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A Case Study on ElectionManagement in Namibia

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Mr. Sam Graham

Executive summary

This case study will examine the election management apparatus of Namibia with special

reference to the political, legal and administrative framework in which the 1999 Presidential and

National Assembly elections were held. An attempt will also be made to determine whether

there exist in Namibia certain elements which are universally recognized as essential to the

promotion of "effective Pluralism and honest political competition".

These elements include:-

• Means for the effective achievement of a level playing field,

• The role of the media and non-governmental organizations, including election observers and

monitors,

• "Democracy-watchers" and civic education bodies, and

• The identification of policies and strategies for international support to achieve sustainable

democracy beyond elections.

Political Background

Like other countries with a history of prolonged and difficult liberation struggle, Namibia hasdeveloped a distinctive political profile. This profile is characterized by -

• A hero type Head of State who enjoys enormous popular support

• A dominant political party led by the hero/ Head of State.

• Strong grass root support for the dominant political party.

• The proliferation of weak opposition political parties.

• Constitutional guaranties for the holding of regular elections which are supervised by anindependent Electoral Commission.

• Many years of uninterrupted success at the polls for the dominant political party.

Namibia fits this profile perfectly.

International IDEA Conference -Towards Sustainable DemocraticInstitutions in Southern Africa

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The Legal Framework

The Namibian electoral law exhibits most of the features of good electoral legislation. Thesefeatures include, but are not limited to -

• Provisions for the establishment of an independent elections management body.

• The registration of voters.

• The preparation of a voters' register.

• Public scrutiny of the voters' register.

• The registration of political parties.

• The nomination of candidates.

• The conduct of elections and the counting of votes.

• Procedures for dealing with elections offenses, the settlement of disputes and the making ofregulations.

Some suggested amendments to the electoral law are -

• The severing of any connection between the Directorate of Election and a ministry ofgovernment (currently the Directorate of Election is a Division of the Office of the PrimeMinister).

• The streamlining of the procedure for tendered voting.

• The extension of the duration of the nomination session for presidential candidates beyondthe two hour limit provided for in the electoral law.

• Greater efficiency in the counting of the votes (consideration should be given to thecounting of votes at polling stations).

Management and Administration

The main principles upon which election management bodies must be founded are –

• Independence

• Non-partisanship

• Professionalism

• Transparency

• Secrecy of the vote

• Systems to avert fraud and punish election offenses, and

• Open communication


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Professionalism cannot be achieved in the absence of proper training. There is a dire need fortraining in the administrative ranks of Namibian Directorate of Election. This is evidenced bythe fact that there is no permanent Training Officer attached to the Directorate and the majorityof its upper 1evel managers were on brief temporary assignments during the 1999 elections. TheElection Commission should make a serious effort to acquire and train its own seniormanagement personnel.

Although there was no evidence of fraud during the recent elections, much more could havebeen done to promote voter confidence in the fairness of the electoral system, for example, thefailure of the Commission to use voters’ register at polling stations. Another example was theconcern expressed by some opposition political parties with respect to the Commission’sdecision to award the printing of the ballot papers to Namprint, a company originally purchasedby SWAPO in 1990. While there may have been good reasons for the Commission’s action inboth these cases, one must not forget that in the administration of elections, the appearance offairness is sometimes as important as fairness itself.

The Role of the Media

During the 1999 general elections, the Namibian media undertook the important task ofinforming the public about all aspects of the electoral process. Although there was obvious biasin some areas of the media, the general tone of the reporting of election events appeared to befair. The Election Commission made extensive use of the media in its voter education programas well as in as communication of information to polling staff and other employees. Even moreimportantly, the Namibian media serves as a vehicle for the free transmission of informationand the exchange of views between the voters and those seeking political office.

Election Observers

The Council of Churches in Namibia (CCN) and the Namibia NGO Forum (Nangof), whichformed an umbrella group to monitor the 1999 elections, were generally satisfied with the waythe elections were conducted. They have concluded that the elections were "fair but not free".This assessment is based on reports that the police had recorded 14 incidents of intimidation,damage to property and "undue influence" during the campaign. The observers also expressedconcern about the utilization of public resources for campaign purposes by the ruling party andthe discriminatory manner in which air-time was allocated to smaller parties and those outsideparliament. The group however, commended the National Broadcasting Corporation for settingup an election desk and the Electoral Commission for the way it ran the elections.

