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7/27/2019 Moche Burial Theme
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Death as a rite of passage: the
iconography of the Moche Burial Theme
ERICAHILL*
Th e appl icat ion of van Gennep’s R ites ofPassage s tructure to iconograp hy and m ortuarycontexts in the Late Moche perio d of Peru offers an original m ea ns of exploring
prehis tor ic concepts o f d eath .
Key-words: Peru, Moche period, Rites of Passage, mortuary contexts, cosmology, iconography
Archaeological and art-historical research on
the North Coast of Peru has revealed a rich
corpus of iconographic themes i n metalwork,murals and ceramics from the Moche period,
c. AD 100-750. Iconography, with its weal th of
representational imagery, in conjunction wi th
archaeological evidence, indicates that a link
exists between the images depicted and the ritual
practices of the Moche (Bauer 1996: 333-4;
Castillo 1993); in other words, the iconography
is depicting certain aspects of Moche culture re-
alistically, in particular, those aspects related to
mortuary ritual (DeMarraiset 01. 1996: 24).
This study examines one component ofMoche iconography - he Burial Theme -using the tripartite ‘ritesof passage’ framework
formulated by Arnold van Gennep (1960). Rites
of passage occur cross-culturally during major
events in the life-cycle and have three major
components (discussed in greater detail below).
In an interpretive analysis, I apply this frame-
work to the iconography of the Burial Theme.
The liminal, or transitional, states depicted in
this image facilitate the renewal of the com-
munity following death (see IJceda C. 1997).The rites of passage structure provides the
means for exploring prehistoric cosmology
through iconography. Furthermore, this analytic
structure can be employed as an alternative to
analogical approaches and can be applied to
the study of ritual and iconography beyond the
bounds of the Andean world. Throughout, my
focus is on death ritual, specifically as it re-
lates to elite interments, but it draws on sev-
eral sources, including Donnan & McClelland
(1979), a vessel from the tomb of a high-status
female at the site of San Jose de Moro (Castillo1996),and a large sherd of another vessel pub-
lished by Shimada (1994: 231). Finally, pub-
lished examples of several vessels that contain
either elements of,or related to, the Burial Theme
itself are employed in this study (e.g. Benson 1972:
figures 2 -1 ,2 -2 ; Hocquenghem 1987: figures 181-
186). All of the known contexts are mortuary, as
are the contexts of most Moche ceramics and
metalwork with iconographic content. Signifi-
cantly, the Burial Theme first appeared during
the Late Moche Period, characterized by bothecological and social upheaval.
The Late Moche period (A D 600-750) and the
Burial Theme
The Moche inhabited the arid river valleys of
the Peruvian North Coast, relying heavily upon
irrigation technology (Conklin& Moseley 1988),
domesticated camelids (alpacas and llamas)
(Shimada& Shimada 1985), marine resources
and the fundamental cultigens cotton, maize,
beans, gourds and squash . Evidence from gla-cial cores indicates that a severe drought with
associated El Niiio events occurred between AD
563 and 594 on the North Coast (Shimada et
al. 1991). These dates correspond to the tran-
sition from the Middle to the Late Moche Pe-
riod (A D 550-600).
Bawden (1983: 235) applies A.L. Kroeber’s
term ‘cultural reconstitution’ to changes in
Moche architecture and iconography evident
* Department of Anthropology, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque NM 87131-1086, USA. [email protected]
Received 30 January 1998, accepted 20 March 1998, revised 23 April 1998.
ANTIQUITY2 (1998): 528-38
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DEATH AS A RITE OF PASSAGE: THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE MOCHE BURIAL THEME 52 9
in the Late Moche Period (c.AD 600-750). ‘Cul-
tural reconstitution’ refers to the process of
change that a polity undergoes as it fundamen-
tally alters its basic st ructure in order to adjust
to new conditions. As a result, the material
record of the Late Moche Period (Phase V) in-cluded a ‘diminished repertoire and use of tra-
ditional religious iconography, new ceramic
forms . . . [and a shift] in ritual activities and
paraphernalia’ (Shimada etd. 991: 253).The
style and composition of ceramic motifs also dis-
play marked changes during the Middle to Late
Moche transition. The Burial Theme is one such
example, appearing in integrated formfor the first
time during this period. Although this image is
used as a case study, the interpretative approach
presented here may be applied to any culture-group with an extant iconographic repertoire.
