This article was downloaded by: [University of Stellenbosch]On: 30 September 2013, At: 23:34Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T3JH, UK

Gender and EducationPublication details, including instructions forauthors and subscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cgee20

Modern Traditions? BritishMuslim Women and AcademicAchievementFauzia AhmadPublished online: 02 Jul 2010.

To cite this article: Fauzia Ahmad (2001) Modern Traditions? British MuslimWomen and Academic Achievement, Gender and Education, 13:2, 137-152, DOI:10.1080/09540250120051169

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09540250120051169

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all theinformation (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform.However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make norepresentations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness,or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and viewsexpressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, andare not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of theContent should not be relied upon and should be independently verifiedwith primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liablefor any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses,damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arisingdirectly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of theuse of the Content.

This article may be used for research, teaching, and private studypurposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution,reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form

to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use canbe found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f St

elle

nbos

ch]

at 2

3:34

30

Sept

embe

r 20

13

Gender and Education, Vol. 13, No. 2, pp. 137–152, 2001

Modern Traditions? British Muslim Women and AcademicAchievement

FAUZIA AHMAD, Brunel University, UK

ABSTRACT Participation rates in higher education for British South Asian Muslim women are steadilyincreasing. The aim of this article, therefore, is to explore motivations and in�uences for entering highereducation and to consider how these may contribute to current discourses surrounding Muslim women inBritain. The possible impact higher education may have on their future relationships and lifestyle choicesis also brie�y considered. Various notions of ‘agency’ have been expressed that are characteristic of theongoing complex assessments made by these women in relation to both perceived familial obligations andtheir own aspirations. Their articulations suggest that higher education is increasingly viewed as anecessary asset in maintaining and gaining social prestige. This preliminary research indicates that youngSouth Asian Muslim women are continually negotiating and renegotiating their cultural, religious andpersonal identities and that these processes operate in complex and sometimes contradictory ways.

Introduction

Whilst the ultimate goal is the attainment of a piece of paper, a quali� cation signifyinga certain academic speciality, few of us leave higher education the same person that weentered. Apart from emerging a few years older (and hopefully wiser), we are ‘trans-formed’ in other ways. Our knowledge base is greater, our employment prospectsimprove (so we are led to believe), and our social and personal experiences are richer.We are all familiar with the stereotypical ‘student image’—a grungy, but trendy, hip and‘right on’ type who divides their time between lecture theatres and the Student Unionbar, where politics is nothing less than radical. Yet, this is a very Eurocentric stereotype.British universities play host to a sizeable percentage of overseas students whoseattendance and patronage generates a signi� cant and indispensable source of funding.How do these students ‘� t’ into the very ‘British’ academic milieu? On a more local scale,what can we say about the motivations and experiences of British-born universitystudents from migrant families?

Correspondence: Fauzia Ahmad, Department of Sociology, University of Bristol, 12 Woodland Road, Bristol BS81UQ, UK; e-mail: F.Ahmad@bristol.ac.uk

ISSN 0954-0253 print/1360–0516 online/01/020137–16 Ó 2001 Taylor & Francis Ltd

DOI: 10.1080/09540250120051169

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f St

elle

nbos

ch]

at 2

3:34

30

Sept

embe

r 20

13

138 F. Ahmad

Discussions about the experiences of British South Asian Muslim women and theirpost-school experiences are mainly limited to analyses of their labour market positions(Afshar, 1989a, 1989b; cf. Brah & Shaw, 1992; Brah, 1993, 1996) and their locationwithin patriarchal relations of both public and private spheres. My research has beenheavily in� uenced by the framework for analyses offered by Brah (1996) , namely, anendorsement of theoretical perspectives advocating links between ‘structure, culture andagency’ describing them as ‘mutually inscribing formations’ (p. 129) . Therefore, develop-ing an understanding of some of the ways that gender, ‘race’, ethnicity, class and religioncan intersect and interact with internal dimensions of the ‘self’ at any given moment arecrucial challenges to be addressed. These are issues that this research aims to explore ata later date.

The research presented in this article represents the preliminary � ndings of ongoingqualitative � eldwork with British Muslim women of South Asian origin [1], exploringmotivations for, and experiences of, studying in higher education. The women arepredominantly from the majority Sunni Muslim sect (see later), who are either studyingat universities in London, or have already graduated. Students from the older [2]university campuses in London were initially contacted either directly by the author orvia Student Union representatives from various societies such as the Pakistan Society orthe Islamic Society, and thereafter via a process of snowballing. Detailed semi-structuredinterviews lasting between 11

2 and 212 hours approximately were conducted with (at the

time of writing) 15 students.The interview covered areas such as family background and migration histories,

educational experiences, motivations and in� uences, social activities, marriage andrelationships, issues concerning religious and cultural identity, and future hopes andexpectations. The vast majority of women interviewed were from predominantly ‘work-ing-class’ backgrounds and were current undergraduates (nine) . Four interviewees werepostgraduate students and two were graduates in employment. Interviewees were agedbetween 19 and 30 years. Ten described their ethnic origin as Pakistani, three wereBangladeshi, and two were Indian. Background details on Student Union activities weregathered via unstructured participant observation where appropriate.

As a work-in-progress article, this study discusses and interrogates themes emergingfrom ongoing � eldwork. It asks how the data presented may be situated within theexisting wider debates and discourses on the South Asian diaspora in Britain. Futurework will also aim to situate these � ndings within current discourses surrounding SouthAsian Muslim women in the West [3].

As a British-born, ‘young’ South Asian Muslim woman, my own experiences of highereducation at both undergraduate and postgraduate levels have played a signi� cant rolein shaping various methodological issues and (in this instance) , have facilitated theresearch process [4]. However, the accounts I draw on here are not intended to re� ecta representative sample of British South Asian Muslim women in higher education.Rather, the hope is that previously neglected voices are given recognition for the diversitytheir experiences represent.

Therefore, one of the aims of this research is to question stereotypes that portrayyoung South Asian women and, in this case, South Asian Muslim women in Britain, as‘victims’ and recipients of oppression in patriarchal family relations, or as women with� xed religious identities. Bhopal’s research on South Asian women in East Londonsituates ‘traditional women’ as those possessing few or no quali� cations, and ‘educatedwomen’ as ‘single, independent women’ who were also described as ‘deviant’ (Bhopal,1999, p. 129) . This body of work (borrowing heavily from Walby’s theories of patriarchy)

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f St

elle

nbos

ch]

at 2

3:34

30

Sept

embe

r 20

13

British Muslim Women and Academic Achievement 139

implies that ‘successful’, South Asian women choose to ‘turn their backs on their religionand culture’ (Bhopal, 1997a, 1998) .