Support Strategies


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Support strategies should aim at making countries like Namibia self sufficient in terms ofelection management utilities. Areas where support should be directed include -

• Training programs in the form of seminars and workshops for middle and uppermanagement of electoral commissions.

• The inclusion of a course in election management in the curriculum of institutions of higher1earning in the region.

• A more liberal approach by regional governments with respect to the funding of Electoralcommissions, especially during periods between elections. Government’s budgetary andfinancial control policies should recognize the independent status of election commissions.


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Political Background

After nearly ten years of independence, the political landscape of the Republic of Namibia is not

unlike that of most countries which have emerged from years of political domination after a

long and difficult liberation struggle. The political profile of such countries include the

following features-

A hero type Head of State who emerged from the struggle for independence as a brave and

courageous defender of his country's right to self-determination.

The emergence of a dominant political party led and in some cases, controlled by the hero/ Head

of State.

Popular grass root support for the dominant political party. In most cases, this support is not

based on any understanding of, or agreement with, the party's programs or policies. It is a

support fired by emotion and a residual national pride related to the role which the dominant

party played in the liberation struggle.

There tends to be a proliferation of weak and ineffective opposition political parties. These

opposition parties usually fail to see the wisdom of presenting a united front against the

dominant political party and therefore, fail to make any significant impact at the polls for many

years after the achievement of independence.

A common feature of the states under discussion is the enactment of a relatively liberal

constitution which guaranties the holding of regular national elections. These elections are

invariably supervised by an Election Commission which is supposed to be independent.

The dominant political party achieves uninterrupted success at national elections for several

years after political independence while the other parties scramble for the second prize - the

honor of becoming the official opposition in Parliament.

It is not difficult to demonstrate how the Republic of Namibia fits into the political profile

described above. After being colonized and dominated by foreign powers for over a century, the

Namibian people engaged their oppressors in a fierce liberation war which ended with

independence in 1990. The following facts show how closely Namibia's political development


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followed the well traveled road taken by other democracies which emerged from prolong

liberation struggles-

Namibia's hero type Head of State is President Sam Nujoma. As the leader of SWAPO, he

emerged from the liberation struggle to garner 41 of the 72 seats in the Constituent Assembly in

the 1989 elections. The DTA received 21 seats and the five smaller parties shared the remaining

10 seats. Since becoming Namibia's first President in 1990, Mr. Nujoma's popularity has been

on the increase. This increase in popularity is clearly demonstrated by the results of the 1994

and 1999 Presidential Elections. In 1994 President Nujoma captured 76% of the presidential

votes. In the 1999 Presidential Election, he was able to increase his share of the votes slightly to

76.7%.

The political fortunes of SWAPO appears to be closely linked to its leader, President Sam

Nujoma. In the 1994 National Assembly Election SWAPO obtained 73.89% of the votes cast. In

the1999 National Assembly Election, SWAPO increased its share of the votes cast to an

impressive 76.3%. There is no empirical evidence to determine whether the current support

enjoyed by President Nujoma and his party stems from popular satisfaction with the way the

country is being managed or if such support is an emotional hangover from the liberation

struggle or a combination of both factors. If the pattern established in other democracies which

were engaged in liberation struggles prior to independence is any guide, one must conclude that

Namibia is no exception to the rule and that emotional considerations play a big part in the

election successes of President Nujoma and SWAPO. If this conclusion is correct, indications

are that this trend will continue. Another indicator that Namibia fits the pattern of political

development which has been outlined in this case study, is the continuous poor showing of

opposition parties at the polls. In the 1994 National Assembly Election, the results were as

follows:-


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National Assembly Election Results- 1994

Party % of votes No. of seats

SWAPO 73.89% 53

DTA 20.78% 15

UDF 2.72% 2

DCN 0.83% 1

MAG 0.82% 1

The opposition parties fared no better in the 1999 National Assembly Election. The results were as

follows-

National Assembly Election Results- 1999

Party % of votes No. of seats

SWAPO 76.30% 55

COD 9.90% 7

DTA 9.40% 7

UDF 2.90% 2

MAG 0.70% 1

SWANU 0.30% -

DCN 0.30% -

FCN 0.10% -

It should be noted that in keeping with the pattern which has been established, opposition parties

continue to proliferate in Namibia. In 1994, four opposition parties contested the National

Assembly Election; by 1999 that figure had increased to seven. Should this trend continue, it is

safe to assume that the voters of Namibia would not be rewarding any opposition party with the

government of the country in the near future.