Such an interpretive approach would not be
possible without the rich description provided
by Donnan & McClelland’s (1979) monograph
on the Burial Theme. Their work uti lised a to-
tal of seven unprovenienced vessels from mu-
seums and private collections in the United
States, France and Peru. It was concerned with
the identification of elements of the Theme,
but did not attempt to locate the image within
the context of Moche society, nor suggest whythe Burial Theme became prominent during the
Late Moche period. In contrast, my aim is toemploy the rites of passage ritual st ructure for-
mulated by van Gennep (1960) n order to situate
the Theme within its prehistoric context. This
is based upon transitional periods within t he
life cycle, or ‘rites of passage’.Van Gennep (1960)
and later Turner (1967; 1969) appl ied the con-
cept of rites of passage to the structure of ritual,
breaking the process into three component parts.
1 the rite of separation ritualizes the removalof an individual from his or her usual
position in life;
2 liminal rites emphasize transformation from
one state into another; and
3 rites of incorporation focus on the recon-
stitution of the individual andlor the com-
munity in a new form (van Gennep 1960).
The two lines of evidence used to evaluate the
application of this tripartit e conceptual struc-
ture to prehistoric iconography are
1 the Burial Theme i tself; and2 Moche burial evidence, which is discussed
relative to the representation of interment
depicted in the Theme.
In the final section of this paper, van Gennep’s
tripartite structure is applied, with particu-
lar emphasis on the concept of liminality.
Liminal periods are temporally bounded in-
tervals in which a n individual ha s ambigu-
ous status relative to the larger community(Turner 1969: 94). Liminal entities may be
disguised, masked (Napier 1986)or naked in
order to demonstrate that they have n o prop-
erty, role or insignia of kin or community sta-
tus (Turner 1969: 95). Liminal states may occur
during the performance of a ritual, usually
one in w hich an indivi dual is moving from
one state or status to another -for example
from commoner to chief or from life to dea th
(Metcalf & Huntington 1991). Cross-cultur-
ally, the rites of dea th an d burial are gener-ally associated with transitions and passages- ssentially liminal states; these associa-
tions are arguably some of the few universals
of human behaviour that have been ide nti-
fied by anthropologists (e.g. Metcalf k
Huntington 1991). Such a transition,or liminal
state, is evident in the iconography of the
Burial Theme, which represents the perform-
ance of a ritual (Bawden 1996; Berezkin 1987;
Donnan 1978).
The iconographyof the Burial Theme
Donnan & McClelland (1979: 6) have argued
that the Burial Theme is composed of four ac-tivities: conch-shell transfer, burial, assembly
and sacrifice. They separate these activities on
the basis of sets of parallel lines painted on
each vessel. I have divided the Theme into three
sets of activities, which I have identified as
scenes:
(Scene A ) conch-shell transfer;
(Scene B) burial and assembly;(Scene C) sacrifice.’
The Burial Theme depicts a series of figures
engaged in each of these activities (FIGURES
& 2) . Two figures usually re-occur i n each set:
Iguana and Wrinkle Face (or Aia Paec).
In Moche art, the iguana is usually anthro-
1 My d ec i s io n to d iv id e th e T h eme in to th r ee scen es wa s
based o n i co n o gr ap h ic co n ten t , ra th e r t h an th e p r e senceof para l le l l ines . Sets of para l le l l ines occur t h r o u g h o u t
the im ages, no t on ly sur rounding the se ts of ac t iv i t ies iden-tif ied by Donnan &McClelland (1979).Additionally, treatingthe burial an d assembly activit ies together as Scene B yieldsa more in tegra ted explanat ion of t h e s c e n e t h a n if t h e s eact iv i t ies were sep a r a t ed .
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530 ERICA HILL
Scene C
Aia Paec Iguanaia Paec
Iguana Aia Paec
SceneA Scene B
FIGURE.Rol l -out of s t i r rup -spou t v e sse l , M us eu m of A r t , R h o d e I s la n d S c h o o l of Design , Prov idence( RI ). [Adap t e d from Donnan b McCle l land 1979:20, f igure 6. Courtesy Donn a M cCle l land . )
Scene C
Aia Paec
Iguana Coffm Aia Paec
SceneAScene B
FIGURE. Rol l -out drawing of s t i rrup-spout vesse l , Col lec t ion of Herbert Lucas , Brentwood [CA) .
