Social Inclusion of Children in

School, with a Focus on Girls in

Tribal Communities,

through the Multilingual Education(MLE) Initiative in Orissa

Catherine CuadraDebanjana DasNicole GoldsteinSu Hyun KimNivedita Priyadarshini

In collaboration withXavier Institute of Management (XIMB)Bhubaneswar, Orissa

KCCI / 2008 – 01

Design & Printing : Rajdhani Art Press | 98102 45301

Disclaimer

The views expressed in this case study are those of the authors alone and do not necessarily

reflect the policies or the views of UNICEF and the Xavier Institute of Management,

Bhubaneswar, Orissa.

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Contents

List of Tables, Graphs and Text Boxes 3

Acknowledgements 4

Acronyms & Glossary 5

Foreword 7

Executive Summary 8

Introduction 10

Social exclusion of the Scheduled Tribes 10

Inclusion in education 12

Inclusionary mechanisms under the Indian Constitution 12

Inclusion of STs through education 13

Quality of process and language 13

Connections between language, education, and exclusion of STs 14

Connections between ST girls and marginality 15

MLE as a strategy for social inclusion in Orissa 16

Background 18

Intervention 21

Actors 25

Methodology 27

Objectives 27

Site selection 27

Study sample 29

Data collection methods 28

Research constraints and limitations 31

Presentation of Findings and Analysis 32

Enrolment 33

Dropout rates 35

Absenteesim 36

MLE and the girl child 37

Participation 37

Community responses to MLE 38

Community participation 39

Service delivery 40

Incentives to parents 40

Recruitment 40

Training 42

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Service delivery from functionaries 43

School-based infrastructure 43

Working with community-based organizations 45

Operational sustainability 45

Consolidation 46

Suggestions and Policy Implications 48

General suggestions 48

Specific suggestions 48

Conclusion 50

References 51

Annexures 53

3

List of Tables, Maps, Figures, Graphs, andInserts

Tables

Table 1: Population below poverty line in India: STs 10

Table 2: Population of Orissa 11

Table 3: Key development indicators: India, Orissa, and Keonjhar 19

Table 4: MLE structure from OPEPA 23

Table 5: Block profile (2007) 28

Table 6: Village and school profile (2007) 29

Table 7: Respondents 30

Table 8: Changes in girl child enrolment (2007–2008) 35

Table 9: Summary of findings 47

Maps

Map 1: State of Orissa 11

Figures

Figure 1: MLE educational promotion poster 21

Figure 2: MLE materials in a tribal museum 24

Figure 3: Structure of the MLE network 26

Graphs

Graph 1: Distribution of school enrolment by gender, location, and caste 15

Inserts

Insert 1: Paina Juang: A success story of a dropout girl from Duarsuni village, 36

Banspal block

Insert 2: Abhiram Juang: Learning from his own experience 41

Insert 3: Susmita Juang: Access to higher education denied 45

Acknowledgements

We take this opportunity to thank UNICEF India and the Knowledge Community on Children in

India (KCCI) programme for allowing us to be a part of their team.

We also thank UNICEF Orissa and our supervisor, Professor Peppin, at the Xavier Institute of

Management (XIMB), Bhubaneswar, for their support and guidance throughout the internship.

Further, we would like to acknowledge the contributions of officials from the Orissa Primary

Education Programme Authority (OPEPA) for their assistance in procuring data and for aiding

us during our fieldwork.

And finally, special thanks to the Juang community of Keonjhar district for sharing their

experiences and views with us.

4

List of Acronyms

AT Attitudinal Training

BRC Block Resource Centre

BRCC Block Resource Centre Coordinator

CRC Cluster Resource Centre

CRCC Cluster Resource Centre Coordinator

DIET District Institute of Education and Training

DPC District Project Coordinator

DPEP District Primary Education Programme

ECE Early Childhood Education

FGD Focus Group Discussion

GoI Government of India

KGBV Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya

MCS Model Cluster School

MLE Multilingual Education

MTA Mother Teacher Association

NCF National Curriculum Framework

NFE Non-formal Education

NGO Non-government Organization

NPEGEL National Programme for Education of Girls at Elementary Level

OPEPA Orissa Primary Education Programme Authority

PRA Participatory Rural Appraisal

PTA Parent Teacher Association

SC Scheduled Caste

SSA Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan

ST Scheduled Tribe

TLM Teaching Learning Material

UNDAF United Nations Development Assistance Fund

UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund

VEC Village Education Committee

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Glossary

Gram sabha village meeting

Jati mahasabha community awareness-raising approach to social and economic

problems faced by Scheduled Tribe communities

L1 first (mother tongue) language: Juang

L2 second language: Oriya

L3 third language: English

Panchayat village-level local self-governing body

Rupantar teacher training programme designed to train tribal teachers in Juang

language and education

Srujan village-level awareness-raising programme targeting all community

members on the importance of education

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Foreword

The Knowledge Community on Children in India is a partnership between the Government of

India and UNICEF which aims to fill knowledge gaps and to promote information-sharing on

policies and programmes related to children in India. In 2008, under the aegis of this initiative, 82

graduate students from India and across the world visited and documented projects focused on

child rights and development. Their vibrant perspectives, commitment, and hard work are reflected

in this series of case studies, which are published by UNICEF.

The case studies cover key sectors linked to children and development and address important

policy issues concerning children in India. These include: primary education, reproductive and

child health, water and sanitation, child development and nutrition, social exclusion and village

planning. Based on desk research and field work, these case studies tell the story of innovations

in service delivery, what works, why and under what conditions, and put a human face to the

successes and challenges of development in India.

UNICEF recognises the potential and power of young people as drivers of change and future

leadership across the globe. As such, the KCCI Summer Internship Programme also aims to

develop a cadre of young research and development professionals with an interest, commitment

and skills relating to the promotion and protection of child rights. UNICEF hopes to continue this

collaboration with young researchers, the Government of India, and various research partners,

so as to bring fresh perspectives and energy to development research and our ongoing efforts

towards the fulfilment of the rights of children and women in India.

Karin Hulshof

Representative

UNICEF India

Executive Summary

Under Article 350A, the Indian Constitution guarantees education in the mother tongue for

linguistic minorities, yet a large number of schoolchildren at the primary level continue to be

taught in a foreign language.1 Prior to 2006, access to mother-tongue education had not been

provided in Orissa, which contributed to the lower educational achievements of children from

the Scheduled Tribes (STs), as well as to their low enrolment, high dropout, and absenteeism

rates. In short, ST children were excluded from the school institution because of language.

Moreover, ST communities were locked out of the formal education system because it simply

did not cater to their needs nor give recognition to their culture.

Many studies have also shown that non-mother-tongue education places girl children at a greater

disadvantage than their male counterparts and access to schooling is most limited when schools

expect these girl children to have linguistic resources that do not exist in their environment. Thus

there is a strong link between language and gender injustice.

To address these problems, in 2006, the Government of Orissa along with UNICEF initiated the

Multilingual Education Intervention (MLE) in the tribal-dominated districts of the state. Since

2007, MLE has been introduced in 200 schools, covering ten tribal language groups across eight

districts of Orissa.

To examine the extent to which the MLE intervention is socially inclusive, and to study its

impact on the inclusion of STs in state education, the team surveyed two villages in Keonjhar

district, situated in north-eastern Orissa, where MLE has been operating for a year. The selected

villages are populated solely by the Juang tribe, one of the most populous STs in Keonjhar

district and also one of India’s primitive tribes. The MLE intervention has already developed a

track record of success in these villages, raising hopes that if MLE could be implemented

successfully here, then there is potential for scaling-up in other areas.

The team conducted interviews with various functionaries at the state, district, block, village,

and school levels in order to better understand the intervention. In addition, focus group discussions

(FGDs) were held with Juang children and community members to gain insights into the views

1 Part XVII, Chapter IV: Special Directive, 350A. Facilities for instruction in mother tongue at the primary stage. Itstates: ‘It shall be the endeavour of every state and of every local authority within the state to provide adequatefacilities for instruction in the mother tongue at the primary stage of education to children belonging to linguisticminority groups; and the President may issue such directions to any state as he considers necessary or proper forsecuring the provision of such facilities.’

8

of the intended beneficiaries regarding the intervention, to capture the experiences of MLE-

educated children, and to learn about the processes and practices followed in MLE schools.

The case study demonstrates that the MLE intervention has had a positive affect on enrolment

rates, has led to decreased dropout rates, and has raised community awareness of and

participation in education. Although MLE does not feature a gender dimension, it runs alongside

the National Programme for Education of Girls at Elementary Level (NPEGEL) and indirectly

raises parents’ awareness of the importance of education for children regardless of gender. The

MLE curriculum has created a new enthusiasm for the school institution as it aims to foster

child-centred learning, as well as providing a place and voice for parents within the school. In

addition, as the curriculum has been developed according to Juang folklore and tradition, MLE

has encouraged the community to take pride in their own culture and values.

Despite the aforementioned successes, many gaps and challenges still remain. A shortage of

qualified tribal teachers, limited MLE funds, poor school infrastructure, and low community

engagement with and involvement in educational issues persist. In considering these shortcomings,

this case study draws attention to some general proposals and some more specific suggestions

with particular reference to the girl child.

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Introduction

Social exclusion of the Scheduled Tribes

In order to tackle the problem of social exclusion in India, it is important to understand the

processes by which people are excluded. STs are excluded by institutions and behaviour that

reflect, reinforce, and reproduce prevailing social attitudes and values, particularly those of

powerful groups in society. Sometimes this exclusion is open and intentional, such as when state

institutions deliberately discriminate in their laws, policies, and programmes.2 The caste system,

then, should be seen in the light of the above statement. In India, it functions as a form of social

and economic organization based on the principles of hierarchy (graded inequality). Exclusion

has historically served to deny lower-ranked groups in general, and ST and SC groups in particular,

access to economic, political, and cultural resources and social respect.3 Indeed, STs occupy the

lowest rungs in this hierarchy and are one of the most socially deprived and neglected groups in

India. They have historically suffered from exclusion, isolation, and underdevelopment due to

differences in ethnicity, language, social organization, and economic structure. The total ST

population in India is 84,326,240, which is 8.2 per cent of the total population.4 There are 573

STs, of which 75 STs are recognized as ‘primitive’, living in different parts of the country.

Although the ST population is unevenly distributed among the states, nearly 60 per cent of all ST

children of primary school-going age (6–10 years) reside in six states: Andhra Pradesh, Bihar,

Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh.5 The latter five states are among the

most disadvantaged states in India measured across most social indicators.6

Table 1: Population below poverty line in India: STs (NSSO, 1999–2000)7

Population below poverty line (%) India STs

Rural areas 27.09 45.86

Urban areas 23.62 34.75

Average 25.8 39.9

2 Department for International Development (DFID) Policy Paper (2005). Reducing Poverty by Tackling SocialExclusion. London, p. 1.

3 Geetha Nambissan, ‘Exclusion, Inclusion and Education: Perspectives and Experiences of Dalit Children’, March2008, p. 4.

4 Census of India, 2001. S.ee also Registrar General and Census Commissioner, 2005.

5 K. Sujatha, ‘Education among Scheduled Tribes’, India Education Report, p. 87.

6 Chapter on Elementary Education (SSA and Girls’ Education) for the Eleventh Five Year Plan, Working GroupReport, p. 31.

