MODERN HISTORY Stage 3 WACE 2013 Examination Marking Keyjanison.cyriljackson.wa.edu.au/janison/society_and_environment/hist12...The source is concerned with the explanation and justification

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MODERN HISTORY

Stage 3

WACE 2013 Examination

Marking Key

Marking keys are an explicit statement about what the examiner expects of candidates when they respond to a question. They are essential to fair assessment because their proper construction underpins reliability and validity.

MODERN HISTORY 2 MARKING KEY STAGE 3

Section One: Document study: 25% (25 Marks)

NOTE: When marking a candidate’s work: 1. Not all points necessarily need to be in an answer for the candidate to gain full marks. 2. Reward each salient point made by the candidate. Candidates may make different valid

points of interpretation. 3. Candidates are expected to refer to relevant supporting evidence from the sources.

Question 1 (a) Explain the historical context of Source 1. (4 marks)

Description Marks Identify the context of the source. 1 Outline the causes or events that lead to the context of the source. 1 Provide specific details for the context of the source–dates/events/people/place/ideas. 1–2

Total 4 Answers may include: 1880–1929 Context – Parkes arguing why he opposed Chinese migration to Australia and the importance of establishing a federal government, to legislate national anti-Chinese laws. Causes leading to context of source: Parkes, Premier of NSW and leading proponent of Federation. His Tenterfield Speech in 1889 inspired many politicians such as Barton. History of anti-Chinese attitudes and laws in NSW and Victoria due to the influx of Chinese to the goldfields in the1850s and 1860s. Conference came at the time of the defence paper by Edwards supporting the idea of Federation. Details for context of source: Ideas reflected importance of Australia as part of the British Empire ‘modelled on … the British nation’, concern about ‘multitudes of Asiatics’ and the role played by Parkes in promoting federation of the colonies. The Australasian Federal Conference was first in the many steps towards Federation and led to the 1891 Australasian Convention in Sydney. 1920–1959 The source is concerned with the explanation and justification given by Arthur Calwell, Minister for Immigration in the Chifley Labor government for his and the government’s policy in accord with the White Australia Policy of not allowing non-British and in particular Asian people who had been admitted under wartime refugee arrangements to remain in Australia in the post-war era. This speech was made during the early years of the Labor government’s extensive post war immigration programme which was continued by its successor. Calwell is arguing firstly, that those admitted as refugees had been aware that in due course they would have to return to their country of origin and secondly, in further justifying his decision, that Asian people ‘have a different culture and history from our own’.


The setting for the speech was in the context of the decision of the post-war Labor government to undertake a substantial immigration programme in accordance with a ‘populate or perish’ policy. This had developed as a response to the view that an underpopulated Australia had and would continue in the future to come under severe pressure from overpopulated countries and more particularly in Asia. It was also contended that Australia as a developing country needed a major expansion of its workforce but not at the risk of jeopardising the cultural harmony which had previously existed. The speech was made in the House of Representatives during the controversy which developed during 1948 and 1949 concerning Calwell’s strict adherence to the White Australia policy and in particular concerning his insistence that Asians who had been granted wartime refuge in Australia should return home as soon as possible or face deportation. The controversy arose out of a particular case decision which reached the High Court concerning the attempted deportation of an Indonesian family of eight whose father had died and mother remarried an Australian. In the speech Calwell was defending himself and the government against attacks arising from that particular case but in the process he was outlining the basis of his and the government’s defence of the White Australia Policy. 1950–1999 1996, Hanson gave her maiden speech to the House of Representatives, which was widely reported in the media.After her speech, Hanson was, for a period of time, the subject of significant media and political attention. The reaction of the mainstream political parties was negative, with parliament passing a resolution condemning her views on immigration and multiculturalism. However, the Prime Minister at the time, John Howard initially refused to censure Hanson or speak critically about her, acknowledging that her views were shared by many Australians. Hanson immediately labelled Howard as a ‘strong leader’ and said Australians were now free to discuss issues without ‘fear of being branded as a bigot or racist’. Over the next few months Hanson featured prominently on television and talkback radio, attracting popularist anti-immigration sentiment and the attention of the Citizens’ Electoral Council, the League of Rights and other right-wing groups. Opinion polls suggested that up to two in three Australians thought immigration levels too high, and with popularist anti-immigration sentiment obtaining expression around Hanson. In the face of this political climate, the Immigration Minister announced a tougher government line on refugee applications, and cut the family reunion intake by 10,000 despite an election promise to maintain immigration levels. Various academic experts, business leaders and several state premiers attacked the justification offered by Immigration Minister Phillip Ruddock who had claimed that the reduction had been forced by continuing high unemployment. Ethnic communities complained that this attack on multiculturalism was a cynical response to polls showing Hanson’s rising popularity. Hanson herself claimed credit for forcing the government’s hand. Hanson’s views received negative coverage across Asian news media, and National Party Deputy and Trade Minister, Tim Fischer, criticised the race ‘debate’ initiated by Hanson saying it was putting Australian exports and jobs at risk. In October other ministers and state and territory leaders followed Fischer’s lead in attacking Hanson. In November, about 10,000 people marched in protest against racism in Melbourne, and other protests followed, while Anglican and Catholic church leaders warned that the ‘ill-conceived controversy’ threatened the stability of Australia’s multicultural society.


Question 1(a)(continued)

1950–1999(continued) Subsequently, after months of silence, Howard forwarded a bipartisan motion (along with Opposition Leader Kim Beazley) against racial discrimination and reaffirming support for a non-discriminatory immigration policy. The motion was carried on the voices. Howard later said that Hanson was plainly wrong and as ‘an empty popularist offering a cure worse than the disease’. Hanson did not relent in articulating her views and continued to address public meetings around Australia.

(b) Compare and contrast the messages in Source 2 and Source 3. (4 marks)

Description Marks Reference to the messages in Source 2 and Source 3. 1–2 Points of comparison of the message(s) in Source 2 and Source 3. 1 Points of contrast of the message in Source 2 and Source3. 1

Total 4 Look for the message of each of the sources. Answers could include: 1880–1929 Reference to the messages in Sources 2 and 3: Source 2, the Pioneers from the Heidelberg school of art, focused on the challenges to the British pioneers carving a life in outback Australia and idealised the image of the bush and the bushmen. Source 3 message is on the importance of the ‘White Australia’ policy and the belief that ‘racial purity was a national ideal’. The author also notes that the identity based on a white Australia excluded the Aboriginal population. The white settlers were rugged people who fought loneliness and the harsh terrain to create a new life in rural Australia. The hard living, stoic bushmen and women came to characterise the new Australian identity in art and writing during the 1890s. Aboriginal people were ‘eliminated from art …’ as evident in the image in Source 2 which focuses on British experiences. However, the background shows the spread of an urban Australia occurring which will change the identity. By contrast rather than a focus on the outback battler, the nationalism of the supporters of Federation was based in the cities and emphasised the links to the British Empire and the preservation of a ‘united race’. Source 3 emphasised the similarities in that many Anglophone societies restricted non-European immigrants, while Source 2 conveys the unique Australian landscape that challenged the settlers. 1920–1959 The message of Source 2 is concerned with the commemoration of Anzac Day in Australia in Sydney on 25 April 1931. The photograph of the mounted military commander at the Sydney Anzac Parade is of General Sir John Monash Australia’s most famous general from WWI who became became overall commander of the Australian Military Corps in 1918. The message of Source 3 describes aspects of the gradual development of Australia Day—26 January—as a national public holiday in Australia. The particular focus is on the period from the 1938 sesqui-centenary of white settlement in Australia to 1946 when the Commonwealth and State governments all agreed to ‘observe 26 January as the national day and to call that day Australia Day’.


1920–1959(continued) Both sources describe aspects associated with the celebration of a major public holiday in Australia and both have a strong connection with the development of an Australian identity. In each case but more particularly concerning Anzac Day, popular awareness of the significance of the day developed strongly in the period under review. Both sources deal with a holiday.The major decisions on how and when it should be celebrated were taken state by state though the Australia Day development centred on Sydney subsequently spreading to the other states. By contrast the Anzac Day celebrations developed state by state from the outset with no central point of development (the Australian War Memorial in Canberra was not opened until 1941). Source 2 deals with a national holiday dating from an event which only occurred in 1915 and the celebration of which came into existence effectively during the 1920 to 1960 period. The origins of Australia Day with which Source 3 is concerned by contrast date back to 1788 but the process by which it became an increasingly significant national day developed rapidly between 1938 and the immediate post-war years (though even then the decision that Australia Day should always be celebrated on the actual day only occurred well after 1960). While both sources deal with a holiday with strong British links Australia Day developed more fully as an essentially Australian contribution during the period whereas Anzac Day was still commemorated in part as an Australian contribution, albeit of a distinctive kind, to an imperial cause. Unlike the situation in many other countries neither of these two national days is concerned with a military victory or successful revolution In 2013 both holidays must primarily be celebrated on the actual day with a separate Monday public holiday only required when the relevant day is in the weekend but in the period under review this only applied in the case of Anzac Day. One significant omission concerns the absence of explicit reference to indigenous Australians and their perception with regards, for example, to Australia Day as being ‘National Sorry Day’. 1950–1999 The message in Source 2 is that government policy had changed by the 1970s. Australia was taking a more proactive role within the Asia Pacific region post-Vietnam and was enacting under the Fraser government a more humanitarian approach towards immigration and Australia’s neighbours. Source 3 clearly articulates the message that Australia is content to keep its white Australia policy, but does acknowledge that in some parts of the world it is not popular and will’work ‘to make it more palatable.This enforces Australia’s still very pro-British/European links. Source 3 clearly contradicts with Source 2 as Source 2 shows a shift in Government policy in terms of immigration. The two sources together demonstrate the changing nature of Australia’s identity.


