Modern History of Rayalaseema

A.R.Ramachandra Reddy Flat # 303, Sanjana Towers, Vidyanagar,

S.V. University Post – Tirupati 517502 Mobile: +91 98851 24719

The situation of Rayalaseema was not any different from what is stated in the concept note

provided. The post medieval and pre-colonial setup of Rayalaseema is pregnant with such a

situation. After the downfall of VIjayanagara Empire there was political disintegration. With the

absence of the central Govt. the role of Maharajas, Rajas, Palegars, Nawabs, Kiladars, Fouzdars and

other local potentates had increased manifold. The internecine warfare and mutual enmities created

untold pathetic conditions for the people.

The administrative setup of Rayalaseema had deteriorated to the extent that these local potentates

vied for power. For collection of taxes they even resorted to send their armies which had many

consequences. Rayalaseema came under the rule of these local potentates from Maharajas to

Fouzdars who were variations of local terminology. This political decline marked the beginning of an

absence of centralised political authority unlike that existed under Vijayanagar. The concept of one

flag, one rule, and one army was absent. There was no differentiation between the rajyams, palems,

nawabis, kilas, fouzes etc. What existed among them were political rivalry, mutual bigotry and

continuous warfare. Consequently the economic conditions deteriorated horribly, social conditions

degenerated, religious harmony which existed hitherto had gradually suffered. This kind of

deterioration was alien to Rayalaseema till then.

The establishment of Hyderabad state and the consequent submission of Palegars from the South to

the Nizam was mostly nominal. But this surrender of Palegars re-established a kind of unity which

did not last long. This was primarily due to the role of Palegars and other local potentates right from

Krishna down to Kanyakumari. Against this background, the Arcot Nawab emerged most important

Paper to be presented at the 2 Day Seminar entitled “Andhra Pradesh: Prospect and

Retrospect” on the occasion of Sundarayya Centenary Conference Program, April 2013.

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of the rulers because of the vastness of the area under his control right up to Kanyakumari. But the

territories under the Nawab of Kurnool, the Nawab of Kadapa, Muslim rulers of Anantapur were not

as extensive as those of Nawab of Arcot.

For the common man the situation was that there was no security for property and no safety for life.

Land, the prime aspect of livelihood of the common man was grabbed by the local potentates.

Consequently the rule by the local potentates was feared and hated by the common man.

In spite of this deterioration, Tirupati and other parts of Rayalaseema continued to flourish different

trade routes to Machilipatnam. The role of European factories was there in Rayalaseema to an

extant which ultimately lead to the European acquisition. Though they were to start their interior

trade in Rayalaseema only after getting permission from the local potentates, they gradually

changed their tenor to that of dictating trade terms. Besides the conditions imposed on their trade,

they gradually interfered in the internal affairs of these local potentates and rose to the

commanding position of suppliers of arms and ammunition. This created enormous problems to the

rulers of Rayalaseema and ultimately undermined their own positions to these European trading

companies.

Though the area came under the French initially, ultimately fell to the British East India Company

and that was also via Hyderabad state. The death of Nizam-ul-mulk in 1748 led to marked

relationship with the local potentates. Two of the rulers belonging to Hyderabad, Nasir Jung and

Muzaffar Jung, were murdered in Rayalaseema. Muzaffar Jung as Nizam did not sit on the throne of

Hyderabad, did not enjoy a single pie from its treasury and did not even entered the palace. The

crumbling position of the Nizams led to giving away of the Rayalaseema region to the British in 1800

A.D. as they could not pay the subsidiary debts to the British. The British authority on Rayalaseema

was established by a young British officer, Sir Thomas Munro through a process of acceptance of

overlord ship of the Company, Palegar payment of annual tribute, their surrender of forts, the

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disbandment of army and finally handing over of administrative records to the British. Then the

districts of Kurnool, Kadapa and Anantapur - as part of Bellary district constituted the ceded districts

which are later on came to be known as Rayalaseema region. Munro needed to establish the British

rule in the ceded districts

Though the present Chittoor district was formed only in 1914 A.D. it was already a district with the

name North Arcot exclusive of Madanapalli, Vayalpad regions. Chittoor district came under the

British in five stages, (i) 1748, when the revenues of Tirupati temples were transferred to the British

Company (ii) 1790, when the Western Peshkush consisting of Karvetinagaram, Srikalahasti,

Venkatagiri and Sydapur palayams brought under assumption, (iii) (iv) and (v) represent the years

1792, 1799 and 1801 A.D. This acquisition of Chittoor and Nellore districts were because of the debts

of Nawab of Arcot, due to the British Company.