7 National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO), 1999–2000.

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The general population of Orissa lags behind in human development indicators. But the state’s

ST population lags behind even further. They are excluded by the dominant institutions that

reflect, enforce, and reproduce prevailing social attitudes and values.8 We see that 21.3 per cent

of the state’s population consists of 62 tribes (9.7 per cent of the total tribal population of the

country) which represents 30 different language groups.9 The Juang, one of Orissa’s primitive

tribal groups, face these multiple disadvantages as well as invidious social exclusion in terms of

differences in honour, respect, and esteem.10

Table 2: Population of Orissa11

Total population 36,804,660

ST population 8,145,081

SC population 6,082,063

Percentage of ST population to total population 22.13

Percentage of SC population to total population 16.53

ST communities 62

SC communities 93

Map 1: State of Orissa

8 Naila Kabeer, ‘Social Exclusion and the MDGs: The Challenge of Durable Inequalities in the Asian Context’,Institute of Development Studies. Paper presented at the Asia 2015 Conference, London, 6–7 March 2006.

9 Census of India, 2001.

10 The World Bank Policy Research Working Paper, ‘Social Exclusion and the Gender Gap in Education’, March2008, p. 10.

11 Census of India, 2001.

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The Government of Orissa has begun to tackle the problem of social exclusion. MLE as an

educational intervention represents one such method of promoting socially inclusive policy-

making processes. These processes that tackle the problem of social exclusion include: creating

legal, regulatory, and policy frameworks that promote social inclusion; ensuring that socially

excluded groups like STs benefit from public expenditure as much as other groups; improving

economic opportunities and access to services for STs; promoting political participation by STs

and enhancing their capacity to organize and mobilize themselves; and combating prejudice in

society and changing people’s behaviour and attitude.

Inclusion in education

Participation, local ownership, empowerment, and sustainability are the essential characteristics

of a high-quality process of inclusion.12 Against this socially inclusive framework, both UNICEF

and India–United Nations Development Assistance Framework (UNDAF) 2008–2012 have

formulated their policies to support the Government of India’s (GoI) 11th Five Year Plan. The

emphasis is on ‘promoting social, economic and political inclusion for the most disadvantaged,

especially women and girls’.13 A socially inclusive approach will ensure the universal reach of

educational services to STs, promote access to these services, encourage active participation of

STs by offering genuine opportunities to them to raise their voice and exercise their choice, as

well as delivering high-quality non-discriminatory services to them.14

Inclusionary mechanisms under the Indian Constitution

The GoI’s approach to STs draws on provisions of the Indian Constitution that lay down

explicitly the state’s obligation to protect and promote the social, economic, political, and

cultural rights of STs. The Constitution stipulates that ‘the State shall promote with special

care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and in

particular of the SCs and the STs, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of

exploitation.’15 Panchsheel, five principles spelt out in 1952 by Jawaharlal Nehru, the first

prime minister of India, have been guiding the administration of tribal affairs in the country. In

short, the principles decree that STs should be allowed to develop in keeping with their own

12 UNICEF, Human Rights Approach to Development Programming, UNICEF, Eastern and Southern Africa RegionalOffice, UNICEF, Nairobi, 2003, pp.1–2.

13 UNDAF, http://intra.un.org.in/undaf/default.htm. The United Nations Country Team developed UNDAF.

14 The definition of social inclusion has been taken from UNICEF.

15 Constitution of India, Directive Principles of State Policy, Article 46. The administrative provisions under theFifth and Sixth Schedules of the Constitution give special powers to the state for the protection and governance oftribal areas, and the reservation provisions ensure due representation of STs and SCs in legislative bodies andgovernment jobs. The ST and SC Development Department is the nodal department of the GoI for the welfare of theST and SC communities. Various programmes have been undertaken for the development of STs in Orissa withassistance from the centre, fund allocation under the state plan, and grants-in-aid received from various agencies.

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traditions. In 1999, GoI formed a Ministry of Tribal Affairs to support tribal development. The

draft National Policy on STs, which was disseminated on 21 July 2006, seeks to integrate them

into social services while preserving their culture.

Inclusion of STs through education

The Eighty-third Constitutional Amendment recognizes education as a fundamental right of all

Indian citizens, and few can doubt the power of basic education in improving conditions for

STs.16 The focus on tribal education through MLE can be seen as part of the wider framework

of GoI’s Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) for the achievement of universal elementary education.

Consequently, around half of the funds designated for STs are spent on educational provision.17

Government measures in the field of education for STs aim to:

• improve educational infrastructure in ST areas;

• increase admission in educational institutions through reservation of seats and other measures;

• provide financial support at various levels of education, including scholarships and fellowships;

• focus on tribal girls’ education.18

In general, the above schemes can be categorized into initiatives that focus on the supply side

(i.e. making schools more accessible, improving quality, or providing a supplementary service

for ST children) and initiatives that focus on the demand side (i.e. by providing incentives for

education).

Quality of process and language

While enrolment and attendance in ST-dominated primary schools has increased under SSA,

little emphasis has been placed on making education more relevant or on encouraging active

learning for STs.19

One of the biggest challenges in achieving the goals of SSA is the fact that the schooling system

continues to reproduce the inequalities of the larger society. One of the principal mechanisms

16 Constitution of India, Eighty-third (Amendment) Act, 2000.

17 Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment Annual Report and Ministry of Tribal Affairs Manual, New Delhi,1996. The GoI has acknowledged repeatedly the disadvantaged status of the ST population and the need to addressit. In the finalized Approach Paper to the 11th Five Year Plan, the GoI said: ‘Development and empowerment ofsocially disadvantaged groups is a commitment enshrined in the Constitution, and education is the most effectiveinstrument of social empowerment. Schemes for the educational uplift of the SCs and the STs have borne fruitalthough the gap[s] between the general population and the SCs and STs are still at unacceptable levels’ (PlanningCommission, 2006, p. 64).

18 Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment Annual Report and Ministry of Tribal Affairs Manual, New Delhi,1996.

19 Joint Review Mission of the SSA, 2006, ‘In certain groups like SC, ST, the number of out-of-school children isstill high. It is necessary to identify specific contextual aspects[,] including socio-cultural reasons that inhibit theenrolment and the retention of these groups.’

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through which inequality is reproduced is the language used as the medium of instruction. While

the Constitution of India supports the use of a learner’s mother tongue in education, the number

of languages used as a medium of instruction has declined from 81 in 1970 to 33 in 2005.20 As a

result, the true linguistic repertoire of the Indian population is rarely reflected in the school

system, and large numbers of learners are confronted with either a foreign medium of instruction

or a language variety that does not match their own mother tongue.21

Connections between language, education, and exclusion of STs

The majority of people in any society are invariably speakers of the prestige language used in

education, governance, and other official domains. Meanwhile, the most marginalized STs have

little access to the prestige language; they are speakers of languages that are not even recognized

by formal structures.22 It is not that STs do not want to learn the dominant languages. On the

contrary, they are acutely aware of the economic importance of these languages. However,

learning in the mother tongue has two benefits. First, it facilitates the learning of the most

fundamental concepts by the child. Second, it instils cultural pride in members of the marginalized

community.23

Language and marginality come together to produce an impact on schooling in a number of

ways. In terms of educational access, STs who do not speak the language of the school have

fewer opportunities to communicate with school officials or to understand what is being taught.

If they do get to school, they receive a poor-quality education because both literacy and other

concepts are taught in a foreign language medium that few are able to understand well. This

process is highly inefficient, leading to repetition, failure, and dropping out of school for all but a

few who are somehow able to break the code, that is, learn to read and write in an unfamiliar

language.24 There is inequality of opportunity because those who speak the language of the

school can start learning from the first day of class while all of the others must first learn to

decipher the foreign code. Finally, perpetual subordination may cause learners to have low

aspirations for their own educational achievement and may lead them to participate unwittingly

in a vicious circle of dropping out and educational failure. Thus, in India, children from the

lowest caste groups and from tribal groups trail majority children in school enrolment by about

10 percentage points.25

20 The policy of providing primary education in the child’s mother tongue is also enshrined in the Constitution ofIndia, under Part XVII, Chapter IV, Special Directive, 350A, as well as in the NPE 1986 and the NCF 2005.

21 K. Kosonen, ‘Education in Local Languages: Policy and Practice in Southeast Asia’, in First Languages First:Community-based Literacy. Programmes for Minority Language Contexts in Asia. Bangkok: UNESCO, 2005, p. 5.

22 Carol Benson, ‘Girls’ Educational Equity and Mother Tongue-based Teaching’, UNESCO, 2005, pp. 2–3.

23 Ibid., pp. 3–4.

24 J. Cummins, Language, Power and Pedagogy: Bilingual Children in the Crossfire, Clevedon: Multilingual Matters,2001, p. 59.

25 Census of India, 2001.

14

Connections between ST girls and marginality

Despite a sharp increase in the proportion of girls who enrol in, attend, and complete various

levels of schooling, a gender gap in education persists in India. Moreover, girls from marginalized

groups, such as tribal communities, suffer disproportionately in education relative to the

mainstream population and to boys from their own linguistic or ethnic group. Indeed, these girls

are ‘doubly disadvantaged’. They are disadvantaged as girls, and in addition they are

disadvantaged because they come from impoverished families, or from tribal, ethnic, or linguistic

‘minority’ communities. They are less likely to participate in education and more likely to stay in

school only briefly, if they enrol at all. The exact number of ‘doubly disadvantaged’ girls who are

out of school is elusive, since educational data are rarely disaggregated by both gender and

group identity. Graph 1 shows that the highest-caste girls and boys are about even in the number

of years of schooling, followed by rural males from the majority population. The lowest school

attainment is among rural girls from SCs and STs, followed by rural girls from the majority

group. Rural boys from both groups are more likely to be enrolled across all age groups when

compared to girls. It is only urban girls from the majority population that outpace boys from any

group. However, it should also be appreciated that tribal societies generally hold women in high

regard. Indeed, some commentators observe that ST communities actually accord greater gender

equality to their women than the rest of Indian society as a whole. The issue of ST girls and

marginality is a complex and nuanced one.*

Graph 1: Distribution of school enrolment by gender, location, and caste

The lowest school attainment is among rural girls from SCs and STs.

* See Robert D. King, Nehru and the Language of Politics of India, Delhi: Oxford University

Press, 1997 and tape recordings of oral interviews conducted with Dr Mahendra Mishra.

15

India, therefore, still lacks good-quality educational opportunities for all students. Indeed, improving

and diversifying the supply of educational opportunities for excluded ST children is a government

policy. This entails expanding schooling options for reaching marginalized children and improving

the quality of schools that serve marginalized groups. However, policies that appear to be fair on

the surface may be subtly biased against girls from excluded ST groups. For example, policies

that require lessons in school to be taught in a majority language may have greater effects on

girls than on boys. Carol Benson has looked at differences between attainment rates of boys

and girls through bilingual education in South-east Asia. She found that girls who learn in a

familiar language are more likely to stay in school longer and to achieve better academic results

than their peers who do not receive education in the mother tongue.26

MLE as a strategy for social inclusion in Orissa

MLE is just one method by which socially inclusive services can be delivered to ST community

members. While many measures for promoting inclusion incur costs, in some cases these are

minimal and they can often be reduced by taking account of the needs of excluded groups from

the beginning of the planning process. Thinking about inclusion from the outset enables schools

to implement inclusive educational programmes, thus bringing long-term benefits to the

community. Better access to good-quality education for ST children makes them more likely to

find decent jobs and thus contribute to economic growth. Tackling the problem of social exclusion

can also save public expenditure in the long term, for example, by averting social strife and

combating the long-term effects of poverty.

If it is to be successful, any educational development activity targeting ST communities needs to

be relevant and firmly located in their tribal context. There is also a need for interventions to be

gradual and staggered, so that the mainstreaming or external change agents can converge with

the traditional rhythm of ST communities and correspond with their views of development and

empowerment.27 The challenge lies in identifying the crucial activities, practices, and cultural

patterns of the ST communities that can absorb and develop interventions on their own terms.