Question 1 continued (c) Evaluate the usefulness of Source 4 and Source 5 as representations of Australian

identity. (5 marks)

Description Marks Indication of how Source 4 provides a representation of Australian identity. 1

Indication of how Source 5 provides a representation of Australian identity. 1

Usefulness of the sources. 1 Limitation of the sources. 1 Evaluation of the usefulness of the sources. 1

Total Answers may include: 1880–1929 In Source 4 cartoonist Norman Lindsay focuses on Barton’s dream of a future white Australia. The cartoon is useful in demonstrating the racist representation of non-European workers in the Bulletin at the time. It also comments on the racial and economic tensions with Britain generated by the Immigration Restriction Act (as John Bull tries to move Barton away from the ‘stupid vision’). The source is limited in its simplistic view of White Australia as a vision, rather than a policy deeply embedded in colonial attitudes. The power of the belief in racial unity and the desire to sustain a British nation against threats from the Asian north was legalised through the Immigration Restriction Act and Pacific Islanders Act. Source 5 Bean’s interpretation of the character of the Australian soldiers was a powerful force in shaping the ANZAC legend after WW1. The view that the Australian bush man ‘was half a soldier before the war’ because of his experience of riding, camping and fighting fires permeated Bean’s writing about the AIF during the war. His writing is useful because of his direct and detailed observations of Australian soldiers in both Turkey and Europe. However, Bean’s writing has limitations because of his idealistic interpretation and belief in the rural prowess of the AIF. Because he was a keen observer, an advocate of the Australian soldier and after the war wrote the volumes of the official history, it is Bean’s version of events that created and publicised the ANZAC spirit which emphasised the courage, preparedness and initiative of these soldiers. Both sources are only useful to a limited extent because they are specific interpretations of the events from the time. 1920–1959 Source 4 is a cartoon conveying a message depicting two individuals, obviously from the Australian outback, who are only vaguely aware of the situation in Europe and from whose perspective the most usual crises relate to issues such as the lack of rain and drought. This cartoon was drawn in July 1939 on the eve of the outbreak of WWII and as such presents Australian identity still in terms of the old bush legend namely that typical Australians were those based in the harsh outback. Source 5 is derived from a newspaper report of speech delivered by Opposition leader John Latham in April 1930 in which Latham is reported as having strongly criticised Prime Minister Scullin for seeking to have an Australian-born person appointed as Governor General of Australia. In this instance Australian identity is being presented as still very strongly pro-British and very much linked with continued membership of and links with the British Empire. Latham’s assertion was that ‘the great majority of Australians’ felt the same pride as did in the British connection and that any threat to this connection raised ‘a question of profound importance to the future of the Commonwealth’.


1920–1959continued Both sources are useful in presenting a view of Australian identity which was probably still true to some extent in the period in which they are set. This is particularly so with regard to Source 5 and Latham’s view was in part validated by the fact that after Isaacs finished his term it was several decades before another Australian-born Governor-General was appointed. Both sources are limited in that the trends which had already developed were making the sources less representative and in the case of Source 4 the viewpoint about the nature of Australia’s interest and concern with Europe was deliberately caricatured for the sake of making the point. The cartoonist himself would have considered that he was illustrating an extreme point of view which was becoming increasingly less valid but at the same time pointed to a long standing feature of traditional Australian identity. 1950–1999 Source 4 is a cartoon that is dealing with the issue of citizenship for Aboriginal people. It sends a clear message that in the 1950s Aboriginal people were not part of or representational of the national identity – how can you be when you are not even a citizen of that country? Source 4 is useful in demonstrating what or who the National identity did not include at this time and re-inforcing the White Australia policy that was in effect with the woman so very conservatively dressed asking the question. The source is limited as it only looks at one aspect of our Australian Identity – although it is an important one. Source 5 looks at another aspect of Australian identity – that of the sporting participant – although it is quite negative about whether or not that is an accurate depiction of our national identity any more. Again Source 5 is useful in telling us what the national identity is not … not what it is – which is also one of its limitations. The two sources together tell us what our national identity is not – rather than what is it … this limits their usefulness to some degree … other than to promote thought and discussion about what the Australian identity might be if this was not it.


Question 1 continued (d) Identify and discuss the author’s perspectives in Source 6 and Source 7 on Australian

identity. (6 marks)

Description Marks Articulation of the perspective of Source 6. 1 Articulation of the perspective of Source 7. 1 Analysis of the perspectives. This may include discussion of: • motives • bias • time • place • purpose.

1–4

Total 6 Note: The last part of the question ‘ on… Candidates must consider the perspective of the sources in terms of the theme/force of the document study. To do this: • articulate the perspectives from which the sources were constructed or analysed • reasons for the perspective (purpose/motive/place/and time • use evidence of the perspective from the source • identify how the author shows the perspective in the source. Answers may include: 1880–1929 The perspective in Source 6, a pamphlet published by the New Settler League, is the importance of keeping Australia settled by ‘white’ people. Through the use of population statistics and a distorted map, the authors promoted the belief that unless Australia’s population increased through migration the country would be vulnerable to the millions of people from Asia with ‘all eyes on Australia’. The purpose is to use fear and statistical evidence to promote migration. There is obvious bias against coloured settlement. During the 1920s the League was one of many organisations promoting the settlement of ex-servicemen and Britons from crowded cities to settle throughout the Empire. The Australian federal and state governments were actively supporting groups such as the New Settler League to boost the inflow of British men. Source 7 is from the perspective of an academic, Marilyn Lake, who argues that WWI encouraged increased acceptance of mateship, but also changed its nature. Lake’s purpose is to challenge the view that mateship, a significant aspect of Australian identity, was a static belief. Her view is that mateship changed from a socialist belief to a ‘trans class, anti-class creed’. Published during the bicentenary year (1988), Lake aims to critically assess the nature of mateship and the influence of the ANZAC Legend on Australian identity. 1920–1959 Source 6 is a copy of the front page of a magazine produced in 1929 and is from the perspective of the Big Brother movement concerned with the ‘sponsorship of child migrants’, in this case British child migrants (essentially boys) on the grounds that opportunities available to them would be much greater than in the UK and presumably would benefit Australia. (The Big Brother Movement, a not-for-profit organisation, was founded in Sydney in 1924 to bring youths from Britain to Australia to work on farms or in the outback.) An additional perspective as indicated on the front page was the notion of keeping ‘Australia White’.


1920–1959continued Source 7 is written from the perspective of a historian outlining the development of the legal category of ‘Australian citizen’ and focused on the second half of the 1940s when the concept ‘came into being’.

The motive for Source 6 as explicitly outlined on the front cover of the magazine was to promote the migration of young male Britons to Australia for additional working opportunities but the reference ‘Keep Australia White’ suggests an additional motive i.e. to support the continuation of the White Australia Policy. The motive of Source 7 is essentially to provide information about the relatively unexplored (historically) concept of Australian citizenship and its surprisingly late development.

Source 6 is clearly biased towards British migration and in the process the retention of the White Australian Policy. Source 7 has no obvious bias though the perspective suggests perhaps the authors’ approval of the development of a broader concept of Australian citizenship and less focus on ‘old cultures and allegiances’.

Source 6 is a document from the period to which it refers while Source 7 was written nearly 60 years after the major event it is describing. Both sources were produced in Australia and relate to Australian identity issues.

The purpose of Source 6 is as set out on the title page while that of Source 7 is in the broader context of Australian history as a contribution to a book on ‘themes and debates’ in Australian history with particular emphasis on what it means to be an Australian.

With reference to evidence Source 6 itself conveys the stated broad intentions and purpose of the movement but gives no indication as to the success or otherwise of the movement’s objective. Source 7 by contrast contains specific historical information about the development of Australian citizenship and is presented in a manner which suggests the authors see the development of Australian citizenship in a legal sense as a positive development but one initially more limited than the authors would support. In particular there is implied criticism in the source concerning the preferential treatment of British subjects and the manner in which migrant Australians would be ‘expected to leave their old cultures and allegiances behind and absorb the Australian way of lie. 1950–1999 Source 6 is a poster probably made for the Federal Government’s Office of Multicultural Affairs, which operated 1987–1995. This is the time period when Multiculturalism was a government policy and actively promoted by its offices – this source can clearly be seen as propaganda. By tying in the use of such an iconic Australian symbol – vegemite, and equating multiculturalism to vegemite the purpose is to fuse those two concepts into people’s minds – Multiculturalism is as Australian as vegemite, and had been around for as long as vegemite had been.

Source 7 is an excerpt from an opinion piece in a newspaper, written after the policy of Multiculturalism had been dropped by John Howard. It seeks to inform and educate – and sums up the sentiments felt by most people in the last paragraph. Given the time period (2002) and what had occurred with Pauline Hanson and her One Nation party at the end of the 90’s it serves perhaps as a timely reminder of the facts and sentiments felt by people. Also as it is written at the beginning on a new century – the title ‘Hot Terms keep debate on the ‘boil’ implies that this (multiculturalism) is an issue that hasn’t gone away simply because John Howard backed away from it.


Question 1 continued (e) Evaluate the extent to which the seven sources reflect accurately the cohesive and/or

divisive impact of the changing nature of identity during your period of study. (6 marks)

Description Marks Articulation of the changing aspects of Australian identity that are shown. 1

Identification of aspects of changing Australian identity that have been omitted and their significance. 1-2

Evaluation of the extent to which the sources reflect the cohesive and/or divisive impacts of this change during the period. 1–3

Total 6 Answers may include: 1880–1929 The sources reflect some aspects of the changing Australian identity over this period. However, little changed in the attitude towards racial purity as a ‘national ideal’ as shown in Sources 1, 3, 4 and 6. These sources accurately indicate the cohesive impact of the White Australia Policy from the 1880s to the 1920s. Similarly Australia’s position in the British Empire remained a significant feature of national identity during the period (Source 3). The importance of the rural pioneer, evident in Source 2, was reinforced by Bean’s interpretation of the characteristics of the ANZACs (Source 5), and developed into a powerful force for national unity. The changing nature of mateship, however, caused division during the period and in the aftermath of WWI when it was reinvented as an anti-class belief rather than an aspect of worker unity (Source 7). Although the sources provide some aspects of the cohesive and divisive impact of changing identity, there are several very significant aspects of identity that have been omitted. These include: the ideal of equality of white men and the role of the government in preserving this through a ‘working man’s paradise’. The belief in the racial superiority of British subjects leading to the marginalisation and exclusion of Aboriginal people from the national identity. The masculine nature of Australian identity created division when women called for the vote during the 1890s. Similarly the unerring pride and support for the British Empire at the start of WWI faltered after four years of suffering, and talk of British incompetence. The digger, an independent, courageous and cynical individual also provided a cohesive aspect of identity following WWI. 1920–1959 The seven sources all bring out in one form or other the significance for Australian identity of the British connection both as a cohesive factor in the continuing aspects of this connection in the period under review and in potential divisive aspects which are only apparent in later sources, e.g. Source 7. The sources do in some cases bring out evolving aspects of Australian identity as in Source 5 dealing with the issue of having an Australian-born Governor-General and Source 7 with the concerns about the continuing traditional concept of evolving Australian citizenship. These issues do contain elements of divisiveness.