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The Legal Framework

The statute governing the conduct of election in Namibia is the Electoral Act of 1992(as

amended). This is a very comprehensive and well organized Act which contains all the essential

elements of sound electoral legislation. These elements include provision for-

• the establishment of an independent elections management body,

• registration of voters,

• preparation of a voters' register,

• public scrutiny of the voters' register,

• the registration of political parties,

• the nomination of candidates

• the conduct of election and the counting of the votes,

• procedures for dealing with election offenses,

• procedures for the settlement of disputes and

• procedures for the making of regulations.

In spite of the commendable legal framework within which the 1999 Namibian general elections

were conducted, it is necessary to draw attention to the following aspects of the Electoral Act of

1992(as amended) which may need to be revisited.


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The Directorate of Elections

According to Sect.11(1)(a) of The Electoral Act, "there shall be a division in a ministry--------to

be known as the Directorate of Election which shall be responsible for the administrative and

clerical work involved in the performance of the functions of the Commission". This provision

should be read in conjunction with Sect.4(1) of the Act which requires the Electoral

Commission " to direct, supervise and control in a fair and impartial manner, any election under

this Act".

In Namibia the ministry of government of which the Directorate of Election is a division, is the

Office of the Prime Minister. There is no evidence that this arrangement in any way

compromised the fairness of the 1999 general elections. However, the well established principle

which states that in the management of elections, the appearance of fairness is as important as

fairness itself, has certainly been offended. An amendment to this provision of the Act which

will sever the statutory connection between the Directorate of Election and any ministry of

government will certainly help to put Namibia on par with many other forward looking

democracies.

Tendered Voting

A 1994 amendment to the Namibian Electoral Act of 1992 provides that if a voter is unable to

cast his/her vote at the polling station where he/she is required to vote, that person may record

his/her vote at another polling station by way of a tendered vote. This voting arrangement is

very common in the system of Proportional Representation employed in Namibia. The

application of this device, however, presents certain difficulties relating to the use of the voters'

register. One of the most difficult problems faced by election administrators in this regard is

how to check the voters' register for the name of a person who is allowed to vote outside his/her

constituency. Two methods suggest themselves-

Make a copy of the voters' register for every constituency available for checking at each polling

station or

Require that potential tendered voters apply to vote outside their constituencies well in advance

of polling day. In this way


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deletions could be made from the register where the tendered voter is registered and included on

the register where he/she wishes to vote(this method was used during the 1999 South African

general election).

It is interesting to note that the Namibian Electoral Commission chose to use neither of the

above methods during the last general election in that country. The Commission took the

decision not to use the voters' register at any polling station. This meant that a voter with a

registration card and the appropriate identification document was allowed to vote at any polling

station. The Commission's decision in this regard appears to raise some legal problems since

Sect.82 of the Act, which deals with "manner of voting" indicates that the voters' register should

be checked at polling stations. Apart from the legal ramifications, the decision not to use the

voters' register also puts in doubt the usefulness of preparing such a register and going through

the motions of publication, objection by members of the public and revision of the register as

required by law. It is suggested that serious consideration be given to the introduction of

measures which will streamline the system of tendered voting in Namibia. In particular, every

effort should be made to consistently enforce the well established safeguard of checking the

voters' register for the name of each potential voter at every polling station.

Nomination Procedure

Sect.56 of the Electoral Act 1992(as amended) deals with the duration of the session for the

submission of nomination papers by presidential candidates. According to the section, the

duration of this session is two hours- from 9h00 to 11h00. The section further states that if a

candidate is present and ready to submit his/her nomination papers, or if the candidate has

submitted incomplete documents, the Chairman of the Electoral Commission shall continue the

sitting to allow such a candidate to be duly nominated.

Although these provisions were applied to all candidates equally during the 1999 elections, the

duration of the nomination session appears to be unusually short. Nomination for the office of

President is a very important activity and all reasonable consideration should be given to

potential candidates. This is especially important in countries like Namibia where the

nomination session is held in the capital city and where the journey from some areas to the

capital could take as many as ten hours or more. In such cases, a traveling mishap could cause a

potential candidate to loose the opportunity to be nominated.