The MLE intervention in Orissa fosters both learning in the tribal mother tongue and also represents

a curriculum that resonates with the lives of the tribal communities.28 The MLE schools aim to

be inclusive of the needs and demands of the ST communities they serve. Public policy on

inclusive development must necessarily provide for substantive space for STs to be able to

26 Carol Benson, ‘Girls’ Educational Equity and Mother Tongue-based Teaching’, UNESCO, 2005, pp. 3–5.

27 The World Bank Study, Social Assessment Including Social Inclusion: A Study in Selected Districts of Bihar,Phase II, 2008, p. 17.

28 In an essay in 1937, Nehru wrote that a living language is a throbbing, vital thing, ever changing, ever growing andmirroring the people who speak and write it. And our great provincial languages are no dialects or vernaculars, as theignorant sometimes call them. They are ancient languages with a rich inheritance, each spoken by many millions ofpeople, each tied up inextricably with the life and culture and ideas of the masses as well as the upper classes. It isaxiomatic that the masses can only grow educationally and culturally through the medium of their own language.

16

express and assert their aspirations and cultural traditions, and at the same time use their skills

and talents to help achieve their expressed hopes and demands.29 It would be instructive to

mention at this point that the research question decided by UNICEF asked the team to focus on

the girl child. However, MLE’s mandate was never intended to exclusively address the situation

of the tribal girl child. In this way, the direction of the case study and the aim of the intervention

were perhaps misaligned. Nevertheless, the team tried to consider the role of MLE on the social

inclusion of girl children and of the tribal community as a whole.

On a practical level, MLE for ST communities also enables learners to build a strong educational

foundation in their first language (L1), to build a bridge to additional languages (L2, L3, etc.)

successfully, and to continue learning in both/all languages, at least through primary school.

29 Interview with Dr Mahendra Kumar Mishra, OPEPA.

17

Background

Orissa has a population of 36,706,920, half of which lives below the poverty line. Many of the 62

tribes form part of this deprived group.30 The sizeable population of STs in the state assumes

significance in terms of both socio-economic and political processes defining the context of

developmental interventions. The history of vulnerability and prolonged marginalization of the

STs, along with their present socio-economic conditions in terms of work participation, education,

and health, pre-empt their inclusion and targeting in all developmental activities undertaken by

the state. To gain a clear understanding of the poor socio-economic status of STs in Orissa, a

comparative analysis of STs with the state averages of various social indicators is presented

here. Orissa’s STs perform worse in terms of all social indicators. The overall literacy rate in

Orissa is 64 per cent, whereas the tribal literacy rate is only 37 per cent. The overall female

literacy rate is 51 per cent, whereas the literacy rate among tribal females is only 23 per cent.31

While there are currently 1,193,658 ST children attending primary school, the dropout rate of

tribal children is 51 per cent and 69 per cent at the primary and upper primary levels respectively.

The dropout rate of tribal girls in some districts is even higher at 85 per cent.32 Moreover,

according to OPEPA’s research, around 748,000 ST children in Classes 1, 2, and 3 encounter a

classroom language other than their mother tongue, highlighting the institutional barriers faced

by ST children in accessing education.33

30 Census of India, 2001 and the National Human Development Report, 2001.

31 Census of India, 2001.

32 OPEPA documentation: ‘Sustainable Community Based Multilingual Education Programme Strategy’, Orissa,India.

33 According to OPEPA, 11,749 schools in Orissa have at least 20+ children with linguistic diversity and 5,900schools are tribal dominated.

18

Table 3: Key development indicators: India, Orissa,34 and Keonjhar35

INDICATORS India Orissa Keonjhar

Poverty 26.1 47.2 61.92

Percentage living below the poverty line

Infant Mortality Rate 63 87 117

Number of babies per 1,000 live births who die before age one

School Attendance 82.3 79.1 70.2

Percentage of children aged 6–10 years attending school

Girl Child Attendance 78.6 74.0 60

Percentage of girl children aged 6–10 years attending school

Literacy 65 63 59

Percentage of population over 7 years who are literate

Girl Child Literacy 54 51 46.2

Percentage of girl children over 7 years who are literate

STs in Keonjhar

Keonjhar district, located in north-eastern Orissa, is home to 46 STs.36 The district is located

more than 300 km from the state capital, Bhubaneswar. Mining and rice cultivation form the

backbone of the district’s economy. Keonjhar has a poor road network, and poverty levels are

high.37 The district’s conditions pose great challenges to the successful implementation of

educational interventions, thus making it an opportune site for consideration. If the MLE initiative

can be successfully implemented in such a challenging environment, there is potential for easy

scaling-up in less demanding areas.

34 UNICEF, Mapping India’s Children, UNICEF in Action, 2004, pp. 62–63.

35 Orissa Human Development Report, 2004. The estimates were made by the International Institute of PopulationSciences (IIPS).

36 Census of India, 2001.

37 Census of India, 2001.

19

The Juang of Keonjhar

The 30,000-strong Juang community comprises the largest ST in Keonjhar. The district

is known as Juang Country, attesting to the historically widespread presence of the

tribe in the area.38 ‘Juang’ means ‘man’. The Juang believe that ‘man’ emerged from the

earth at the same place where the Keonjhar river of Baitarani emerged.39Their

understanding of ‘man’ centres on the notion of man as part of the community. The

Juang are recognized as one of India’s indigenous tribes whose tradition and culture

need protection. The main emphasis in Juang traditional education is not so much on

the learning of individual skills but rather on the acquisition of the ability to cooperate

closely among themselves for the well-being of the community.40

The Juang are mostly concentrated in Banspal, Harichandanpur, and Telkoi blocks. They speak

Juang, but have incorporated some Oriya words into their language. The Juang practise shifting

cultivation and forestry. The influence of the landscape forms the foundation of their lifestyle in

general and their religious festivals in particular. For instance, Pusha Purnima symbolizes the

beginning of the agricultural cycle, Akhaya Trutiya is the ceremonial sowing of paddy, and

Asarhi marks the beginning of seed-planting and weeding. All these occasions are marked by

singing and dancing.

The Juang are divided into clans, and marrying within the same clan is forbidden. The Juang

women take part in agricultural activities, animal husbandry, collection of fuel, fetching of water,

and other economic activities. They control the family expenditure and play an active role in the

marketplace. The main organizing principle of Juang society is the kinship system. The traditional

political organization of the tribes follows a hierarchical order, with the leader at the apex and

the family at the bottom, based on lineage and village of origin. Since the introduction of the

statutory Panchayati Raj system, the traditional tribal political organizations are gradually

becoming less central, but are still considered important socio-cultural institutions. The mechanism

for decentralized governance, the Panchayati Raj Inistitutions Act, was introduced in the 1990s.

For STs, the relevant legislation was the Panchayat [Extension to the Scheduled Areas] Act of

1996. As a result, traditional gram sabhas (village assemblies) in the tribal areas are granted

special powers to manage local affairs. The aim is to ensure the effective participation of the

Juang in their own development while preserving their traditional rights over natural resources.41

38 See Keonjhar district website, http://kendujhar.nic.in

39 Census of India, 2001.

40 R. Nyak, The Juangs: A Handbook for Development, 1993, p. 115.

41 The World Bank Study, Integrated Social and Environmental Assessment Study: Tribal Inclusion and DevelopmentAssessment and Tribal Development Plan, 2007, p. 11.

20

Intervention

The MLE intervention started simply as an Orissa state intervention, separate from the decision

making of the central government. An MLE intervention in Andhra Pradesh already had shown

promising results, and the Orissa Primary Education Programme Authority (OPEPA) was keen

on adopting a similar model. After the National Curriculum Framework 2005 (NCF) was adopted,

OPEPA decided to specifically target ST communities in the state.42

OPEPA in coordination with its MLE (district) tribal coordinators formed a research team to

manage the MLE intervention for 200 different schools in Orissa, representing ten tribal language

groups across eight districts. In Keonjhar district, ten Juang schools were selected for MLE at

the end of 2006.

The ten MLE schools in Keonjhar district were chosen because of their solely monolingual

situation, serving only ST children from a single-language group. This step was meant to ensure

the transition from the tribal language in Class 1 to Oriya in Class 5 as the medium of instruction.

The state and district offices began preparations for the OPEPA project in January 2006,

undertaking the following schedule of activities:

• Awareness was created among the Juang community about the importance and value of a

mother-tongue education programme. In 2006, 3,000 image-based posters were disseminated

in the Juang-populated villages to create awareness.

Figure 1: MLE educational promotion poster

42 NCF 2005 states, ‘The community may have questions about the inclusion/exclusion of particular knowledge andexperiences in the school curriculum. The school must be prepared to engage with communities to listen to theirconcerns and to persuade them to see the educational value of such decisions.’

21

One of the 3,000 posters promoting education of the girl child

Kanchlan alebi pathre eka, nuna ninja mana teka

Girls also deserve education like boys, and they can also keep the fame of the village

• From the initial interest that was sparked by dissemination of posters, a small group of

volunteers in Alang and Duarsuni were given training in resource development. They then

rapidly produced and preserved collections of traditional stories, songs, and other literature.

• The community was informed about and involved in all stages of curriculum development.

• International MLE experts on primary education were consulted. They reviewed the

education materials, stimulating more ideas on curriculum development.

• Local storytellers from the Juang community were engaged in developing reading materials.

• The most commonly used Juang words as well as examples of Juang social practices were

collected.

• The developed materials were field tested, and MLE resource persons from the Juang

community were appointed to seek the opinions of their fellow community members. It is

singular

• Language mapping to identify the schools for implementing MLE was undertaken.

• Teachers for the pilot schools were recruited from the Juang community.

• Teachers and resource persons from the Juang community formed a group of writers and

received training in material production.

• Each MLE school was given an introductory allowance of Rs 10,000 for the instalment of a

tribal museum, which would house hand-made musical instruments, traditional Juang jewellery,

and hunting weapons.

• Teacher training workshops were held for the selected tribal teachers in the summer of

2007 over a period of 15 days.

• Parent Teacher Associations (PTAs) and Mother Teacher Associations (MTAs), consisting

of the parents of the pilot school students, were formed and made responsible for the

general supervision of the schools and for participating in research activities.

• MLE was introduced in Class 1 in 2007 and then in Class 2 from the beginning of 2008.

• The MLE intervention will be scaled up across Orissa in 500 schools representing 16 tribal

languages over the current academic year, 2008–2009.

The MLE curriculum and instructional materials are innovative and are located within the context

of the lives of the tribal communities. The academic year is divided into three terms, and each

term represents one season (summer, rainy, and winter). Each term is further divided into ten

cultural themes, with one theme for each week. Each theme relates to the Juang landscape and

cultural practices. The MLE curriculum makes use of a ‘big book’ for each theme taught in the

classroom and a ‘small book’ for each theme for individual learning.

22

L1 for some

subjects; L2

for most

subjects with

the help of L1

Develop oral

and written

texts in L2

Develop oral

and writing

skills in L3

Continue

developing oral

and written L1

Continue oral

L2 and then

transfer to L2

in reading and

writing

L1 for most

subjects; L2

for other

subjects, with

instruction in

L1

Develop oral

and written L2

Introduce oral

L3 as a subject

Use L1 for

some subjects;

L2 for other

subjects with

help from L1

for maths

Oral and

written L2

Introduce

written L3

43 Juang uses the Oriya script.

23

The MLE curriculum aims to develop both oral and written language skills among the Juang and

to introduce Oriya gradually in Class 2.43 English is introduced from Class 3 onwards. However,

it is essential that the first language (Juang) continues to be taught throughout the period of

schooling, and that the second language (Oriya) is introduced gradually before it becomes a

language of instruction. The basic principle behind MLE is that learning begins with and continues

through something that the learners already know, that is, their mother tongue.