Drawing on Labour Force Survey statistics on ethnicity, highest educationalquali� cations, marital status and economic activity, Bhopal demonstrates rapid socialchange through diversity in educational attainment and employment for the 25–30 agecohort of British South Asian women (1998) . However, the interpretation of some ofthese results warrants further scrutiny. For example, Bhopal asserts:

The national LFS data supports recent research carried out on South Asianwomen aged 25–30 which had demonstrated that South Asian women withhigh levels of education were in professional occupations, and as a result werechoosing to reject ‘arranged marriages’, but instead to cohabit or remain single.(1998, p. 13, para. 9.1)

Marrying ages for South Asians may well be increasing, but it is a mistake to assume thatsingle, professional status leads to a ‘rejection’ of ‘arranged marriages’, or even that thisconcept is interpreted and practised uniformly within South Asian groups, regardless ofreligion (see later) [5]. Apart from masking the diversity and � uidity of South Asiancultures, religions, communities and relationships, the extreme binaries presented abovefail to situate experiences within micro- and macro-frameworks.

Although my research is ongoing and is based on a small sample of Muslim women,those interviewed were far more culturally and religiously aware as a result of and despitetheir educational experiences. This would seem to be supported by other studiesdocumenting the importance of religious identi� cations in the ways that young BritishSouth Asian Muslim women articulate their experiences (see, for example, Knott &Khokher, 1993; Butler, 1999; Dwyer, 1999) . ‘Agency’ then, for those I interviewed, wasa process of negotiation and renegotiation, through which social, cultural and religiousidenti� cations (amongst others) were expressed. Aspects of social life and the ‘self’ thatwere ‘colloquialised’ as either ‘traditional’ [6] or ‘modern/Westernised’ were oftenoverlapping, suggesting their inadequacy and rigidity as descriptive concepts. BobbySayyid (1997) , for instance, notes some interesting inconsistencies with such terms whendiscussing ‘Islamophobia’ and the West.

Muslim women are no less in� uenced by academic and social learning processes thanother university students though their experiences in this respect are far too detailed toallow me to elaborate here. But the fact that they are present in higher educationinstitutions is signi� cant. How far do decisions to study re� ect family practices, both hereand in the country of origin? What perceptions do British Muslim women have of their‘positioning’ within British society, their local community and their families? Whatbene� ts do they perceive and expect from participation in higher education personallyand socially? Do any contradictions exist for British South Asian Muslim women in theirpursuit of upward social mobility through the British higher education system? If so, howare such contradictions rationalised?

In conducting my research interviews, I have sought to consider how past and presentlife experiences shape individual perceptions alongside structural factors such as class(both in country of origin and in the UK), gender, ethnicity and racism. This researcharticle, therefore, is concerned with exploring motivating factors that underlie partici-pation in higher education for British South Asian young Muslim women. I begin withsome brief background information about South Asians and Muslims in Britain beforemaking reference to some recent statistics on ethnic minorities in higher education. I thengo on to consider the growing ‘visibility’ of South Asian Muslim young women in

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f St

elle

nbos

ch]

at 2

3:34

30

Sept

embe

r 20

13

140 F. Ahmad

institutions of higher education, before examining their motivations from two angles:their perceptions of parental in� uences and opinions, and their own reasons for pursuinghigher quali� cations.

Background

According to Britain’s last Census in 1991, estimates of the size of the ethnic minoritypopulation in Britain ran at approximately 3 million, representing 5.5% of the totalpopulation. South Asians made up close to half this � gure (� gures quoted in Anwar,1998) .

However, the lack of a religious self-identi� cation question in Britain’s last Census in1991 means that estimates on the numbers of Muslims currently residing in Britain varyfrom between half a million to 2 million [7]. Surveys such as the Fourth PSI (PolicyStudies Institute) Survey (Modood et al., 1997) and various Labour Force Surveys(discussed by Lewis, 1994) offer similar estimates. South Asians are believed to compriseapproximately 80% of Britain’s Muslim population. Numbers suggested by Anwar (1998)would place them at about 850,000, though this � gure is not conclusive. Thoseoriginating from the Mediterranean, Africa and the Middle East are thought to constitutethe remaining 20% (Peach, 1994, cited in Lewis, 1994) .

Estimating the proportions of South Asians that can be described as second or thirdgeneration is also complex as the time of migration for different South Asian groupsvaries considerably. One estimate suggests that the proportion of British-born SouthAsians is abount 60% (Anwar, 1998) . Most of those in my sample were ‘secondgeneration’, with parents who had migrated to Britain in the 1960s.

Research on the � rst generations of migrants to Britain from South Asia were mainlyethnographic accounts, describing family and household structures and links with thecountry of origin. The insularity of these communities was often a key de� ning featureof earlier accounts (Saifullah Khan, 1977) . Many new arrivals in the 1960s and 1970sexpected their sojourn in the UK to be a temporary one. However, as families reunited,grew and adapted to life in Britain as communities, the prospect of ‘return’ decreased (fordetailed accounts, see Shaw, 1988, 1994; Ballard, 1994; Brah, 1996; Anwar, 1998) .

Some of these early works documented the roles � rst generation migrant womenplayed in the reconstruction of cultural traditions, their contributions towards thehousehold economy, labour movements and emerging political dialogues. These ac-counts provide a strong counterbalance to stereotyped images of the secluded and‘passive Asian woman’ (Saifullah Khan, 1977; Wilson, 1978; Bhachu, 1988; Werbner,1988; Brah, 1996) . It is, perhaps, reasonable to assume that the women my researchfocuses on are, metaphorically speaking, the ‘daughters’ (and also, possibly, the ‘grand-daughters’) of the women featured in some of these earlier, classic studies [8].

The integration and achievements of second and third generation diasporic SouthAsians have become a focus of much research and theoretical debate. Comparative workon the educational achievements of Sikh children in the USA and Britain has shownsome interesting links between current socio-economic status, whether the family’sbackground in the country of origin is urban or rural and the timing of migration(Gibson & Bhachu, 1988) . In later work, Bhachu (1991, 1996) also found that education,increased labour market participation and � nancial independence have profound effectson the consumption patterns of younger Sikh women. Similar correlations have beennoted by others, such as Brah (1993) in her exemplary study of young Muslim women

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f St

elle

nbos

ch]

at 2

3:34

30

Sept

embe

r 20

13

British Muslim Women and Academic Achievement 141

and the labour market. These themes should be borne in mind when considering thedata described in the following discussion.

Ethnic Minority Students in Higher Education

Studies in the early to mid-1980s, such as the Third PSI Survey in 1982 (amongst others,such as Vellins, 1982; Ballard & Vellins, 1985) , indicated that ethnic minority studentsin the 16–24 age group were more likely than their white counterparts to be engaged inpost-compulsory education (Craft & Craft, 1983; Brown, 1984) . More recent empiricalresearch tracing the participation of ethnic minorities in further and higher education hascon� rmed an increase in their student numbers. However, more detailed analyses haveshown that these participation rates exhibit much diversity.

