5
Peru’s rapid response to the need for conservation Within the framework of global efforts to conserve biodiversity, particularly to reduce deforestation of the Amazonian Basin, Peru instituted an ambitious set of regulations in the 1990s. During a short period of 10 years, more than 400 legal norms were adopted, among them the law on Protected Natural Areas in 1997. This law and related specific regulations are based on 3 principles: a) introduction of local participation and private interest in the management models; b) reinforce- ment of the central role of the state in the conservation agenda; and c) integration of protected areas into the development context. New conservation policies were thus coupled with Peruvian decentraliza- tion policies and the willingness to estab- lish a new kind of relationship between local actors and the state. This means new rights and a theoretical reinforcement of the power of local actors, especially the power of indigenous communities. Indigenous claims This new participation of indigenous peo- ple in conservation is justified by the fact that these populations are known for man- aging their natural and cultural heritage sustainably (Figure 1). This postulate has been used by many Peruvian indigenous communities during the last 2 decades to claim recognition of their ancestral territo- ries—a claim criticized by conservationists who have doubts about this pro-indigenous discourse. They affirm that these claims, based on the myth of the “Noble Savage,” are primarily a new form of political and historical struggle, and that the process of stewardship could have ecological costs. The Amarakaeri Communal Reserve (RCA) is a clear example of the use of “conservationist” discourse for indigenous political purposes. In 1986, 3 Harakmbut communities proposed to take control of their ancestral territory located on the upper right bank of the Alto Madre de Dios River (Madre de Dios Department, southeast Peru; see Figure 2). They imme- diately received strong support from 2 local indigenous organizations, the Federación Nativa del Río Madre de Dios y Afluentes (FENAMAD), and the Harakmbut, Yines y Matsiguenga Committee (COHARYIMA). The RCA was recognized in 2002 after 10 years of negotiations between FENAMAD, COHARYIMA and the Peruvian govern- ment. The category of “Communal Reserve,” in which the state keeps owner- ship of the land, officially allows indige- Institutional Strengthening of the Amarakaeri Communal Reserve (Madre de Dios River, Peruvian Amazon Basin) Marc Galvin Marie Thorndahl 121 Mountain Research and Development Vol 25 No 2 May 2005: 121–125 Since 2002, the Peruvian government has allowed the Harakmbut people to conserve and manage natural resources within their ancestral territory. In order to alleviate the difficulties the Harakmbut had in establish- ing the institutional and operational frame- work of this protected area, a Partnership Action for Mitigating Syndromes (PAMS) proj- ect aiming to strengthen indigenous institu- tions in the Amarakaeri Communal Reserve, has supported training of administrative leaders and forest rangers. FIGURE 1 A tree near Shipetiari, with Mateo Italiano, the shaman of the community. (Photo by authors, 2005)

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Page 1: Mountain Research and Development Vol 25 No 2 May 2005 ...lib.icimod.org/record/11920/files/5854.pdfAmarakaeri Communal Reserve (Madre de Dios River, Peruvian Amazon Basin) Marc Galvin

Peru’s rapid response to the needfor conservation

Within the framework of global efforts toconserve biodiversity, particularly toreduce deforestation of the AmazonianBasin, Peru instituted an ambitious set ofregulations in the 1990s. During a shortperiod of 10 years, more than 400 legalnorms were adopted, among them the lawon Protected Natural Areas in 1997. Thislaw and related specific regulations arebased on 3 principles: a) introduction oflocal participation and private interest inthe management models; b) reinforce-ment of the central role of the state in theconservation agenda; and c) integrationof protected areas into the developmentcontext. New conservation policies werethus coupled with Peruvian decentraliza-tion policies and the willingness to estab-lish a new kind of relationship betweenlocal actors and the state. This means newrights and a theoretical reinforcement ofthe power of local actors, especially thepower of indigenous communities.