The seven sources deal with a range of aspects of identity including the White Australia Policy and migration issues generally, the celebration of national days, attitudes towards and awareness of wider overseas based issues, the legal basis of Australian identity and with a strong theme in many cases of the continuation of the British link as part of Australian identity. A significant limitation is the absence of reference to indigenous people and their concept of Australian identity.


1950–1999 The seven sources all bring out one aspect or form of significance for Australian identity for the time period. Obviously in seven sources it is difficult to do this in any kind of depth. A central theme to the sources is the ever evolving tug of war Australia has played with the White Australia Policy that didn’t really die until the 1970s, and even then, the sources show (Sources 1 and 7) that remnants of those thoughts and feelings remained much later than that and have the ability to be cohesive and divisive – socially and politically. Multiculturalism is portrayed as having a cohesive impact on Australia in Sources 6 and 7 – but divisive in Source 1. The sources do in some cases bring out evolving aspects of Australian identity as in Source 2 with the arrival of the Vietnam refugees post-Vietnam War and the issue of refugees is a recurring theme right up until present day. Although this is only a fleeting theme in terms of being obvious in one source. Also glossed over, but mentioned (Source 4) is any significant reference to indigenous people and their concept of Australian identity. Both of these elements have been significantly divisive in Australia in terms of how we see ourselves.


Section Two: Essay–Unit 3A 25% (25 Marks) Marking guide to essay answers Questions 2, 3 and 4

GUIDE TO MARKING RESPONSES Marks Introduction 3 Introductory paragraph comprising some context relevant to the area/topic of the essay, definition of any terms in the question, a proposition/thesis statement and an outline of the narrative/thematic structure of essay.

3

A few sentences outlining the theme of the essay and including a simple proposition. 2 A sentence or two outlining the ‘who’ or ‘what’ to be discussed in the essay. 1 No introduction to essay provided. 0 Understanding of Historical Narrative 4 Demonstrates an understanding of the complexity of the inter-relationship between events, people and ideas, and continuity and change. 4 Demonstrates an understanding of the narrative, for example that there are relationships between events, people and ideas, and/or continuity and change. 3 A mainly chronological narrative with some content about, for example, events, people and ideas, and/or continuity and change. 2 A simple narrative, not always showing an understanding of the correct chronology and with minimal reference to events, people and ideas. 1 Response suggests no understanding of the chronology or the narrative. 0 Complexity of analysis/argument 6 Displays a high level of sophistication in the construction, development and depth of an argument or analysis, including the complexity of the narrative. 5–6 Maintains a sustained argument throughout the essay that demonstrates a high level of analytical skill and an understanding of the interconnectedness of the narrative. 3–4 A simple chronological narrative with minimal content about the changing circumstances leading to continuity and/or change. 1–2 Discussion/argument suggests no understanding of the topic and/or historic analysis of changing circumstance or continuity and change. 0

Evidence used to support historical narrative and argument/analysis 8 Detailed, accurate and relevant evidence used in a manner that assists critical analysis and evaluation. In responding to an essay instruction of debate or evaluate the proposition, historical evidence is used to argue for and against a view/proposition. Uses and cites accurately some quotations, or sources, or statistics, to develop or strengthen arguments.

7–8

Use of detailed, accurate and relevant evidence throughout the essay. If quotations, sources, statistics are used as supporting evidence, they are cited in some coherent fashion. 5–6 Mainly accurate evidence is used to support some lines of argument. 4 Evidence is used, some is accurate, but there are generalisations in the essay. 3 Limited evidence used and the response contains a number of generalisations and statements that lack supporting evidence. 2 Very limited use of evidence and the response is mainly a series of generalisations. 1 No supporting evidence, or All evidence is incorrect. 0

Conclusion 2 Draws essay’s argument or point of view together. 2 Very superficial conclusion, or vaguely summarises with use of clichés such as ‘In conclusion...’ or one that just repeats the proposition stated in the introduction. 1 No conclusion given. 0 Communication skills 2 A well-written and well-constructed argument using appropriate language of history. Sound use of the conventions except where expression is enhanced by defying conventions. 2 Has some relevant use of historical terms, but is unable to express ideas with clarity of meaning. 1 Response is mainly unable to be understood by the marker. 0

Total 25


Question 2 (25 marks) Evaluate the cohesive and/or divisive impact on Australia of two significant political leaders. 1880–1929 Candidates will probably choose Hughes as one of the leaders, with Andrew Fisher or one of the leaders of Federation such as Parkes, Barton or Deakin. It is important that candidates evaluate the cohesive and/or divisive influence of BOTH leaders in their essay. Some points on the cohesive and divisive impact of Andrew Fisher and Billy Hughes. Fisher (PM three times: 1908–1909; 1910 to 1913; 1914 to 1915) • A force for cohesion in the ALP: ▪ built party organisation and platform ▪ backed Deakin in Naval Defence Act ▪ Fisher Governments legislated many Commonwealth acts – including Northern

Territory Acceptance Act, Commonwealth Bank Act and invalid pensions and maternity benefits

▪ during the election early in 1914 Fisher heightened nationalism when he declared support for the British war effort ‘to our last man and our last shilling’

▪ In the first year of WWI his government nurtured harmony between the parties – he declared that support for Britain went beyond party politics

▪ he was sidelined by a very ambitious Hughes in 1915. Divisive: ▪ a member of the often acrimonious Fusion Government ▪ vied for the position of leader of the ALP with Hughes, ultimately lost the position to

Hughes in October 1915. William Hughes (PM 1915 to 1923) • A force for division within the ALP and Australian nation: ▪ ambitious ▪ dedicated loyalty to Britain – placed imperial loyalty before loyalty to ALP ▪ conscription debate – two referendums. Exacerbated political and sectarian divisions ▪ split the ALP, established and led the new Nationalist Party ▪ post WWI as Nationalist Party leader his dictatorial manner caused a split with Country

Party leader. Cohesive: ▪ argued for Australian trade and racial policies in Imperial War Cabinet ▪ image of ‘the Little Digger’ at Versailles boosted Australian nationalism. 1920–1959 Significant political leaders from this period include Stanley Melbourne Bruce, James Scullin, J T Lang, Joseph Lyons, John Curtin, Ben Chifley and Robert Menzies (though the latter part of Menzies’ career falls outside the period). Most of the leaders could be considered as leaders who had a clearly divisive impact as well as cohesive with Curtin perhaps the most appropriate for a largely cohesive impact. Bruce as a PM could be considered as having both cohesive and divisive impacts in terms respectively of the cohesiveness of his men, money and markets policies on the one hand while by contrast fostering divisive aspects with his ‘Red scare’ tactics and his arbitration proposal which brought the government down in 1929. With Lang and Chifley the stress is likely to be on the divisive aspects with Chifley considered in terms of the bank nationalisation crisis and the 1949 NSW coal miners’ strike. Chifley’s cohesive work as Treasurer during the war is less likely to be stressed.


Question 2 (continued) Menzies could be used as an example of a prime minister promoting both cohesion and division at various stages of his career where Curtin would be considered as having largely cohesive policies even in terms of his turn to the US in 1941–1942. The view of Scullin would be less positive in terms of his inability to cope with the depression situation and perhaps also his appointment of an Australian Governor-General. Lyons contributed to a major split in the ALP but broadly speaking could be seen as having had a more cohesive than divisive impact. 1950–1999 Significant political leaders from this period could include: Menzies, Whitlam, Fraser, Hawke, Keating or Howard. All of these leaders were in power (arguably) long enough to have both a cohesive and/or divisive impact on Australia. The question requires candidates to look at two leaders – there is an expectation that equal time/effort would be given to both. In all likelihood, candidates will probably tend to use Whitlam and Fraser – and use the question to look at the Whitlam Dismissal on 1975. This won’t pose a problem as long as the candidates focus on the cohesive and divisive impact of Whitlam and Fraser as leaders and not on the story of the dismissal itself. Menzies could be used as an example of a prime minister promoting both cohesion and division at various stages of his career – the use of the red scare and the long boom as examples of cohesion/division. Hawke experienced a flash of ‘economic luck’ at the beginning of his governments’ term on office leading to industrial harmony and a return to business confidence. Hawke’s personal popularity saw him lead the party to victory in the elections of 1984, 1987 and 1990. However, late 1980s saw a return to high unemployment and inflation – hurting the average Australian and leading to a downturn in business confidence and consumer demand once more, coupled with an increasing level of overseas debt – this lead to the 1990 recession.


Question 3 (25 marks) Assess the extent to which women had a role in promoting social and political change within the time period studied. 1880–1929 Candidates may argue that women had an important role in promoting social change during the period from 1880 to 1929. Candidates could use evidence to support this by explaining the importance of: • the Women’s Christian Temperance Movement from the 1880s. • personalities such as Vida Goldstein, Catherine Spence and Mary Lee in using tactics

such as rallies, petitions and newspapers to promote universal suffrage. • the role of the women’s groups in calling for opportunities for women in higher education,

professional employment, political representation and protection in their homes and communities.

As part of the assessment candidates should cover the wide range of activities pursued by women to achieve: • the right to vote in colonial elections and the success of these actions in the colonial and

federal contexts between 1895 and 1908. (Apart from the exclusion of non-European and Aboriginal women).

• political representation, equality of employment and wages. For example, the Harvester Judgement granted women 54% of men’s wages.

The assessment should also include a discussion of the role of women during WWI: • women participated in anti-war and anti-conscription campaigns. The Sisterhood for

International Peace, The Women’s Peace Army and Australian Peace Alliance were powerful groups in the anti-conscription campaign during 1916 and 1917.