With the establishment of the British rule in 1801 A.D. has resulted in the revolt of Palegars of

Rayalaseema region. The credit for suppression of these Palegars were shared by Sir Thomas Munro

for the ceded districts and George Stratton along with Cockburn and Graeme the Collectors of

Chittoor district. The large number of Palegars was brought to suppression by Munro in a systematic

manner. This suppression was to the liking of the common man in the area because of the removal

of Palegar tyranny and the consequent survey and settlement during 1801-1805.

There were seven stages in the policy of dispossession of Palegars: to uphold and preserve Palegars

in their rights and enjoyments, once they accept the power and authority of BEIC; to wean the

Palegars of their feudal habits and principles; to aim at the gradual reduction of Palegars military

power; to achieve gradual annihilation of Palegars military; to curb them from proceeding to

extremities to affect the Palegars expulsion or to kill in the battle and to dispossess the Palems from

Palegar control and make him a pensioner. All these steps were to realise the colonial goals such as

to establish company rule in the ceded districts, to elevate British position, to achieve political

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stability and finally to consolidate the Company’s rule in the ceded districts. Strangely and happily,

the common man treated Munro as the saviour from a horrible situation where they have lost the

control of their land to the Palegars in the post Vijayanagar period. Thus the suffering for about a

century and half was put an end to by Munro.

The survey and settlement of the ceded districts also lead to the enhancement of Munro’s public

image. After about a century and half, land was surveyed and settled. All lands of the villages,

particularly arable lands, forests, tanks, wells, mountains and fallow lands were surveyed. People

were called upon to participate and ascertain their lands at the time of actual survey.

Announcement of specific rates of land tax were based upon issues such as number of crops raised,

soil strength, type of crop, availability of loans, remissions enjoyed and irrigational facilities

extended to. Thus each ryot was restored with pattas – right to inheritance of the land.

The tussle between Munro as the principle Collector and his superiors in the Madras Government

lead to his resignation because of non-implementation of Ryotvari settlement in place of Annual

Lease Settlement, Bi-Annual Lease Settlement, Triennial Lease Settlement and finally the Decennial

Lease Settlement. Writing on Munro, Burton Stein observed there was no need to write anything

more in Munro which was prophetic sentence at the end of his book. Probably that was true for the

Europeans but probe on contributions for the local people still remains pending. For example the

period between 1814 and 1816 when Munro served as special commissioner to effect three things:

(i) a judicial reform (29-4-1814), (ii) new police scheme (1816) and (iii) reform of village officers 1816

which resulted in the creation of a large number of historical documents which are yet to be studied

and analysed which have a great bearing to the people of the region – (water mamulnama)

In the process two other British officers, Colonel Collin McKenzie and C.P. Brown, also shared the

goodwill of the people because of their contributions in enriching the history of the region – Kaifiyats

bear testimony of their work. Though some of the Kaifiyats published recently by the Govt. of

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Andhra Pradesh, they are yet to be analysed and researched upon. However the Kaifiyats on

Tirupati, written in Modi (old Marathi) script, were analysed and published.

There were ten Palems around Chittoor, the headquarters of North Arcot district. They were Pakala,

Pulluru, Kalluru, Mogarala, Pulicherla, Edurukonda, Naragallu, Thumba, Bangaru and Gudipadu.

Palegars revolted against the Company but were brought to their knees by Stratton, Cockburn and

Graeme. This was during 1802-1805. On suppression the district came under normal administration

of the Company.

After the suppression of these revolts, the administration of the British began on a steady note. The

revenue administration, education, justice, lay and order was under strict control of the British.

People were trained in the administration according to the requirements. However the year 1846

posed a serious threat in the district of Kadapa in the form of a revolt under the leadership of

Narasimha Reddy. This revolt had become a popular one and the base of many ballads. It was a

heroic struggle against the British for certain in alienable rights though of a dispossessed Palegar.

The plunder of Rudraram on 11 July 1846, Mittapalli encounter, plunder of Koilkuntla taluk treasury,

attempt to take the fort of Jammalamadugu, the rebel camps at Rudraram and Alamuru (Allagadda),

the plundering of Krishnamsettipalli and Mundlapadu, the rebel attack on Lieut. Watson, Settiveedu

and heroic deeds of Capt. Nott and the captivation of the rebel leader in Yerramalai hills and his

beheading on 6th October were some of the notable events of the rebellion. The detailed reports are

available in the archives with a lot of contrasts made between the two Collectors of Kadapa district,

Munro and Cochrane, at the time of suppression of Palegars during 1802-1805 and the Narasimha

Reddy revolt of 1846, respectively. Following is a comparison of the above two instances.