A striking degree of polarisation between British South Asians with higherquali� cations and those with few, or none, exists, though the reasons behind this are asyet unclear (Jones, 1996; Modood et al., 1997) . For instance, the Fourth PSI Survey in1994 showed that South Asians as a group had the highest rates of participation inpost-compulsory education for the 16–24 age group [9]. Indian and African-Asian menwere the most likely to possess degrees whilst Pakistani and Bangladeshi men were theleast likely. Participation rates for Pakistani and Bangladeshi women were more optimis-tic. In comparison to Indian and African-Asian women, although Pakistani andBangladeshi women were amongst those possessing the least number of quali� cationsoverall, the authors found that ‘the Bangladeshis and, especially, Pakistani women werewell represented at degree level’ (Modood et al., 1997, p. 74) . This � nding may have beenre� ective of a biased sample group, as postulated by the survey authors, but may also bedue to ‘migration and generation effects’ (Modood et al., 1997, p. 74) .

Clearly, more research into the reasons why such diversity exists in participation ratesis required. Parental education levels and occupation, the type of school attended, theopportunities offered, the expectations and levels of encouragement for further studyfrom teachers, are ‘class-related’ effects which do have some bearing on study patterns.

Singh (1990) , in his review of ethnic minorities in higher education, suggests that theiroverall high participation rates are re� ections of the value ethnic minorities place inacademic quali� cations, and their high aspirations. The desire to pursue quali� cations atcolleges of further education after poor school experiences may also be seen as a strategyto postpone perceived or expected unemployment after leaving school. Other researchhas shown that ethnic minority women, on the whole, were subject to a ‘doubledisadvantage’ (Taylor, 1993, p. 433) when applying to universities: as women within anethnic group, and as members of an ethnic minority. Furthermore, much of the researchcited earlier points towards discrepancies in the acceptance rates of ethnic minorities tovarying types of higher education institution (see also Modood & Shiner, 1994) .

Such conclusions are both frustrating and disturbing for those working in the areas ofracial equality in the UK, but especially for ethnic minority students who aspire towardseducational quali� cations for pragmatic reasons. These are often related to a realisticassessment of the indirect and institutionalised racism they can expect to face, but alsore� ect personal aspirations and ambitions as demonstrated in numerous studies, includ-ing this one. The reported ‘drive for quali� cations’ amongst all ethnic minority groups,therefore, is a testament to their determination, resilience and tenacity to succeed.

A survey of religious diversity within Britain’s universities has shown that Muslimsrepresent one of the largest non-Christian groups on campus, with distinct needs andconcerns (Gilliat-Ray, 1999) . However, higher education institutions, like the Census

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f St

elle

nbos

ch]

at 2

3:34

30

Sept

embe

r 20

13

142 F. Ahmad

surveys, do not currently collect data on students’ religious af� liations, making correla-tions between participation rates and religion dif� cult.

Large-scale quantitative analyses such as those mentioned earlier are certainly invalu-able for highlighting discrimination within higher education. What they cannot do,however, is offer detailed explanations for why such diversity, particularly between andwithin ethnic groups, exists. Perhaps more localised, qualitative research that re� ectsspeci� c regional manifestations of social and personal circumstances may help us tounderstand the relationships between and within ethnicity, class, gender and, in this case,higher education. Actual accounts of experiences in higher education are, at present, scarcein the academic literature. Effective monitoring and increased access of ethnic minoritystudents to universities will be of limited positive effect if discriminations, direct andindirect, are operating within the lecture theatre or within the Student Union.

‘New Women’? British Muslims in Higher Education

The quantitative studies described earlier have drawn some worrying conclusions aboutthe signi� cant underachievement of some South Asian groups and the overrepresentationof others within tertiary education. However, within those underrepresented groups,evidence points towards the relative academic success of Pakistani and Bangladeshiwomen. It is fair to assume that a signi� cant number of these will have come fromMuslim backgrounds. However, existing research focusing on British Muslim youngwomen has not yet acknowledged their academic achievements at graduate level assigni� cant enough to warrant detailed study.

Many research studies focus, instead, on Muslim schoolgirls. There is much to belearnt from these generational accounts, but there is also an issue, I believe, surroundingthe ‘overuse’ of Muslim schoolgirls in social research. With relatively little life experience,they are placed in the awkward position of speaking as either ‘representatives’ for theircommunity, or as ‘experts’ on their culture, especially when ‘arranged marriages’ arediscussed (cf. Wade & Souter, 1992) . Few white British girls are expected to be ‘experts’on white British culture in quite the same way. For adolescents whose priorities shouldbe ‘growing up’, this is a very heavy burden to carry.

Research on British Muslim women students and graduates is scanty at best, thoughthey have been included in various other analyses of South Asian Muslim women (e.g.Afshar, 1989a, 1989b; Brah & Shaw, 1992; Brah, 1993; West & Pilgrim, 1995) . Muslimwomen have become increasingly visible on university campuses, especially when‘controversial’ Muslim student groups hit the headlines. However, accounts of theirexperiences of student life may have remained submerged for at least three possiblereasons:

· their presence in numbers was previously too small to warrant any meaningfulinvestigation;

· the research focus from the 1970s onwards was on anti-racism and multiculturalism inprimary and secondary schools and ethnic minority students’ achievement there (seeTomlinson, 1983, 1986, 1991; Parekh, 1988; Verma & Mallick, 1988, for example);

· they ‘chose’ to remain ‘invisible’, thus possibly suggesting that Muslim minorityinterests held little signi� cance for these students. This could be envisaged if, forinstance, the South Asian Muslim presence was composed of mainly ‘middle-class’ oroverseas students, whose participation or ‘integration’ into British life was either foundto be relatively unproblematic, or was of a temporary nature.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f St

elle

nbos

ch]

at 2

3:34

30

Sept

embe

r 20

13

British Muslim Women and Academic Achievement 143

Muslim students as a group became ‘visible’ when events surrounding the publication ofthe controversial book The Satanic Verses in the late 1980s and later, the Gulf War,brought Muslims into the media spotlight, but did so in a disparaging way. Mostnon-Muslims found the passion and zeal which Muslims in Britain espoused towardstheir religion at these particular periods to be perplexing and, more seriously, threatening(Modood, 1990; Ahmed & Donnan, 1994; Werbner, 1994) . ‘Islamic re-assertion’(Modood, 1990, p. 271) in the wake of these two affairs, but also now in response togrowing ‘Islamophobia’ in the West, has been particularly prevalent amongst Muslimyouth and students.

The Muslim women I interviewed have not been immune to the processes of religiousidenti� cation that intensi� ed in this period. Contrary to the visual image of hijab-wearingwomen which such religious revivalism may lead us to expect, most of the Muslimstudents I interviewed have chosen not to adopt the hijab. This may be re� ective of asampling bias. A few women regarded themselves of Muslim descent only and so any‘practice’ of Islam in their lives (though not necessarily their families’) was absent. At thetime of writing, only two students were from a Shia background, one belonged to theAhmediya sect, and the rest were Sunni Muslims [10].