( A d a p t e d from D o n n a n 6.McCle l land 1979: 21, f igure 7. Cour t e sy Donna McCle l land . )
pomorphized and is depicted with a lined face,
prominent muzzle, tail and bird head-dress
(Donnan 1978: 41). The second figure also has
a lined face, a characteristic for which Donnan
and McClelland (1979) have labelled him ‘Wrin-
kle Face’; however he will be referred to hereas Aia Paec, following Larco Hoyle (1939: 142;
Castillo 1989:138).This figure also has a feline
head-dress, as well as a distinctive shirt and a
sash from which snakes extend (Berezkin 1980;
Castillo 1989; Donnan & McClelland 1979:6).z
Scene A , located in t he lower left half of FIG-
URES 1& 2 , depicts the exchange of conch shells
between Iguana and an attendant figure and a
larger kneeling figure under a gabled roof struc-
2
sash terminates with the heads of a snake-fox.Alternatively, Bourget (1994: 94) has suggested that the
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DEATH AS A RITE OF PASSAGE: THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE MOCHE BURIAL THEME 531
FIGURE . Scene B(Burial] .Detai l of roll-out drawing of
st irrup-spout vessel ,Collection of OscarRodr iguez Razze to ,Chepe'n, Peru.( A d a p t e d fromDonnan 6McClel land 1979: 24,
f igure 10 . CourtesyDonna M cCle l land. ) Iguana
ture. This latter figure has an elaborate cres-
cent-shaped head-dress and s its atop a flightof stairs, which are ascended by the at tendant
figures. This central character is surrounded
by stylized conch shells and may be shown
wearing ear spools, a nose ornament and an
elaborate backflap. The detailed ornamentation
and dress of this individual indicate that he is
male (Hocquenghem & Lyon 1980). His high
status is suggested by his large size (relative to
the other figures) and his location above the
attendant figures at the summit of the platform.
Additionally, he kneels beneath a gabled roofstructure, traditionally associated with high
status among the M o ~ h e . ~
In Scene B (which comprises the right half
of FIGURES& Z ) , Iguana and Aia Paec stand at
the top of a pit filled with offerings in gourd
dishes holding ropes in the zoomorphic form
of snakes. A rectangular box shape is represented
at the bottom of the pit, surrounded by offer-
ings. The face depicted on the box may repre-
sent a mask (Berezkin 1980: 15),which is turned
toward the viewer (FIGURE). The face (o rmask)is surmounted by a stylized conch shell
(Strombusgaleatus) (Donnan 1978:64; Shimada
1994: 230). This shell motif is also a promi-
nent image in Scene A. Above the box or cof-
fin, human and anthropomorphized animals
stand in ordered rows, apparently attending the
ritual that is being performed. Donnan &
McClelland (1979) have identified these com-
3 Relative size and position as a visual marker of differ-
cntial status is a well-established principle in Egyptian
iconography (Shiifer 1974: 233-4) and has precedents in
Near Eastern cyl inder seals and Christian imagery as well.
This principle is applied here to the Moche iconographic
corpus.
C OKi
ponents of the Theme as the burial and assem-
bly activities.On the other side of the vessels, Iguana and
Aia Paec appear again. At the top left, a com-
plex scene of sacrifice (or possibly de-fleshing)
(Scene C) is depicted in which a naked female
figure is being pecked by birds about the face
and genital area (Donnan & McClelland 1979).
Schaffer (1983) has identified these birds as
members of the vulture family based on the
presence of stylized wrinkles, which probably
represent the characteristic un-feathered neck
and head of ei ther the black (Coragyps t ra tus )or turkey vulture (Cathartesaura) (Schaffer 1983:
35-42). The woman is always depicted in a
spread-eagled position, with clearly represented
sexual characteristics (Hocquenghem & Lyon
1980: 38). Her face, like the face on the coffin,
appears mask-like (Berezkin 1980: 14-15;
Schaffer 1983: 39). In several examples of the
Burial Theme (Donnan& McClelland 1979: fig-
ures 6, 7 & l o ) , she is depicted with only one
eye intact . To the right stands Aia Paec, who i s
usually depicted above and/or larger thanIguana, who is next to him. Aia Paec holds what
appear to be spears or harpoons in one hand
and snakes in the other. The belt of snakes, shirt
design and feline head-dress make Aia Paec
distinctive.
Relationship of the Burial Theme to burial
evidence
Whether the 'burial' being depicted on the stir-
rup-spout vessels conforms to the actual evi-
dence for human interment from Moche sitesin the Moche, Lambayeque and Jequetepeque
Valleys can be tested against the archaeologi-
cal record (Castillo& Donnan 1994: 115;Castillo
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532 ERICA HILL
1993). Below, I address the evidence for mask-
ing, the representation of the burial container
and pit, and the presence of vultures, shells
and food offerings. These lines of evidence
demonstrate that the Burial Theme depicts ac-
tual prehistoric events.