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During the preparations for the 1999 Presidential Election, one candidate arrive shortly after the

two hour time limit allowed by law and was quite rightly denied the opportunity to be

nominated. Although candidates have been known to arrive late for nomination sessions which

extend from 9h00 to15h00,it is suggested that an extension of the nomination session in

Namibia would be a practical and welcomed development.

The Counting of the Votes

The procedure for the counting of votes is a matter of grave concern not only to election

administrators and politicians but to the ordinary voter as well. It is vitally important, therefore,

that the most efficient methods of determining the results of an election should be employed. A

fast and efficient counting procedure is one of the best vehicles for building voter confidence in

the electoral process. Without the confidence of the voters of a country in its electoral system,

sustainable democracy could prove elusive.

The election laws of Namibia require that votes be counted at counting centres in each

constituency. This requirement is not in keeping with the growing trend to count votes at polling

stations. The fact that Presidential and National Assembly elections are held on the same day

makes the task of counting votes quite difficult since each election must be dealt with

separately. To further complicate the issue, a recent amendment to the electoral law makes it

mandatory that tendered votes be counted at the counting centres instead of at the office of the

Director of Election as previously obtained.

The counting of the votes cast at the 1999 Namibian election was painfully slow. In some

constituencies election results were not available three days after the polls closed. This

inordinately long delay in announcing the results of an election does not promote confidence in

the Namibian electoral process. It is clear that efforts to make the counting process more

efficient should be given high priority. Among the changes which the election managers in

Namibia may wish to consider is the counting of the votes at polling stations. This method

would involve a more careful selection of Presiding officers and certainly a more thorough

training of these election personnel.


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Management and Administration

The supervision and conduct of a national election is by any standard, a huge and delicate

undertaking. Unlike most large scale projects, every step in the execution of an election plan is

critically examined by several stakeholders. These stakeholders include political parties and

candidates, the media, various interest groups as well as voters. National elections also come

under the scrutiny of an increasing number of national and international observers.

Because the stakes involved are so high, and the interest generated is so intense, it is incumbent

upon election managers to achieve a high standard of efficiency in all areas of their operation.

To achieve the required high standard, electoral management bodies must be guided by certain

principles. According to ACE PROJECT contributors, Scallan, Smith and Lasham, the

principles upon which election management bodies should be founded must include:-

• Independence

• Non-partisanship

• Professionalism

• Transparency

• Accountability

• Secrecy of the vote

• Systems to avert fraud and punish

election offences, and

• Open communication

In the case of Namibia it is evident that these guiding principles are well in place. these

principles are clearly set out in the electoral law and generally, they are faithfully adhered to in

the management practices of the Electoral Commission. The independence and impartiality of

the Electoral Commission was not seriously questioned during the recent elections; in fact most

observers and election watchers have commended the Namibian Electoral Commission for the

manner in which they conducted and supervised the 1999 general elections. There are however,

some aspects of Namibia's election management policy and practice upon which some attention

must be focused.


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Professionalism

There is a need for a higher level of professionalism in the administrative ranks of the

Directorate of Election. During the 1999 general election, it was observed that many of the

senior management personnel were attached to the Commission on a temporary basis. These

officers were drawn from various government ministries and agencies and seconded to the

Electoral Commission for the duration of the election period. They headed such key areas as

Corporate Affairs, Voter Education, Media and Publicity and Training. It is submitted that this

arrangement does not promote professionalism within the ranks of the Commission nor does it

augur well for the delivery of efficient elections in the future.

In order to achieve the standard of efficiency which would ensure the required professionalism,

the Electoral Commission of Namibia must employ and train its own cadre of specialized

personnel. The Directorate of Election must be staffed by highly motivated and well trained

persons who are permanently attached to the Commission. They should be career election

managers who are familiar with the electoral laws and procedures and who are committed to the

principles of fairness and efficiency.

Training

A key component in the achievement of efficiently run elections is training. The conduct of an

election involves highly specialized work which cannot be accomplished effectively by persons

who are not thoroughly initiated. Every election management body, therefore, should ensure

that its staff receive continuous training in all facets of its operation. Electoral administrators

who are serious about their work should make full use of the periods between elections to

upgrade their skills. This is why it is important that election staff be permanently attached to the

Election Commission.

