Mobilizing the Hijab: Islamic identity negotiation in the ... · Mobitizing the Hijab 381 popularity among urban twenty-something Muslims of marriageable age. The new medium, however,

Journal of Consumer Behaviour/ Consumer Behav. 5: 380-395 (2006)Published online in Wiley InterScience(www.interscience.wiley.com) DOI; 10.1002/cb.188

Mobilizing the Hijab: Islamic identitynegotiation in the context of amatchmaking websiteDetlev Zwick'* and Cristian Chelariu^'324 Schulich School of Business, York University, 4700 Keele Street, Toronto,ON M3J 1P3, Canada^325 Schulich School of Business, York University, 4700 Keele Street, Toronto,ON M3J 1P3, Canada

• This article explores the intended use and meaning ofthe hijab as a personal branding toolfor Muslim users of an online matchmaking service. We analyze the motivations of maleand female Muslim consumers for mobilizing the symbolism ofthe hijab as they constructonline identities. We ask whether including information about 'willingness to wear thehijab' is motivated primarily by a desire to comply to normative rules of conduct or by aninstrumental attitude driven by a desire to effectively build and communicate a personalonline brand. Our results indicate that the meaning of the hijab is not fixed anduncontested but is dependent on the historical and social context of insertion. In thecontext of an online matchmaking site, the motivation to mobilize the hijab ispredominantly instrumental. In addition, women are more likely to use the hijab forpersonal branding than men, whose motivation to mobilize the veil's cultural andtraditional symbolism^ prevails. In accordance with previous research, we find that ahigher degree of education reduces the likelihood of men and women to use the hijab inorder to conform to comm.unity norms.

Copyright © 2006 fohn Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Introduction experience the dissolving effects of modernity_ • » , , . , . . . w, ^s their young members are either no longerConservative Muslims living in Western socie- ui i • J C

r . r , •• . ^t)le to easily locate and meet partners forties face a unique set of challenges as they . • u- u • • •

^ r . . J marriage within their own population orattempt to conserve a sense of cultural and . „ -- . , . . .

. . . . . . , j , , , sometimes prefer to find them outside theethnic identity in a world characterized by . „ , . ,nr>oN »* ui- ^

. , . , . J community (Mawiee, 1998). Mobility andchange, high mobility, and multiculturalism. ^- , A- • J • i e A il ic^, , . J . , spatialdispersiontypicalof modern urban lifeClose-knit, traditional communities like the .. . , 5 i . T-U U„. . », ,. . KT 1 J . add another layer of complexity. The match-Shia Muslims in North America directly , . ,.^. , ^ ... ^ ,

' maker—the traditional facilitator of love inShia Muslim communities — has either disap-peared or lost its monopoly status as the

•Correspondence to. Dr. Detlev Zwick 324 Schulich ^^^^^ f^r finding a life mate among Wester-School of Business, York University, 4700 Keele Street, ^ , . . -. ,Toronto, ON M3J IP3, Canada. nized Muslim youth. Like for their non-MuslimE mail: [email protected] peers, the Internet has gained widespread

Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. foumal of Consumer Behaviour, fuly-August 2006DOI 10.1002/cb

Mobitizing the Hijab 381

popularity among urban twenty-somethingMuslims of marriageable age.

The new medium, however, has its pro-blems. Conservative communities such as theShia have elaborate and highly scripted cus-toms that govem the development of socialrelationships between men and women.Online matchmaking sites must be able toreproduce a generally acceptable environmentfor socializing that honors the community'scultural and religious statutes and norms. Withrespect to the love seekers, the new mediumrequires a whole new language with which toconstruct a desirable and marketable digitalpersona.