Mask sThe face surmounting the coffin at the bottom
of the pit appears to be a mask; the face de-
picted is exaggerated, with fixed features. Fa-
cial coverings are a frequent component of
Moche burial assemblages: often taking the form
of gilded disks, as in the Moche IV burials at
the pyramids of Moche (Donnan&Mackey 1978:
144-53, 180-82; see Lapiner 1976 for several
examples of masks). Another example from thesame site is a copper sheet bent over the face
of the deceased (Donnan & Milckey 1978:154-
8). A funeral mask with exaggerated features
was recovered from the tomb of a priestess
(sacerdotisa) at San Jose de Moro (Donnan &
Castillo 1994). This copper mask was not ap-
plied to the face of the deceased, but rather at-
tached to the coffin itself. In the SipBn Moche
111 burials, a sheet-gold mask covered the lower
face of the individual in one of the primary
interments. This mask had an indented spacefor the mouth and a cut-out space for the nose;
the shape of the cheeks, chin and upper neck
were also reproduced in hammered gold. In
addi tion, two bands of teeth, a nose and eyes
of hammered gold had been placed over the
individual's face (Alva& Donnan 1993: 87-91).
In one representation of the Burial Theme
(Donnan & McClelland 1979: figure 21, the de-
ceased individual is shown having only one
eye. Two masks recovered at SipBn, each mask
had only one eye of inlaid shell ; the left eyeswere missing. The investigators determined that
left shell eyes had never been set into the masks,
thus leaving the left sockets gaping (Alva &
Donnan 1993: 1851.
Me thod of i n t e r m e n tSecond, in t he Burial Theme, the burial con-
tainer represented is rectangular in shape, sug-
gesting an extended burial (as the box is at least
4 A s Bourget (p ers. comm. 1998) has no ted, larger circu-
lar copper disks have also been recovered at the Mochepyramids. These were probably part of a head-dress, rather
than the masks discussed here.
three times as long as it is wide) . (Burial in a
shroud wrapping or bundle would probably be
represented as a rounded form, or at least with
rounded ends, rather than as a rectangular one.)
Archaeologically, Moche burials from Phases
I-IV are almost always fully extended and su-pine with hands at the sides or over the pelvic
area (Donnan 1986:2 2; 1995: 123;Shimada 1994:
242). The face, or mask, faces the viewer in t he
representations. This may be the result of the
artist rotating either the body or the box 90" in
order to make the face visible (Donnan and
McClelland 1979:7). However, burial evidence
from Galindo, a Moche V site in the Moche
Valley, suggests that adults were frequently
buried on their sides in an extended position
(Shimada 1994: 241-2).Similarities also exist between the form of
the box and the containers in which the Moche
buried their dead. Donnan (1995) has identi-
fied seven dist inct procedures used to encase
the body for burial; two of these procedures
correspond to the representational evidence:
cane coffin and plank coffin burials. Only these
two forms would produce a rectangular box
form. The other five procedures produce
rounded forms conforming to the shape of the
body.Two plank coffin burials have been identi-
fied by Donnan (1995: 133). Both of these date
to Moche 111, and are therefore much earlier
than the period in which the Burial Theme
appears. Tomb 1 at SipBn, now referred to as
that of the Warrior Priest, contained a plank
coffin lashed together with copper straps. Sev-
eral other individuals in this tomb were interred
in cane coffins surrounding the central burial
(Alva& Donnan 1993: 55-125). Donnan relates
the use of cane and plank coffins to individu-als of the highest social status in Moche soci-
ety. Archaeologically, these forms of burial are
associated with either rectangularor boot-shaped
burial chambers (Donnan 1995:1 2 2 )several mebes
deep. Rectangular burial chambers are generally
rock-lined or constructed of mud brick with cane
or wood roofing (Donnan 1995: 136-7).
In the Burial Theme, the buria l chamber is
distinctly rectangular, which would appear to
correspond with Moche treatment of high-sta-
tus dead. Thus, the extension of the body, burialcontainer and burial chamber as observed in
archaeological contexts match the representa-
tion in the Burial Theme.
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DEATH AS A RITE O F PASSAGE: THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE MOCHE BURIAL THEME 5 3 3
VulturesIn the upper left portion of the images, a na-
ked woman is being pecked at by birds , which
have been identified as vultures (Rea 1986;
Schaffer 1983). Vultures are a common com-
ponent of Moche ar t (Schaffer 1983).Althoughtheir remains have not been recovered in burial
contexts among the Moche, vultures have been
ident ified at later North Coast sites.5
Offerings of shells and foodFinally, the Burial Theme is replete with styl-
ized representations of shells and food offer-
ings in gourd containers. High-status Moche
dead are often interred with shells and food.