Table 4: MLE structure from OPEPA

Class 1 Class 2 Class 3 Class 4 Class 5

L1 Develop oral

and written L1

L2 Introduce oral

L2 in second

half of the year.

Start building

oral skills in L2

L3

Figure 2: MLE materials in a tribal museum

The Srujan and Rupantar programmes run alongside the MLE intervention in order to support

it.

Srujan is an awareness-raising programme at the village level, targeting all community

members— teachers and students, parents and children, the young and the old—with a message

about the importance of education. Srujan works to encourage interaction between the school

and the community by holding storytelling festivals, arts and crafts exhibitions, and dance and

music festivals at the school. The programme aims to reduce the dropout rate and to ensure

regular attendance of already enrolled children.44

Rupantar is a tribal teacher training programme aimed at inculcating the Juang language, tradition,

and values in teachers. Tribal teachers attend a four-day training session, followed by a five-day

44 OPEPA documentation: ‘Final Report of the Workshop on the Training of Tribal Teachers’.

24

second-language-acquisition training programme. Rupantar also incorporates elements of

Attitudinal Training (AT) so that teachers can develop more confidence and pride in their own

tribal identity.

The function or purpose of MLE is community-based education enabling STs to obtain full

control over their educational system and making schooling relevant to their lives.

Actors

OPEPA

This is the government office that is the main implementer of the MLE intervention; it also

provides administrative support. Dr Mahendra Mishra runs the state Tribal Education Department

and liaises with the MLE coordinators at the district level.

UNICEF

The UNICEF Orissa office provides support for the MLE intervention at a consultancy level.

UNICEF covers the expenses of international MLE experts who have been involved in the

design of the learning materials. However, funding is not granted specifically for the MLE

intervention.

DPC

The District Project Coordinator (DPC) is responsible for the implementation of all district-level

educational programmes, including MLE. He visits the schools in the district every quarter.

MLE Coordinator

The coordinator is responsible for overseeing the MLE intervention at the district level in each

designated MLE school. The chief tasks of the coordinator are: selecting schools for the MLE

intervention; organizing meetings at the district, block, and cluster levels; monitoring the

intervention; and reporting the process to the state level.

BRCC and CRCC

The Block Resource Centre Coordinator (BRCC) and the Cluster Resource Centre Coordinator

(CRCC) are employees of OPEPA and are responsible for the monitoring of the primary schools

at each level. The BRCC visits the schools twice a month, and the CRCC once a week, in order

to examine the intervention.

VEC

The Village Education Committee (VEC) is a working group of local community members that

monitors the adequacy of the state educational provision.

25

MLE Volunteer and Resource Person

MLE volunteers were appointed in the early stages of the intervention to assist OPEPA in

raising awareness about MLE. MLE resource persons assisted in the development of the MLE

curriculum. Many of these actors were later appointed MLE class teachers. They come from

the local community, and therefore share the same language and culture as the Juang students.

On being appointed teachers, they underwent a 15-day MLE training and a four-day Rupantar

training.

PTA and MTA

PTA and MTA are parent-led organizations that discuss children’s educational progress and

school service delivery. PTA meetings are held every month, and MTA meetings are held every

three months. Both PTA and MTA meetings are held in the school buildings.

Figure 3: Structure of the MLE network

Resource Group from State

office OPEPA and UNICEF

District Project Coordinators

(DPC)

MLE Coordinator

Block Resource Center

Coordinators (BRCC)

Village Education

Committee (VEC)

Cluster Resource Center

Coordinators (CRCC)

Parent Teacher

Association (PTA)

MLE Volunteers/

Teachers

26

Methodology

Key question

In what ways is MLE a socially inclusive intervention for the Juang ST population?

Objectives

1. To understand the influence of MLE on the social inclusion of Juang tribal children, with a

particular focus on the girl children

a. Enrolment

b. Dropout rate

c. Absenteeism

2. To study the level of community participation in the MLE framework of social inclusion

a. Parent participation

b. Community responses

c. Community participation

3. To understand the process of service delivery

a. Incentives

b. Recruitment

c. Training

d. Monitoring by functionaries

Site selection

Keonjhar district was chosen as the research site for the team. The decision was made on the

advice of OPEPA implementers because the MLE intervention has achieved the most promising

start here, despite the district’s deprived status in Orissa. Keonjhar is classified by OPEPA as a

Category I district because more than 30 per cent of its population is tribal, which justifies the

need for more concerted interventions. Dr Mahendra Mishra explained that Keonjhar had a

particularly effective MLE coordinator who had already developed extremely strong links with

the Juang community. Thus the MLE coordinator would be able to liaise on behalf of the team.

The team decided to conduct a ten-day field study in June 2008 in Banspal and Harichandanpur

blocks. This decision was made for the team as these are the only two blocks where MLE has

been implemented in Keonjhar district. There are ten MLE schools in these blocks, five in each.

We chose to visit two out of the ten schools, one in each block. The team (after discussions with

27

OPEPA) chose to visit the schools in Alang and Duarsuni villages because both these village

schools are exclusively Juang. The team felt that it was sufficient to visit only 20 per cent of the

MLE schools in order to conduct an in-depth research study of each community; there were

many stakeholders in each village to interview, not only school officials. In addition, a non-MLE

school in Panasnasa village in Banspal block was visited and people there were interviewed to

learn about the challenges faced by children and parents in areas where MLE has not been

implemented.

Of course, the team was mindful that by visiting only two schools, the sample size would be

relatively small. However, fieldwork was only possible over a ten-day period. This was due to a

number of reasons. The UNICEF Orissa state office felt that the poor weather conditions in

southern Orissa would make it extremely difficult to visit other MLE schools in Nayagarh.

Safety concerns were also considered. Moreover, it was felt that if the team were split into two

groups, with one visiting a northern district and the other visiting a southern district, superficial

fieldwork might result. Only two schools were chosen, on the advice of Dr Mahendra Mishra, to

gain a thorough insight into the MLE process in the classroom as well as to focus exclusively on

Juang schools so as to be able to make a comparative analysis of the two schools. The team also

felt that greater OPEPA staff and resources would be necessary if more than two schools were

to be visited. At the time of fieldwork, the OPEPA staff were on strike, protesting over newly

implemented contracts. Given these various reasons, it was extremely difficult to organize the

basic logistics for the fieldwork in just Keonjhar.

Table 5: Block profile (2007)45

Block Banspal Harichandanpur

ST population 66,829 66,080

Tribal concentration 79.5% 54.38%

Number of schools 156 181

Total enrolment 14,481 19,254

Total out of school 3,261 2,319

ST enrolment 11,074 6,212

ST out of school 2,553 1,600

45 Information provided by the DPC’s office.

28

Table 6: Village and school profile (2007)46

Village Duarsuni Alang Panasnasa

Name of block Banspal Harichandanpur Banspal

Total number of households 102 75 146

in village

Total population in village 472 335 572

Male Female Male Female Male Female

239 233 162 173 285 287

Percentage of tribal population 93.9 100 92.5

Average household size 5.0 4.0 3.9

Number of literates 109 165 31

Male Female Male Female Male Female

81 28 97 68 28 3

Literacy rate 23.1 49.3 5.4

School MLE School I MLE School II Non-MLE School

Number of classrooms 3 2 2

in school

Number of teachers 3 3 2

(including (including

MLE teacher) MLE teacher)

Number of students in Class 1 24 10 8

Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls

11 13 8 2 4 4

Study sample

Data collection methods

A variety of methods were employed during the fieldwork. The process began by conducting a

series of semi-structured interviews and discussions with Dr Mahendra Mishra, visiting Orissa’s

Tribal Institute, and attending a workshop on Orissa’s tribal population. In the field, video recordings

were made by the team to capture the school and village settings.

Fieldwork was conducted using Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) methodologies. These

techniques comprised assessing the community’s perceptions of MLE and determining how

MLE has affected the villagers’ experience of the school institution. The need to assess personal

perceptions as well as to explore the links between language and exclusion from social services

defined the research as qualitative. Quantitative data were provided by the DPC and collected

46 Information provided by the DPC’s office in Keonjhar district. The Census of India (2001) was also consulted.

29

from school attendance registers. Additional data about the functioning of MLE schools, training

of tribal teachers, school curriculum, and MLE teaching materials were obtained from the DPC’s

office. Since MLE has been running for only one year, it was impossible for the team to collect

historical data and analyse the long-term impact of the intervention. Hence, this case study is

based mainly on qualitative data. In any event, the team felt that the status of the notion of

‘inclusion’ could be ascertained effectively through respondents’ perceptions and feelings.

Table 7: Respondents

Village Respondent Tool Used

MLE School I 1 BRCC and 1 CRCC Semi-structured and

Duarsuni, Banspal 1 headmaster and 1 MLE teacher One-on-one interview

1 case study interviewee One-on-one interview

24 PTA members FGD

15 MTA members FGD

24 MLE pupils47 FGD

MLE School II 1 BRCC and 1 CRCC Semi-structured and

Alang, 1 headmaster and 1 MLE teacher One-on-one interview

Harichandanpur 1 case study interviewee One-on-one interview

1 community leader One-on-one interview

33 MTA members FGD

42 community members FGD

10 MLE pupils FGD

Non-MLE School 1 non-MLE teacher Semi-structured and

Panasnasa, Banspal 1 headmaster One-on-one interview

1 CRCC and 1 BRCC One-on-one interview

Other 1 OPEPA official Semi-structured and

1 DPC One-on-one interview

1 MLE coordinator One-on-one interview

1 local NGO employee One-on-one interview

1 consultant One-on-one interview

Parents and members of MTA and PTA groups were interviewed through FGDs. The interviews

with parents were carried out in the school, and this helped the team to speak to respondents

within the service context. This also allowed the team to observe how respondents viewed the

school environment. Parents’ attendance at the FGDs gave some indication of their participation

47 The sample consisted of 34 Juang pupils from the two MLE schools. The average age of the children was sevenyears. The youngest child was five years old, and the oldest was nine. In terms of students’ families, all the motherswere rice cultivators and the majority of the fathers earned a living from forestry.

30

in MLE-related activities such as PTA or MTA. External influences that could result in biases in

the FGD setting were avoided. Thus, women were interviewed separately from men as it was

understood that the presence of males (fathers) could influence the credibility of women’s

(mothers’) perceptions.

It was difficult to carry out FGDs among children as their attention span was limited and their

concentration lapsed quickly. Nevertheless, short FGDs were conducted in the classroom setting.

Children’s participation in the classroom was also observed. For the purpose of the case study,

selected students along with their parents were interviewed in depth if the circumstances of

their situation provided additional information on the intervention.

An interview schedule and a questionnaire checklist as further research tools were designed

prior to the field research. The questions were tailored for each group of respondents on the

basis of their role in the MLE intervention.

Research constraints and limitations

• Time was one of the biggest limitations to the research. Ten days of fieldwork were insufficient

for conducting a thorough analysis of the MLE intervention. Because of the limited time

available, only two out of ten MLE schools in Keonjhar district were visited, which represents

20 per cent of all sites. In addition, the team could only visit each school for two days, which

was not sufficient time for conducting in-depth research.

• Another major limitation was that of language as most interviewee responses had to be

translated from Juang into Oriya, and then into English. The team was fortunate to have a

native Oriya speaker to help them in the field and utilized the translation skills of the OPEPA

representative. Of course, nuances of speech were lost in the interview and translation

processes, and the team did not know if a question had been openly framed to allow the

interviewee to answer with as much flexibility as possible.

• As the MLE intervention was introduced only a year before as a pilot programme in 200

schools in Orissa, historical data and existing literature are limited. Consequently, gaining a

sense of the impact of MLE and the changes it has brought about in the villages proved

difficult.

• The team’s visits coincided with the harvest season, and hence people were busy. This

made it difficult to meet with all members of each village.