• women also supported socialist and labour petitions during the campaigns. • employment opportunities increased for women during the war, as well as an awareness of

the inequities of wages. Comment should be made on other factors which caused social change during the period and candidates are required to conclude with an evaluation of the extent to which women promoted and contributed to this change by the 1920s. 1920–1959 The wording of the question concerns the extent to which women ‘promoted the social changes’ but this would presumably overlap with changes with regard to women made by government and as a consequence of other community decisions. Social change should be defined both in terms of social relationships and identity but also, for example, in terms of involvement in the work force with a corresponding effect on family structures. A more liberal attitude towards women concerning their participation in public social life can be linked to the ‘flapper’ era of the 1920s which developed overseas but also had impact in Australia. The Depression and WWII saw women undertake different roles—in the Depression in some cases going out to work to compensate for unemployment of the male breadwinner but also in terms of a broader responsibility within the family.


Question 3 (continued) During WWII women both volunteered and were invited into the work force to perform work previously only performed by men, This raised issues of pay rates but in the period under review there was little advance towards equal pay and women’s entry into such fields as law and medicine was still very slow. There was too a strong trend for women who took on men’s work during the war to return to domestic duties. The numbers of women in politics remained very low (only four elected to the WA Parliament between 1921 and 1960) throughout the whole period despite the extension of the right to enter Parliament after WW1. Women’s magazines became very significant during this era. The Australian Women’s Weekly (Australia’s most significant women’s magazine) was first published in 1933 and Woman’s Day also commenced. In the early years of the magazine in particular there was much emphasis on women performing domestic duties and also on the connection with Britain and the royal family Specific events to which reference could be made include the holding of the First International Women’s Day in Sydney 1928 and the opening of the first birth control clinic in 1933; Post war immigration; suburbisation. 1950–1999 The wording of the question concerns the extent to which women ‘promoted the social changes’ but this would presumably overlap with changes with regard to women made by government and as a consequence of other community decisions. Social change should be defined both in terms of social relationships and identity but also, for example, in terms of involvement in the work force with a corresponding effect on family structures. Hopefully candidates may make the link to the fact that some social changes for women were part of a bigger picture change that was occurring in the 1960s. This was a decade of protest and change whereby old ideas and values were questioned and challenged. This desire for change predominately came from a confident, younger generation who wished for a less restrictive life of that of the 1950s. This Youth Culture had its greatest influence from the UK and USA. There was pressure for a more liberal and tolerant attitude towards alternative views. Women through the feminist movement were a significant aspect of this. Some of the most significant changes in the late 60s and 70s occurred in the area of liberalisation of Australian Women. There was a new wave of feminism led by Dr Germaine Greer and as a result of debate and pressure the status of women on Australian society changed rapidly. Anti-discrimination laws were passed to protect the rights of women and women supposedly achieved equal legal status in the work force and the professions. The development of two incomes families. Feminists used protests to push for a remodelled society where women had a fair and equal access to careers as well as family life. Women wrote books, marched in the streets, ran campaigns, organised conferences and lobbied politicians. Some women set up small informal groups, others set up crisis and health centres. Yet others set up formal organisations such as the Women’s Electoral Lobby in 1972. The feminist movement made significant gains for women in the 70s despite an economic downturn and the election of a conservative government. The feminist movement became so strong and diverse that it could not be pushed aside by politicians and others. More women moved into politics and had a significant impact on school curriculum and the Australian language.


Question 4 (25 marks) With reference to the appropriate leader listed below, discuss the significance of leadership on international relations: 1880–1929 Hughes 1920–1959 Curtin 1950–1999 Menzies. 1880–1929 The focus must be on the importance of Billy Hughes on Australia’s international relations, not his domestic career. The main focus of the discussion will be during Hughes’s years as Prime Minister, 1915 to 1923. His leadership was especially significant in three main areas: relationship with Britain during the war, challenge to the role of Japan in the Pacific region and pressure on the victors at the Paris Peace Conference to grant Australia mandates in the Pacific and not to include racial equality in the treaties. Candidates could weigh up the significance of Hughes in the following areas: • concern for Japanese power in the Pacific during early 1900s • Hughes’ role in Britain and France during WWI and demand for an equal footing with

Britain in world affairs • popularity in Europe – lauded as the ‘Little Digger’ • conscription campaign – effort to fully support Britain’s war effort • participation in the Imperial War Cabinet • during 1918–1919 Hughes pushed for better trade conditions with Britain and security in

the Pacific • attended Peace Conference at Versailles in 1919. Hughes pressed for Australian influence

in New Guinea and Nauru, rather than allowing Japan control over these areas • stood up to US President Wilson and blocked the Japanese attempt to have a clause

protecting racial equality in the League of Nations. Hughes’ personality and confidence during his extended visits to Britain and time in the USA provided an Australian voice in the international scene. He was a passionate nationalist who spoke for Australia’s 60,000 war dead. 1920–1959 Curtin’s leadership was very significant in terms of international relations because of his role as war time leader and at the only period in Australian history when the country was bombed and in danger of direct invasion. This became particularly significant because of his decision announced in a newspaper article at the end of 1941 to accept that the British would not be able to be Australia’s protective ally in military terms and as a natural consequence of the events at Pearl Harbour Australia would have to look to the USA for assistance. This can be regarded as one of the most decisive international relations decisions taken by any leader in Australian history and one which despite some concerns at the time was generally speaking accepted by the Australian people then and subsequently. The longer term consequences of Curtin’s move to the US were particularly significant including the signing of the Anzus Pact and Australia’s participation in the Vietnam War and in Iraq and Afghanistan. It should be noted that despite the turn to the US during 1942 to 1945, and the decision to ratify the Statute of Westminster affirming Australia’s dominion status within the ambit of the British Commonwealth (a step the non-Labor parties had refused to take), Curtin visited the UK in 1944 and made proposals for formal post-war imperial relations with the British within the Commonwealth. Curtin did also seek to maintain the imperial connection by recommending the appointment of the Duke of Gloucester as Governor General towards the end of the war.


Question 4 (continued) During the 1930s Curtin had essentially supported the British policy of appeasement towards Hitler and Stalin though he did place greater stress on the use of the air force for defence. Dr Evatt, Curtin’s External Affairs Minister, with Curtin’s support played a central role in Australia’s enthusiastic support for the development of the United Nations even despite the failure to prevent the granting of veto rights to the permanent members of the Security Council. 1950–1999 Menzies leadership was very significant in terms of international relationships as he remained very loyal to the Monarchy, but also continued to develop an alliance with the USA. Whilst Menzies had a nostalgic attachment to the Monarchy, he believed that the USA could provide the best assistance to keeping Australia safe. His focus on using the Communist ‘Red Scare’ and the domino effect as a political tool at home was encapsulated in his willingness to follow the USA’s lead into the Korean War (1950–1953), the Malayan Campaign (1948–60) and the Vietnam Conflict (1965–1972), in the name of ‘forward defence’. Menzies had a focus on re-orienting Australian Foreign policy towards a greater involvement in the Asia–Pacific region. He decided that this was to be achieved by entering into a number of defence pacts such as ANZUS – the first time Australia had ever committed herself in this manner without involving Britain. This lead to SEATO in 1954 – this was of particular significance to Australia because it secured the commitment of both the USA and the UK to the defence of Australia against a potential Asian threat. Australia also initiated economic aid to Asia via the Colombo Plan … whereby aid was given to non-communist Asian countries as a means to countering communism.


Section Three: Document study— Unit 3B 25% (25 Marks) Question 5 This section has one (1)question made up of four (4) parts. Attempt allparts.

NOTE: When marking a candidate’s work: 1. Not all points necessarily need to be in an answer for the candidate to gain full marks. 2. Reward each salient point made by the candidate. Candidates may make different valid

points of interpretation. 3. Candidates are expected to refer to relevant supporting evidence from the sources.

(a) Explain the historical context of Source 1 and Source 2 – that is, the relevant events,

people and ideas depicted or represented in the sources. (6 marks)

Description Marks The answer should reflect a depth and breadth of knowledge of the period.

Identify the context of each source. 1 Outline the causes of events that led to the focus of each source. 1–2 Provide specific details for the context of each source—dates/events/people/place/ideas. 1–3

Total 6 Note: The context does not necessarily have to be the same in the two sources, however there will be a common link. The response is worth 6 marks, so candidates are expected to show depth and breadth of knowledge of the period and how the specific context/s relate to that broader period of study. This question is concerned with the historical context in which the source is located. The answer must concentrate on what is in the source—explain the relevance/ significance. Answers may include: Russia Sources 1 and 2 are from different contexts. Source 1 was published in the turbulent year of 1905 when Russia was defeated in the Russo-Japanese war and riots and strikes overtook Russian cities such as St Petersburg. The autocratic Tsar, Nicholas II, had been in power since 1894, was being pressured to bring democratic reform and the regime seemed to be ‘nearing the end’. The wolves represent the multiple opposition forces including, socialists, democrats, liberals and even anarchists. The event known as ‘Bloody Sunday’ had occurred in January 1905. This weakened support for the Tsar as the caring ‘Little Father’ who looked after his people. That Nicholas is clasping onto the doll (or his child Alexis) labeled ‘Autocracy’, symbolises his desperate grasp on the outdated and unpopular ideology of the Romanov regime. Source 2 is set in late 1917, a year of momentous change in Russia. Following the February Revolution which removed Tsar Nicholas II from power, the Provisional Government attempted to democratise Russia. An amnesty on political rivals enabled powerful opposition to amass against the moderate, pro-war Provisional Government