At San Jose de Moro, for example, Spondylus
shells were associated exclusively with high-status individuals and were often placed on
top of the hands (Castillo and Donnan 1994:
119, 124-5) or chest (Donnan & Castillo 1994:
419) of the deceased. At SipBn, Conus and
Spondylus shel ls were found with some of the
most elaborate burials ever excavated in the
Moche area (Alva & Donnan 1993). However,
Strombus shells, which are depicted in the
Burial Theme, have no known association with
actual Moche burials, although they may have
an association with the dead by funct ioning asthe medium through which requests for water
are made. For example, shells may be offered
to ancestors or spirits, both of which are asso-
ciated with the provision of water resources to
Andean peoples (Hocquenghem 1987: 82) .
Like shel ls, gourd dishes of corn and beans
as well as other food items are commonly re-
covered archaeologically (Alva& Donnan 1993:
154, 189; Donnan & McClelland 1979: 7 ;
5 At the site of Pacatnamu at the mouth of the JequetepequeValley, two vultures were recovered in association with a
human mass burial. The 14 individuals i n the burial dis-played trauma consi stent with sacrifice as it is understood
in Moche contex ts [Verano 1986).Although this burial datesto the Chimd period (c.1100AD), tremendous cultural con-tinuity exists between th e Late Moche and Chimu period.
Settlement patterning, architecture and social structuredemonstrate considerable continuity between the two pe-riods [Conklin 1990; McClelland 1990: 92). Therefore the
inclusion of vultures i n a sacrificial burial at a Chimu site
may he representative of Moche ritual behaviour in a n earlierperiod. The behaviour of the birds depicted i n the Burial
Theme is also consistent with t he known behaviour ofvultures, whi ch consume the eyes and genitalia first. Thismass burial thus provides additi onal evidence that the naked
woman in the Burial Theme is actually a sacrifice and thatthe birds pecking at her face and genitals are vultures.
Gumerman 1997). In a comprehensive study
of botanical remains from the site of Pacatnamu,
Gumerman (1997) identified 1 7 plant species,
most of which were edible. Among those plants
were lima beans, peanuts, squash and lucuma.
In sum, archaeological evidence for the burialof high-status individuals corresponds specifi-
cally with the iconographic evidence of the Burial
Theme. For the purposes of this analysis, the as-
sumption will be made that mortuary practice
reflects social status (sensuBinford 1971).There-
fore the individual being interred is of relatively
high status, given the elaborate treatment of the
body and the range of burial offerings. Having
demonstrated that the Burial Theme depicts a
ritual that was actually performed by the Moche,
I present the Theme as a rite of passage below.
Rites of passage and narrative art
Several studies have observed that the theme
of transition or transformation is a common
component of mortuary ritual and symbolism
(Badone 1989; Kan 1989; Metcalf & Huntington
1991: 32; Morris 1992; Parker Pearson 1993).
Van Gennep’s structure (1960:10-11) describes
certain events in an individual’s life in terms
of transitions or rites of passage, with three
distinct stages in rituals:rites of separation
rites of incorporation.
All phases of a ritual or ceremony may not be
developed to the same extent; thus in funerary
ritual, the rites of separation (when present)
may be minimal, whereas the liminal phase is
often emphasized both in terms of duration and
complexity (van Gennep 1960: 146). For exam-
ple , I have observed many modern grave sites in
the Southwestern US replete with the imageryof sleep -the deceased is neither dead nor alive,
but rather is sleeping peacefully. Sleep itself is a
liminal state- ne is neither awake, nor uncon-
scious, but rather somewhere in between.
The general objective uniting rites of passage
is to ensure the smooth transition from one state
or condition to another. Thus birth, marriage and
death are all states that may be culturally elabo-
rated through a rite of passage. For example,
marriage may be broken down into three peri-
ods during which an individual is1 single,
2 engaged,
3 married.
transition rites (the liminal phase)
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534 ERICA HILL
In this formulation, the period of engagement
is a liminal phase in which the individual is
no longer single, but not yet married. Like
marriage, the cross-cultural elaboration of death
may involve extensive ritual elaboration of the
transition from life to after-life (Bloch& Parry1982; Metcalf & Huntington 1993). Although
the Burial Theme emphasizes the liminal sta te,
rites of separation and incorporation are also
depicted, albeit on a lesser scale.