For the majority of those interviewed, however, ‘Muslimness’ was a deeply embeddedsense of both consciousness and unconsciousness, governing and prevailing upon theirthoughts, behaviours and choices. Higher education was not viewed by these women ortheir families as being incongruous to the ‘Muslim way of being’. In fact, contrary toother research that implies that arranged marriages for daughters are axiomatic soonafter the age of compulsory schooling is reached (e.g. Wade & Souter, 1992; Khanum,1995) , most women in this research reported that their parents viewed higher educationand careers as an absolute necessity.

Women themselves were equally unanimous in this opinion, and were also of the beliefthat apart from social mobility and status, they accrued other personal bene� ts (similar� ndings have been reported by Basit, 1995, 1996a, 1996b; for Sikh women, see Gibson& Bhachu, 1988; Bhachu, 1991) .

Motivations for Higher Education

South Asian families have placed a particular importance on the acquisition of academicquali� cations (see earlier). Muslim families are often regarded as placing strict cultural or‘patriarchal constraints’ (‘purdah’) on the movements of women. Yet, as Brah quiterightly points out:

this social concept and its manifestations varies from one historical period toanother, from one country to another, and from one social group to another.Even within the same social group its patterns of observance can differconsiderably along class, caste and other dimensions. (Brah, 1993, p. 448, and1996, p. 137)

Apart from illustrating the heterogeneity of Muslim expression, Muslim parents in thisresearch have played an instrumental role in encouraging their daughters to succeedboth academically and professionally.

Through a process of ‘active competition’ operating within family and social networks,a daughter’s education can bring ‘prestigious capital’, rather than economic capital(explained in greater detail later). Alongside material wealth, educational achievement

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f St

elle

nbos

ch]

at 2

3:34

30

Sept

embe

r 20

13

144 F. Ahmad

has now assumed the rank of a ‘commodity’, or as an indicator of status and socialmobility. This pursuit of ‘educational prestige’ is not simply a middle-class strategy.

Some structurally-based assumptions situate undergraduates as coming from middle-class homes, with graduate parents, or, in the case of South Asians, of exhibiting anurban/rural divide assumed to be indicative of the social class position in the country oforigin. My research sample of British Muslim women studying in London has highlightedthe broad appeal of higher education to many migrant families, regardless of class andparental education. Most students in this study described their family backgrounds aspredominantly ‘working class’. Many had relatives in the UK or in the country of origin,or elsewhere, who were also studying for, or had obtained, degree quali� cations.

When interviewed, many of the young women students, regardless of current graduateor postgraduate status, were able to identify a number of motivating factors that wereimportant both to them and to their families. These are described next.

Parental Encouragement

Parental encouragement for daughters to study at degree level was based on qualitativelydifferent perceptions of the future roles and needs of sons and daughters. Sons were viewedas future breadwinners, whose status was dependent upon them securing a stable job. Agreat deal of honour was invested with sons, but in a qualitatively different way. Studentsin this research with brothers or male relatives talked about parental expectations forsons resting in � nancially lucrative professions. Many sons were strongly encouraged topursue vocationally-oriented degree subjects, such as law, medicine, dentistry, engineer-ing, and computer science for instance. Daughters were not always expected to partici-pate in full-time employment after university, though most in this study have beenencouraged to do so. Research conducted by Bhachu (1991) on British Sikh women andeducational achievement also suggests similar trends.

Education for daughters was an ‘investment’, symbolising that their ‘value’, bothwithin the family and to those outside it, went beyond patriarchal ideologies of womenas ‘homemakers’. As undergraduates and postgraduates, daughters’ ‘traditional’ domesticroles within the home were modi� ed to accommodate their need to study if academicsuccess was to be attained. As I shall go on to describe, this ‘extension and modi� cation’of roles for daughters also has implications for their future marriage prospects.

Students discussed how, from an early age, their parents had forewarned them of anuncertain future based on the grim realities of racial discrimination in the labour market,and their own experiences in this respect. Education and quali� cations were seen as apossible ‘back-up’ that assured a certain degree of security against the worst-casescenarios.

These concerns were further compounded by parental fears of failing to procure orlocate ‘suitable’ husbands for their daughters, particularly if the extended family or alarge social network was absent. Financial independence in this instance, especially in theevent of the loss of either one or both parents, was imperative. ‘Suitable’ husbands weregenerally viewed as men who were more than ‘graduates’, in stable employment. Theywere likely to appreciate a potential wife’s mental acumen and support her in domesticaffairs, or in a career, if she chose to pursue one. Therefore, sons and sons-in-law wereexpected to possess less ‘patriarchal’ qualities in addition to being socially and academ-ically compatible. In the event of the marriage breaking down, or if � nancial circum-stances took a turn for the worse, an educated daughter’s earnings or her earning

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f St

elle

nbos

ch]

at 2

3:34

30

Sept

embe

r 20

13

British Muslim Women and Academic Achievement 145

potential, could act as a ‘safety net’. The possible relationships between degree status andmarriage will be returned to later in the article.

Faced with these two possibilities—racism in the labour market and insecurity inmatrimony—daughters were encouraged to gain quali� cations to enable them to ‘standon their own two feet’. A degree, thus, was perceived and portrayed as a sort of‘insurance policy’.

According to many of the young women interviewed, parental encouragement wasalso expressed as a family ‘expectation’, or a family ‘ethos’. This was found regardless ofparental education levels or class and is supported by other research (e.g. Afshar, 1989a;Brah & Shaw, 1992; Brah, 1993; Basit, 1996a, 1996b) . I was told:

Well it was always taken that we would all go to university and stuff … I can’teven conceive not wanting to go into higher education. I would’ve been acompletely different person, that’s what I’ve been brought up with, to educateourselves, that’s one of my dad’s things, to educate yourselves, get yourselvesout of the mess. (Arifa)

Educational achievement was thus positioned alongside ‘tradition’ [11]. For somerespondents, not to strive for higher quali� cations was inconceivable, though none spokeof extreme parental pressure. Daughters learnt about ‘ambition’ from an early age, andwere active agents in the processes of manufacturing, manipulating and exploiting this‘family ethos’.

By encouraging their daughters into higher education, parents are not only able to restassured by their daughter’s future economic potential as individuals, they are able toattain and maintain social status and prestige within their social circles. Educateddaughters signal certain levels of ‘liberalism’ for the family concerned. A daughter’seducation confers a certain level of social ‘education’ to the rest of the family. Parentsare thus able to describe themselves as ‘modern’ and socially astute. They are able todistance themselves from the stereotype of the patriarchal and ‘non-educated’ family,often believed to confuse ‘tradition’ with religion by observing ‘strict’ purdah [12] andrestricting the education and movement of women. In addition, educated daughters canbe expected to attract suitors of a similar status or above, if the ‘arranged marriage’ routeis chosen.