In this paper, we explore the use andmeaning of the hijab' as a personal brandingtool (Spillane, 2000) for Muslim consumersparticipating in an online matchmaking ser-vice. Specifically, we examine the motivationsof male and female Muslim consumers tomobilize the symbolism of the hijab for theconstruction of a desirable and 'marketable'digital identity. We pursue two main researchquestions. First, we examine whether includ-ing information about 'willingness to wear thehijab' is motivated primarily by a desire tocomply with normative rules of conduct or byan instrumental attitude resulting in a desire toeffectively communicate a personal onlinebrand? In real life, dating among Shia Muslimsis governed by entrenched cultural directivesspanning a normative framewôrk that thewebsite and its consumers cannot simplyignore or overwrite. On the other hand, thevirtual matchmaking site presents a competi-tive cultural script, the culture ofthe market.By encouraging an individualistic pursuit ofwants and needs, competition, and commodi-fication of the self, the online matchmakingsite promotes efficient and effective spousesearching rather than adherence to culturalconventions. Second, we examine whethermotivations differ across demographic

' Hijab generally refers to a style of clothing that may coverthe woman's entire body but usually excludes the handsand face. In everyday language, 'the veil' or 'head scarf isoften used as shorthand for hijab.

(gender, education), and psychographic char-acteristics reflected in the motivation to usethe matchmaking website itself (interest inspouse seeking vs. change seeking).

Study context

France's controversial new law banning theovert display of religious symbols in school,directed at the wearing of the hijab, brings tothe forefront the enormous contemporarysignificance of the veil as a historically andculturally constructed symbol of female Islamicidentity (see e.g., Brenner, 1996; Memissi,1987). The practice of hijab among Muslimwomen is based on religious doctrine, althoughthe Qur'an does not mandate it (Kandiyoti,1991). A range of opinions exists amongMuslims regarding the times and places —ranging from prayer only to all the time — thatwomen are expected to be veiled. Westernersoften regard the hijab as a symbol of backwardcultural and gender politics and even funda-mentalist extremism (Brenner, 1996). Yet, insocieties where women are not required by lawto wear a veil, some Islamic groups havemobilized the hijab to represent a traditionalsense of Islamic identity characterized by moralsuperiority, virtue, and modesty in women(Franks, 2000; Taraki, 1995). Thus in the NorthAmerican context, the veil and other religiousobjects are means for women to 'make Muslimspaces' (Metcalf, 1996) within a largely non-Muslim homeland.

This study was conducted as part of a largerproject investigating the challenges and com-plex negotiations of a traditional Muslimcommunity in North America with the values,meanings, and capabilities of new informationand communication technologies. We willreport a few quotes from our informants, butthe study reported here is the survey researchpart of the project. Concerned about thereproduction of the community's cultural andsocial coherence, relevant stakeholder groupsincluding clerics, parents, and children haveturned to the Internet to supplement theincreasingly waning traditional matchmaker.Yet, a matchmaking website changes the rules

Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, July-August 2006DOI 10.1002/cb

382 D. Zwick and C. Chelariu

of the game. Within communities still gluedtogether by regular face-to-face encounters ofits members, the body remains at the center ofidentity construction. In the age of wiredcommunities and cyberlinked individuals, dis-embodied socialities become more commonand the signifying power of the body recedes(Hayles, 1993; Turkle, 1995). In the symbolicspace of the Internet, identities have to beconstructed through language and picturesand cultural symbols of identity such as thehijab take on enormous significance (cf.Dholakia and Zwick, 2001; Schau and Gilly,2003).

Constructing a digital persona requires over-coming the decontextualizing effect of theInternet by generating a virtual face-inaction,an online brand. Creating a convincing brandrequires symbols with strong signifying power.Hence, the hijab is mobilized as a brandattribute in the postmodern marketplace ofsigns and symbols, segmenting the market,targeting consumers, and positioning thewearer (cf., Brown et al, 2003; Holt, 2002).This positioning includes a reaffirmation oftheanticipated gender role of the male and thefemale in the traditional Shia family (Gentryel al, 2003). In addition, the use of religioussymbolism serves as an element for theconstruction of identity and adds legitimacy tothe Internet as a site for young people to meet.