The Conch She l l Scene (Scene A)Scene A depicts the deceased while he was still
alive. He is shown receiving conch shells while
sitting under a gabled st ructure. His dress and
ornamentation, size and elevation all suggest
clearly defined status and role, which becomemasked (literally) in the burial scene (Scene
B). Scene A represents a stable state in which
Iguana has a central role, func:tioning as a har-
binger of death. Iguana offers the shells , which
in the scene of burial are associated with the
interred individual. Iguana thus fac i l i ta tes the
rite of separation as defined by van Gennep;
the shell imagery links the figure beneath the
gabled roof with the deceased in Scene B.
T h e Bur ia l Sc e ne [ Sc e ne B )Scene B depicts the interment of the high-sta-
tus figure introduced in Scene A. In order to
link the burial section of the ‘Theme with this
figure, stylized shell imagery is employed. Shells
serve as visual cues, first surrounding the de-
ceased in Scene A, and then being visually as-
sociated with his coffin in Scene B. Given its
relationship to the conch-shell transfer scene
and its explicit representation of interment and
death, the burial scene represents the liminal
phase of a rite of passage. Limfnal images havebeen identified elsewhere (e.g. Green 1997;
Jonaitis 1981; Koehl 1986) and are usually as-
sociated with major life-cycle transitions. The
primary characteristics of liniinal phases are
ambiguity and the suspension of social norms.
Hertz (1960), in his classic s tudy of mortu-
ary ritual and secondary burial, illustrated how
this process works by focusing on the treatment
of the body and the actions of the mourners ormortuary attendants. These activities function
to disassociate the deceased from society (ritesof separation) and to initiate the liminal phase
using imagery of the passage, which serves ‘not
only [as] a denial of individual extinction, but
also [as] a reassertion of society and a renewal of
life and creative power’ (Bloch& Parry 1982: 5).
Images of passage (Scene B), and thus ofliminality, occupy half of the visual field of the
Burial Theme. The lowering of the coffin through
a pit or passageway in the earth is the mostvivid example of passage in the entire Theme.
The attendant figures, including Iguana and Aia
Paec, serve to facilitate the transition. These
figures mediate between the living world and
the dead by being spatially situated between
Iguana and Aia Paec, who are lowering the coffin
(the living community), and the individual
entering the world of the dead. Thus , the as-
sembled figures are an integral component of
the burial activity.
Iguana and Aia Paec play a dual role in thisscene, both lowering the coffin into the ground
and heralding or accompanying the dead indi-
vidual in the lower register. The appearance of
these figures twice in Scene B suggests that burial
and assembly are timeless events occurring in
a non-linear fashion. As Netherly (1990) points
out, the Andean world view does not distin-
guish between the past and the future. Further-
more, the dead in many cultures are associated
with a different time structure than that opera-
tive in the living world. The dead may be inseveral locations simultaneously, f their loca-
tion can be ident ified at all (Humphreys 1981:
247-75). Thus, the presence of Iguana and Aia
Paec repeatedly in concurrent activities is con-
sistent with in an Andean temporal framework
(see also Quilter 1990)6 nd further emphasizes
the liminal qualities of the buria l event.
Liminality is essential in this context because
in stratified societies, like that of the Moche,
the death of an Blite may have a significant
i m p a ~ t . ~ecause the leader serves as an inte-grative symbol, his or her death may generate
6 The simultaneous representation of the same figure atdifferent times has been observed in another Moche sceneby Zighelhoim (1995),who suggests that the Mountain scene
represents an indi vidual simultaneously before and after
falling from a precipice. In another example, Quilter (1997b)
has noted different activi ties being depicted a s though theywere occurring simultaneously in the Revolt of the Oh-
jects Theme. His point that this treatment of time is a de-vice of narrative art may well be applicable to t he Burial
Theme.7 I am referring here to the removal, through death, of
the living presence of an individual. It is as yet unclearhow t he Moche conceptualized the afterlife and t he post-
mortem presence of an individual.
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DEATH AS A RITE OF PASSAGE: THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE M OCHE BURIAL THEME 5 3 5
a crisis and threaten the stability of the extant
social and political order. The liminal phase of
mortuary ritual permits adjustment to occur, less-
ening the possibility that social upheaval and
uncertainty will overwhelm the community.