• Finally, the presence of OPEPA staff and the DPC may have influenced respondents to

answer questions in socially desirable ways.

31

Presentation of Findings and Analyses

Situation: Social Exclusion of the Juangs

The Alang and Duarsuni villages are exclusively Juang areas. In general, the Juang in both the

villages stated that they were satisfied with the educational services they were receiving from

the government. However, the notion of government services is still a remote concept. The

visibly poor levels of health of many Juangs were evidence of harsh living conditions and low

socio-economic indicators.48

Few can afford medicine to treat even the most basic illnesses. In Alang village, the team met

a six-year-old boy, Dasuru, whose neck was scarred by lesions of glandular tuberculosis. His

father said that he took the child to see a doctor near the centre of Keonjhar, but the treatment

did not work.

Alang appeared to be the poorer of the two villages. Rice is the only grain cultivated and eaten

here. In contrast, in Duarsuni, sugar cane, rice, and potatoes are grown. Alang is situated about

60 km from the centre of Keonjhar, while Duarsuni is located about 30 km away. The extremely

poor condition of roads in the area means that services are less accessible and the Alang

community is more isolated.49 Alang residents are served by a polluted lake where all cleaning

and bathing takes place. Community life in both villages centres around a clutch of mud-and-

thatch houses surrounded by wattle fences. The absence of electricity means that daily life

revolves around the rising and setting of the sun. The MLE coordinator explained to the team

that the small land base, low agricultural productivity, and meagre incomes have led to rising

indebtedness, trapping the Juang in a vicious circle of poverty. Less than 1 per cent of the

families interviewed owned agricultural equipment (like ploughs, carts, and tillers) and farm

animals (like bullocks). This indicates the extent and severity of landlessness among the community.

Generally, the Juang own movable assets in the form of consumer durables. However, not a

single family possessed pump sets for irrigation, evidence of their very low asset-owning capacity.

Money comes from selling goods in the market. The market is the domain of women, where

they negotiate and barter.

48 ‘Accessibility of tribal[s] to government provisions is relatively less in comparison to other classes. Variousassociated factors are observed [as being] responsible[,] such as [a] schematic understanding, approachability on[the] part of tribal families, less tribal development[,] concentration due to [the] scattered demographic situation.’See the World Bank study, Integrated Social and Environmental Assessment Study: Vol. 1.2. Tribal Inclusion andDevelopment Assessment and Tribal Development Plan of Targeted Rural Initiatives for Poverty Termination andInfrastructure, 2007, p. 9. See also ‘Health Status of Primitive Tribes of Orissa’, ICMR Bulletin, vol. 33, no. 10,October 2003.

49 It takes about four hours to reach Alang village from the centre of Keonjhar.

32

The life of the Juang has become increasingly vulnerable due to a persistent lack of assured

entitlements to their resource base. They have also been disproportionately affected by

displacement caused by mining operations and irrigation projects in the area. The team was

informed that during the 1990s, a forest area the size of Wales in the Juang-populated blocks

was lost to a dam project. The state of Orissa has signed more than £10 billion worth of

mining agreements in the past two years, and is planning more. As Naveen Patnaik, the chief

minister of Orissa, told the state legislature, ‘No one—I repeat no one—will be allowed to

stand in the way of Orissa’s industrial progress.’ These socio-economic conditions have

worsened the Juangs’ social exclusion, and the importance that the community gives to

education is naturally low.50

Social inclusion of Juang tribal children, including girl children, through MLE

The aim of the MLE schools is to create an educational service that incorporates the values of

the ST communities. The intervention does not have a gender perspective, but it is hoped that

ST parents will have greater confidence in a schooling system that reflects their culture, and

hence will trust the authorities with the education of their girl children.

Enrolment

MLE has led to an increase in the pupil enrolment rate since the academic year 2007–2008.

In Duarsuni village in Banspal block, the school register attests to the fact that there has been

an increase of eight pupils, six of whom are girls, on the enrolment figures of last year’s Class

1 intake. Similarly, in Alang village in Harichandanpur block, there has been an increase of six

pupils, five of whom are girls, on the enrolment figures of last year’s Class 1 intake. While it

is difficult to exactly correlate the link between MLE and the increased school attendance

figures, interviews with community members point to a newly developed trust in the school

institution on the part of local residents. Consequently, around three quarters of parents

interviewed explained that since MLE has been introduced, they are more willing to send

their children to school. In FGDs conducted in both villages, people said that the newly appointed

MLE teacher, selected from their own community, understands their needs. One respondent,

the father of a girl child from Duarsuni, said that the MLE teacher had come around to his

house and had spoken with him about the possibility of allowing his daughter to attend Class

1. The respondent described the visit from the teacher in vivid terms, as it was the first time

that his family had been shown some consideration by the school establishment. In Alang, a

group of mothers interviewed in FGDs explained that their children, now in Class 2, seem

much more at ease in the MLE setting. One mother said that her daughter used to be afraid

50 The already poor economic situation makes Juang households less able to withstand additional economic shocks,and hence children are used as insurance for supporting the family.

33

of her Class 1 (non-tribal) teacher. But now that her daughter has entered the MLE Class 2,

taught by a Juang tribal teacher, she has noticed a positive change in her daughter’s behaviour.

It is for this reason that the respondent decided without hesitation to send her youngest daughter

to the MLE Class 1 at the start of this academic year. Duarsuni village fathers also agreed

that they are more disposed to send their daughters to school when they can trust the tribal

teacher.51 Indeed, one of the most positive aspects of the intervention that has emerged is the

fact that MLE tribal teachers are committed to seeing that the younger generation from their

own community attend school. Parents explained that prior to the intervention, it was well

known that non-tribal teachers take days off from teaching, which worked to dissuade

community members from enrolling their children in school. The headmaster of the Duarsuni

village school realized how MLE could affect the enrolment of girl children. He said, ‘The girl

will want to come to school when she can communicate freely in Juang with a teacher from

her own community. Then the teacher can become more aware of the girl’s potential for

success, which in turn will enhance her confidence levels.’

Almost all community members in both villages seemed to believe that residential schools would

provide the solution to the problem of the current limited enrolment of girl children.52 Parents

expressed enthusiasm about sending their daughters to these schools if scholarships were provided

as this would take away the burden of providing food and clothing.53 While being favourably

disposed to the idea of residential schools, however, some parents at the same time felt that their

daughters would be exposed to many more dangers and would be more vulnerable away from

home.

At present, there are three separate but probably overlapping programmes that aim to increase

the school enrolment levels of the girl child:

• Model Cluster School (MCS) aims to increase female enrolment in education through

vocational life skills training for girls.

• Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya (KGBV) is a residential high school programme for

dropout girls.

51 ‘I no longer have any fears about leaving my daughter with the teacher’ (Mo jhia ku sir ka sahita chadi baku aumora dara nahi).

52 Orissa was a pioneer state in setting up special types of residential educational institutions. OPEPA has establishedand manages different residential educational institutions all over the state to promote tribal education. See theWorld Bank Study, Integrated Social and Environmental Assessment Study: Tribal Inclusion and DevelopmentAssessment and Tribal Development Plan, 2007, p. 13.

53 Institute of Development Studies, ‘Tackling Social Exclusion in Health and Education: Case Studies from AsiaSummary Report’, July 2006. Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) in Bangladesh has been successfulin promoting residential schools. In Orissa, the concept of residential centres emerged in 2002 out of a partnershipbetween the District Collector of Balangir district and ActionAid. The residential centres were conceived as a meansof providing care and education for the children of migrant workers from Balangir who would otherwise have to dropout of school when their parents migrated out of the district in search of work.

34

• National Programme for Education of Girls at Elementary Level (NPEGEL). As part of the

SSA framework to accelerate the education of girl children, it focuses on universal enrolment,

retention, and achievement in quality education.54

The lack of coordination between the above programmes might not help in creating streamlined

policies aimed at increasing girl child enrolment.

Table 8: Changes in girl child enrolment (2007–2008)

Enrolment Enrolment Enrolment Enrolment Total Total

of Girls of Boys of Girls of Boys Enrolment Enrolment

(2006–2007) (2006–2007) (2007–2008) (2007–2008) (2006–2007) (2007–2008)

Duarsuni 13 11 19 13 24 32

Alang 2 8 7 9 10 16

Dropout rates

Many Juang parents decide to take their daughters out of school before they complete their

studies. They said that they had insufficient resources to cope with the direct and indirect costs

of schooling, and hence preferred to invest in the education of sons because daughters will

marry and leave for the husband’s home.55 However, several Duarsuni MTA members did feel

that a girl’s ideas could develop if she stayed in school long enough. One mother in Alang village

said, ‘If a girl is educated, she will perform better than a boy. She will be trusted more as girls do

things better than boys.’ This shows not only that mothers are aware of the benefits of education

but also reveals the level of respect accorded to an educated person. Mothers in the FGDs

conducted in Alang village said in no uncertain terms that they would like their daughters to

continue in school, but then added that the best thing that a girl could do was to marry. For most

parents, a girl’s greatest gift to her family is to get married. The average age of marriage for

girls is about 17–18 years, but most of them would have already dropped out of school well

before this, in any event. The team observed that the innovative MLE materials emphasize

child-centred education and also filter learning through Juang culture (music and dance, arts and

crafts), thus reducing the dropout rate.

54 The objectives of the programme include: narrowing of the gender gap in the educational sector; greaterparticipation of women and girls in the field of education; and stressing the relevance and quality of girls’ educationfor their empowerment. See http://www.opepa.in/Npegel.

55 A useful strategy in Madhya Pradesh and Tamil Nadu has been increased subsidies that compensate parents,leading to the raising the enrolment rates of girls. See Bridge Gender Development Report, ‘India Gender Profile’,pp. 42–43.

35

Insert 1.

Paina Juang: A success story of a dropout girl from Duarsuni village, Banspalblock

Paina with a team member and the translator

Paina Juang* is a seven-year-old Juang girl from Duarsuni village.56 She had initially attended

school for a couple of months in 2007, but dropped out shortly thereafter. Her parents explained

that they could not see the relevance of education since Paina complained of finding it difficult

to understand the Oriya-language instruction of her teacher. Paina’s parents decided that

attending school was not furthering her development and preferred to keep her at home to

help with household tasks. When MLE was introduced in the Duarsuni village school, the

MLE teacher, who is from the same community, convinced Paina’s parents to send their

daughter back to school. Paina is now in Class 1 and enjoys socializing with her friends in

school. She also participates in MLE extracurricular activities such as storytelling festivals.

She has been so inspired by school that she wishes to become a teacher!

Absenteeism

Since the beginning of the MLE intervention, the appointed OPEPA MLE coordinator in Keonjhar

has led a series of drives encouraging parents to send their children to school on a daily basis.

The coordinator explained, ‘ST communities must be given the attention they deserve and should

be included in the educational framework. I try to do this by visiting the villages and talking to

the people and hearing their views on what they want from their schools.’ Indeed, both the MLE

teachers in Alang and Duarsuni villages point to the fact that the new MLE setting catering to

tribal needs has acted as an impetus in ensuring that ST pupils are kept interested in learning.

Pupils are now more likely to attend school without frequent absences. The emphasis in MLE

on reducing the absenteeism rate is substantiated by studies linking poor student performance

with high rates of absences.57

The team did not get an opportunity to speak with the pupils of the non-MLE school as they

were all absent. Surprisingly, the school is situated extremely close to the village, but due to the

drizzling rain on that particular day not a single child had come to school. Both the headmaster

and the teacher believe that a lack of awareness among parents and the non-Juang language as

a medium of instruction are the major obstacles in generating interest in education among parents

and children. For the average girl child, the major obstacle to regular school attendance is her

duty to perform certain household tasks. The teacher showed the team the attendance register;

a striking number of red crosses for absences appeared next to girls’ names. Assuming that a

zero dropout rate exists, the mean rate for girl child absences is 60–70 days in a school year of

180 days.