Modernity versus traditionin web-based matchmaking:Reconciting motivations

Matchmaking sites are among the most suc-cessful business models on the Internet. Brandslike Lavalife, udate.com, Yahoo Personals, andMatcb.com have attracted large member bases.Estimates suggest that about one fourth ofAmerica's 98 million singles are taking theirsearch for dates, relationships, sex, andspouses to the Internet (Yin, 2002). Tbepopularity of online dating rests on its effi-ciency to bring together a relatively large datingaudience, improve (initially anonymous)knowledge exchange, and speed up socializingamong members. For example, eHarmony.com

boasts that its scientifically designed Compat-ibility Matching Systems enables the provisionof 'more marriages per match tban any onlinedating service.' The creation of performancemeasures specific to the online matchmakingindustry, such as the ratio of marriages andmatches, exemplifies an instrumental focus onefficiency, and on the capacity to find a spousein a quick and reliable manner.

However, this instrumental advantage ofthemedium can be a cause for concern forconservative and culturally normative identitygroups that have strict, detailed, and histori-cally anchored matchmaking rituals in the realworld. To Shia Muslims, the prospect of menand women engaging in multiple, unmonitoredonline (and possibly offline) relationships overdifferent time spans, witb several possiblepartners at once before making a choice ishighly disturbing. Typically, marriages arearranged in various, closely monitored ritualslike the tea-method.'^ Spaces where unmar-ried men and women can meet without super-vision do not exist. In the mosque, the centralplace for communal gatherings, men andwomen are kept separate and at a distancefrom each otber, not only during times ofprayer but for all mosque-related activities.

To make online dating a viable option forconservative identity groups, it must not onlyprove efficient in making matches but maintainthe 'religious tone' ofthe dating process. With

Typically, within the Shia community, the arrangedmarriage method involves a matchmaker (usually female)who would be contacted by the groom's side to promotethe qualities ofthe groom (usually education, occupation,age) to suitable females and their families. The match-maker is essentially retained by the groom's family torecruit a pool of 'suitable' brides and assess their interestlevel regarding the potential groom. If the families of apotential bride and groom agree to a meeting, it istypically held at the female's house where tea andappetizers are served—hence the tea method. Thepotential bride and groom usually have a chance to talkto one another in a separate room to determinecompatibility. Based on the outcome ofthe first meeting,subsequent meetings can be arranged including, albeitrarely, unsupervised dates. Usually the decision process isa short one. After a few meetings the parties either getengaged (announced at the mosque) or move on to newprospects.

Copyright € 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, July-August 2006DOI 10.1002/cb

Mobilizing the Hijab 383

respect to the context of the Shia Muslimcommunity, this religious tone means firstand foremost continued control over themovement and dating behavior of women(Kandiyoti, 1995). Shia culture, just like itsconservative Christian counterpart, is charac-terized by pervasive asymmetrical powerstructures between men and women, andandrocentric visions of the nature of maritalrelationships (Vuola, 2002). In addition, thecommunity harbors a strong fear of ethnicdilution, socially and culturally justifying in theeyes of the clerics and parents some form ofjurisdiction over their children, or moreaccurately, their daughters. This longstandingconvention does not go unchallenged any-more. As one female informant explains duringthe interview:

There is a longstanding joke criticizing theexisting mentality of the community withregards to marriage. The joke describes afather who drops his daughter off atuniversity. The father points towards agroup of non-Muslim males and says, 'Seethose boys over there, Peter, Michael, andJohn, you can interact with them and befriends with them, but you can't marry any ofthem.' The father then drops his daughter offat the mosque, points to a group of Muslimmales and says, 'See those boys over there,Ali, Muhammad, and Jaffer, you can't inter-act with them, or make friends with them,but you must marry one of them' (Kaylana,'age 26).