In addition to the imagery of passage, twoother elements signal liminality in Scene B:masks and mountains. A mask covers the face
of the deceased, or is applied to the coffin, and
a box of planks (or canes) hides the body. Napier
(1986: 16-17) andMack (1994: 2 3 4 )suggest that
one of the primary functions of masks is to mark
a period of transformation by expressing ambi-
guity. The mask motif is particularly powerful
given the importance of external symbols of sta-
tus in Moche society evident in Scene A.
The second iconographic element ofliminality in Scene B is the huaca mound in
which the deceased (like Moche Blites) is be-
ing interred. Scene B, when taken in its en-
tirety, represents the formal structure of a Moche
burial mound - ider at the base, tapering
toward the summit, and enclosing within it-
self a range of life forms both natural and su-
pernatural . In Andean cosmology, objects and
places, not just living creatures, are animated.
Thus, huacas are not static mounds of earth,
but rather dynamic components of the land-scape, just as the mountains , whose shape they
reproduce, are imbued with vitality (Bourget
1994). The images in Scene B convey this sense
of an animated landscape. The in terment is not
merely the lowering of a dead indiv idual into
the earth, but rather a transition from the known
world into a dynamic underworld. Just as moun-
tains have caverns that funct ion as entryways,
the huaca has the burial pit, which functions
as a passageway. Like mountains, the h u a c a
becomes a permanent component of the land-scape, transcending time and space.
Two types of evidence suggest how moun-
tain lhuaca imagery functions as a liminal im-
age in Moche iconography. First, mountains are
anthropomorphized both i n origin stories and
in modern ethnographies; as anthropomorphs,
mountains exist in a liminal space between the
human and natural world. Peruvian origin myths
recorded ethnohistorically indicate that moun-
tains functioned as the means of emergence and
transition, as places of birth. Mythical found-ers are believed to have emerged (been born)
from mountains and caves in the earth (Bauer
1991: 16; Urton 1990). Ethnographic fieldwork
indicates that places on mountains are named
for parts of the human anatomy- he slopes
are the chest of the mountain, the heights are
the head (Bastien 1985: 43-7). Mountains are
also characterized as having familial relation-
ships. For example, the mountain of Salcantaynear Cuzco is considered the ‘brother’ of a nearby
peak, while in the 1800s the same peak was
believed to be the husband of a nearby ‘female’
summit (Reinhard 1991: 15).
The second way in which mountains func-
tion as liminal entities is their role as dynamic
otherworld landscapes inhabited by deities
controlling water, fertility and meteorological
phenomena (Reinhard 1993: 12-13). As such ,
mountains are venerated as sacred, especially
by ritual specialists and those who either mustcross them or who benefit from the water they
provide (Reinhard 1991: 15-16). This sacred-
ness is evident i n the pre-Incan custom of bury-
ing people on the slopes of mountains (Reinhard
1993: 12; 1995: 343). While the living are be-
lieved to have emerged from the lakes or water
sources of a mountain , the dead reside within
the mountain and travel through it via under-
ground waterways to the u m a pacha , the place
of origin to which the deadreturn (Bastien 1985:
47, 171-4).Ethnohistoric and ethnographic examples,
which are used to demonstrate how mountains
function as liminal entities, are employed in
order to furnish an explicitly Andean concep-
tual context in which to view Moche iconog-
raphy. (These examples are not meant as
analogies, as they are both spatially and tem-
porally removed from the region and period
under study.) Nevertheless, ethnographic data
provides an interesting parallel to mountain
imagery in Moche iconography. Benson (1972)discusses mountains in relation to sacrifice and
presents an image in which a figure, which she
identifies as the Moche creator or mountain god,
emerges from a mountain cave (1972: 27-30,
figure 2-2). This same figure is frequently shown
on modelled pots depicting a mountain scene.
This class of pots represents mountain peaks
or crests (usually five) in which one or more
figures wi th long hair are shown draped over
the cent ral peak (Benson 1972: figure 2-1;
Hocquenghem 1987: figures 182-186). A ten-tative interpretation of this image suggests that
the draped figure is a sacrifice, perhaps related
to the sacrificed female in SceneC of the Burial
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536 ERICA HILL
Theme. The draped figure may be female, based
on the distinctive long hair, one of the criteria
used to identify females in Moche iconogra-
phy (Arsenault 1991: 315; Benson 1988).
Sacrifices, like that in Scene C, are often
depicted in mountain contexts elsewhere inMoche art (Berezkin 1980: figures 7 ,9; Bourget
1994; Hocquenghem 1987). Additionally, the
hair treatment in both Scene C and the moun-
tain scene is a prominent feature. The sacri-
ficed female in the Burial Theme always has
distinctive braids or streaming hair, while in
the mountain scene, a figure is draped face-
first over the peak with hair streaming over the
back of the head and down the mountain (Sharon
&Donnan1974: 57). Hocquenghem (1987: 183)
has interpreted this figure as female,* an iden-tification that potentially links this figure to
the sacrificed woman in Scene C.