In Namibia, ongoing training of election staff cannot be effectively carried out because of the

transient arrangements in which most senior officers are involved. One of the most serious

threats to sustainable democracy in Namibia is the apparently low priority given to staff

training. An immediate indicator of this low priority, is the absence in the Directorate of a

training section or a permanent Training Officer. During the 1999 general elections, the position

of Training Officer was filled by a military officer who was assigned to the Commission for the


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election period. The duties of his substantive position required that he return to the Ministry of

Defence immediately after the elections. The consequence of this arrangement is that no one at

the Directorate of Election is likely to benefit from the knowledge and experience which this

officer acquired during the election period.

The importance of training for the staff of the Namibian Electoral Commission cannot be

overemphasized. Should the Commission decide to acquire its own permanent staff to fill

important management positions in the Directorate, international organizations like International

IDEA and others should not hesitate to assist the Commission in the implementation of its

training programs. Such a support strategy will go a long way toward the promotion of

sustainable democracy in Namibia.

Fraud

There is hardly an election in which the charge of fraud is not heard form some individual or

group. This is especially so in new democracies like Namibia. In most cases such charges are

spurious but election managers must be careful not to take any action which will lend credence

to such charges.

Earlier in this case study, the opinion was expressed that it is highly desirable that the voters'

register be used at all polling stations. One of the reasons for such a view, is that the use of the

voters' register can have the effect of averting fraud. Moreover the requirement that polling

officers draw a line through the name on the register of every person who voted, creates a

permanent record of voters at each polling station. This record can be useful evidence in a fraud

investigation. Another important use of the voters' register in relation to fraud is that the number

of persons who vote at a polling station should never exceed the number of persons whose

names ere crossed off the register by the polling staff. When the voters' register is not used, this

means of checking for election fraud or indeed of refuting a charge of election fraud is lost.

Even when there is no evidence of election fraud as in the case of the recent Namibian elections,

it is important that the appearance of fairness should exist. Election managers should be ever

careful and vigilant in this regard.


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Appointment of Election Personnel

The application of the principle that the appearance of fairness is sometimes as important as

fairness itself is most relevant in the appointment of election staff. It is unrealistic to expect

voters to have complete confidence in an election system if its managers do not exhibit some

sensitivity in the selection of such election staff as Returning Officers and Presiding Officers.

The general rule is that a person who is publicly identified with a political party or candidate,

should not be employed by the Commission.

The application of this rule is never easy, especially in a young democracy like Namibia with a

dominant political party headed by a popular leader. In some areas support for the ruling party is

so widespread, that it is not possible to find sufficient qualified persons who are not political

activists to staff polling stations. One gets the impression that this is the case in some areas of

Namibia. It is therefore, impractical and illogical to make this an absolute rule. It is however,

necessary that election administrators exercise the utmost sensitivity in dealing with the issue of

election staff appointment. Some Election Commissions have taken the initiative of publicizing

their employment policy well in advance so that persons who wish to work for the Commission

could avoid being over-zealous about their political affiliation.

Voter Education

Ideally, voter education should be a continuous process. There is however, a tendency in most

countries to de-emphasize voter education when an election is not imminent. It is suggested that

the Electoral Commission of Namibia could significantly enhance its contribution to the

development of democracy in that country by finding creative ways of arousing public interest

in the electoral process during the periods between elections.

The results of the 1999 elections suggest that the Electoral Commission's voter education efforts

were successful in providing voters with information about how to vote. This is exemplified by

the fact that only approximately 1% of the total votes cast were spoilt (this compares favorably

with South Africa where approximately 1.5% of the votes cast in the last general election were

spoilt).On the other hand it appears that the Commission's voter education emphasis on why

qualified electors should vote, was not adequate. The voter turnout of 62.79% may appear

impressive when compared with voter turnout figures in older democracies. When compared


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with other young democracies however, Namibia's voter turnout in 1999 is not good news. The

voter turnout in South Africa's 1999 general election for example, was 89.28%.

The above data may indicate that the Commission's voter education program needs to be

reviewed. The situation in Namibia appears to suggest that civic education bodies play a greater

role in voter education. The involvement of such groups could have the effect of bringing some

much needed balance to the average citizen's understanding of how democracy works. In

addition to the mechanics of how to vote, civic groups will certainly bring to the table such

concepts as, why it is important to vote and what are the rights and responsibilities of the voter

in a democracy.