56 The respondent’s name has been changed for confidentiality purposes.

57 The World Bank South Asian Human Development Report, Learning Achievements in India: A Study of PrimaryEducation in Orissa, May 2007, p. 18.

36

Generally, in all the villages visited, adjusting school timings and conditions to fit the schedule of

household tasks performed by girls was mentioned by respondents as a solution to the problem

of female absenteeism; shorter days, seasonal sessions, and running classes in shifts to allow

girls to complete housework were mentioned as possibilities by respondents as possible

solutions.58 This thinking is in line with the Non-formal Education (NFE) schemes, which were

implemented in the 1990s across the state. NFE had some success in making school times meet

the working patterns of children from ST communities.

MLE and the girl child

MLE was never designed with the intention of targeting the girl child. Thus, a missing component

of MLE is the lack of emphasis on gender. Currently, MLE materials do not incorporate activities

specifically tailored to the needs of the girl child. There are very few female characters in the

books with whom girl children can relate to on a personal level. Girls are not yet fully empowered

to think about their leadership roles in society, and the MLE materials do not facilitate this kind

of debate. Moreover, as noted above, female role models are absent from MLE. Due to the low

female literacy rate in the tribal community, the lack of female teachers at the local level remains

the greatest challenge faced by programmes for the inclusion of the girl child in the school

institution. A number of girl respondents indicated their interest in becoming teachers, but there

are no female teachers to act as mentors either in real life or in the educational materials.

Participation

Parent participation

It is well known that student attendance and participation is closely linked to parental involvement

in the school institution. In both Alang and Duarsuni villages, the majority of parents interviewed

(around 90 per cent) explained that they were mostly illiterate and hence for them the notion of

education is remote. Given this weak educational background, OPEPA through MLE has tried

to involve parents in formal school meetings such as those provided under the MTA and PTA

framework. The Duarsuni village school boasted a livelier MTA forum than the Alang village

school. The mothers in Duarsuni said that they attended the MTA meetings, which are held

once every three months, and tried to encourage as many women as possible to attend the

meetings. There was also an MTA notice board in the school, which displayed pictorially the

aims of the group. MTA members took pride in attending meetings and having an outlet to voice

their opinions. In Alang village, the MTA was not as active, partly because of the intensive rice

cultivation work that takes up most of the women’s time. The team further noticed that there

58 The State Policy on Primary Education of Tribal Children in Orissa states, ‘Working hours of the school and itsalternatives other than that of the residential schools should be encouraged to suit the local conditions. However, aminimum time norm, i.e. at least four hours per day[,] must be locally decided and adhered to.’ Para 5.3. The StatePolicy also recommends that ECE [Early Childhood Education] centres should act as an alternative to the earlystages of primary school, ensuring continuous enrolment in the school thereafter.

37

was little mention of the fathers’ participation in these meetings, highlighting the need for greater

interaction between the school staff. Fathers need to be made aware of the value of female

education so that they can encourage their daughters to attend school.

In both villages, parents stated that they would like to participate more in their children’s

educational development.59 No examinations are held in primary school, which adds to the

difficulty of parents keeping track of their children’s academic performance. At present, files on

the school performance of each MLE student are prepared and kept by the school headmaster.

This means that parents who are illiterate cannot read these reports. Some parents in Duarsuni

village wondered whether they could be informed verbally of their child’s progress at a formal

meeting with the teacher.

Community responses to MLE

The involvement of older people in both communities in helping to teach the meaning of Juang

traditions, words, and concepts to the younger generation was seen by many respondents as a

positive outcome of the intervention. The tribal leader in Alang said, ‘It has led to the beginning

of interactions between young and old community members around the preservation of Juang

language and culture.’ He added that a new Juang dictionary was being developed, evidence

that their language is finally gaining recognition. One young man said that he felt proud that his

Juang tradition was being recorded by officials. A number of community members in both

villages specifically stated that the Juang tribal museum was an important part of the intervention;

rather than seeing the intervention as being imposed by OPEPA, they saw the roots of the

intervention as being located within the community. These comments attest to the fact that the

communities have a sense of involvement with and ownership of the intervention process.

While some parents interviewed in the FGDs expressed delight that their children were being

taught in Juang finally, others also expressed hope that their children would learn Oriya. Rather

than viewing MLE as a tool that assisted in learning, a few parents in both villages voiced fears

that their children would become even more isolated if they did not learn Oriya.60 A telling

remark by one Alang father was, ‘How will my son leave the village and get a good job if he

cannot speak Oriya?’ This highlights the fact that some parents do not have a clear understanding

that MLE is a means of providing inclusive education rather than an end in itself. Two parents

from Alang village further explained that currently Juang children could not pass the state-wide

59 The State Policy on Primary Education of Tribal Children in Orissa states that the ‘report cards of each child inwhich the results of evaluation are recorded have to be shared with parents.’ Para. 6.6.5.

60 Kabeer argues that universalist approaches do have merits. There are strong grounds for adopting and implementingplurality and diversity within universal frameworks of provision. Existing targeted programmes have generallyserved as a means of compensating for government weakness in delivering on universal services rather than as ameans of addressing exclusion. Kabeer says that targeted programmes could serve to marginalize groups if they donot act as a bridge to mainstream education or if they lead to the labelling of particular groups. However, MLE is abridge for children to acquire the dominant language.

38

Class 8 exams, and questioned whether MLE would really help or whether it would just further

exclude these children from the mainstream.61 The headmaster of the Duarsuni village school

said that sometimes parents have a misconception about MLE and believe that their children’s

education may take twice as long if they do not start to learn in the state language. The headmaster

said that he always tries to inform and persuade parents that allowing children to learn in their

own language will result in better educational progress in the long term.

Community participation

Community participation in the MLE intervention took place through informal activities, such as

storytelling festivals held as part of the Srujan activities under the MLE framework. During the

time when the team was conducting fieldwork in Alang village, a storytelling festival was held in

the school courtyard. It was organized by the BRCC and the OPEPA MLE coordinator in

conjunction with community members. It was attended by all community members, who were

excited about the day’s entertainment; they listened to and watched the singing and dancing

with keen interest. The programme appeared to empower the audience, serving to highlight the

fact that the Juang community could indeed be the agents of their own projects and events. The

team wondered whether these activities and events could be held more regularly and whether

the school could host other Juang festivals and celebrations. This step could go some way

towards making the school institution a less remote and intimidating place.

It seems that MLE encourages not only greater participation by the Juang in the education

service but also in the political decision-making processes that affect their lives. The team was

informed by the DPC of the attempts to incorporate PRIs into the administration of the MLE

intervention. In both Harichandanpur and Banspal blocks, meetings were held with the newly

elected PRI members. They were briefed on the activities of Srujan, and the topic of MLE has

been placed as an item on the agenda of their monthly meetings. Educational Innovation Funds,

which are granted under the SSA framework, are also managed locally by each of the MLE

schools visited and these are dispersed on the basis of the social barriers that need to be

overcome.62 The DPC also explained that attempts have been made to involve the Jati

Mahasabha in the MLE framework by encouraging tribal management of MLE schools. Similarly,

to make MLE schools more inclusive, the Duarsuni villagers suggested that young Juang people

61 Although the opinions of these two parents are not representative, they seemed to imply that there was adeliberate policy to exclude the Juang community from progressing through the education system. Their misconstruedviews show that there is miscommunication and misunderstanding between the Juang community and the educationservice providers.

62 Innovation Funds under SSA are granted to interventions that boost the performance of first-generation learners(Department of Education, 2006). Innovation Funds are distribution in line with the Seventy-third Amendment ofthe Constitution, which was enacted in 1992. This act delegated various powers and responsibilities to locallyelected bodies called panchayats, a step that provides a more broad-based process to address the problem of socialexclusion.

39

and students should be encouraged to participate in school management.63 Other practical methods

to foster community pride in the school building were suggested by the headmaster of the

Duarsuni village school, such as giving community members the opportunity to take care of the

school building’s upkeep.

Service delivery

MLE, as shown by increased attendance rates, is generating demand for educational services.

However, at the same time, the supply of quality educational services needs to be improved and

expanded.

Incentives to parents

Incentive schemes under SSA are aimed at creating greater demand for education. Parents in

Alang village were unaware of the exact details of SSA, while parents in Duarsuni village

recalled hearing about this government programme. One community member was eager to

inform the team of the exact details of SSA, which shows that ST communities are not merely

passive recipients of government aid, but also want to engage with the government projects

being implemented in their area. What was more interesting, however, is that parents in both

villages actually identified the MLE intervention rather than SSA as the reason behind their

decision to send their children to school. Provision of school uniforms, school books, and midday

meals, which act as incentives under the SSA framework, were viewed as part of the MLE

intervention. While these incentives were being offered before the introduction of the MLE

intervention, it was clear that parents only began to take notice of these benefits once the MLE

intervention began. In this way, the community has contextualized MLE around the SSA incentive

framework, showing that it is MLE that is the vehicle behind educational inclusion. Parents in

both villages frequently asked if more incentives could be provided. One respondent asked if

subsidies to fund the education of girl children might be given to parents. In the non-MLE

school, similar incentives under the SSA framework exist, but the Class 1 teacher said that

parents rarely comment on the provision of free school uniforms.

Recruitment

The team interviewed both MLE teachers at each school. They were recruited in 2007 when

they had acted as MLE resource persons in their respective villages. In this capacity, they

expressed their opinion on the MLE materials. They were then asked if they would like to

undergo training to become MLE teachers. The OPEPA tribal coordinator explained to the

63 The ‘Child Cabinet’ initiative, supported as part of the UNICEF Quality Education Package, provides forchildren to take on management roles in the school.

40

team that individuals were identified as teachers on the basis of their fluency in the local language

and the respect they commanded from others in the community. However, each school has one

MLE-trained teacher, which means that multi-class teaching persists and a high student-to-

teacher ratio exists.64 The headmaster of the Duarsuni village school said clearly, ‘It is imperative

that the recruitment of more Juang teachers takes on an even greater presence [sic] to sustain

the intervention.’

The teacher from the non-MLE school was interviewed at length. He spoke both Oriya and

English. He voiced his frustrations with having to deal with children every day with whom he

could not communicate effectively. He said, ‘I stare at blank vacant faces. It is not the children’s

fault, but the policy that is wrong. Both the children and I are lost.’ As a result, he has become

a fervent supporter of the MLE intervention. He believes that the children will benefit from

having an MLE-trained teacher from their own community. He explained the difficulties of

being placed in such a district by OPEPA, as he has to commute a total of four hours every day

to teach there. When the intervention is implemented later this year, he will take up other

employment and will be replaced by a local Juang teacher.

Insert 2.

Abhiram Juang*: Learning from his own experience65

Abhiram Juang, 25 years old, is an inspiring teacher in the Duarsuni village school. He uses

role-playing techniques to teach children, enacts sketches of well-known Juang folktales, and

encourages active pupil participation.

During the interview, he said that he drew on his own very difficult schooling experience as an

example of how to avoid repeating the same mistakes that his own teachers had made when

he was a student. Having come to despise the school environment, which he found completely

alien, he left school after Class 5. He told the team that he found it very difficult learning in

Oriya. He explained, ‘I was so frustrated with learning, I just gave up, and that was it.’

Fortunately for Abhiram, after leaving school, he was persuaded by a family friend to attend

regular classes at a nearby residential school. In this way, he was able to keep up his Oriya

literacy skills.

When recruitment for the MLE intervention began last year, Abhiram was asked by the tribal

coordinator to take up the position of an MLE resource person, so he could encourage fellow

community members to take part in activities recording Juang folktales. He enjoyed the

experience so much that he spoke with the MLE coordinator about the possibility of becoming

an MLE teacher.