Indigenous claimsThis new participation of indigenous peo-ple in conservation is justified by the factthat these populations are known for man-aging their natural and cultural heritagesustainably (Figure 1). This postulate hasbeen used by many Peruvian indigenouscommunities during the last 2 decades toclaim recognition of their ancestral territo-ries—a claim criticized by conservationistswho have doubts about this pro-indigenousdiscourse. They affirm that these claims,based on the myth of the “Noble Savage,”are primarily a new form of political andhistorical struggle, and that the process ofstewardship could have ecological costs.

The Amarakaeri Communal Reserve(RCA) is a clear example of the use of

“conservationist” discourse for indigenouspolitical purposes. In 1986, 3 Harakmbutcommunities proposed to take control oftheir ancestral territory located on theupper right bank of the Alto Madre deDios River (Madre de Dios Department,southeast Peru; see Figure 2). They imme-diately received strong support from 2 localindigenous organizations, the FederaciónNativa del Río Madre de Dios y Afluentes(FENAMAD), and the Harakmbut, Yines yMatsiguenga Committee (COHARYIMA).The RCA was recognized in 2002 after 10years of negotiations between FENAMAD,COHARYIMA and the Peruvian govern-ment. The category of “CommunalReserve,” in which the state keeps owner-ship of the land, officially allows indige-

Institutional Strengthening of theAmarakaeri Communal Reserve (Madrede Dios River, Peruvian Amazon Basin)

Marc GalvinMarie Thorndahl

121

Mountain Research and Development Vol 25 No 2 May 2005: 121–125

Since 2002, the Peruvian government hasallowed the Harakmbut people to conserveand manage natural resources within theirancestral territory. In order to alleviate thedifficulties the Harakmbut had in establish-ing the institutional and operational frame-

work of this protected area, a PartnershipAction for Mitigating Syndromes (PAMS) proj-ect aiming to strengthen indigenous institu-tions in the Amarakaeri Communal Reserve,has supported training of administrativeleaders and forest rangers.

FIGURE 1 A tree near Shipetiari, withMateo Italiano, the shaman of thecommunity. (Photo by authors, 2005)

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nous communities to manage and developtheir resources within a conservationframework. In other words, the communi-ties are “under contract” with the state forthe management of natural resources andmust integrate conservation discourses andpractices to gain control over resourcemanagement. In other words, they becomethe “new rangers” of a protected area.

The Amarakaeri Communal Reserve (RCA): cultural andbiological diversity

The RCA has an area of 402,323 ha, main-ly covered by forest. It is inhabited byindigenous communities that belong to 3different ethnic groups: the Harakmbut,Yine and Matsiguenga. Eight communitiesare involved in the management of thereserve (Shintuya, Shipetiari, Diamante,Boca Isirioe, San Jose del Karene, PuertoLuz, Barranco Chico, Puerto Azul). Eachvillage situated along the river bank hous-

es 15 to 60 families, and there are an esti-mated 5000 indigenous inhabitants in thisarea. The Harakmbut communities sharelanguage, traditions, myths, knowledge,and a social model.

The RCA is located in one of theworld’s 25 “Biodiversity Hot Spots,”according to the World Resource Institute(WRI). The area is part of the Vilcabam-ba–Amboro Biological Corridor. Althougha biodiversity inventory has not been com-pleted yet, it is estimated that there are 99species of mammals, 526 species of birds,and 18 species of reptiles, of which at least60 are endangered.

Highland–lowland interactions: a source ofincreasing conflictThe RCA is located within a highland–low-land area. The mountains reach a heightof 2500 m within the RCA, and forests godown to 500 m (selva baja). Access to thisarea is only possible by plane or by usingone of the 2 new roads completed in the1970s that link the Andean Altiplano andtropical forests (Figure 3). It is less than100 km from the far more densely popu-lated Altiplano outside the RCA at 4000 m(Cusco) to the lowest area in the RCA.This great steepness makes the road diffi-cult during the rainy season. Underdevel-opment in this area results from the factthat it has only recently become accessi-ble. This explains why the Harakmbutremained isolated until the middle of the20th century and why the region is still sorich in biodiversity. The connectionbetween highland and lowland is centralin commercial terms for all actors in theRCA. Historically, most transactions havebeen related to coca produced in the Cejade Selva (900–1800 m), an ecosystem inthe RCA, and consumed in the Altiplanoby the Quechuas. The daily bus linkingthese 2 regions plays a greater economicrole than ever before.