As mentioned earlier, parents have been cited as playing a major role in encouragingand motivating their daughters into higher education. It has been shown that bothpragmatic and social (status) concerns feature signi� cantly (see also Basit, 1996a) .However, what is the exact nature of parental in� uence? Do mothers play a greater rolethan fathers in in� uencing daughters on the issue of education? During the course of myresearch, students talked about either one or both of their parents encouraging theirdaughters to study and achieve. Mothers with a variety of educational levels wished tosee their daughters achieve a position of choice and independence in their lifestyles,where they would not be solely dependent upon (and perhaps subordinate to) a futurehusband and in-laws.

However, not all mothers placed such importance on education for their daughters,though they did not object to their daughters’ wishes. In these instances, mothers tendedto have had few educational opportunities or inclinations themselves. What is of interesthere is that fathers were often far more determined to see their daughters achieveacademically, and this was especially apparent in families where there were no sons. Forexample, Amber explained her father’s view of her success:

my dad does like the fact that we’ve [her and one of her sisters] got a degree,

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f St

elle

nbos

ch]

at 2

3:34

30

Sept

embe

r 20

13

146 F. Ahmad

he’s really proud of us. Once I had a heart-to-heart discussion with him andhe said, ‘I’m so proud of you, it doesn’t matter what you do, you’ve got adegree’. It’s an amazing thing for my parents.

This is in stark contrast to research that situates Muslim fathers and families as exercisingextreme patriarchal restraints on the education of their daughters (cf. Wade & Souter,1994; Khanum, 1995) .

Concerns and Contradictions

Within this spirit of encouragement, parents were also able to instil a sense of forebodingto their daughters regarding the possible ‘adverse’ effects exposure to Western seculareducation may have. The young women were well aware that their parents were anxiousof how they could change and of the possible ‘Anglicising’ effects university life may haveon them.

For instance, Rehana met with opposition, not from her parents but from herextended family in the shape of her father’s brothers. She was the � rst female in herfamily both in Britain and in her parents’ country of origin to enter higher education.Her entry though, was compounded by her choice to live in student accommodation forher � rst year. Her uncles were initially suspicious of her intentions to study, fearing thather motivations stemmed from a certain ‘looseness’ of morality, especially as femalemembers of the family observed purdah (though this was practised in a fairly relaxedmanner) .

She argued her case successfully, with much support from other female members ofher extended family, notably, her aunts. Two years on, Rehana is still wearing herheadscarf and is just as committed as before (if not more so) to her culture and religion,believing � rmly that her university experiences have helped her to rationalise her culturaland religious af� liations. The following extract helps to illustrate this point:

‘Well, it’s [higher education] de� nitely heightened my sense of culture; I meanit’s brought me closer to my family and my traditions. I suppose that’s becauseof the life I’ve had in higher education; not higher education in itself, not theactual ‘doing the degree business’, its the ‘life’ that I’ve had that’s actuallybrought me closer; the experiences have brought me closer. The actualeducation has, it’s ‘broadened your horizons’, so to speak [!] it broadens youroutlook, what you want to do, what you want to be, you haven’t been shelteredfrom your parents’ home to go straight to your husband’s home, you’ve hada break in between, you’ve gone on, you’ve been in education. I mean, theysort of tell you to think about what you’re gonna be, they start talking aboutcareers, and it starts to sort of open up your mind, and yeah, it eitherstrengthens, or changes your views, which in my case, have been strengthenedand have reaf� rmed my beliefs, in not necessarily religion, but more in acultural sense.

[F: How do you think you express that?]

Personally, I’m more con� dent to talk about my family without feeling that ‘it’snot right’, or my religion, by thinking maybe that I might offend someone, butyou don’t really. I mean it’s good to talk and get it out of your system, and toshow people that you are � rmly placed in your belief and that you’re nothaving any doubts, because a lot of people think that ‘oh God, aren’t Muslimgirls supposed to do this and aren’t Muslim girls supposed to do that?’ And in

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f St

elle

nbos

ch]

at 2

3:34

30

Sept

embe

r 20

13

British Muslim Women and Academic Achievement 147

a sense going into higher education encourages those people into thinking,‘hang on a sec, she’s a Muslim, what’s she doing here?’ But then they realise,when other people see us, they realise that it’s not all like that; a lot of Muslimgirls do go into higher education, they do see a lot of things and they do havefun, which is really amazing for them! They don’t think we have fun, especiallythe guys!

Rehana’s ‘safe passage’ through the higher education system may assist younger familymembers seeking higher quali� cations. Her experiences have helped, in part, to ‘demys-tify’ preconceived assumptions about university life, and signal the attainability of adegree. Her sentiment about university experiences was echoed by other young Muslimwomen in this study. They talked about how their experiences had bene� ted them indeeply personal ways. They gained con� dence, not only in their abilities, but also in theircultural, religious and personal identities. I plan to be able to elaborate on these aspectsat a later date.

Some women expressed concerns that degree status might limit future marriageprospects, because of increasing age. There were also concerns that women may become‘too educated’ to � nd husbands who were either of a similar stature, or who wouldwelcome a wife with an equal, or higher, quali� cation level. Amber used the example ofher friend to illustrate this potential dif� culty:

You get more educated, you’re gonna have trouble, because I have a friendwho’s a barrister—who’s she gonna marry? Do you know what I mean? Shestopped [looking] about 3 years ago, because ‘Mr Other Barrister’ is gonnawant to marry someone who’s a bit lower. He’s still gonna want his dinnercooked at the end of the day.

Muslim daughters (and their parents) are thus faced with a set of con� icting interests, adouble-bind situation. Too little education and the family could be viewed by the rest ofthe community as ‘backward’ and ‘old fashioned’; too much education and daughterscould risk ‘pricing themselves outside the marriage market’ and ‘going past their sell-bydate’ (Amber).

Self-motivations

Other siblings, especially those who had already ‘paved the way’, were in� uential sourcesof motivation, as were other family members both in the parental country of origin andin the UK. For younger siblings then, the need to ‘follow suit’ was sensed. Where noother family members possessed quali� cations, daughters were ‘self-motivated’ out of adesire to ‘do something’ or were keen to prove themselves to their family. Rehana, whosesituation was brie� y described earlier, is a case in point. Determination to succeed intheir academic aspirations was particularly evident amongst those who had enteredhigher education through examination resits or alternative routes such as Access courses.

Concerns over racial discrimination in the labour market affecting employmentprospects for ethnic minorities also inculcated a sense of ‘needing to be better’ than theindigenous majority, an observation also noted by the research cited earlier. Like otherstudies on the employment patterns of ethnic minority young people, education was seenas necessary in the creation of opportunities and in ‘striving for a better quality of life’(Amber). This assertion contrasts profoundly with work done in West Yorkshire, whereyoung women held little faith in the potential value of education for themselves as a

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f St

elle

nbos

ch]

at 2

3:34

30

Sept

embe

r 20

13

148 F. Ahmad

means of upward social mobility (Afshar, 1989b) . This difference may be re� ective ofregional and class locations.