Question 5(a) continued

Russia(continued) led by Kerensky – especially within the Petrograd Soviet. The Provisional Government was faced with the Bolshevik opposition on the extreme left and the militarists (such as Kornilov) on the right. In the context of continuing the war with Germany there was an assumed threat to Petrograd; according to Lenin, Kerensky was ‘preparing to surrender Petrograd’. Lenin, the leader of the Bolshevik party was calling for the revolutionary overthrow of the Provisional Government. The war shortages, mutinous troops and desertions as well as the influence of the Bolsheviks led by Trotsky in the Military Revolutionary Committee of the Petrograd Soviet facilitated this coup. China The context of Source 1 is the later years of WWII, and the seventh year of the Second Sino-Japanese war. During this time the Guomindang leader, Jiang Jeishi (Chiang Kai-shek), remained determined to destroy what he believed to be the ‘disease of the heart’ for China, the Chinese Communists. As part of the Pacific war the USA provided Lend-Lease resources and military personnel such as General Stillwell to train Chinese Guomindang (GMD) forces. Jiang maintained a staunchly anti-Communist focus by continuing ‘Operations against the Reds’ and stockpiled resources for a war against the Chinese Communist Party forces, the People’s Liberation Army. This occurred during 1944, even though in April of that year the Japanese launched the Ichigo Offensive to destroy US/ Chinese air bases. The American administration was increasingly frustrated with Jiang’s focus. Jiang orchestrated Stillwell’s recall to the USA in late 1944. Source 2 is set in 1935, at the end of the Chinese Communist Long March and in the year that Mao Zedong was elected leader of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). This is the start of the Yanan period where the communists developed their land and social reforms and Mao continued his writings on peasant communism. The Japanese occupation of Manchuria in 1931 encouraged the communists to call for a national united front against the enemy. Jiang maintained a military blockade of the communists and was not supportive of any cooperation with the communists. Mao’s call for all classes to take part in the national revolution occurred a few months before Jiang Jiesh’s capture in Xian, which led to the forced acceptance of a tenuous United Front between the Nationalists and Communists against Japan in 1937. Europe Source 1 is a cartoon by the Welsh cartoonist L. Illingworth was published in 1948, when the Berlin blockade started. The Cold war had divided the world into two antagonistic camps and Berlin soon became the core of the struggle between the Big Two. The cartoon depicts Stalin the Soviet head of state and Harry Truman the American president as giants fighting with toothpicks over destroyed Berlin. Berliners look scared and try to run away.In June 1948, Stalin blockaded Berlin after the announcement by the British, the French and the Americans to unify their zone of occupation and introduce the Deutshe Mark, a new currency. So he closed all ground accesses to Berlin, hoping to reduce the city to a starvation point to attract Berliners into the Soviet sphere of influence. The Americans responded with a huge airlift which lasted almost one year: tons of supplies were airlifted daily until West Berlin transformed into an island of capitalism. Stalin finally gave in and in May 1949 lifted the blockade. USA had the ‘atom bomb’, but chose not to use it – the contrast to the toothpicks. People were scared the bomb may be used. Source 2, a written text piece published post the Cold War reflects on the aspect of the cold war that was unequal during the Berlin Airlift – that of the Atom Bomb. America had the A-Bomb, but at that stage the USSR did not. Truman had used the Bomb with


such devastating effect to finish the War with Japan that was a sinister spectre to subsequent squirmishes until the balance was ‘restored’ with the USSR also perfecting the technology. Middle-East: The cartoon in Source 1 was drawn in November 1978 in the immediate aftermath of the 9th Arab League summit in Baghdad which in turn was convened in the wake of the Camp-David Accords signed by President Anwar El Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin on 17 September 1978. The agreements which came after almost a fortnight’s intensive secret negotiations were signed at the White House and witnessed by US President Jimmy Carter and one of their major consequences was the 1979 Egypt-Israel peace treaty. As part of this treaty Israel restored the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in return for freedom of access to the Suez waterways, provision of US subsidies to both Egypt and Israel and the return to Egypt of oil fields in Sinai. In the cartoon in Source 1 a number of Arab leaders are seen in vain trying to persuade Sadat to act jointly with them against Israel. As a consequence the Arab leaders convened in Baghdad without Egyptian representation and resolved to expel Egypt from the League and to move the league’s headquarters from Cairo to Tunis. The Camp David agreements were controversial on several fronts including their failure to impact on the Palestinian question, and were concluded without reference to the United Nations and without any consultation with the Egyptian people. The context of Source 2 was the assassination in Egypt in October 1981 of Anwar Sadat, who as Field Marshal of the Egyptian armed forces was attending commemorations of the eighth anniversary of the Yom Kippur War. A group calling itself the Independent Organisation for the Liberation of Egypt claimed responsibility for the attack in the wake of which most of the attackers were killed or arrested. While the death of Sadat led the US President to state that America has lost a great friend’ contrary views were expressed in various parts of the Arab world including the PLO, one spokesperson for which suggested Sadat had been ‘against the interests of his people, the Arab nations and the Palestinian world’. Eight years later Egypt was readmitted to the Arab League.

(b) Compare and contrast the messages conveyed in Source 1 and Source 2. (6 marks)

Description Marks Articulation of the message’s in Source 1. 1 Articulation of the message(s) in Source 2. 1 Points of comparison the message(s) in Source 1 and Source 2. 1–2 Points of contrast of the message/s in Source 1 and Source 2. 1–2

Total 6 Answers could include: Russia Source 1 shows Tsar Nicholas II vulnerable in his open sled, holding grimly onto his traditional source of power ‘Autocracy’ trying to outrun a vigorous opposition, shown as hundreds of wolves. The message is that the Tsar is in dire trouble and will not be able to survive the onslaught.The wolves chasing the Tsar, gloomy environment, terrified horses and desperation of the Tsar, symbolise the threats to the regime during this fateful year. During the upheavals against the Tsar in1905 many commentators believed the monarchy would end. Source 2 indicates Lenin’s determination to use the Bolshevik majority in the Petrograd and Moscow Soviets, the German threat to Russia


Question 5(b) continued

Russia (continued) and weakness of the Provisional Government to overthrow Kerensky. Lenin is determined and confident of Bolshevik success. Both sources are from a time of rapid change in Russia: 1905 and 1917. The Tsar was forced to announce the establishment of a Duma and liberal reforms following the 1905 upheaval, and, there were two revolutions and three different governments in Russia during 1917. Both sources are set in the context of wars that were going badly for Russia. The first source predicts the end of the Tsarist regime, while the second predicts the end of the Provisional Government. In contrast the sources come from very different perspectives, Source 1 from the American press and Source 2 from the leader of the Bolshevik Party. The messages are very different, the Tsar will be destroyed by the chaotic forces surrounding him, while source 2 indicates a clinical, well organised revolutionary plot led by Lenin who had great influence and fanatical ambition. In 1905 there was no leader to convert the chaos into a revolution. China The message of Source 1 is that US military in China are becoming frustrated by Jiang’s determination to use resources to fight the communists, rather than the Japanese. The defeat of Japanese militarism was the focus of American operations in China. The cartoonist reflects US frustration with Jiang’s leadership through the cynical comment of Jiang’s ‘faultless judgement’ and exaggerated ‘diplomatic courtesy’ While Source 2, ten years earlier, had Mao Zedong calling for a ‘broad national united front’ against the Japanese invasion and occupation of northern China. Mao’s initiative in calling for a ‘national revolution’ against ‘Japanese imperialism’ shows their focus on was on national security and the destruction of the invaders. Both sources refer to war against the Japanese, Source 1 by the US in the latter stages of WWII and in Source 2 under the ‘leading role of the Communist Party and the Red Army’. Ironically both the USA and the communists held similar aims to defeat the Japanese. The growing power of the CCP is evident in Source 2 in its call for national unity and in source 1 where the GMD were determined to continue operations against them. Both sources diminish the power of the GMD government in their inability to lead a united front against the Japanese. In contrast the sources are at very different stages of the war with Japan. In Source 2 the communists were exerting pressure on many warlords and local leaders to defy the GMD government and work for unity against the Japanese. It was through this pressure that the kidnap of Jiang Jieshi occurred in Xian in 1936. Although Source 1 queries Jiang’s leadership and abilities, Source 2 provides a firm alternative government to the GMD in the fight against the Japanese, as it provides a ‘leading role’ in the national front. Europe In Source 1 the cartoonist drew the two leaders fighting with toothpicks although they are both heavily armed. Truman even has the A-bomb hanging on his belt. He aims at denouncing the emerging arms race which led to a balance of terror: both leaders cannot use their weapons, risking triggering a third WW. Toothpicks allow them to fight with no risk: their fight is symbolic. Source 2 allows candidates to understand that the issue of the imbalance of power brought about by only one side having the bomb was an illusion. That during the Berlin Blockade, Truman would not have been able to use the Bomb as planes had not been retrofitted to be able to able to carry the new weapon.


Europe(continued) Both sources look at the time period immediately after WWII and the issue of the emerging arms race. Source 1 indicates that the US has the balance of power and therefore should win any ‘conflict ‘ it is involved in, whereas Source 2 clearly states that the bomb did not allow the US that strategic advantage from a logistical stand point. Middle-East The message of Source 1 is centred on the hostility of many Arab leaders and members of the Arab League towards Anwar Sadat in the wake of the signing Camp David agreements. Sadat is shown as completely ignoring the blandishments of the group of Arab leaders notwithstanding the substantial financial assets of the League. Instead Sadat is looking upwards towards the bird of peace depicted in the top corner of the cartoon. The caption—he isn’t even looking this way—is emphasising that Sadat is pursuing his own policy line without any regard to the wishes or concerns of other Arab League members. The message of Source 2 centres on the fact that Sadat was assassinated at an official military ceremony in his own country and which was attended by a number of foreign dignitaries who were either killed or wounded. As such the emphasis of the message is on the fact that Sadat was assassinated by Egyptians and within Egypt, not by a person or person from other countries. This, and the very different response from the US President and some parts of the Arab world, convey the message that Sadat had lost the support and backing of many of his own subjects and certainly many other parts of the Arab world. Both Source 1 and Source 2 deal with issues arising from Anwar Sadat’s commitment of making a separate Egyptian-Israeli peace agreement and the consequences of that policy. Both sources can be seen as dealing with the direct consequences of the Camp David agreements and their aftermath. The two sources are also alike in that neither was produced in Egypt itself but one in the United States and the other in the UK the latter including significant references to the American reaction to the assassination. More broadly speaking, the two sources can be compared as both dealing with hostility towards Sadat’s policy and with no expression of support included except from the United States in Source 2. While Source 1 was produced in the direct aftermath of the Camp David Agreements themselves and the hostile Arab League summits which followed, Source 2 was produced three years later and reproduced for publication many years later again. Source 1 is in the form of cartoon with a strong message and drawn by an American cartoonist while Source 2 is taken from a BBC internet text source and unlike the cartoon was produced many years later as part of an historical survey of events occurring on that particular date, in this instance 6 October. Both sources are in a sense conveying similar messages, but the message in Source 2 is more broadly based in its presentation than that in Source 1 in that it shows hostility to Sadat from within Egypt itself and from the PLO and not just the Arab league members. It also makes reference to the support from western countries for the Sadat policy.