Younger female Shia, w hile recognizing theconcerns of the other parties, also see a needfor innovation with respect to dating andspouse seeking. The hijab is capable ofsupporting both: higher search efficiency(instrumentality) and recognition of culturalgender norms. Hence, we argue that thedecision by Muslim women to mobilize thesymbolism of the hijab in the Internet match-making context illustrates their desire to

All names have been changed to protect the anonymityofthe informants.

negotiate the Internet's instrumental benefitsand the community's normative culturalexpectations.

In the context of online matchmaking sites,we consider normative and instrumental moti-vation to be two distinct dimensions, notopposing views. Put differently, providinginformation about the hijab and the willingnessto wear it after marriage as part ofthe personalonline profile can be motivated by a need forboth normative integration and efficiency. Amatchmaking website can satisfy normativerequirements for a socially and culturallyadequate dating procedure and also provideexpedient success finding love. According tosemiotic theory (cf Derrida, t970; Firat andVenkatesh, t995; Mick, 1986), the hijab is not afixed signifier with one natural meaning.Instead, the hijab can signify social and culturalnormativity (conformity to external expecta-tions) and marketing instrumentality. It can bemobilized to mean different things, dependingon the motivation and the context in which it isused.

One motivation of the participants of thematchmaking site is to ensure that onlinedating is normatively integrated w ith thecommunal traditions of spouse selection. Inthis context, providing information about hijabobservance symbolizes a willingness ofthe siteand its participants to conform to thesecommunal norms and to submit the self toexternal expectations. We thus state our firsthypothesis:

H]. Normative motivation about thematchmaking website is positively corre-lated to interest in including informationon 'willingness to wear hijab after mar-riage (WWH AM).'

Finding an appropriate spouse is a processsimilar to shopping (cf Greenwald, 2003).Traditionally, Shia men and women appraisepotential candidates based on their benefitsand attributes like wealth, beauty, pedigree,family name, and taste. Attributes can be tradedoff for others—for example, reputation andgood name can make up for lower wealth(Mawjee, 1998). In a traditional face-to-face

Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. foumal of Consumer Behaviour, futy-August 2006DOI 10.1002/cb


setting, love-seeking parties rely on the servicesof 'market intermediaries' such as older familymembers and professional matchmakers. Inaddition, the families of men and women ofmarriageable age often belong to related socialcircles providing information through theirnetwork of acquaintances.

Younger members of Muslim immigrantcommunities situated in large urban centersof the West are no longer able or willing toadopt the spouse selection mechanisms oftheir parents, sometimes openly rejecting themediating force of the elderly or close-knitsocial networks. Often the young question thevalidity of spouse selection criteria used byolder relatives and thus discount their advice.Says one female informant:

Sometimes the love of a mother or fatherblinds them to the actual personality oftheirchild. Parents don't really know their ownchildren. Also a guy may be interested in thetype of girl that his mother doesn't like(Selany, age 29).

The Internet replaces traditional selectiontools because it lowers search costs for a largeand dispersed consideration set (Peterson andMerino, 2003). However, the medium creates anew set of challenges for users because itstresses the importance of personal branding inthe absence of visible and tangible cues, andtraditional reputation mechanisms. Brandswork best when they communicate a clearand distinct message to the target market(Fournier, 1998; Muniz and O'Guinn, 2001).From the screen name to the listing of personalcharacteristics, participants must embrace thelogic of the market and accept commodifica-tion within the confines ofthe website design.Thus, the hijab becomes a brand componentproviding a shortcut for the potential targetmarket by directly communicating the desiredbrand message. Of course, this brand messagealso excludes market segments that dislikehijab observance, but whatever the final out-come ofthe branding effort, the meaning ofthehijab is determined by the desire to define thepool of potential spouses in an efficient andclear-cut manner. We thus hypothesize:

/ / j . Instrumental motivation about thematchmaking website is positively corre-lated to interest in including informationon WWHAM.