Since the 1960s the Peruvian govern-ment has encouraged the conquest of allthe Amazonian territory, giving everyonethe chance to own for free a “piece of jun-gle.” This public policy produced a signifi-cant migratory movement of rich andpoor from throughout the country, whonow constitute an important economicand political class of settlers. Relations

AltoM

adre

deDio

s

Manú

C.N.Shipetiari

C.N.Diamante

Cusco

C.N.Barranco

Chico

C.N.San Josede Karene

C.N.Puerto Luz

0 10 20 30km

PuertoMaldonado

C.N.Boca Isirioe

N

0 200 kmN

Lima

ECUADOR COLOMBIA

BRAZILP E R U

BO

LIV

IA

PACIFIC

OCEAN

81°W 77°W 73°W 69°W

10°S

6°S

2°S

14°S

The RCA

Mining

Logging

Petroleum concession

Settlers

Road (existing & planned)

Expansion

Madre de Dios

Karene

Co

lora

do

C.N.Shintuya

Isirioe

o

FIGURE 2 Map of the Amarakaeri Communal Reserve. (Map by FENAMAD redrawn by UllaGämperli)

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between these new settlers, who live main-ly from an extractive economy (wood,gold; see Figure 4), and indigenous peo-ple were rapidly characterized by conflict.The fight for control of and access to nat-ural resources has become a core prob-lem. Even if official recognition of numer-ous protected areas in the region has beenspectacular (58% of the surface of theMadre de Dios Department is now underspecific protected area status), illegalmadereros and mineros are still entering theRCA unrestrained.

In the meantime, the Peruvian author-ities continue largely to sustain claims thatnatural resources should be exploited topromote regional development. Theregional government plans to construct aroad crossing the RCA to facilitate theextraction of wood. In February 2005, theadministration of the RCA discovered thatthe central government granted an oil con-cession to an international company, allow-ing subterranean exploration in the RCA.This has increased pressure and tensionamong the native inhabitants.

A plan of actionThe establishment of the RCA project isthe result of cooperation between differ-ent actors started in 1990. The process hasbeen controlled by FENAMAD, but someforeign NGOs have collaborated, such asWWF International. It is not certain thatall Harakmbut people are aware of what isto be established and are contributing torealization of the project. As a result, thegeneral strategy elaborated by representa-tives of the local people and NGOs is a mixbetween a traditional model of manage-ment and a modern economic one. Thisstrategy is based on the dual concepts of:

1. Protection of access to the territory inorder to prevent unsustainable activi-ties and maintain equilibriumbetween the forest and the fauna;

2. Enhancement of the quality of life forcommunities, through adequate man-agement of flora and fauna, based ontraditional subsistence modes andnew sustainable economic activities.

Today, the communities have strength-ened their rights on their territory as well

as their duties. This is a cultural, economi-cal and political challenge. Four mainpoints have been identified with regard tothe RCA’s development:

1. Empowerment of indigenous organi-zations;

2. Elaboration of natural resource man-agement tools to allow sustainableexploitation of wood;

FIGURE 3 Along the road to Shintuya, between the Andes and theAmazonian basin. (Photo by authors, 2005)

FIGURE 4 Woodcutting near the Madre deDios River. (Photo by authors, 2005)

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3. Establishment of a control and vigi-lance system, in particular through ateam of rangers;

4. Development of sustainable economicalternatives such as ecotourism andvalorization of medicinal plants.

However, the RCA is not yet opera-tional. It faces primarily 2 types of prob-lems. On the one hand, economic pres-sure related to extractive activities (gold,wood, oil) is greater than ever, even insidethe protected area. On the other hand,the RCA faces internal problems in finaliz-ing its institutional framework. The Man-agement Committee of the reserve(including representatives of the commu-nities, the state, and indigenous organiza-tions) took 3 full years to be set up. Thisdelayed validation of the ManagementPlan, which is indispensable for obtainingofficial recognition of the InstitutoNacional de Recursos Naturales (INRE-NA), the central administration in chargeof conservation. The Management Planwas endorsed in early 2005.