Many of the interviewed women spoke about higher education as ‘something theyknew they had to do’. As Sa� a put it, ‘We all knew right from the year dot that universitywas the place to go’. It was an ‘ingrained’ response that was not necessarily based uponpragmatic, job-related considerations, but was instead sprouting from an individualdesire to achieve at a certain level for purely personal development. Amber explained:

My education was for pure enjoyment I have to say … I thought, I’m justgoing to do my degree in whatever I wanted to do it in. I was really interestedin history and still am, so I pursued that.

The personal sense of satisfaction and achievement degree study had given these studentswas also important. The opportunity to learn and engage with academic material thatwas of interest to them, coupled with the prospect of future economic independence, andto lead lives that were, for some, qualitatively different from their parents’, wasimmensely attractive. As many women I spoke to had parents with few academicquali� cations, the personal wish to ful� l their parents’ unrealised ambitions was anothersource of motivation.

Whilst the young women I interviewed were keen to honour their parents’ wishes andachieve academic success, they perceived a number of distinct advantages for themselves.Pursuit of higher education, the subjects studied and choices of institution were found tobe the effects of a far more complex social assessment process by students and theirparents, than a pragmatic decision alone. (Of course, choice of institution and degreesubject was, for some, a matter of what was offered, rather than � rst preference.)Prestigious career choices such as medicine, dentistry and law continue to be pursuedand highly regarded within South Asian communities. At the same time though, femaleMuslim students are ‘branching out’, studying topics such as English language andliterature, history, economics, international politics, media studies, fashion, and (even)anthropology and sociology. Personal interest is obviously the main reason behind suchdiversity of choice, but it also suggests that students in this sample are meeting ‘middle-class aspirations’ through studying more arts-based subjects. They are also signalling theirown individuality, by not bowing to pressure (however subtle) to study the sciences orlaw.

Choice of educational institution, for some students, is also subject to subtle social‘pretentiousness’, where the ‘old’ universities are preferred as opposed to the formerpolytechnics. The students in my sample (from the ‘old’ universities) were acutely awareof these distinctions, and the implications their choices could have for their own‘positioning’ within their parents’ social circles. By accommodating these particular socialexpectations with their personal interests, students were therefore able to de� ne a certain‘elite’ status for themselves and their parents.

Another major motivating factor for many was the opportunity to leave home for alegitimate reason, even though for some, the parental home was also in London. Whilstremaining aware that ‘living away from home’ was going to leave room for suspicion andgossip amidst some quarters of the community, the opportunity to leave home was,nevertheless, an important consideration. It is perhaps interesting to note that the desireto live away from home whilst at university does not necessarily signify an intention toabandon or sever cultural or religious links and practices.

Therefore, this research cannot support evidence from other studies that suggest thathigh levels of education are associated with a renouncement of ‘traditional’ values and

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f St

elle

nbos

ch]

at 2

3:34

30

Sept

embe

r 20

13

British Muslim Women and Academic Achievement 149

practices, such as ‘arranged marriages’ (Bhopal, 1997a, 1997b, 1998) . Rather, it signi� esthe wish to experience ‘student life’ and gain some level of independence duringtermtime at least, away from the parental gaze. Many of the women I spoke to describedoccasions such as ‘Ramadan’ and ‘Eid’ as being times where religion could be shared ina supportive environment within university accommodation. Recent research pointstowards the increased awareness some universities are displaying in meeting the needs ofstudents of minority faiths (Gilliat-Ray, 1999) . ‘Leaving home’ then, is signi� cant forsome parents; it symbolises trust in their daughter’s own sense of ‘izzat’ [13], or honour,whilst away from the parental home.

Other studies have cited the pursuit of higher education by young Asian women as astrategy to postpone arranged marriages. There is some evidence within the presentstudy to suggest that marriages may be postponed in this way, though this has not beenthe sole motivating factor to enter higher education. Moreover, ‘arranged marriages’ andthe ‘arranged marriage system’ as it manifests itself in the UK today, is a process thathas undergone many transformations. Space does not permit me to digress any further;suf� ce it to say that materialism and commercialism have also played a part in affectingthe length of time parents spend searching for suitable partners for their offspring [14].

British South Asian Muslim Women as Achievers

This research puts in perspective the growing number of studies that document youngMuslim schoolgirls’ and their parents’ attitudes towards higher education and pro-fessional careers. The Muslim undergraduates and postgraduates represented in thisstudy may serve to indicate that the aspirations of schoolgirls are achievable ones.

Throughout this article, I have sought to assert that for British South Asian Muslimwomen, degree status confers certain social and personal advantages. Parents, and inparticular fathers, have been keen to maximise their daughters’ and their own socialprestige by encouraging them to succeed academically. The advantages associated withthis ‘commodi�cation’ of higher education are not always the same for daughters andparents. There are, however, a number of shared goals, suggesting that the pursuit ofhigher education, status, social mobility, and a career are not viewed as being inimicalto cultural or religious ideals.

Provided certain boundaries are not crossed in relation to behaviour, these bene� ts areseen, in many ways, as being a feature of the cultural and religious identities of thestudents involved in this study. The insights gained by examining the motivations andin� uences of British South Asian Muslim women suggest that internal and externalfactors are operating in complex combinations. The accounts presented here pointtowards a need for the further reassessment of categories such as ‘Muslim woman’,already advocated by Brah (1993, 1996) . Given the supportive and encouraging rolesome Muslim parents play in assisting in their daughters’ achievements, the category‘Muslim family’ also needs rede� nition.

From the preliminary research presented here, it is evident that Muslim femalestudents play an active role in the construction and reconstruction of their social andpersonal identities, within and despite patriarchal structures in both public and privatedomains. Although generalisations cannot be posited at this stage, it is hoped that futurediscussion of educational experiences should yield more information on the nature andthe various manifestations of this ‘agency’ and the ‘diasporic identities’ (Brah, 1996,p. 176) behind them.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f St

elle

nbos

ch]

at 2

3:34

30

Sept

embe

r 20

13

150 F. Ahmad

Acknowledgements

This paper represents a draft of work-in progress conducted for a PhD at the Universityof Bristol, Department of Sociology. An earlier version of this paper entitled, ‘Expressionsof Ethnicity: Asian Muslim Women in Higher Education’, was presented at the 15thEuropean Conference on Modern South Asian Studies, Charles University, Prague inSeptember 1998. Any themes discussed in this paper remain provisional. A huge debt ofthanks goes towards those women who agreed to take part in this study. Their nameshave been changed to protect anonymity. Particular notes of gratitude are owed to AnnaLaerke at the School of Oriental and African Studies, to my supervisors Jackie West andHarriet Bradley for helpful comments. Additional thanks go to the two anonymousreviewers for comments on an earlier draft of this paper.