64 The World Bank South Asian Human Development Report, Learning Achievements in India: A Study of PrimaryEducation in Orissa, May 2007, p. 14. The study shows that multi-grade teaching has a negative impact on a child’sperformance.

65 The respondent’s name has been changed for confidentiality purposes.

41

Training

Rupantar, the teacher training programme run in conjunction with the MLE intervention, has

been successful in providing training to newly recruited teachers. The MLE teacher in the

Alang village school said that it has helped him develop the skills to be confident in front of

children. The team observed that he was an effective teacher and was able to involve the

children in group work and, more importantly, his role-playing teaching methods appeared to

keep the children amused. However, introductory teacher training has not been provided uniformly.

While the teacher from Duarsuni village received the full 15 days of MLE training, the teacher

from Alang village received only 12 days of training.

What perhaps is missing from the MLE intervention is the provision of regular in-service training

programmes and workshops.66 The teacher from the Duarsuni village school voiced his concerns,

saying that he was unsure how effective his teaching methods were and expressing a need for

regular feedback. The teacher from the Alang village school said that he had only managed to

complete 21 of the 30 themes, adding that he would like assistance in structuring his classes.

The headmaster of the Alang village school too lacked training in the MLE material and had

kept many of the themed materials locked up in his cupboard as opposed to using them. It seems

that providing opportunities to practise teaching during the teacher training period could help

MLE teachers in using the materials.67 Currently, MLE teachers have not received assistance

in preparing teaching plans, and neither of the teachers said that they had been shown methods

of carefully documenting records of progress in learning. The teacher training process needs to

equip teachers with the ability to use an effective record-keeping procedure, one that is not time

consuming and can be easily maintained.

Previous UNESCO studies have shown that regular training is more effective in developing

teaching methods than having teachers remain at a venue for a long time during a one-off

training session.68 Bringing teachers together for ‘in-service’ training is a valuable social learning

experience because here teachers can share their experiences and learn from one another.69

Awarding certificates to trainees for completing components of the training programme was

suggested by the MLE tribal coordinator as a means of enhancing the credibility of MLE teachers

in the eyes of parents and community members.70

66 The State Policy on Primary Education of Tribal Children in Orissa states that ‘each DIET [District Institute ofEducation and Training] shall have a Tribal Education unit, which shall plan and monitor the education programmefor teachers in tribal schools.’ Para 7.3.

67 The themed materials referred to here are the theme webs prepared by OPEPA. The webs contain seasonal themesfor a calendar year See: http://www.unescobkk.org/fileadmin/user_upload/efa/EFA_News/EFA_News2006B/3rd_MLE_WORKSHOP_REPORT.pdf, p. 19)

68 UNESCO, Promoting Literacy in Multilingual Settings, UNESCO, Bangkok, 2007, p. 12.

69 Ibid., p.13.

70 A consultant at a human development foundation based in Orissa said that there are hopes of setting up an MLEtraining centre in Bhubaneswar.

42

Service delivery from functionaries

Monitoring

At present, the programme is monitored and administered, with mixed results, by the BRCC at

the block level and by the CRCC at the cluster level. The BRCC and the CRCC for both blocks

explained, initially in the first set of interviews conducted, that they visited the schools regularly.

However, after a second interview was held with the CRCC of Harichandanpur block, it became

clear that he did not always fulfil his responsibilities, including visiting the schools on a regular

basis. The monitoring network between the block and cluster levels does not seem to be working

as smoothly as it should; interaction is infrequent because coordination and communication

between the different levels were reported as being rare.

The BRCC of Harichandanpur block was unable to see how MLE would actually empower the

tribal communities, and he thought that students could become confused by learning two languages.

In addition, he appeared to be withdrawn from the Juang community that he is supposed to

represent.71 The CRCC of Harichandanpur also doubted the sustainability of MLE without SSA

funding. The CRCC of the non-MLE school, although expressing excitement at the prospect of

the introduction of MLE during the current academic year, was unable to articulate the main

purpose of MLE, which was a worrying sign. The DPC of Keonjhar showed limited knowledge

of the details of the intervention, but expressed optimism about the future of MLE.72

At the Orissa state level, the team was fortunate to attend some meetings of MLE coordinators

for each of the ten designated MLE districts. It is clear that the level of service provision varies

sharply from district to district and that the OPEPA representation at the district level is greatly

dependent on the skills and leadership of the appointed MLE coordinator. Fortunately, Keonjhar

district has an extremely committed coordinator, who visits all the MLE schools twice a month.

It was clear that he had developed good relations with the Juang community and that they

trusted his views.

School-based infrastructure

The Duarsuni village school appeared to be a lively institution. Its MLE classroom was brightly

painted and featured instructional materials painted on the walls. The children did not sit in a

predetermined arrangement. It was a positive sign that both boys and girls sat in a mixed seating

71 The State Policy on Primary Education of Tribal Children in Orissa states, ‘A change in the mindset and attitudeof the administrators, policy makers and political leaders about the education of children from tribal communitiesshould precede and accelerate the scale and intensity of change initiatives. The education management should beproactive in bringing about the desired change.’ Para. 9.1.

72 The main challenge at the district level is the lack of empathy towards and awareness of the tribal population onthe part of the administration. The State Policy on Primary Education of Tribal Children in Orissa states that STcommunities are ‘infested with ignorance, diseases and indifference to education. These conditions create problemsfor providing and sustaining organized school education.’ Para. 3.4.

43

pattern, with girls occupying front-row positions. Both schools lacked desks and chairs, and the

children used their straw school bags as seating cushions on the concrete floor. Children

participated actively in classroom activities, and the MLE teacher encouraged girl children to

take part. The midday meal was cooked, served, and eaten in an orderly fashion. The children,

even the boys, collected firewood for cooking the meal. A prayer was said before the eating

commenced, and the children sat in a circle for the meal.

The Alang village school had noticeably poorer infrastructure. The classrooms were smaller,

with little or no natural lighting. Unlike the orderly way in which the midday meal had been

arranged at the Duarsuni village school, the midday meal at the Alang village school was cooked,

served, and eaten in a less systematic way. It was interesting, however, to see that an older girl

in the Alang village school was in charge of lunchtime proceedings, and had been accorded

monitor status by her peers.

The cooking facilities at both schools lack sanitation and hygiene, although the situation at the

Alang village school was somewhat worse. Piped water through taps, the water tank, and the

hand pump was available in the Duarsuni village school. In the Alang village school, the pump

was located outside of the school, and there were no taps. The poor quality of the Alang school

building was cause for some concern as studies have shown that school quality matters more

for excluded girls than for boys and children from tribal families.73 These studies show that girls

are less likely to enrol in, and are more likely to drop out from, poor quality schools with dilapidated

infrastructure—leaking roofs, broken walls, and dysfunctional sanitary facilities—than boys.

This suggests that girls’ enrolment is more sensitive than that of boys to improvements in school

building quality.74 Operation Blackboard, a quasi-experiment conducted by the GoI, provided an

additional teacher, a well-maintained classroom, and instructional materials to single-teacher

schools generally in remote rural areas. Evaluations of Operation Blackboard found that the

programme increased the primary completion rate of girls (but not boys), boosted reading

achievement for all students, and reduced the gender gap in reading achievement.75

A positive aspect about the school buildings is their location a short distance from the village.

The MLE teachers at both village schools said that they could easily visit the villages when

some children have been absent for a number of days and request to speak to their parents. In

Harichandanpur block, the major problem, however, arises once a pupil has completed Class 5,

as the nearest high school is located more than 2 km away and is accessible only by means of a

treacherous unpaved dirt track. In the wet season, this road is unsafe for travel. Because

73 The World Bank Policy Research Working Paper, ‘Social Exclusion and the Gender Gap in Education’, March2008, p. 20. See also Lloyd, Mensch and Clark, 2000.

74 Ibid., p. 21.

75 World Bank, 1996.

44

Harichandanpur block is not served by a nearby high school, the team heard of two girl children

who were forced to cut short their education in Class 5 and discontinue studying altogether.

Insert 3.

Susmita Juang*: Access to higher education denied76

Susmita Juang is a nine-year-old girl from Alang village. She completed Class 5 and was eager

to attend high school. However, after much discussion, her father decided to end her education.

He was opposed to his daughter travelling 2 km each day to and from the high school; he thought

it would be too dangerous for her to make the journey twice daily. Though Susmita was very

keen on continuing her studies, she respects her father’s decision. She explained, ‘We have

difficulty in changing schools. It is too far. There are no familiar teachers and we will have no

friends.’ Despite this setback, Susmita still hopes of becoming a teacher one day.

The pyramid-like structure of the school system is well known; the number of schools falls

sharply from the primary level to the higher levels.77 The majority of primary-level schools in

Keonjhar offer classes only up to Class 5. Changing schools thus becomes imperative for a

large number of children who might wish to continue their studies. The consequences of this

move for children, especially those from marginal groups, have rarely been acknowledged or

addressed.

Working with community-based organizations78

The MLE coordinator of Keonjhar has already developed links with the local NGO, Suvendu

Mohan Pathaghar (SMP). He explained that he wished to strengthen the intervention with

other such partnerships.79 SMP assisted in generating awareness about MLE in the early stages

of the intervention. It has also developed an Education Watch Committee to monitor the dropout

rates in the MLE schools, and would like to start organizing after-school reading rooms for

children and parents.

Operational sustainability

The duration of the MLE intervention is from 2007–2012. At present, MLE is in the first year of

its operation. Currently, UNICEF provides advocacy services to the state government.

76 The respondent’s name has been changed for reasons of confidentiality.

77 Geetha Nambissan, ‘Exclusion, Inclusion and Education: Perspectives and Experiences of Dalit Children’, March2008, p. 11.

78 See The World Bank Policy Research Working Paper, The Role of Nongovernmental Organizations in PrimaryEducation: A Study of Six NGOs in India, January 2001.

79 The State Policy on Primary Education of Tribal Children in Orissa states, ‘Effective education of tribal childrenrequires a culture of working together. The education system must provide space for credible NGOs, social activistgroups and civil society to work with the government system’. Para. 9.7.

45

International educationalists were employed on a consultancy basis for developing MLE teaching

materials, with UNICEF financing some of the costs of these consultancy posts. OPEPA uses

a proportion of the SSA funding to finance the MLE intervention. However, it appeared that, at

least at the district level, there were doubts as to the long-term sustainability of MLE. The DPC

expressed his concern about MLE continuing past 2012 once SSA funding ends. Fortunately, at

the state level, the MLE intervention is led by a committed and enthusiastic figure, Dr Mahendra

Mishra, who is fully behind the exercise.80 The team witnessed first hand his dedication to the

intervention during a state-wide meeting of MLE coordinators. Dr Mishra is actively looking for

additional sources of funding for the intervention. In this regard, he has made contact with

Cambridge Education consultants, who have won a contract from the UK Department for

International Development (DFID) to conduct education programmes. He is hoping that MLE

in Orissa might be one such programme.

Consolidation

Over the long term, MLE will be introduced in pre-school. This is an extremely positive step

because the earlier MLE is commenced, the better the progress of children.81 In general, pre-

schools in tribal communities should be promoted as they have shown themselves to be effective

in reducing children’s subsequent primary school dropout rates and in boosting their achievement

rates. In addition, emphasis should be placed on ensuring that students ultimately develop the

highest degree of content mastery and second-language proficiency possible, as the time spent

instructing the child in the mother tongue for as long as possible is a wise investment.82

It is critical to the success of the MLE intervention that time should be spent on a thorough

follow-up in each village. Currently, MLE has been implemented in 200 schools, and it is to be

further scaled up to another 300 schools in the state. However, the priority should be consolidation

over coverage, which will ensure that students gain the full benefits of the intervention. Further,

MLE teachers should be recruited from and trained in the villages where the MLE intervention

already exists. More attention should be devoted to building up a cohort of MLE teachers

trained by OPEPA. A network of teachers should be gradually built up, with each group going

on to train the next set of MLE teachers.