Question 5(continued) (c) Examine the issues involved in interpreting the historical evidence of Source 1 and

Source 2. Your answer may include discussion of purpose, motive, place and time. (6 marks)

Description Marks Identify the issues of interpretation in Source 1—this may include a discussion of: • purpose, motive, place, time and/or validity.

1–3

Identify the issues of interpretation in Source 2—this may include a discussion of: • purpose: motive, place; time and/or validity.

1–3

Total 6 Note: 1. Issues are not necessarily all negative, but rather the issues involved in

interpreting the sources. 2. This question is a skills question, similar to the usefulness question in Question

1(c). It asks the candidate to examine the sources as an historian—identify the origin, motive, purpose, place and time.

To do this: • examine the method and reason for construction of the source • define the purpose and motive of the construction • discuss the impact of the construction • discuss how the construction influences the interpretation of the sources • answer must include the sources’ historical usefulness. Answers may include: Russia The purpose of Source 1 is to indicate the problems facing the Tsarist regime. It is from the point of view of an American cartoonist with no sympathy for the plight of the autocratic monarch. The situation within Russia in 1905 seemed desperate for the Tsar with loss of war, destruction of the Baltic Fleet, upheavals across Russia, strikes, riots, assassinations. The cartoonist provides a gloomy future for the regime, even showing a skeleton amid the gnarled forest to symbolise the death of the regime, as the wolves catch up to the terrified horses (as democratic and liberal beliefs overtake the outdated autocratic monarchy). America believed that democracy must succeed in Russia. Source 2 is a significant document indicating the clear purpose of Lenin, the dedicated revolutionary, to convince his party that it was the right time to start the proletariat revolution. It is clear that Lenin is demanding that revolution must occur at that time and the Bolsheviks would be successful, if they took advantage of the events. Lenin made his ideas clear in statement such as, the Bolsheviks ‘can and must take power’, ‘to smash’ (Kerensky), ‘History will not forgive us’ and ‘we shall win absolutely and unquestionably’.Although this document has been translated the intent within the context of 1917 remains clear. China The purpose of Source 1 is to show the lack of respect that had developed among the Allies for Jiang Jieshi due to his arrogance, poor leadership and waste of resources during WWII. Jiang had deviated from allied wartime priorities by diverting resources to defeat the Communists, not the Japanese. The British cartoonist is also symbolising the tense relationship that developed between US General Stillwell and Jiang, which ended in Stillwell’s recall to the USA in October 1944, a month before the cartoon was published.


China (continued) From the perspective of Mao Zedong, Source 2 highlights the nationalistic and anti-imperialist views held by the CCP. They were able to put their aims for socialist reform aside, to call for the defeat of Japanese militarism. Mao’s point of view reinforces the role of the CCP in taking leadership of the national revolution against Japan, while the GMD government lagged behind. Mao refers to some ‘bad elements’that may not be focussed on national goals. The motive was to gain broader support at the time when the CCP was consolidating and building support in Yanan. The timing is significant as the Nanjing Nationalist government was losing popularity due to its right wing tactics, focus on urban reforms and limited rural reforms. Europe Interestingly, both sources on the surface seem to be from a Western perspective and we could have assumed from that, that they would be pro-American in sentiment. That is not the case at all. Source 1 from a Welsh cartoonist - published in a British paper actually is placing the blame for an emerging and escalating arms race at the feet of both the US and USSR. The cartoon leaves us with a sense of irony at Truman and Stalin fighting with toothpicks rather than use their weaponry (that both are wearing) for fear of a ‘hot war’. Having the two figures towering over the people of Berlin who are fleeing also sets the scene for us to feel sympathy for them as two large superpowers haggle over their fate. The cartoonist is not seemingly blaming either side any more than the other. Source 2, written at the very end of the Cold War is also not very pro-American in that it is a view of how even though American had this mighty weapon – they were unable to use it – even if they felt that having it entitled them to win their way in terms of foreign policy. The use of language in the excerpt is not necessarily flattering to the American perspective being shown, although it is not overtly negative towards the US either. This is an interesting interpretation in that it is not always acknowledged that although the US had the bomb in 1948 – they were not necessarily ready or able to utilise it. It leads the reader to perhaps think that there was a lot of posturing going on by the US at this point in history. Middle-East Source 1 is an American cartoon illustrating the hostile reaction from many Arabian leaders to the policies being pursued by Egyptian president Anwar Sadat as part of his negotiations for a treaty between Egypt and Israel. It was produced specifically to illustrate the hostility between the members of the Arab League to Sadat’s unilateral discussions with Israel and with the US a broker. The cartoon was produced in the United States but in a time sense in the midst of the events being satirised. Given the decision of the Arab League to expel Egypt and to shift the headquarters the attitudes being conveyed therein are a valid and useful portrayal of what was taking place. The inclusion of the bird flying in the upper part of the cartoon is a valid and very useful addition to the cartoon conveying as it does that Sadat’s prime purpose in undertaking the discussions at Camp David was to end the war with Israel while regaining territory in the Sinai. The failure of the second part of the Camp David agreements relating to the future of Palestine, while clearly a much lower priority, is also portrayed by implication. Source 2 relates directly to Source 1in that it is produced later and while written in the UK deals directly with events actually taking place in Egypt and events of enough significance in the long term to be worth inclusion in the ‘On This Day’ series.


Question 5(c) continued

Middle-East(continued) The purpose of the source was not only to provide specific details as the circumstances in which Sadat was assassinated but also to focus on the international reaction and particularly that in the USA compared with bodies such as the PLO. The source is particularly useful in that it makes clear that the Arab viewpoint portrayed in Source 1 was both valid and receiving support from sources within Egypt. Source 1 is only biased to the extent that it is illustrating the very definite point of view of one side in the Arab–Israeli conflict. Source 2 essentially described events as they occurred but the selection of the sources whose reactions would be portrayed was very selective with the inclusion of the US President (on behalf of the West), Libya and the PLO, as was the choice of this event for focus many years later. Both sources are useful historically in showing the gulf between Sadat’s policy and much of the rest of the Arab World and in this sense the assassination described in Source 2 can be seen as a logical outcome of the views expressed in Source 1.

(d) Using your knowledge of the whole period of study, evaluate the importance of the ideas

and/or events represented in the two sources. (7 marks)

Description Marks Identification of the ideas, issues, events. 1 Placement of the ideas/issues/events with the ideas/issues/events of the broader historical context of the time. Candidates should be able to demonstrate a breadth of knowledge of the relevant time period.

1–2

Evaluation of the importance of ideas/issues/events in relation to those of the broader historical context. 1–2

Compare/contrast what is in the sources with the other ideas/issues/events of the time. 1–2

Total 7 Note: 1. This question does not required reiteration of the messages in the sources. 2. Evaluate the significance of the idea/even in relation to how the idea/event

represented in the sources relate to other ideas of the whole period. To do this: • identify the idea/events in the source • evaluate the significance of what is shown in the sources by using evidence from

both the sources and the whole historical period. • refer to long and short term effects of the idea/event and to continuity and/or

change they represent • candidates should be able to demonstrate a depth and breadth of knowledge of

the whole time period • another idea that may be looked at by candidates would be leadership. Answers may include: Russia Two significant ideas, autocracy and Leninism (Bolshevism), are referred to in the sources. Source 1 is set during the upheavals of 1905 while Source 2 relates to the timing of the most significant event in Russia during this era, the planned Bolshevik coup of October 1917. Both ideas and events are very important as the autocratic regime attempted to cling to power amid overwhelming opposition during the early twentieth century. The rapid downfall of the Tsar in February 1917 led to the creation


Russia (continued) of an unprepared and war battered Provisional Government, whose power was challenged by the Petrograd Soviet. In this context extremist opponents gained the opportunity to act. The planned Bolshevik takeover, behind the facade of the Petrograd Soviet, amid a divided government and a war weary nation heralded the success of the first communist government in Europe. A very important event. However, subsequent policies and tactics by Lenin and Stalin to ensure the survival of the first communist nation were also vitally important in the history of Russia. Lenin’s pragmatic approach to Russia’s survival during the Civil War and regaining support from the peasants by instituting NEP enabled the Communist government to survive but also created tension within the Communist party. This tension and Lenin’s illness and death in 1924 gave Stalin opportunity to become the sole leader of the nation. Stalin’s accession to power by 1929 was a very important event during the period of study, while the emergence of Stalinism changed the nature and impact of the Bolshevik Revolution and was thus also a significant idea during the period of study. China Although the two sources are from the period prior to the People’s Republic of China in 1949, it can be argued that they both refer the very important and destructive events in Chinese history – the Japanese invasion of Manchuria (1931) and war with China from 1937 to 1945. The key idea evident in the sources is the growth of nationalism led by the CCP in its demand for a united front against Japan. As Japanese forces moved closer to Beijing by 1935, the GMD continued to use military forces to defeat the communists. The communists from their bases in Shaanxi led the fight against the Japanese, and, Mao Zedong who called for a united front to defeat them. The United Front, after Jiang’s capture in 1936, as well as peasant reform, PLA guerrilla tactics and socialist education increased popular support for the communists during the 1930s. Following the GMD retreat to Chongqing (Chungking) in 1938 corruption and wastage of resources alienated many Chinese nationalists and war-time allies, the USA and Britain. Some candidates may argue that CCP promotion of a national revolution against the Japanese, eight years of war and the weakening of support for Jiang Jieshi were very significant events in Chinese history, as they contributed to the victory of the CCP by 1949. However, in the period from 1949 to 1976, the implementation of Mao’s ideology of socialist transformation, mass line and continuing revolution to create a new socialist nation were also very important aspects of China’s history. So too were the reforms under Deng Xiaoping to modernise and revive the post Cultural Revolution/ Mao economy and society. Candidates are required to make a judgement on the extent to which the events and ideas in the sources were important in the Chinese revolution. Europe Both sources deal with the emerging Arms race post WWII, and this was a reoccurring theme in the time period studied, as this typified the process of one upmanship that was a major part of Cold War Europe. Candidates could argue that this is significant as the Arms race and the sense of brinkman ship and MAD it fostered, kept the balance of power throughout most of the time period.