“…none of Munro’s Palegars ever maintained so successful an insurrection as did Narasimha Reddy, and it must be remembered that they were men of comparative wealth and power rendered turbulent and independent by years of war and anarchy, whereas he (Narasimha Reddy) was the younger son of a petty chief with an income of only Rs 11-8-2 pm. in a country which has enjoyed 40 years of peaceful Government…”

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The reasons for the above revolt stated in the documents were from the British point of view.

Proper research on this is yet to be taken up by any University in the region. This revolt shook the

very foundations of the British, though for a short period. It was brutally supressed with fearful

consequences.

The Wahabi movement also had its impact on Rayalaseema region. The Nawab of Kurnool, Ghulam

Khan, took active part in the movement. Mubariz-ud-daula served as the leader in the movement.

He was arrested and confined in Golconda fort and later on died there in June 1854. The Nawab of

Kurnool was sent to Tiruchirapalli after arrest. The Nawabi was annexed. Thus the Wahabi

movement in Rayalaseema was a prelude to the Sepoy Mutiny which was also put down.

Rayalaseema had its share in the 1857 Sepoy Mutiny. A jihad was declared in Kadapa on 28 Aug

1857. The leader was Sheik Peer Saheb. It was reported that Muslims of Kadapa town offered

prayers in the mosques for the success of the Moghul emperor. However public meetings were held

in loyalty to the British in Chittoor and Anantapur areas.

In the field of local administration specific advancements were made. For example, the Taluk Boards

and District Boards on which some research work has been successfully done in the case of

Anantapur. In the field of elementary education, Local Boards fared well; Elementary Schools which

numbered one in 1890 rose up to 351 in 1920. There was one secondary school in 1890 and it rose

to 5 in 1920. Training schools were few and far between. The Local Boards opened special schools

for ‘panchamas’ and other backward classes which accounted for 30 in 1920 with 780 students.

Night schools for the labour classes were run. Admissions to the ‘panchamas’ in regular schools and

higher caste pupils seeking admission in ‘panchamas’ schools became a common phenomenon. The

average strength of Taluk Board’s schools in 1920 was 12814. The number of girls’ schools which

were almost nil in the beginning rose up to 52 with a total strength of 2023 in 1920. Similar was the

achievement in the field of sanitation. The Local Boards have done very satisfactory work. In the

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early stages the scavenging system was very poorly organised. The private scavenging system on the

‘ward’ basis did not receive public response. By the turn of the century things improved fast. Water

supply was another service in which the Boards were much interested. Protected water schemes for

Hindupur, Dharmavaram and Penukonda had seen the light of the day by 1920. Village improvement

schemes like removal of shrubs and reducing congestion through slum clearance projects have

worked well.

However it must be stated that representation in the Local Bodies were severely restricted to certain

segments of the society, who were educated and well-to-do members of the dominant communities

besides men who were able to command local social influence. In the District Board of the year

1912, among the 15 non-official members there was one Christian, six Muslims and the rest caste

Hindus. The Backward and Depressed classes had no representation. Among the weaker sections of

the society representation for women was conspicuous by its absence. The cultivators, labourers and

small traders were unrepresented. Only in 1920 the Government passed orders to increase the

representation for Minorities and Depressed classes in the local boards.

Rayalaseema as a region is prone to famine. The colonial Government’s attitude towards it was not

encouraging at all but led to the severity of the famines. The details are to a great extent are to be

worked out. The famine of 1876-78 has only a fair treatment but no other famine received any

treatment by the researchers. The Dhatu famine of 1876-78 was researched upon by N.V. Subba

Reddy for his doctoral thesis. Other severe famines which struck this region are yet to receive

scholarly attention. The colonial interest of the British only worsened the impact of famines. The

iron heel with which they supressed all the movements on the part of the people and their leaders

and brutal end of uprisings created a kind of fear and severe displeasure against the British. Forest

acts and certain other taxes imposed by the British administration resulted in popular movements

(Karvetinagaram folk song). In this tread a little later the work and contribution of Tarimela Nagi

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Reddy’s attitude and work to be understood as a leader of prominence which had its profound

influence on the region and people.