The Role of the Media

In Namibia, there are three main sources of media information, namely the print media, the

television and the radio. By far the most popular of these is the radio. The impact of television is

mainly limited to the urban areas since there are not too many television sets in the rural parts of

the country. Radio on the other hand is listened to by approximately 80% of the population.

Newspapers are widely read but many persons cannot afford them.

There is a free and vibrant press and radio in Namibia which serve as the medium for the free

transmission of information and ideas among the various role players in the election process.

The Directorate of Election, for example, made extensive use of the media in its voter education

campaign. It also made good use of the media to convey information to its employees

throughout the country. This use of the media by the Electoral Commission for the purpose of

communicating with its polling day staff is a step in the right direction. Such use of the media

serves to arouse public interest in the process and it has the potential to become a useful tool not

only for the purpose of voter education, but also for training of the Commission's polling day

staff. It has been suggested for example, that the training of election agents could be done

through the media. This would have the effect of eliminating such expenses as traveling and

subsistence and the rental of training venues.

During the election period the radio call- in programs provided voters the opportunity to freely

express their views on any aspect of the election process. Callers aired their opinions on such

topics as the printing of the ballot papers, the election manifestoes of the various political


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parties, corruption, election violence and a host of other subjects. Readers' letters to the

newspapers served the same purpose.

Editorials and remarks by commentators on radio and television make it clear that the media in

Namibia have come of age. This is a positive development in the democratic process in

Namibia. The Namibian Media is indeed playing its role as a major watch dog of freedom in

that country.

Election Observers

A large number of national and international observers monitored the 1999 elections in

Namibia. The reports of the international observers are not available. However, a summary

report of the national observers has been compiled as follows-

The Council of Churches in Namibia (CCN) and the Namibia NGO Forum(Nangof) have

concluded that the 1999 elections in Namibia were free but not entirely fair because of

intimidation and hate speech. The churches and the non-governmental organizations' umbrella

group said that they have based their assessment on reports from 250 monitors who were

deployed throughout Namibia.

CCN and Nangof said they also reached their verdict on the basis of "internationally accepted

criteria" relating to freedom of movement, speech and assembly, freedom from fear to

campaign, a transparent electoral process and equal access to state controlled media and no

misuse of government facilities for campaign purposes.

The report acknowledged that the polling days and the counting period were peaceful and calm.

However, incidents during the campaign affected the fairness of the election. These incidents

include the attack on CoD National Assembly candidate Ignatius Shixwameni at Swakopmund,

which was described as the worst incident during the campaign.

The report noted that the police had recorded 14 cases of intimidation, damage to property,

assault and "undue influence". These alleged incidents represent an unhealthy blemish on the

Namibian political landscape. The playing field cannot be said to be level if freedom of

expression, association and movement is not enjoyed on an equal basis by all political parties


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and candidates during an election campaign. The views expressed by some members of the

public during the radio call- in programs prior to the elections can be very instructive as to

whether all political parties enjoy the right to campaign freely. During the Namibian election

campaign, for example, some callers expressed the view that it was "a provocation" for a certain

political party to attempt to campaign in an area of the country where it had no support. Such

attitudes must be radically adjusted as early as possible if electoral democracy is to flourish in

Namibia. This adjustment can only be achieved by a concerted voter education program

involving the Electoral Commission, the political parties and civil society. Such voter education

program must be backed up by a policy of zero tolerance by the police and courts for those who

seek to erode the rights of others during election campaigns.

Some other concerns of the observer group include:-

• Hate speech and character assassination by leaders of political parties during campaign

rallies.

• Reports of alleged utilization of public resources during the election campaign.

• Misuse of government resources during the election campaign.

• The allocation of air-time on the Namibia Broadcasting Corporation(NBC) in a manner

which discriminated against smaller parties and those outside parliament.

The report commended NBC for setting up an election desk. It also commended the Electoral

Commission for the way it ran the election.

Some of the group's recommendations were:-

• The amendment of the electoral law to create an electoral commission free from political

control.

• The use of invisible ink and ultra violet light to prevent people from voting twice and the

updating of the voters' rolls.


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• Increase voter education and the training of party agents to avoid delays during the count.