Question 5(d) continued

Europe (continued) Candidates should also mention that this is but one of the themes running through this unit – and possibly will put up a case for another idea to be more significant. However, they need to acknowledge that the Arms Race and MAD did keep the balance of power. Some candidates may look at the two sources and decide to focus on the event itself – the Berlin Blockade and its significance … this is a much narrower focus and should not necessarily be scored highly as most will state that in terms of other events that occur in the time period this one was insignificant. Middle-East Both the sources are concerned with the Egyptian-Israeli conflict which dominated much of the Middle-Eastern history from the later 1940s until the mid to late 1980s. The particular phase dealt with in the sources is subsequent to the Six Days War and Yom Kippur and essentially deals with the distinctive period when Sadat sought to achieve an agreement with Israel leading to a hostile reaction from within Egypt and various parts of the Arab world. The phase of the Egyptian-Israeli conflict dealt within the sources has very distinct characteristics and contrasts sharply with the policies pursued by Sadat’s predecessor Abdul Nasser and by Sadat himself in the early years of his presidency. Given that from the time of the creation of the state of Israel Egypt in particular had been prominent in the Arab World in seeking to curtail and even destroy Israel these two sources can be considered as dealing with an atypical period but more in line with the subsequent situation where Egypt was no longer the mainspring to the opposition to Israel and the Palestinian cause became far more central. Broadly speaking then the two sources can be seen to focus on a very distinctive period in Israeli-Egyptian relations quite at odds with developments in the previous decades but more in line with the Egyptian position in the subsequent period. The western support for Sadat’s policies was especially overt but in harmony with attitudes in more recent decades. The sources are very useful in that they show both western and internal reaction to Sadat’s policies but a major omission from the sources is any direct reference to the Palestinian question other than the fact that it was part of the Camp David framework but apart from which little if any progress eventuated.


Section Four: Essay – Unit 3B 25% (25 Marks) Questions 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 and 11

GUIDE TO MARKING RESPONSES Marks Introduction 3 Introductory paragraph comprising some context relevant to the area/topic of the essay, definition of any terms in the question, a proposition/thesis statement and an outline of the narrative/thematic structure of essay.

3

A few sentences outlining the theme of the essay and including a simple proposition. 2 A sentence or two outlining the ‘who’ or ‘what’ to be discussed in the essay. 1 No introduction to essay provided. 0 Understanding of Historical Narrative 4 Demonstrates an understanding of the complexity of the inter-relationship between events, people and ideas, and continuity and change. 4

Demonstrates an understanding of the narrative, for example that there are relationships between events, people and ideas, and/or continuity and change. 3

A mainly chronological narrative with some content about, for example, events, people and ideas, and/or continuity and change. 2

A simple narrative, not always showing an understanding of the correct chronology and with minimal reference to events, people and ideas. 1

Response suggests no understanding of the chronology or the narrative. 0 Complexity of analysis/argument 6 Displays a high level of sophistication in the construction, development and depth of an argument or analysis, including the complexity of the narrative. 5–6

Maintains a sustained argument throughout the essay that demonstrates a high level of analytical skill and an understanding of the interconnectedness of the narrative. 3–4

A simple chronological narrative with minimal content about the changing circumstances leading to continuity and/or change. 1–2

Discussion/argument suggests no understanding of the topic and/or historic analysis of changing circumstance or continuity and change. 0

Evidence used to support historical narrative and argument/analysis/evaluation 8 Detailed, accurate and relevant evidence used in a manner that assists critical analysis and evaluation. In responding to an essay instruction of debate or evaluate the proposition, historical evidence is used to argue for and against a view/proposition. Uses and cites accurately some quotations, or sources, or statistics, to develop or strengthen arguments.

7–8

Use of detailed, accurate and relevant evidence throughout the essay. If quotations, sources, statistics are used as supporting evidence, they are cited in some coherent fashion. 5–6

Mainly accurate evidence is used to support some lines of argument. 4 Evidence is used, some is accurate, but there are generalisations in the essay. 3 Limited evidence used and the response contains a number of generalisations and statements that lack supporting evidence. 2

Very limited use of evidence and the response is mainly a series of generalisations. 1 No supporting evidence and oral evidence is incorrect. 0 Conclusion 2 Draws essay’s argument or point of view together. 2 Very superficial conclusion, or vaguely summarises with use of clichés such as ‘In conclusion...’ or one that just repeats the proposition stated in the introduction. 1

No conclusion given. 0 Communication skills 2 A well-written and well-constructed argument using appropriate language of history. Sound use of the conventions except where expression is enhanced by defying conventions. 2

Has some relevant use of historical terms, but is unable to express ideas with clarity of meaning. 1

Response is mainly unable to be understood by the marker. 0 Total 25


Question 6 (25 marks) Assess the impact and influence of the appropriate leader listed below within the society studied: • Russia – Stalin • China – Mao.

Russia: Stalin Candidates will be able to write extensively on Stalin’s influence as a leader and his impact on social and economic change in the USSR from 1928 to 1941. It is essential in this answer that the candidates both assess Stalin’s impact and influence, not just describe them. Economic changes include: the impact of collectivisation of agriculture and the Five Year Plans with a focus on heavy industry. Stalin’s reasons for these policies included security, the imperative to ‘modernise or the West will crush us’, socialisation and control of the rural sector to provide exports to finance industrialisation and to build a modern industrialised economy. Associated with the growth of industry was rapid urbanisation. Assessment includes Russia’s ability to avoid the Depression, preparation of heavy industry to make the USSR a world power and facility to produce war machinery. Social changes included dekulakisation ( the destruction of the Kulak class and end of the alliance with the peasants), freeing the rural labour force for rapidly growing new industries, urban problems and shortages, labour regulations, incorporating gulag labour to boost industrialisation. Assessment of the impact could include the role of women, growth of a Red elite whose prosperity grew as the economy and party power increased. Social stability, but also a reign of terror due to Stalin’s capricious behaviour and the power of the NKVD (and horror of the Great Purges). China: Mao Mao Zedong as leader of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) exerted a transforming influence over Chinese society and economy for most of the years from 1949 until his death in 1976. His influence was guided by his ideology which included the goals of national independence and unity, socialist transformation, the mass line (organisation of Chinese people to achieve CCP goals), continuing revolution and primary power of the CCP. Some positive and negative aspects which could be assessed by the candidates include: Economic changes: land reform and collectivisation in the early 1950s, the Great Leap Forward (1958–1965) including mass involvement in steel production and the creation of communes. The famine, the ‘Three bitter years’ (from 1959–1961) and loss of over 16 million lives had social and political repercussions and was followed by moderation in economic policy, including annual plans and some private industry. This was reversed during the Cultural Revolution when private enterprise and capitalist behaviour was destroyed. Social changes: Extensive social reform followed the assumption of the CCP to power. The Marriage Law of 1950 banned polygamy and child marriages, gave women legal equality and easier access to divorce. There were also widespread literacy and socialist education programs. The destruction of the landlord class and associated ideological remoulding aimed to create a more equal society. Collectivisation and the creation of communes also reformed social relationships. The ten years of the Cultural Revolution (1966 to 1976), instigated by Mao Zedong, had widespread social impacts – removal of bourgeois influences and the ‘four olds’ (ideas, culture, custom and habits) in all aspects of society and the empowerment of the youth in their role as Red Guards. The closure of schools, the movement to rural areas and social chaos had an impact on a generation of Chinese people. Mass propaganda and radical leadership until Mao’s failing health in the early 1970s created a very unstable social environment. Mao and his wife Jiang Qing were leaders of the Cultural Revolution which had ideological roots in the ideas of continuing revolution and the mass line.


Question 7 (25 marks) Debate the proposition: ‘Domestic policy rather than international relations has been a significant factor for maintaining revolution.’ Russia Candidates are to present an argument on the significance of domestic policy as opposed to international relations on the communist revolution from 1917 to 1941. Candidates must also debate the importance of domestic policy which maintained the Soviet revolution. These include the significance of leadership by Lenin and Stalin, coercion/violence and propaganda, control of all media and education. Some features of this could include: • Bolshevik call for peace during WWI and the Treaty of Brest Litovsk • Encirclement during the Civil War (1918–1921) fight for survival and war communism as a

domestic policy subsequent focus on security and military power. Isolation from Western nations during the 1920s and 1930s.

• NEP and the implications on domestic policy. • Stalin’s fear for Soviet security, call for Socialism in One Country and rapid development to

end backwardness – ‘develop in 50 years or the West will crush us’ • Anti-German propaganda and anti-Fascist focus during the Great Purges during Hitler’s

dictatorship of the 1930s. Non-aggression Pact with Germany to buy time. China Candidates are to present an argument on the significance of domestic policy as opposed to international relations on the communist revolution from 1940s to 1989. Again candidates will be required to offer an argument on the importance of domestic policy which maintained the revolution – Mao’s leadership (and role of Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping), ongoing political and economic campaigns, propaganda, coercion, social, economic and thought reform. Some features of this could include: • Anti-imperialist propaganda in the early revolution years of the revolution. Mao’s nationalist

call China ‘will never be an insulted nation. We have stood up’. • Significance of Cold War context of the revolution – early alliance with the USSR (1950

Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship’ and later split. • Relations with Russia and the USA in the Korean War, US policy towards Taiwan and

Tibet. Mao’s focus on national independence. • Growing fear of imperialism – Anti Western propaganda, ‘paper tiger’ speech, Mao’s use of

attitudes towards USA and the West during the Cultural Revolution. Easing of relations with USA in early 1970s.

• Deng’s economic reforms and trade zones in the 1980s. Maintenance of strict political control – reaction to collapse of communism in Eastern Europe by political coercion against democratic uprisings in 1989/ Tiananmen massacre.


Question 8 (25 marks) Discuss the evolution, spread and impact of a significant idea in the context of a revolution.