Moderating effects

We expect that normative and instrumentalmotivations for providing information aboutthe hijab might not be the same across variousdemographics or psychographic factors. Forexample, older people tend to be moreconservative and traditional which wouldindicate a greater support for wearing thehijab. How ever, studies done in the FrenchAlgerian immigrant community indicate thatyounger people, bom in France, are moreinterested in using the hijab as a sign of culturalidentity than their parents, who see it as a 'lackof discretion by immigrants living in a hostcountry' (Killian, 2003, p.573). Given that ourstudy focused on young people as prospectiveusers of the matchmaking website, analysis ofage differentials is not possible. We look,however, at two demographic variables —gender and education.

Gender

The gender literature is not clear about thesource, magnitude, and existence of genderdifferences and if any differences indeed exist,between men and w omen and whether theyare natural, learned, or socially constructed(e.g., Bohan, 1992; Eagly et al., 2004; Hare-Mustin and Marecek, 1990). A consensus,however, has emerged suggesting that genderdifferences are conditional on people's specificlife circumstances and therefore can be dis-cerned only when social structural variablesare taken into account (Fritz and Helgeson,1998; Prince-Gibson and Schwartz, 1998).

With regards to religion and gender, theliterature seems to indicate that women tendto be more religious than men, as reflectedin higher levels of attendance of Bible study(Batson et al, 1993) and religious involve-ment (Beit-Hallahmi and Argyle, 1997). How-ever, past studies have focused primarily on

Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, July-A ugust 2006DOI 10.1002/cb


Christians and the gender effect might beculturally specific. For example, Jewish andMuslim women's attendance of places ofreligious worship might be less frequent thanthat of Jewish or Muslim men. More recentstudies found support for the premise thatHindu, Jewish, and Muslim women were lessreligiously active than men (Loewenthal et al.,2002). In addition, the Muslim religious struc-ture erects a firm patriarchal base from whichmen dominate women in many, albeit not all,spheres of life (Manji, 2004). Hence, men havemore to gain by conserving and conforming toexiting social and cultural structures. Wetherefore argue that the hijab is mobilized bythe male population as a religious symbolsignifying traditional community values and acultural and social status quo.

H^. The relationship between normativemotivation about the matchmaking web-site and interest to include information onWWHAM is stronger for men than forwomen.

Females tend to be more pressured thanmales to select a spouse speedily and getmarried fairly early (Bernal, 1994). Thus femalesseek efficient ways to find and connect withmales and to provide a representation of oneselfthat can quickly be communicated to, andinterpreted by, potential husbands. At a mar-riageable age, Muslim women have internalizedthe community's—and more importantly mostMuslim males'—expectations of their role andconduct as spouses. From the woman's per-spective, the use of the hijab as a brandinginstrument signaling understanding and espou-sal of these norms will therefore be moreimportant than for males. We thus hypothesize:

H/j. The relationship between instrumentalmotivation about the matchmaking web-site and interest to include information onWWHAM is stronger for women than formen.

Education

Higher levels of education are correlated withachievement and self-direction. Education is

inversely related to conformity and submissiveself-restriction, two value types promoted byreligiosity (Schwartz and Huismans, 1995).Against the prescriptive framework of religion,education fosters a desire to rely on one's ownjudgment. In particular, education has beenlinked to relativist attitudes towards religiousauthorities and tolerance about alternative life-styles (Hoge et al., 1994). Furthermore, themore and the longer individuals are exposed toeducation, the less susceptible they are toattempts by the community to pass on itsreligious values (Myers, 1996). Finally, exposureto education as a young adult (i.e., college anduniversity) has a strong liberating effect fromconservative religious attitudes learned duringchildhood and adolescence from parents andthe community at large (Rosenhouse-Perssonand Sabagh, 1983). Hence we hypothesize:

H5. The relationship between normativemotivation about the m.atchmaking web-site and interest to include information onWWHAM is stronger for people without acollege education.