80 As a folklore expert, he is both extremely empathetic towards the tribal communities and also interested inpreserving tribal culture.

81 Pre-school currently falls under the ambit of the Department of Women and Children Development (DWCD).

82 Carol Benson, ‘The Limitations of Bilingual Models for Designing Effective Schooling in Multilingual Contexts’,unpublished paper.

46

Table 9: Summary of findings

Concern / Fear Responses

National Level

Local Level

• Bilingual education will lead to

demands for autonomy by ST

groups

• Bilingual education will lead to

instability in border areas

• Tribal teachers are not capable of

teaching the national curriculum

• Students will be confused by

learning two languages, and

therefore will not learn the

correct form of the national

language

• Misconception that MLE takes

twice as long to learn

• Minorities have less ownership of

MLE because they lack

understanding of the approach

• The national and state languages

are more important than the

mother tongue

• Misconception that MLE will take

twice as long for children to learn

and the community will be further

excluded

• In other countries and in Andhra

Pradesh where MLE has been

implemented, no such demands

were made

• Relevant education will provide

for social inclusion

• Ongoing support for tribal

teachers through a teacher

training scheme

• Experience of MLE programmes

in other country contexts does not

show this

• Juang script uses Oriya

characters

• Organize frequent workshops for

education officials from the

district and cluster levels with

community members

• Discussions with tribal leaders,

teachers, and parents to raise

awareness of the importance of

first-language instruction. The

value placed on the mother tongue

increases the perceived value that

a community has of its own

language.

• Increased understanding of the

purpose of MLE is necessary: it is

a means, not an end

47

Suggestions and Policy Implications

MLE is still very much in an early state of development, but has already positively affected the

MLE schools and the Juang community at large. However, MLE is just one of the tools that

must work alongside other socially inclusive policy processes. While bearing in mind that MLE

has been running for only one year, the team puts forward for consideration some general and

specific suggestions.

General suggestions

1. Information about the extent of exclusion of Juang and ST children generally from education

is necessary for the effective implementation of the management process at the local level.

Strengthening data management systems that provide disaggregated data by tribal group,

gender, and other characteristics at the local level should be considered.83

2. Advocacy and awareness-raising projects highlighting the benefits of MLE should be

strengthened. The aims of MLE and its socially inclusive dimensions should be clearly

disseminated to both service providers and parents.

3. The gap between home and school still needs to be bridged. The school still has to be

perceived as the community’s own school. A possible suggestion in this regard might be to

organize after-school sewing classes and arts and crafts clubs.

Specific suggestions

Girl child

It will obviously take time to alter strongly held cultural beliefs about the role of women and the

value of education. Even if the girl child’s education is free, the opportunity cost for the family is

still considered high as it means one less pair of hands around the house to help with chores.

Working with schools and communities to sensitize adults about gender-based inequality would

go some way to counteract the negative conditions for girls’ education. As stated above, MLE

does not focus exclusively on providing access to education to the girl child, but given the

enthusiasm engendered in the tribal community by the intervention, OPEPA could use the

community support generated to now focus on the girl child.

MLE could highlight the link between education of the girl child and her employment prospects.

Females might be encouraged to set up women’s self-help groups (SHGs); adolescent girl

83 These data must be complemented by data on dropouts and on those who have never attended school. However,the level of disaggregation is often not currently included in either routine government monitoring systems such asthe Education Management Information System of DPEP, as the team was informed by the DPC.

48

groups could be established alongside MLE as a source of empowerment and to demonstrate

the utility of having basic literacy and numeracy skills. Linking education to employment has

been achieved through NFE programmes in other states of India. NFE programmes were

designed to meet the needs of children with considerable work responsibilities. NFE is more

flexible than a formal system of education and emphasizes practical life skills. It is the most

rapidly expanding sector in education.84 MLE could look at the NFE model for guidance.

Parents

Parents need to be incorporated into MLE more strongly and their participation encouraged.

The team suggests that the performance file on each child could be used for creating a pictorial

report, which could be given to parents, thus enabling them to take pride in the educational

achievements of their child. Evening events showing parents the MLE workbooks and basic

literacy classes, especially for mothers, could promote greater interest in schools.85 Indeed, it is

well known that the social impact of female education at all levels is profound. Most prominent

is the role of mothers’ education in lowering their own fertility rates, reducing infant and child

mortality, and promoting children’s education.

MLE teachers

The intervention could develop a cohort of Juang trainer teachers responsible for training new

MLE instructors. This step will facilitate the sustainability of the intervention over the long term.

More importantly, recruiting and training more female teachers will enhance the inclusion of girl

children into the MLE framework. A similar measure could be the preferential promotion of

female teachers to administrative positions, which would be a positive step for the long-term

involvement of women in the intervention

Service providers

Increased regularity in the monitoring of MLE schools could be encouraged by BRCCs and

CRCCs. Greater coordination between the different MLE stakeholders could be fostered so

that there are no gaps in information sharing.

Better working relationships between the different government agencies and the projects servicing

the STs could also be encouraged. OPEPA could develop coordination between the ST and SC

Development Department and the Women and Child Development Department in promoting

MLE. More concerted strategies by different government agencies working together could

allow for the implementation of a more streamlined educational policy.

84 In the period 1986–1993, the number of NFE centres in India grew from 126,000 in 1986 to 238,000 in 1993, withall-girl centres increasing from 20,500 to 79,000 Source: Institute of Development Studies, ‘Tackling Social Exclusionin Health and Education: Case Studies from Asia Summary Report, July 2006. See also State Policy on PrimaryEducation of Tribal Children in Orissa, which states that life skills and work experience education should bedeveloped. ‘Various life skills shall be identified class-wise and shall be integrated in all curricular and co-curricularactivities ultimately aiming at developing vocational choice among the children.’ Para. 6.13.

85 The State Policy on Primary Education of Tribal Children in Orissa states that ‘the parental, especially mothers’,empowerment has to be addressed for making the education of their children meaningful to individual development.’Para. 4.3.

49

Conclusion

Building socially inclusive societies based on the values of equality and non-discrimination is

critical if all people are to be able to claim their rights. Social inclusion through access to education

of the Juang tribe is being facilitated through the MLE intervention in Orissa. Indeed, MLE is a

tool for making educational services socially inclusive. However, MLE and other educational

programmes cannot exist in isolation. Educational interventions in Keonjhar should be aligned

with economic and livelihood development programmes, as it is well known that children from

economically secure households gain more benefits from education.

MLE ensures that the Juang as a minority do not feel rejected by or isolated from the majority.

They are not forced to abandon what they already possess—their knowledge and experience

and their linguistic and cultural heritage—in order to pursue their educational goals.86 ST

communities are equal partners in the development process rather than passive bystanders, as it

is their skill, knowledge, and capacity that are tapped under the MLE framework. MLE also

prompts service providers to re-evaluate traditionally marginalizing practices at school.

It is simplistic to claim that implementing MLE will equalize opportunities for girls and women,

but it does enable them to feel more at ease in the school setting. Indeed, Juang girl children

have faced double disadvantages in accessing education on account of their gender and ST

status. However, it is clear that designing and establishing a school system that recognizes the

ethno-linguistic background of STs goes a long way towards improving educational opportunities

for all.

86 UNESCO, Promoting Literacy in Multilingual Settings, UNESCO, Bangkok, 2007, p.16.

50

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52

Annexure I

Map of Keonjhar district

53

Annexure II

Map of Alang village

54

Annexure III

Map of Duarsuni village (drawn by a team member)

55

Annexure IV

Keonjhar (Census of India, 2001) http://www.censusindia.net/

56

Annexure V

Phase of a three-language programme (UNESCO)

UNESCO (2007). Promoting Literacy in Multilingual Settings. UNESCO, Bangkok.

57

Annexure VI

Multilingual education that provides a bridge from a minority learner’s own language

to the second language and leads to multilingualism and multi-literacy

UNESCO (2007). Promoting Literacy in Multilingual Settings. UNESCO, Bangkok.

58

Annexure VII

Impact of MLE on enrolment in 10 pilot schools in Keonjhar (Class 1)

Compiled by authors using data from OPEPA

59

Annexure VIII

Processes of exclusion and mechanisms of inclusion in education

Community-level factors Institutional factors Mechanisms

• Household poverty

• Traditionally perceived roles

of women and girls

• Lack of awareness of rights

• Lack of linkage between

utility of education and

employment

• Lack of disaggregated

management data

• Lack of opportunities

beyond the household

• Discriminatory institutions

that do not meet needs of

constituency

• Language barriers

• Inappropriate curriculum

for tribal girl children

• Service provision and

delivery to address needs

of tribal communities

• Residential schools

• Stipends to girls to

encourage attendance

• Increased subsidies and

scholarships

• Financial incentives for

inclusion

• MLE

• Linking education

interventions to overall

livelihood strategies

60

Annexure IX

List of one-on-one interviewees

Interviewee Level

State Coordinator, ST/SC education, OPEPA State level

District Project Coordinator (DPC), Keonjhar district District level

BRCC, Banspal block Block level

BRCC, Harichandanpur block Block level

CRCC, Banspal block Cluster level

CRCC, Harichandanpur block Cluster level

Headmaster and MLE teacher, Duarsuni Primary School School level

Headmaster and MLE teacher, Alang Primary School School level

Headmaster and MLE teacher, Panasnasa Primary School School level

Father of an MLE student, Duarsuni village Village level

NGO worker Suvendu Mohan Pathaghar

61

Background Note on the Internship Programme

Knowledge Community on Children in India (KCCI) initiative aims to enhance knowledge

management and sharing of policies and programmes related to children in India. Conceived as

part of KCCI, the objectives of the 2008 Summer Internship Programme were to give young

graduate students from across the world an opportunity to gain field-level experience of and

exposure to the challenges and issues facing development work in India today.

UNICEF India hosted over 82 interns from India, Australia, Canada, France, Germany, Georgia,

Ghana, Italy, Japan, Montenegro, Netherlands New Zealand, Norway, Portugal Spain, Singapore,

Sweden, South Korea, Tajikistan, United Kingdom and United States of America to participate

in the 2008 Summer Internship Programme. Interns were grouped into teams of four or five and

placed in sixteen different research institutions across fourteen states (Andhra Pradesh, Assam,

Bihar, Delhi, Gujarat, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Uttar

Pradesh and West Bengal), studying field-level interventions for children from 28 May to 5

August 2008.

Under the supervision of partner research institutions, the interns conducted a combination of

desk research and fieldwork, the end result of which were 18 case studies of interventions

aimed at promoting the rights of children and their development. The case studies cover key

sectors linked to children and development in India, and address important policy issues for

children in the country. These include primary education, child survival, health, nutrition water

and sanitation, child protection and village planning.

Another unique feature of this programme was the composition of research teams comprising

interns with multidisciplinary academic training and multicultural backgrounds. Teams were

encouraged to pool their skills and knowledge prior to the fieldwork and devise a work-plan that

allowed each team member an equal role in developing the case study. Group work and

cooperation were key elements in the production of outputs, and all this is evident in the interesting

and multifaceted narratives presented by these case studies on development in India.

The 2008 KCCI Summer Internship Programme culminated in a final workshop, at which all

teams of interns presented their case studies for a discussion on broader issues relating to

improvements in service delivery for every child in the country. This series of case studies aims

to disseminate this research to a wider audience and to provide valuable contributions to KCCI’s

overall knowledge base.