Russia Leninism and Stalinism are significant ideas in the context of the Russian revolution. A discussion of Leninism requires detailed analysis of its nature as well as its evolution, spread and impact. Emerged from the Russian Social Democratic Party (RSDP) founded in 1898. A split in RSDP in 1903 created two socialist parties, the Mensheviks led by Martov and the Bolsheviks led by Lenin. Lenin remained the fanatical leader of the Bolsheviks while often in exile from Russia. His writings formed the ideology of the Bolshevik Party and Leninism. Some key aspects of Leninism include: revolutionary socialism, destruction of monarchy/capitalism, opposition to war, an alliance (smychka) of proletariat and poorer peasants, leadership of the proletariat and peasants by a vanguard of dedicated revolutionaries, a dictatorship of the proletariat (to purge capitalism from the country in preparation for the socialist phase) and support by international socialist revolutions. Students may make reference to speeches, publications or propaganda that facilitates the spread of the idea. Impact: Candidates should also discuss the political, economic and social reforms during the early years of the revolution. Lenin maintained the belief that the revolution would be supported by other proletariat revolutions in Europe. Increased militarisation and a pragmatic approach to political survival became evident during the Civil War (war communism – ideology or survival?) and in the last years of Lenin’s life (New Economic Policy). Although emphasising support for Leninism, Stalin changed Lenin’s conciliatory approach to the peasants by the late 1920s and created a more powerful industrialised nation by using the rural sector to finance the growth of cities and heavy industry. China Candidates could discuss one of the following ideas in the context of the Chinese Revolution: Nationalism, Marxism, Maoism or Dengism. Maoism contained the following tenets: the goal of national independence and unity, socialist transformation, the mass line, continuing revolution and the primacy of the Chinese Communist Party. Maoism, based on peasant communism, emerged as a reaction to Soviet pressure and the failure of urban cells in China during the 1920s. (Shanghai massacre). The development of peasant reforms in the Hunan area and the Long March from 1934 to 1935, provided a ‘seeding ground’ for rural communism. The Yanan period stabilised Mao’s leadership and role as the ideologue of Chinese communism. The struggle against the Guomindang (GMD or Nationalists led by Jiang Jieshi) and Japanese also increased the military strength and popularity on the CCP and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Civil War and the defeat of the Nationalists led to the creation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. The spread of Maoism occurred through intensive reform, education and propaganda during the period from 1949 until the early 1960s. The cult of Chairman Mao was carefully developed. The idealism of the mass participation in the Great Leap Forward, followed by the famine of 1959 to 1961, weakened Mao’s leadership and enabled moderate leaders such as Deng Xiaoping and Liu Shaoqi to gain political ascendency. Mao reasserted his power and ideology through the Cultural Revolution. From 1966 to 1971 Mao backed by Lin Biao and the Red Guard created a new revolution to destroy the ‘capitalist roaders’ and relics of old China. Maoism changed political, economic and social face of China until the economic and social reforms under Deng Xiaoping following the power struggle after Mao’s death in 1976.

Students may deal with this superficially due to time constraints.


Question 9 (25 marks) Assess the impact and influence of the appropriate leader listed below on the region studied: • Cold War Europe – Reagan • Middle-East– Nasser. Europe Before Reagan was elected to the presidency in November 1980, Reagan had been greatly opposed to detente and the SALT II treaty. He believed both benefited the Soviets and weakened the USA. Following his inauguration in 1981, Reagan was determined to push US international influence and capture the growing dominations in the third world countries from the Soviets. Reagan, in response to what he perceived to be the Soviets Unions growing military power and influence, initiated the USA’s largest build-up of the Cold War.

This was not appreciated by the Soviets, who saw this as a ramping up of the old cold war rhetoric. Not all in the USA supported his thoughts and policies either as they were incredibly expensive at a time of recession for the USA.

Events came to a point in 1983 when American Cruise missiles were deployed throughout Europe against Soviet targets and again in 1985 when Reagan announces US support for anti-communist rebels fighting communist regimes in the Third World. This became known at the Reagan Doctrine.

Although remembered for inflaming the Cold War tensions with his claim in 1983 that the Soviet Union was an ‘evil empire’, later in his own way, Reagan did more than any other US President to ease the Cold War rhetoric. Reagan saw the coming and going of three successive Soviet leaders before working relatively well with Gorbachev in decreasing tensions through the signing of treaties such as the INF Treaty banning all Intermediate-range nuclear missiles in 1987.

Middle-East Gamal Abdel Nasser should be assessed as one of the most important figures in modern Arab and Middle-Eastern history. Certainly for a number of years he was the unchallenged and dominant leader of the Arab World. Nasser was Prime Minister and/or President of Egypt from 1954 until his death in September 1970. From 1938 to 1952 he served in the Egyptian Army with his first experience on the battlefield during the Arab–Israeli War in 1948 and assisted in the process of negotiating a ceasefire with Israel. Following the successful republican revolution in 1952 he achieved power in Egypt as prime minister/president and secured an armaments agreement with the Soviet Union. Nasser pursued the objective of removing the British for control of the Suez Canal and in 1956 he announced the nationalisation of the Suez Canal (breaking an agreement made in 1954) and closed the canal to Israeli shipping. British and Israeli military action was forestalled by the United States during the Suez Crisis and Nasser emerged as the dominant figure in the region and obtained funding for the Aswan Dam from the Soviet Union. He nationalised all British and French assets in Egypt and joined with Syria in forming the United Arab Republic but this fell apart by 1961. Despite such setbacks Nasser continued his drive to establish Egypt as the leader of the Arab world and supported the foundation of the PLO as a means of retaining a major influence on developments concerning the Palestinian question.

Israeli threats to Syria led ultimately to military confrontation and Egyptian defeat in the Six Days War and the loss of substantial territory including the entire Sinai Peninsula and Gaza strip. Nasser broke all relations with the US and received military and financial support from the USSR. Subsequently Nasser pursued a war of attrition against Israel and collaboration with the PLO before agreeing to a US peace plan but he died of a heart attack in 1970. An overall summary of Nasser’s impact and influence should stress his reforms within Egypt and establishment of Arab pride; his curtailing of British influence in the area, major modernisation programmes and inspiration to several nationalist revolutions. His limitations included his failure to democratise Egypt, the consequences of the Six Day War and especially the loss of the territories occupied by Israel (in some cases still to this date). His successor Anwar Sadat set out to reverse several aspects of Nasser’s legacy including breaking with the USSR and focussing on regaining Egyptian territory rather than the more challenging goal of Palestinian liberation.


Question 10 (25 marks) Debate the proposition: ‘Great power rivalry rather than ideology accounts for the divisiveness in the region.’ Europe The centre piece of this question concerns the rivalry between the USA and the USSR in Europe in the context of the Cold War which can itself be debated in terms of the extent to which the prime factor was ideology or power base rivalry. Candidates could argue rather effectively that at the beginning of the Cold War post WWII that it was not ideology that caused the issues – and was merely a pretense – but that it was about power and ensuring that each side was well placed economically and politically post war. Candidates may demonstrate this through talking about the Truman Doctrine, Marshal Plan and the events of the Berlin Blockade. Given that each of these had an economic component to them, candidates could argue that it was not ideology that was the impetus. The Arms race and Space race could be seen from a ‘one-upmanship’ perspective as well- again speaks of rivalry rather than ideological differences. Middle-East The centre piece of this question concerns the rivalry between the USA and the USSR in the Middle-East in the context of the Cold War which can itself be debated in terms of the extent to which the prime factor was ideology or power base rivalry. The proposition in terms of divisiveness in the region is particularly applicable to events in the 1950s and 1960s but for only a period in the 1970s. Arguably from the mid-1970s onwards divisiveness was increasingly focused on the Palestinian question, the role of the United States in this regard, the attempt through the UN to have Israel return the occupied lands, the future of Jerusalem and opposition to Israeli settler expansion in disputed territories. Between the mid1950s and the early 1980s the Soviet Union endeavoured to rival the US in the Middle-East as part of its worldwide rivalry in this instance by supporting local Communist movements and more particularly by backing anti-Israeli nationalist regimes such as Egypt. The United States for its part sought to limit Soviet influence in the region with emphasis on guardianship of Israel and attempt to achieve Arab-Israeli peace. This was particularly evident from 1955 onwards with the Soviet attempt to back Egypt and Syria by supplying arms and with such moves as financing the Aswan Dam and although attempts to foster local communist movements were largely unsuccessful until 1973 the Soviet was the major supplier of arms to Egypt.

However, once Sadat sought to disentangle himself from what he saw as a not very productive alliance with the USSR the US stance focused on seeking to broker Israeli- Egyptian peace and achieving the Camp David agreements. After the assassination of Sadat the US was undoubtedly the dominant great power in the region but was increasingly striving, while strongly supporting Israel, to prevent conflict in the area and to broker a peace in terms of the future of the occupied territories and the establishment of a separate Palestinian state. In this sense the ideological difference between the Israeli and various forms of Middle-East Nationalism became the central focus.


Question 11 (25 marks) Evaluate to what extent the nature of the political conflict was different by the end of the period. Europe This is a broadly based question and could attract a variety of answers. The major focus would need to be on the change during the period from the initial hostility post WWII typified by mistrust and one upmanship and a series of ‘near misses’ in terms of direct open conflict. This is in contradiction to the end of the period which was typified by an exhausted Soviet Union on the verge of collapse – helped along by Gorbachev’s perestroika and glasnost – with huge debt, rampant corruption and stagnant policies to address social issues. Whilst popular opinion had the Cold war ending in 1989, it was a series of agreements signed by the USA and USSR in 1990 that put further future conflict beyond the realm of possibility by removing any possible cause of confrontation or tension. Stronger answers may look at East and West as well within the Eastern Bloc itself. Middle-East This is a broadly based question and could attract a variety of answers. The major focus would need to be on the change during the period from the initial hostility to the establishment of Israel and its very right to exist to the increasing focus on the central issue of the foundation of a separate Palestinian state alongside of Israel. Thus by the end of the period the central focus was on the nature of and tactics being pursued of the PLO and the tactics it should pursue (and especially reactions to the use of terrorist tactics by the PLO), as well as the future of Jerusalem and of Israeli settlements being made in the occupied territories in latter decades of the period. In the earlier years following the foundation of Israel the focus until at least the mid1960s and in many respects until the 1980s was on the Egyptian-Israeli conflict and the great power involvement. When the PLO was formed and for the immediate period following Arab nations saw the PLO as a means of keeping militancy under control, but the outcome of the Six Day War saw the PLO became more obviously militant and associated with acts of terror thus as the Munich Olympic games. Over time the focus of the conflict moved away from Israel’s right to exist which was formally acknowledged by Yasser Arafat in 1988 to, by the end of the period, a situation in which the conflict was centred on the two state solution and issues such as Israeli settlements in the Occupied territories. The period ended with the Oslo Agreement of 1993 which set out to provide a framework for peace and a two-state solution but was marred by Israeli settlements being established in the Occupied Territories and disputes over the right of Palestinian refugees to return.

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