We do not hypothesize any differences ininstrumental motivation across different levelsof education. Regardless of the level of educa-tional attainment, young Shia are equally likelyto see the provision of information onWWHAM as instrumental in the matchmakingwebsite capacity to help them find a spouse in aquick and reliable manner.

Motivation to use the matchmaking website

Whether a woman is likely to provide informa-tion about her willingness to wear the hijabafter marriage, and whether a wife-seeking manvalues this information may depend on theuser's motivation when using the matchmak-ing website. Hoffman and Novak (1996)distinguish between tw o main motivationsimpacting consumer behavior in computer-mediated environments (CMEs). Extrinsicmotivation applies to activities that are char-acterized as purposeful and task-oriented, andare performed in order to achieve a valuedoutcome (Hoffman and Novak, 1996). In other

Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consum.er Behaviour, July-August 2006DOI 10.1002/cb


words, the individual is motivated by a desire tosolve a problem such as in the case of amatchmaking website finding a spouse. Intrin-sic motivation applies to activities performed'for no apparent reinforcement other than theprocess of performing the activity' (Davis etal.,1992, p. 1112), as an end in itself, and ischaracterized as undirected, experiential, andpleasure seeking. In this case, the individual ismotivated by a desire to experience novelty,variety, and change.

Importantly, task-oriented and purposefulconsumer behavior is more likely among highlyinvolved consumers (Celsi and Olson, 1988)because of intrinsic seU-relevance, whereasexploratory and experiential conduct in a CMEis more likely among consumers with a higherneed for variety and change (Ghani andDeshpande, 1994). Hence, high involvementmay lead to a more instrumental attitudetoward the matchmaking site while changeseekers may regard the site as a place forfinding excitement, experimentation, and newexperiences. Consequently, we use two vari-ables—spouse-seeking interest and changeseeking—to account for extrinsic and intrinsicmotivation to use the matchmaking site. In thefollowing section, we investigate their moder-ating impact on the motivation to includeinformation about hijab observance on thematchmaking site.

Spouse-seeking interest

Interested consumers are more involved inthe decision making process (Bhate, 1993;Kapferer and Laurent, 1993; Laaksonen, 1994),search for more information, consider feweralternatives, and form attitudes that are moreresistant to change (e.g., Beatty and Smith,1987; Maheswaren and Meyers-Levy, 1990;Petty et al., 1991). In addition, interest andcommitment in a product class is a function ofpersonal relevance (Higie and Feick, 1988;Mittal, 1989). Thus, in the case of onlinematchmaking, higher interest implies thatfinding a spouse has gained higher personalrelevance for the searching parties and thatincreased levels of involvement and commit-

ment for pursuing that goal can be expected. Ahigher level of interest therefore encouragesthe participant to adopt a more goal-orientedand active attitude towards the search objec-tive, and to abandon many elements of theprocess that might hinder or defer the achieve-ment of their goal. In other words, for anindividual who is highly involved in—perhapseven 'desperately'—seeking a spouse, the factthat the website conforms to religion andconvention is less important. Hence, highlyinvolved spouse seekers are hypothesized to bemore willing to try methods that are notvalidated by religion and tradition as long asthey satisfy the instrumental criterion andincrease efficient goal achievement. Accord-ingly, as stated in Hypothesis 7, for anindividual highly involved in seeking a spouse,the information on WWHAM has great diag-nostic value and it makes the website moreinstrumental. We thus hypothesize:

//g. Higher spouse seeking interest willweaken the relationship between norma-tive motivation about the matchmakingwebsite and interest to include informa-tion on WWHAM.Hj. Higher spouse seeking interest willstrengthen the relationship between instru-mental motivation about the match-making website and interest to includeinformation on WWHAM.