In addition, and in spite of an unsuc-cessful attempt to create an indigenousecotourism business in 2001, the reservehas not yet produced direct benefits forthe communities. This is also true foractivities related to medicinal plants,which have not materialized until now.Families living in the area are frustrated

and impatient. The creation of an alterna-tive economy with positive benefits for thecommunities is a difficult but central chal-lenge.

Current urgent action in the field of governanceInternational cooperation has played akey role in the development of protectedareas in Peru. In 2002, the Global Envi-ronmental Fund (GEF, managed by theWorld Bank) agreed to finance the institu-tional and organizational development ofthe RCA, with a project controlled by theUnited Nations DevelopmentProgram–Peru, for about US$ 1 million.Other collaborations have been launchedwith international NGOs such as WWFInternational, IUCN, and IBIS (DK). In2004 a partnership was signed with theNCCR North–South to establish a PAMSaimed at reinforcing the administrativeand managerial skills of RCA leaders andhelping to gain recognition of forestrangers and establish their function inlaw.

Linking partnership research andparticipatory developmentThe decision to work with FENAMAD wasdirectly related to scientific research inthe field of governance of biodiversityconducted in the Joint Area of Case Stud-ies South America (JACS SAM) of theNCCR North–South. Studies focus on theparticipation of indigenous people in col-lective action to resolve tensions betweenconservation and development in Ama-zonian protected areas. The RCA is ofspecial interest in this respect: it is one ofthe first protected areas (Reserva comunal)in Peru with indigenous control and man-agement. Enough financial support hasbeen received to translate intention intoreality. It is a fascinating challenge forlocal people, and a symbolic process forall indigenous people in Peru. Theresearch team also covers 3 other reservesin Bolivia (Reserva Pilon Lajas & ParqueTunari), and Brazil (Acre department) inorder to be able to compare theseprocesses.

At the beginning, the decision to sup-port FENAMAD responded to something

FIGURE 5 GPS training offuture Park Guards. (Photo byFENAMAD, 2004)

“GPS is essential tolocate the frontiers ofcommunity ownershipand the reserve. It isdifficult to know if atree is inside or outsidethe protected area. Infact, GPS will allow usto observe infringementsbut also to record thehabits of the fauna inthe territory and thelocation of exceptionaltrees. This will enableus to protect them moreeffectively.” (William, afuture ranger from SanIsirio, at the December2004 workshop)

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specific, especially interest in testing theresults of doctoral research on traditionalecological knowledge. The first PAMS pro-posal was directly concerned with the valu-ing of traditional knowledge—specifically,improvement of traditional transmissionof this knowledge—in order to reinforceaspects of the Harakmbut cultural frame-work. But as a result of FENAMAD’sneeds, the PAMS was given a more prag-matic objective—strengthening of localinstitutions in the RCA.

Two activities to strengthen indigenousinstitutional capacityThe first objective—capacity building forleaders—was realized through a course giv-en to future indigenous administrators ofthe RCA. The course covered accountingand administrative management. The sec-ond objective was related to capacity build-ing for forest rangers, who are expected toplay a very important role in reducing thepressure of illegal resource extraction.Rangers are designated by the communityassembly to represent their communitiesin the project. They will also be contractedfor 3 years with GEF–UNPD financial sup-port, but without any subsequent financialguarantee. Thus, it is hoped that newlygained institutional skills will guaranteethe success and local ownership of themanagement system over the long term.The second activity consisted of trainingrangers in using GPS (Figure 5). Fourinstruments were acquired by the projectfor the community. Today, the actorsinvolved in conservation of the Amazonforest cannot do without using this tool.