Besides the above rosy picture, the Local Boards as they functioned in the locality were not free

from pitfalls and drawbacks. In the actual working of the Boards these defects began to surface. The

Boards suffered from structural, administrative, financial and certain inherent problems from the

outset. The area of operation of the Local Boards was unwieldy and large for effective functioning.

The boundaries of the units were often shifted in the process of constituting and reconstituting the

Boards from time to time. Some unions appealed to the Gov. to detach them from the original

structures because they complained of inconvenient distance from the headquarters. Already a

Municipal Council was functioning at Anantapur since 1869 and the operational services of these

two bodies were not much different.

One more in the line, the system of Local Government as devised then suffered from a built-in

contradiction in the form of division of functions between the deliberative and the executive organs,

the latter being headed not by an elected representative but by a Government official appointed by

the state. The president ship of many Local Bodies was for an unduly long time entrusted to

Government officials. The District Board had no elected president till 1919. The Taluk Boards were

not empowered to elect their presidents until 1909 and Union Boards until 1920. When the Chief

executive of the Local Boards was either a Government official or a nominated non-official,

responsibility on the part of the popular representatives was slow to appear.

Another significant feature in the process was that the provincial authorities exercised enormous

powers over the Local Boards. Not only legislative and judicial, but also administrative and financial

controls were there. All policies had to be adopted only with Government approval. A host of rules

and regulations stifled the Boards. Elaborate procedures, statistics and tabular forms took away

much of the time of the members. The members of the civil services and other departments were

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subservient to the ex officio president and did not help the spontaneous growth of Local-Self-

Government. Added to all these, were the nominated non-official members who sided with the

officials for their own gains.

Turning to the financial resources of the Local Boards in the district was never in a stable position.

Due to times of draught, scarcity and constant occurrence of epidemics, the taxes couldn’t be

collected in full. The local resources were inadequate to meet the heavy expenses, of the various

public welfare services. But for the generous grants from the Central and provincial Governments

and the occasional special grants to the poorer District Boards, the Local Boards would not have

achieved what little they had done in the four decades. The capacity of the people to pay the taxes

was limited. Hence it was difficult for the Boards to think of levying new taxes and cesses in order to

improve their resources. The villages of the Unions found the house tax, a burden and at one point

opposed its imposition. There were conflicts in the sharing of taxes among the groups of villages

which constituted the Unions.

In the course of nearly half a century, judged by their performance, Local Boards of Anantapur

District cannot be dismissed as dismal failure. It is true that the people or their representative did

not have a real share in the Local Government. Perhaps their views also did not reflect the popular

views. However, it should not be forgotten that the Local Boards were functioning in an extremely

difficult situation of low literacy, abject rural poverty, absence of public spirit and civic consciousness

besides sectarian conflicts. The Boards indeed created a process of consciensization among the

people about the importance of local participation and responsibility.

All the above undoubtedly paved the way for the emergence of local leadership in the urban and

rural contexts. Public spirited men were not lacking. A new group of urban elite and urban rich

provided a potential base of recruitment to nurture the infant democratic venture. In the records of

the Government relating to Local Bodies, only names recommended for nomination are mentioned.

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Not much information is available about their qualifications and background. From this it must be

assumed easily that the belonged to the leading caste groups of Brahmins, Reddys, Kammas and

Vysyas and a few Muslim and Christian gentlemen. They represented presumably the trading

business and landlord category and the profession of lawyers were in the main.

Leadership at the Local Boards levels was not burdened with the task of policy making, except in the

restricted spheres such as taxation. The decisions that the Presidents and Vice-presidents were

called upon to make were essentially of an administrative character. In short this activity demanded

only decisions as regards priorities. Statutory provisions and long established conventions enabled

them to perform their allotted functions without any confrontation.

Of the men who have served in the Local Boards, were with credit. For example, Diwan Bahadur

Gutti, P. Keshava Pillai’s name is fresh in the minds of people. Though born in Tamilnadu, he made

Gutti his second home and dedicated his whole life for the service of the life of his adoption. In 1885

he represented Rayalaseema in the first session of Indian National Congress. Already in 1894-1895

he was a member of Gutti Taluk Board along with Rev. Stephenson, member of the Anantapur

District Board, he visited Unions in his taluks on official supervision work. As a man of exemplary

integrity he would not tolerate any indiscipline in public affairs. P.Adimurthy was another luminary

in the field of Local Self Government. He also served in the District Educational Committee. As early

as 1885 the Anantapur District Circle Board had a few prominent leaders as non-official members.