Change seeking

Change seeking is 'the need for variation inone's stimulus input in order to maintainoptimal functioning' (Garlington and Shimota,1964, p. 919; Steenkamp and Baumgartner,1994) and closely related to consumer innova-tiveness (Cotte and Wood, 2004). Consumerinnovativeness, the tendency to want toembrace change and try new behaviors orproducts, leads to variety-seeking behaviorsand increased information gathering (Menonand Kahn, 1995). Hence, openness for changefosters a need for stimulation and self-direc-tion, which is either cognitive- or sensory-oriented, and expressed in a desire to explore



new ideas and novel products (Cotte andWood, 2004).

Innovation, embracing change, and thedesire for exploration is in conflict withthe normative rule of religion (Schwartz andHuismans, 1995). It has been argued that therelationship betwêen ideological pluralism andreligious vitality is a negative one, that plural-ism undermines vitality (Chaves and Gorski,2001). The argument suggests that pluralisticideas, changing and competing worldviews,and ideological innovation challenges religionthrough its effect on plausibility: the moreworldviews there are, the less plausible eachseems, and the less religious belief and activitythere will be (Berger, 1969). Having a variedand exciting life dominated by a thirst forcreativity, independence of mind, and gratifi-cation of individual needs is in many respectsantagonistic to any ideology that values obedi-ence, acceptance of one's position in theworld, moderation, and respect for tradition.We thus hypothesize:

Hs. Higher change seeking tendencies willweaken the relationship between norma-tive motivation and interest in provision ofinformation on WWHAM.

Methodotogy

Data collection took place in the spring of 2003in a large metropolitan area in Canada, as part ofa larger study on the consumption of technol-ogy among Muslims with a specific focus onidentifying key social and cultural dimensionsof its adoption. Data collection was undertakenby members ofthe community who also servedas gatekeepers between the two authors andthe community. Having the data collectionperformed by 'insiders' improves responsequality and limits bias, especially for sensitivequestions about religion, tradition, and mar-riage (Hox et al, 1991; Hyman et al., 1954;Weeks and Moore, 1981; Williams, 1964).

The first stage of the data collection con-sisted of eight open-ended, one-on-one inter-view s (McCracken, 1988) with male andfemale members of the Shia community, as

well as one focus group session with 10mothers of a Shia parenting workshop. Theinterviews were conducted by a female mem-ber of the Shia community, transcribed verba-tim, and organized into themes, which werevalidated by the process of triangulation duringwhich the two researchers and the Shiainterviewer continuously compared their inter-pretations ofthe data until an agreement on thethemes was reached (see Belk et al, 1989). Theinsights gleaned from the qualitative researchw ere then used to create a questionnaire,which was evaluated by several members ofthe community. The questionnaires were thendistributed during several community events topotential users of a matchmaking website.From 250 questionnaires, 103 questionnaireswere returned, leading to a response rate of41%. Sample characteristics are summarized inTable 1. While our sample size is not large, itreflects the small numbers in our population ofinterest (single youth, aged 18 and over, from aparticular Shia community) and it is consistentwith similar studies (see e.g., Adelman andAhuvia, 1995; Scharlott and Christ, 1995).

A set of questions asked respondents toindicate their agreement with including var-ious elements in the description of the user ofthe future matchmaking website. These ele-ments included personal appearance informa-tion, demographic aspects, family plans, and

Table 1. Sample characteristics

Demographics Percentage

GenderMalesFemales

AgeUnder 2121-2525-35

Marital statusSingleEngaged

IklucationSome high-schoolHigh SchoolSome collegeCollegeGraduate studies

56.943.1

6525.2

9.8

96.13.9

19.88.9

47.517.85.9


.388 D. Zwick and C. Chelariu

religious observance information, such as will-ingness to wear the hijab after marriage(WWHAM), halal observance, and prayerobservance. The present study uses 'interestin including information on w illingness to wearhijab after marriage' (WWHAM) as a dependentvariable. Following the logic of matchmakingas a market mechanism (Scharlott and Christ,1995), including this piece of information onthe website has several implications. First, thehijab provides a salient signifier, whose role inthe construction of a clear personal identity forwomen and a risk reduction mechanism formen is as intriguing as it is complicated.Second, the hijab becomes a brand attributeof the online matchmaking site itself becausefeaturing the hijab as a personal characteristicand search criterion would be preferred by thelarger Muslim community. Third, includinginformation related to religious practices(e.g., hijab observance, halal observance,prayer) aids the process of transforming apotentially problematic technology (encoura-ging unmonitored and unrestricted commu-nication between members) into a culturallyacceptable spouse seeking-method.