Generally, the results expected by thePAMS have been achieved. The RCA andFENAMAD leaders have been trained inlegal accounting and administrative mat-ters. Eight forest rangers have beentrained in GPS, and they are about to berecognized by INRENA. Much more thana capacity building operation, this work-shop was an opportunity for FENAMAD tomobilize the communities around theRCA project.

New opportunities and challenges aheadThe PAMS has opened new opportunitiesto advance collaboration between the

NCCR North–South (particularly JACSSAM) and FENAMAD. In 2005, two newPhDs (South) and a Master’s (North) willbe initiated in the RCA. This research isrelated to issues of great importance forlocal people, such as deforestation, man-agement of soils, and the revival ofshamanic institutions. An interesting con-clusion of this academic experience is thatFENAMAD has asked to make scientificcollaboration with the Individual Project 8(IP8) of the NCCR North–South official.They have posed specific questions. Annu-al meetings for the 4 next years have beenplanned to discuss the results of NCCRresearch with local people and invitedexperts. These meetings should also makeit possible to correct potentially inappro-priate practices of RCA managers andNCCR researchers, from a social learningperspective.

Even if partnership between theNCCR North–South and FENAMAD isstrengthening, it is worrying to note thelevel of dependency on foreign support inmost protected areas in countries in theSouth. The future of the AmarakaeriReserve—and, by extension, the quality oflife of local people—depends on a smoothtransition from strong external financialsupport to establishment of new, sustain-able activities that could enable self-man-agement and self-funding for conservationof this fragile territory. The success of theRCA in future is an open question, theanswer to which depends on a set of finan-cial, institutional, and political factors. Itis evident that the RCA is an extraordinaryfield for enhancing understanding of whatis going on in the Amazon, and the PAMSproject is a perfect tool for marrying sci-entific interest and concrete action. TheIP8 JACS SAM researchers working ongovernance of biodiversity will continue toanalyze new forms of participation in sev-eral protected areas, to gain more generalknowledge about the future of communi-ty-based management of natural resourcesin the Amazon Basin. The challenge is tobuild a strong enough network betweenacademics and local people, in order toshare research findings and informationon the needs of the communities on a reg-ular basis.

“The PAMS allowed usto visit all the communi-ties in order to organizethe workshops. Thus wewere able to re-igniteinterest in the reserve ata moment when theproject was running outof steam in some places.The community assem-blies could choose theirrangers. This has beenan important positiveside effect.” (JaimeMalaga of FENAMAD)

AUTHORS

Marc Galvin and Marie ThorndahlNCCR North–South IP8, Institut univer-sitaire d’études du développement(IUED), University of Geneva, 20 rueRothschild, CH–1211 Geneva 21,[email protected]; [email protected]

Marc Galvin is scientific coordinatorfor the IP8 of the NCCR North–South. Hecompleted his PhD on protection of tra-ditional knowledge in Peru (developmentstudies) at the IUED Geneva in 2004. Heis in charge of partnership researchrelated to governance of biodiversity andresolution of conflicts in the Vilcabam-ba–Amboro biological corridor(Peru–Bolivia).

Marie Thorndahl is a socioeconomistand a specialist in international cooper-ation and the social use of informationtechnologies. She is currently working asan administrative and communicationofficer in the IP8 of the NCCRNorth–South in Geneva. She has workedfor several NGOs in Asia, Latin Americaand Africa, and in international organiza-tions, specializing in development andcommunication issues.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Research for this article and the PAMSproject were funded by the SwissNational Centre of Competence inResearch (NCCR) North–South, withfinancial assistance from the SwissNational Science Foundation (SNSF)and the Swiss Agency for Developmentand Cooperation (SDC).