N.C. Gopalachariyar, A.G. Sasasiva Reddy, Polamati Subba Rao and Ustipalli Pullaya Chetty

represented the Anantapur taluk. C. Chenchayya, I. Subba Reddy, Chetty Adeppa, Syed Fakruddin

and Allabux Abdul Qadir represented Tadipatri taluk. S.Hanumanta Rao came from Gutti taluk.

K.Guroycharri, P. Bayappa Reddy, M. Nageswara Rao, Syed Rahamia, D. Bhagavanta Rao and G.

Narasinga represented Penukonda taluk. Kondayya and Makum Seenayya represented Hindupur

taluk. D. Parameswarappa and Zilla Dasana came from Dharmavaram taluk. Similar was the case of

Anantapur District Board. Philanthropists were also brought in. The role of Local Self Government in

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the freedom struggle is well known. When the Local Boards were formed all over the county in 1884,

the congress organisation was born. The official domination in the Local Bodies was one of the

planks of agitation carried on by the Congress moderates who demanded more decentralisation and

democratisation for the local institutions. Local Bodies thus became the training grounds for future

leaders. The elections to the Local Boards were not on political party basis by then. They were less

noisy, less costly and led to more constructive work for the people. Many celebrated leaders of the

national movement did not feel shy to participate in Local Self Government as in the case of

Kesavapillai.

Rayalaseema came under the touch of Theosophical movement. Madanapalli of Chittoor district

stands as a living example even today. Educational institutions sprang in various parts of

Rayalaseema. Sanskrit schools were established at Hindupur, Bellary, Kadapa. Higher elementary

school was established at Vayalpad. The Theosophical society established ‘panchama’ schools at

Madanapalli and Bellary besides a high-school at Proddatur. The Theosophical educational trust took

over the school at Madanapalli in 1913 and the management was entrusted to Krishna Vidyalaya

established by Annie Besant in the name of Jiddu Krishnamurthy, an adopted son of her. It is on

record around Madanapalli, six village schools came up by 1918 which were built up by the students

of Theosophical students of Madanapalli. The Theosophical Educational Trust also started the

Theosophical College in 19 July 1915 in Madanapalli. It was opened by the Governor of Madras.

Rayachoti Giri Rao became the first correspondent and C.S. Trilokekar was the first Principal.

Incidentally it was the first ever college started in the whole of Rayalaseema region. This college

became a centre of political activity during Home Rule Movement of 1916-1917.

The freedom struggle in Rayalaseema did receive attention from scholars. For example, nationalist

movement in Anantapur district, 1921-1947 by A.Prasad; contribution of Muslims of Rayalaseema to

the freedom movement in Andhra Pradesh by Athavila Khan P; Rayalaseema under the crown – a

study of the origin and growth of nationalistic consciousness by Yanadi Raju P, Freedom movement

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in Kurnool district, 1920-1947 by M.G.W. Chandrasekhar Raju, a similar title for Kurnool by K.

Maddaiah and recently for the Chittoor district. Various facets of freedom struggle in the respective

districts were worked out.

Another aspect of Rayalaseema which had a profound impact on the region and its relations with its

neighbours began with the issue of the establishment of Andhra University in 1925-1928. The tussle

over the seat of the University created gulf between Rayalaseema and others. This gulf gradually

developed till 1956 as and when collective issues surfaced. When the bill meant for creation of

Andhra University was introduced in the legislative council on 20 Aug 1925, it was referred to the

Select Committee. Some members of Rayalaseema in the select committee wanted to exclude

Rayalaseema from the jurisdiction of Andhra University. T.M. Narasimhacharyulu, a member from

Kadapa moved an amendment to exclude the area from the jurisdiction. This did great damage to

the strained relations between Rayalaseema and circars. In 1927, Rayalaseema leaders wanted the

location of the headquarters in their area. The AU senate responded to the desire of the

Rayalaseema and voted by 35 to 20 to make Anantapur as the headquarters of the University. It also

recommended the establishment of the first great college in the University area. The Select

Committee of the Madras Legislative Council also endorsed the choice of Anantapur. Thus it

appeared that the controversy had been resolved to the satisfaction of all. But the then Chief

Minister revived the controversy in September 1928 – by suggesting Rajamundry as headquarters.