NOTES

[1] The sample was composed of British-born women whose families originated from the Indian subconti-nent, namely, India, Pakistan and Bangladesh.

[2] It is anticipated that current work in progress will explore similar issues with students from the neweruniversities (former polytechnics).

[3] Further discussion of Muslim subjectivity positions and some thoughts on the processes involved incarrying out research within one’s own gender, ethnic and religious group are dwelt upon in Ahmad(1999) .

[4] See note 3.[5] I return to this point later in this article and in future work. Other work currently in progress (with T.

Modood) on South Asian women and employment, with a larger, non-religious speci� c sample, is alsobeginning to exhibit similar trends.

[6] See note 11.[7] For a more detailed discussion of the problems surrounding the collection of ethnic identity data in the

1991 British Census, see the edited volume by Ceri Peach (1996) , which includes chapters on the Indians(Robinson), the Pakistanis (Ballard) and the Bangladeshis (Eade, Vamplew & Peach). At the time ofwriting, considerable debate about the inclusion of a voluntary religious identi� cation question in the2001 Census was occurring, with strong lobbying from Muslim groups such as the Muslim Council ofBritain. Of course, a small number of Pakistanis are Christian and Patricia Jeffery’s (1976) account of thePakistani Christians in Bristol remains a classic text.

[8] I am grateful to an anonymous reviewer for drawing my attention to this point.[9] Space does not permit any further discussion of these statistics, but the interested reader is advised to

consult the Fourth PSI Survey (Modood et al., 1997) and also Modood & Acland (1998) .[10] It remains too early to determine whether there are any experiences that remain speci� c to female

students from the minority Shia or Ahmediya sects. There is particular controversy surrounding thecategorisation of members of the Ahmediya sect as ‘Muslim’ (especially in Pakistan where they are notregarded as such), but for the purposes of this research, the interviewee in question volunteered herselffor interview as ‘Muslim’. Apart from raising de� nitional questions about the inclusion and exclusion ofindividuals from certain groups, the heterogeneity of ‘Muslim expressions’ also requires further consider-ation. Similar dilemmas are discussed in more detail elsewhere (Ahmad, 1999) .

[11] The terms ‘tradition’ and ‘traditional’ appear to be employed in a variety of distinct ways. For instance,when discussing the current subject matter, i.e. South Asian and South Asian cultural practices, ‘tradition’and ‘traditional’ are commonly associated with oppressive patriarchal relations of power. Discussions withyoung Muslim women revealed that certain contradictions exist both in their de� nitions of the terms‘tradition’ and ‘traditional’ and within the sociological literature. For my respondents, ‘traditional’ canmean ‘unwesternised’, ‘backward’, or ‘uneducated’, but it can also signify a historical link with culturalpractices that have positive connotations. This may be better exempli� ed by reference to the re-creationof certain ‘traditions’ during a ‘traditional’ marriage, for example, many of which, such as the ‘mehndi’(henna) night, the clothes and jewellery, etc., are greeted with enthusiasm. ‘Traditional’ can also refer tomodes of behaviour, such as displaying respect towards elders. Consider also the usage of this term whendescribing a ‘traditional English pub’, or ‘traditional family values’. My point here is to draw attentionto the multiplicity of meanings these terms can have.

[12] Of course, ‘strict purdah’ does not necessarily lead to a restriction of movement or of educational orwork-related opportunities for women. It was originally intended as a means of religious identi� cation andto liberate and protect Muslim women in their daily activities.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f St

elle

nbos

ch]

at 2

3:34

30

Sept

embe

r 20

13

British Muslim Women and Academic Achievement 151

[13] To brie� y discuss the concepts of ‘izzat’ and ‘gender’ at this juncture will not do justice to the centralityof these terms and the multiple meanings they can hold when considering the present sample group.These are, instead, discussed in more detail elsewhere (Ahmad, 1999) .

[14] Perhaps ‘assisted marriage’ is a more appropriate term. Large numbers of matrimonial agencies exist inthe UK which cater for South Asians as a group or which specialise for particular religious groups. Theseare, for the most part, commercial enterprises. The increase in marrying ages for both sexes is due toa variety of factors, of which studying full-time is one. Securing stable employment and property are othercontributory causes.

REFERENCES

AFSHAR, H. (1989a) Gender roles and the ‘moral economy of kin’ among Pakistani women in West Yorkshire,New Community, 15, pp. 211–225.

AFSHAR, H. (1989b) Education: hopes, expectations and achievements of Muslim women in West Yorkshire,Gender and Education, 1, pp. 261–272.

AHMAD, F. (1999) Still ‘in progress’?—methodological dilemmas, tensions and contradictions in theorisingSouth Asian Muslim women, paper presented at the British Association for South Asian Studies Conference, LondonSchool of Economics, September.

AHMED, A.S. & DONNAN, H. (1994) Islam in the age of postmodernity, in: A. S. AHMED & H. DONNAN (Eds)Islam, Globalization and Postmodernity (London, Routledge) .

ANWAR , M. (1998) Between Cultures, Continuity and Change in the Lives of Young Asians (London, Routledge) .BALLARD , R. & VELLINS, S. (1985) South Asian entrants to British universities: a comparative note, New

Community, 12, pp. 260–265.BALLARD R. (Ed.) (1994) Desh Pardesh, the South Asian Presence in Britain (London, Hurst & Company).BALLARD R. (1996) The Pakistanis: stability and introspection, in: C. PEACH (Ed.) Ethnicity in the 1991 Census.

Vol. 2, The Ethnic Minority Populations of Great Britain (London, HMSO) .BASIT, T.N. (1995) ‘I want to go to college’: British Muslim girls and the academic dimension of schooling,

Muslim Education Quarterly, 12, pp. 36–54.BASIT, T.N. (1996a) ‘Obviously I’ll have an arranged marriage’ : Muslim marriage in the British context, Muslim

Education Quarterly, 13, pp. 4–19.BASIT, T.N. (1996b) ‘I’d hate to be just a housewife’: career aspirations of British Muslim girls, British Journal

of Guidance and Counselling, 24, pp. 227–242.BHACHU, P. (1988) Apni Marzi Kardi: home and work: Sikh women in Britain, in: S. WESTWOOD & P.