Women in the Political Process

Namibian women are playing an increasingly important role in the political process. It is

gratifying to note that of the 72 seats available in the new National Assembly,18 seats (25%)

were allocated to women. This figure compares very favorably with the world average for

women in parliament which is 13.5%. According to data compiled by the Inter Parliamentary

Union, Namibia ranks 16th in the world in terms of the percentage of women in the lower

House of Parliament. Namibia also compares very favorably with other SADC countries in this

respect. Only South Africa and Mozambique (both ranked 8th in the world with 30% of seats

allocated to women) can boast a higher rating. The following table classifies in descending

order the percentage of Parliamentary seats occupied by women in the Southern African area:-

Seats Held By Women In Lower House

Country Seats Women Percentage World Ranking

South Africa 400 120 30.0 8

Mozambique 250 75 30.0 8

Namibia 72 18 25.0 16

Seychelles 34 8 23.5 17

Botswana 47 8 17.0 36

Tanzania 275 45 16.4 38

Angola 220 34 15.5 41

Zimbabwe 150 21 14.0 45

Zambia 158 16 10.1 61

Malawi 193 16 8.3 71

Mauritius 66 5 7.6 78

Lesotho 79 3 3.8 102

Swaziland 63 2 3.1 105


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Policies and Strategies for International Support

Newly independent countries like Namibia require generous international support for the

achievement of sustainable democracy. The major policy behind this support however, must be

to enable Namibia to be self sufficient in terms of its election management capabilities. In order

to attain this long term objective, the following strategies are suggested:-

1. Assistance should be given to the Electoral Commission to develop and implement an

aggressive training program for its middle and upper management staff. Such training could

take the form of seminars and work shops as well as attachments to other Election Commissions

in the region.

2. The feasibility of including an election management course on the curriculum of institutions

of higher learning in the region should be explored. International organizations and

governments could provide scholarships to suitable members of the staff of the Electoral

Commission. The inclusion of such subjects as Election Planning, Electoral Law, Logistics and

other relevant areas of election administration would prove interesting and would certainly help

to sustain democracy in the region.

3. At the political level, international organizations and governments should do more to

sensitize politicians about the need to allow election commissions to be truly independent. One

of the most serious problems which some electoral commissions face is the shortage of funds to

implement development programs during the periods between elections. Such programs include

human resource development and the provision of proper office facilities especially in rural

areas. While he funds for the operation of election commissions must of necessity be allocated

by the government, such governments must at all times be sensitive to the independent status of

election commissions. It is time that some form of subtle pressure be brought to bear on

governments to remind them that the independence of the election commission is an integral

part of the independence they enjoy.


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Support for the Electoral Process by National Governments

While the need for international support for the achievement of sustainable democracy in

countries like Namibia cannot be underestimated, the role which should be played by national

governments in this regard must never be denied. One of the most tangible ways in which

national governments could demonstrate their commitment to the cause of democracy is to

diligently uphold and foster the independence of Electoral Commissions.

It has become all too common for some governments to proclaim the independence of the

electoral commission while at the same time denying it the practical means of exercising its

independence. Some governments insist for example, that the electoral commission be subject to

the same budgetary and financial control as other government departments. In most cases this

policy has proved impractical, disruptive and frustrating for election managers. It is suggested

that in an effort to strengthen the independence of electoral commissions as well as to improve

their efficiency, national governments should consider the following adjustments to their

financial relationship with election commissions:-

Provide electoral commissions with an adequate annual allocation of funds which must be

deposited into a bank account and administered and controlled by the commission. Stringent

measures of accountability must be put in place(for example the government could post its own

accounting officer or auditor in the executive office of the commission to ensure that the

procedures agreed to are followed).

Allow the commission to establish its own tendering procedure. It is very frustrating for election

administrators to wait on the decision of a Tenders Board especially when members of that

board are not sensitive to the time constraints under which the election commission must

operate.

Give the election commission the authority to hire and dismiss its own staff. If an election

commission is mandated by law to direct, supervise and control the conduct of elections, it must

be given the opportunity to select the quality of staff which it considers equal to the task.


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Documents

Mr. Sam Graham - The Institute for Democracy and Electoral ...archive.idea.int/ideas_work/22_s_africa/elections/4_namibia.pdf · Mr. Sam Graham Executive summary ... • The identification