Later on the choice was between Vijayawada, Rajamundry and Vishakhapatnam. At this juncture as a

retaliatory step Bollina Muniswami Naidu of Chittoor introduced another amendment to exclude

Rayalaseema from the jurisdiction of the Andhra University. This furthered the controversy. The final

decision was taken by the legislature and accepted the amendments making Vishakhapatnam as the

headquarters of the university and excluded Rayalaseema from its jurisdiction. This ill feeling created

has a long sequence in the years to come.

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Next to the issue of the University was the Sri Bagh Pact, 16 November 1937. Controversy over the

headquarters of Andhra University had confirmed the suspicions of the leaders of Rayalaseema that

they may not get fair treatment in the Andhra Province. In order to protect the interests of

Rayalaseema a new organisation, Rayalaseema Mahasabha was formed in 1934 by C.L. Narasimha

Reddy, K.Subramanyam and others. Strangely the first session was held in the city of Madras in

January 1934. Nemali Pattabhirama Rao of Kadapa presided over the conference. Thereat it opposed

the attempts made by the legislators of the coastal districts to extend the jurisdiction of the Andhra

University over Rayalaseema. Another resolution the conference demanded the creation of Sri

Venkateswara University at Tirupati. It was an anachronism that no prominent congressmen from

Rayalaseema attended this session. The leaders of the Mahasabha namely Narasimha Reddy and

Subramanyam were defeated by the congress candidates in the election of 1937. Later when the

Government of Madras was formed injustice was done to Rayalaseema districts as no representation

was given to the region. All Andhra ministers belonged to the coastal districts. Consequently

Rayalaseema leaders became very sour. They also felt that they were let down by the circar leaders

who failed to insist on the inclusion of Rayalaseema representatives in the cabinet. The 1937 Andhra

Mahasabha conference at Vijayawada gave vent to the suspicions of Rayalaseema who appealed to

the circar leaders to take steps to ameliorate the confidence of Rayalaseema by providing safeguards

to the region. These safeguards were to relate mainly to three questions: (i) about the location of

the capital (ii) the parity of representation in the ministry between the two and (iii) execution of

irrigation projects. These genuine fears of Rayalaseema moved the circar leaders to provide the

safeguards they demanded. The consequence was the signing of Sri Bagh Pact on 16th November

1937. Under the pact three important areas were covered. First was with regard to the University.

Two centres were to be developed under AU – one at Waltair and the other at Anantapur. The

second was to meet the issue of irrigation. It was to ensure the raid development of agriculture and

economic interests of Rayalaseema Nellore. Schemes of irrigation be given preferential claim in

respect of utilisation of waters of three major rivers of Rayalaseema namely, Penna, Krishna and

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Thunga Bhadra. It was specified that whenever the question of water sharing arose the

requirements of Rayalaseema region shall be met first. The third aspect was regarding legislature. In

the matter of general seats in the legislature, the distribution was to be generally on an equal basis.

It was also decided that the location of the University, the capital and the High Court be located in

different places so as not to concentrate all civil importance to one centre or place. But the pact

confirmed that there shall be no change as far as the University is concerned and the High Court and

the Metropolis (capital) are to be shared between Rayalaseema and coastal Andhra.

While passions roused in the formation of Andhra State, Rayalaseema could only realise the capital

at Kurnool. Besides Rayalaseema leaders got their share in the cabinet. Various occurrences further

confirmed the suspicions of Rayalaseema leaders. The formation of Andhra Pradesh in 1956 was

only after the Gentlemen’s Agreement of Feb 1956. By this Rayalaseema had to surrender the status

of the capital and certain other advantages in the larger interests of all Telugu people under one

banner. The concept of Vishalandhra was very much appreciated in the region. But their traditional

requests about the establishment of fertilizer factory at Srisailam, the Barium Chemicals factory at

Kadapa, Pig iron factory at Dhronachallam, Calcium Carbide Bicarbonate industry at Kurnool never

was attended to in spite of repeated appeals.

Thus Rayalaseema as a region and its people are subjected to various apprehensions in their dealings

with their neighbours and the intricacies in the intra-party system are to be further analysed. The

developments after 1956 have many indications on this background of Rayalaseema which will find a

better treatment with the following. Its connections with coastal Andhra and Telenagana will give

indications to a prospective future. The change in the living styles of the Palegari mode to a more

civilised one also lies in such studies. Peaceful coexistence and life of meaningful cooperation with

various groups within and outside of Rayalaseema can be ushered.