BHACHU (Eds) Enterprising Women, Ethnicity, Economy and Gender Relations (London, Routledge) .BHACHU, P. (1991) Ethnicity constructed and reconstructed: the role of Sikh women in cultural elaboration and

educational decision-making in Britain, Gender and Education, 3, pp. 45–60.BHACHU, P. (1996) The multiple landscapes of transnational Asian women in the diaspora, in: V. AMIT-TALAI

& C. KNOWLES (Eds) Re-situating Identities: the politics of race, ethnicity and culture (Ontario, Broadview Press).BHOPAL, K. (1997a) South Asian women within households: dowries, degradation and despair, Women’s Studies

International Forum, 20, pp. 483–492.BHOPAL, K. (1997b) Gender, ‘Race’ and Patriarchy: a study of South Asian women (Aldershot, Ashgate) .BHOPAL, K. (1998) How gender and ethnicity intersect: the signi� cance of education, employment and marital

status, Sociological Research Online, 3, pp. 1–16.BHOPAL, K. (1999) South Asian women and arranged marriages in East London, in: R. BAROT , H. BRADLEY

& S. FENTON (Eds) Ethnicity, Gender and Social Change (Basingstoke, MacMillan).BRAH, A. (1993) ‘Race’ and ‘culture’ in the gendering of labour markets: South Asian young Muslim women

and the labour market, New Community, 29, pp. 441–458.BRAH, A. (1996) Cartographies of Diaspora, Contesting Identities (London, Routledge) .BROWN, Colin (1984) Black and White Britain. The Third PSI Survey (London, Policy Studies Institute).BRAH, A. & SHAW, S. (1992) Working Choices: South Asian young Muslim women and the labour market, Research Paper

No. 91 (London, Department of Employment).BUTLER, C. (1999) Cultural diversity and religious conformity: dimensions of social change among second-gen-

eration Muslim women, in: R. BAROT , H. BRADLEY & S. FENTON (Eds) Ethnicity, Gender and Social Change(Basingstoke, Macmillan).

CRAFT , A. & CRAFT, M. (1983) The participation of ethnic minorities in further and higher education,Educational Research, 25, pp. 10–19.

DWYER, C. (1999) Veiled meanings: British Muslim women and the negotiation of differences, Gender, Place andCulture, 6, pp. 5–26.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f St

elle

nbos

ch]

at 2

3:34

30

Sept

embe

r 20

13

152 F. Ahmad

EADE, J., VAMPLEW, T. & PEACH, C. (1996) The Bangladeshis: the encapsulated community, in: C. PEACH (Ed.)Ethnicity in the 1991 Census. Vol. 2, The Ethnic Minority Populations of Great Britain (London, HMSO) .

GIBSON, M.A. & BHACHU, P. (1988) Ethnicity and school performance: a comparative study of South Asianpupils in Britain and America, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 11, pp. 239–262.

GILLIAT-RAY, S. (1999) Higher Education and Student Religious Identity (Exeter, Department of Sociology, Universityof Exeter and the Interfaith Network for the UK).

JEFFERY, P. (1976) Migrants and Refugees: Muslim and Christian families in Bristol (Cambridge, Cambridge UniversityPress).

JONES, T. (1996) Britain’s Ethnic Minorities (London, Policy Studies Institute).KHANUM, S. (1995) Education and the Muslim girl, in: M. BLAIR , J. HOLLAND & S. SHELDON (Eds) Identity and

Diversity: gender and the experience of education (Clevedon, Multilingual Matters) .KNOTT, K. & KHOKHER, S. (1993) Religious and ethnic identity among young Muslim women in Bradford,

New Community, 19, pp. 593–610.LEWIS, P. (1994) Islamic Britain: religion, politics and identity among British Muslims (London, I. B.Tauris & Co.)MODOOD, T. (1990) British Asian Muslims and the Rushdie affair, in: J. DONALD & A. RATTANSI (Eds) ‘Race’,

Culture and Difference (London, Sage) .MODOOD, T. & ACLAND, T. (Eds) (1998) Race and Higher Education (London, Policy Studies Institute).MODOOD, T. & SHINER, M. (1994) Ethnic Minorities and Higher Education—why are there differential rates of entry?

(London, Policy Studies Institute).MODOOD, T., BERTHOUD, R., LAKEY, J., NAZROO, J., SMITH, P., VIRDEE, S. & BEISHON, S. (1997) Ethnic

Minorities in Britain, Diversity and Disadvantage (London, Policy Studies Institute).PAREKH, B. (1988) The Swann Report and ethnic minority attainment, in: G. K. VERMA & P. PUMPHREY (Eds)

Educational Attainments, Issues and Outcomes in Multicultural Education (London, Falmer Press).PEACH, C. & GLEBE, G. (1995) Muslim minorities in western Europe, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 18, pp. 26–45.ROBINSON, V. (1996) The Indians: onward and upward, in: C. PEACH (Ed.) Ethnicity in the 1991 Census. Vol. 2,

The Ethnic Minority Populations of Great Britain, (London, HMSO) .SAIFULLAH KHAN, V. (1977) The Pakistanis: Mirpuri villagers at home and in Bradford, in: J. L. WATSON (Ed.)

Between Two Cultures: migrants and minorities in Britain (Oxford, Blackwell).SAYYID , B.S. (1997) A Fundamental Fear: Eurocentrism and the emergence of Islamism (London, Zed Books) .SHAW, A. (1994) The Pakistani community in Oxford, in: R. BALLARD (Ed.) Desh Pardesh: the South Asian presence

in Britain (London, Hurst & Company).SINGH, R. (1990) Ethnic minority experience in higher education, Higher Education Quarterly, 44, pp. 344–359.TAYLOR, P. (1993) Minority ethnic groups and gender in access to higher education, New Community, 19,

pp. 425–440.TOMLINSON, S. (1983) Ethnic Minorities in British Schools: a review of the literature, 1960–82 (London, Policy Studies

Institute).TOMLINSON, S. (1986) Ethnicity and educational achievement, in: S. MODGIL, G. K. VERMA, K. MALLICK &

C. MODGIL, (Eds) Multicultural Education: the interminable debate (London, Falmer Press).TOMLINSON, S. (1991) Ethnicity and educational attainment in England: an overview, Anthropology and Education

Quarterly, 22, pp. 121–139.VELLINS, S. (1982) South Asian students in British universities: a statistical note, New Community, 10,

pp. 206–212.VERMA, G.K. & MALLICK, K. (1988) Self-esteem and educational achievement in British young South Asians,

in: G. K. VERMA, & P. PUMPHREY (Eds) Educational Attainments, Issues and Outcomes in Multicultural Education(London, Falmer Press).

WADE, B. & SOUTER, P. (1992) Continuing to Think: the British Asian girl (Clevedon, Multilingual Matters) .WERBNER, P. (1988) Taking and giving: working women and female bonds in a Pakistani immigrant

neighbourhood, in: S. WESTWOOD & P. BHACHU (Eds) Enterprising Women: ethnicity, economy and gender relations(London, Routledge) .

WERBNER, P. (1994) Diaspora and millennium: British Pakistani global-local fabulations of the Gulf War, in:A. AHMED & H. DONNAN (Eds) Islam, Globalization and Postmodernity (London, Routledge) .

WEST, J. & PILGRIM, S. (1995) South Asian women in employment: the impact of migration, ethnic origin andthe local economy, New Community, 21, pp. 357–378.

WILSON, A. (1978) Finding a Voice—Asian women in Britain (London, Virago) .

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f St

elle

nbos

ch]

at 2

3:34

30

Sept

embe

r 20

13