to know of this during the night itself and met his advisors and told them that in any case you shall not be displeased. We were given the impression that it would be so. My greatest handicap was that in spite of my efforts I could not secure an interview with you before you was H.E.H. Without having known the attitude of H.E.H which is best reflected from that of his advisors as it had developed after your interview with Mr. Zahid Husain, the way in which you opened the question was a little too abrupt. In the meantime we were hoping, all of us that matters ancillary to the position of Hyderabad vis-à-vis Cabinet Mission’s proposals would prolong your interviews with him and that the stage of decisions would come only after two or three days. But the decision had been taken that H.E.H would adopt a firm attitude, as firm as he could, and he would simply not allow you to open your case by announcing that everything had been decided and that all advice at this stage was too late. As far as I know, and indeed the fact is an open secret, that he did not allow you to talk upon this matter and the meeting ended abruptly within forty minutes. On your side the cause of your insistence was said to be H.E.H’s telegram to the Viceroy that you were not to be allowed to interfere in his internal affairs. If this issue had been raised directly but in a rather apologetic tone you might have been more successful. But what has happened cannot be undone.

Our misfortune is that you immediately began discussing this matter as loudly as you could, for instance, you discussed the issue in your interview with Nawab Hassan Yar Jung and Nawab Mandoor khan in the presence of two irresponsible type of young men Mr. Bahauddin Salim and Noles and before long your whole attitude was public. You are said to have suggested direct action on the issue of Majlis Leaders. This attitude of yours gave rise to grave apprehensions in circles close to H.E.H and in the minds of all informed Hyderabadies. Our gravest fear was that you might say something undesirable at the public meeting. We conveyed this fear to the circles close to H.E.H, and their reaction as also that of H.E.H himself was that he was prepared to meet you and make it up with you if you did not say anything in the public meeting detrimental to the interests of Hyderabad and if you took the initiative to meet him again. The real fact is that the attitude of H.E.H depends on his advisors, but when he takes a definite stand they are powerless to change it. But as you know he is a man of moods and when he is in a good mood they take the opportunity to convert him to their views. It is no use cursing his lack of foresight; we have to make the best out of a bad situation. The first condition having been fulfilled, whether through the appeals of the Resident or others, the only thing that now remains is that you should seek another interview apparently to discuss other matters with H.E.H. If this is done, I am convinced H.E.H himself will try to make it up with you. It appears that the Resident and Ali Yavar Jung have given H.E.H the impression that matters will as a matter of course be straightened out after one or two weeks and that there is no cause for anxiety. This means that time will heal every thing. We do not want this. We desire that your presence and its disquieting effect on H.E.H should sober him down to ease out feelings of both sides. If the other impression gains ground a compromise may become very difficult. Some quarters fear that Sir Mirza may not be so anxious to seek your blessings and pleasure, now that you have exerted your full pressure end influence against him and failed. But I don’t think this is correct. To do justice to him he is not a man to use such tactical advantages where you are concerned. I am sure he sincerely believes that your sympathy and support will be necessary to save Hyderabad. As such I am confident that he is still prepared to make it up with you in the same manner as he was when I last met him at Bangalore on June 23. You might ask, “why all this”. You are doing nothing for yourself and revenge for a disappointment which you had to suffer at the hands of the very man whose interest you desired to safeguard does not behove your sincerety. To revenge or to take out strong action against H.E.H at this moment would be to ruin Hyderabad and Her Mussalmans. If you break off your connections with Hyderabad we might be severely handicapped, for it is through his fear of you that we can bring him round if he (Sir Mirza) fails us in his promises. You shall not fail us now saying “Your Rulers did not accept my advice. So go to hell with him”. For God’s Sake do not even think of this. Sir Mirza has been taken for 2 years. You can push some dynamic administrator like Mr Ghulam Muhammad into the Vice-Premiership in place of the imbecile Sir Mehdi Yar Jung and you can make sure that he succeeds Sir Mirza. During these two years

we will exploit Sir Mirza’s pro-Hindu reputation as usefully as we can. When that cloak is off, any other would be as good as he. There are very vital problems before Hyderabad, for instance the status of Hyderabad in the Union if it comes into being the Negotiation Committed vis-à-vis Hyderabad, the Ceded Districts the question of securing a Sea Port. One supreme effort should be made now when things are still being shaped. All these questions must the discussed by you with H.E.H. The way Chattari bartered away Hyderabad to the chamber of Princes through the machinations of Ali Yaver Jung deserves all condemnation. Ali Yaver Jung is now master of all he surveys. Please get him out of Hyderabad if you can and you will save Hyderabad. He is a hundred times more harmful then what Sir Miraz might have been if he were what you think he is. Concluding, I must reiterate that if you express the least hostility to Hyderabad played in Kashmir. Your hostility may even end Hyderabad within two years, for there will be the invasion of Hindus and the division of loyalties between the Ruler and yourself would derive the last nail in the coffin. Yesterday’s developments are worth notice. Some responsible persons approached Hosh Yar Jung and asked him to initiate a compromise from that side. As the public meeting was in sight he had promised to take interest in this but this morning he flatly refused. This man is definitely know as the man Sir Sultan Ahmed and as such all his actions are feared to be calculated to harm your prestige. But the biggest difficulty is that this man enjoys the confidence of H.E.H. Therefore it is better that you take the initiative to meet H.E.H and clear all the cloud. In the meantime we will work on the other front and willl try to persuade Sir Mirza to understand your point of view and work out his way to see you and settle matters at first hand. Let me urge on you that any compromise on this score either with H.E.H or the Resident will be of no avail. Sir Mirza was quite prepared to give you every possible commitment to your entire satisfaction. Although certain interested person have communicated to him on the telephone every development since you came here; still I trust that he can be forced to come to terms with you. Few people in Hyderabad desire this. And my friends and I are among these few I am determined to pursue my line of action, driven by a strong conviction that you shall appreciate my sincerety soon after you have overcome your rage at this disappointment. However a hint of your reactions in regard to my line of action would further strengthen my hands and my determination to fight it out to successful conclusion With respects, Yours Obediently Sd/- S. A. Bux Qaide Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Rocklands, Hyderabad Daccan.

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