T he Sacr if ice Scene [Scene C)
The final scene of the Burial Theme - hat
Donnan & McClelland have termed the Sacri-
fice scene (1979: 9-10) - resents the after-
math of death and burial . This scene is set in
the living world; the deceased individual is
absent, as are the trappings of his status in life.
In this scene Aia Paec assumes the dominantposition, and Iguana appears to become an at-
tendant figure. Birds likewise are an essential
element, functioning as agents of sacrifice. In
terms of van Gennep’s schema, this final scene
represents the rite of integration or incorpora-
tion. Reintegration of the community must oc-
cur before life can resume its normal course.
Sacrifice, as a regenerative force (see Uceda C.
1997) , provides the means for reintegrating
society after the traumatic event of death. In
Scene C , the woman being consumed by birdsrepresents a sacrifice (Rea 1986: 143; Schaffer
1983: 39). The woman’s body functions as a
sacrificial gift, serving to restore order and bal-
ance in the community (Valeri 1985: 62-4;
Werbner 1989: chapter 3) or to renew the land
8 Other scholars (e.g. Bourget 1994; Zighelboim 199 5)havesuggested tha t the f igure drape d over the mo unta in peakis male. While I have chos en to follow Hocquenghem (1987)
on her in terpre ta t ion of th is f igure a s female , I fee l tha t th eidentification h as not been satisfactorily establish ed eitherway. I wo u ld even suggest tha t the sexual iden t i ty o f th isf igure is intentionally ambiguous, and thus that ou r attemptsto demonstra te e i ther a male or female sexual iden t i f ica-t ion defea ts the purpose (see Green 1997 on ambiguoussexual iden t i ty i n iconography) .
(Hocquenghem 1987: 180-82). Such beliefs are
part of a holistic conception of the universe,
in which the individual is an intrinsic part of
both the community and the landscape. The
sacrificed individual , in this sense, is a gift to
those entities or forces that assure the well-beingof the community (Hocquenghem 1987; Valeri
1985: 62-7). Through sacrifice, balance is re-
gained, the life-cycle of the individual is com-
plete and the continuance of the community
is assured.
Sacrifice in Andean practice has an intimate
association with mountain beliefs. Reinhard
(1996) has reported on recent evidence that
adolescent females were left on mountain peaks
as a form of sacrifice during the Inca period.
He has interpreted these sacrifices as offeringsto the mountains, which brought water and thus
good harvests (1996: 66) . Although the Inca
period post-dates the Moche by as much as 800
years, considerable continuity probably existed
in terms of cosmology (Bawden 1996; Isbell
1978).gCertainly Bourget’s work (1994; 1997)
in the Huaca de la Luna area suggests that sac-
rifices and mountains were an integral part of
Moche ritual practice. Bourget recovered the
remains of at least 40 individuals who had been
sacrificed in direct association with the rockyoutcropping of the nearby Cerro Blanco (Bourget
1997). By associating symbolically-laden moun-
tains with the regenerative force of sacrifice,
the Moche effectively completed both the life-
cycle of the individual and, at the same time,
the transition of the entire community through
the rites of passage.
Conclusions
The wider application of the rites of passage
framework is one way of avoiding both anal-ogy-based arguments and the generation of
description without interpretation. Both
iconographically and conceptually, the images
employed by the Moche in the Burial Theme
merged the supernatural with the natural, the
sacred with the mundane. Using the rites of
passage framework, I have suggested that limi-
nal states, as well as rites of separation and
integration, are components of Moche iconog-
raphy and, by implication, formed a part of the
Moche ritual repertoire.
9cept of con t inu i ty i n the An d es .
See Quilter 1997a for a cr i t ical appraisal of the con-
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DEATH A S A RITE O F PASSAGE: THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE MOCHE BURlAL THEME 53 7
Acknowledgements. I have benefi ted greatly from dis-
cuss ion s wi th J im Boone , Jane Buiks t ra, Lui s Ja ime
Casti l lo, Robert D. Leona rd, Todd Van Pool an d Gordon
Rakita; their in sights have greatly impro ved this work.
Steve Bourget generously share d both references as wel l
as his detai led knowledge of Moche iconography. I a m
indebted to Garth Bawden, whose interest in al l things
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