Data analysis and results

Instrumental motivation, normative motiva-tion, and interest in spouse seeking were

Table 2. Construct measures

measured with one-item measures developedspecifically for this study. Change seeking wasmeasured using four items from the Steen-kampf and Baumgartner (1994) scale. TheCronbach-alpha for the scale was 0.88, exceed-ing the 0.7 reliability threshold suggested byNunnally (1978). Measurement items used inthe study are presented in Table 2.

The estimation of direct and moderatoreffects was performed using the multipleregression procedure in SPSS. The moderatoreffect of discrete variables such as gender andeducation was assessed using the subgroupprocedure recommended by Jacard and Choi(1995) and Sharma et al. (1981). This proce-dure involved splitting the sample in twosubgroups according to the values of thehypothesized moderator (male/female, no col-lege education/some college education). Themodel is then estimated for each group and themoderator effects are indicated by significantregression coefficient differences among sub-groups (Ping, 1995)

The moderator effect of spouse-seekinginterest and change seeking was assessed usingproduct term regression analysis. The proce-dure is recommended for continuous variablesand it involves regressing the dependentvariable on independent variables comprisingof predictor(s), moderator, and the product ofthe predictor(s) and moderator (Ping, 1995).

Construct Measure

Instrumental motivation(1 = Not at all important, 7 = Very important):

Normative motivation

(I = Not at all important, 7 = Very important):

Spouse seeking interest

Change seeking(1 = totally disagree, 7 = totallyagree)—Cronbach Alpha = 0.88

Interest in including information(1 = Totally oppose, 7 = Totally Support)

The method used for meeting a spouse should allow you to find aspouse in a quick and reliable manner

When deciding on which method you will use to meet a spouse,how important are the following considerations to you?

Mow interested are you currently in meeting a potential spouse?

I like to experience novelty and change in my daily routineI am continually seeking new ideas and experiences

I like to try new and different things rather than to continuedoing the same thingI prefer an unpredictable way of life, full of change, to a routineone.Willingness to wear hijab after marriage

Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journat of Consumer Behaviour, Juty-August 2006DOI 10.1002/cb


Table 3- The moderating effect of gender and education^

Normative motivation Instrumental motivation f-value Significance

Overall sampleMalesFemalesCollege educationNo college education

0.1660.307*

-0.0160.0380.388*

(1.642)(2.196)

(-0.113)(0.301)(2.279)

0.372*0.1630.646**0.384**0.343*

(3.685)(1.166)(4.619)(3.015)(2.017)

0.2220.1670.4080.1630.359

13.6675.395

13.1026.4287.004

0.0000.0070.0000.0030.004

regression coefficients are standardized with t-values in parentheses.*p<0.05."pKO.Ol.

Direct effects

Hypotheses 1 and 2 predicted a positivecorrelation between normative and respec-tively, instrumental motivation, and interest inincluding information about hijab observanceon the website. Our results, shown in Table 3,indicate that hypothesis 1 was not supported(t—l.64) while hypothesis 2 was supported(?= 3.685). Interest in including informationon WWHAM is motivated by the desire to find aspouse in a quick and reliable manner and is notmotivated by the need to make the matchmak-ing website more conforming to tradition andreligion.

Moderating effect of gender

Hypothesis 3, predicting that the normativemotivation to include information on WWHAMis stronger for men than for women, issupported (Table 3). Normative motivation issignificantly related to our dependent variablefor men (f = 2.196), but not for women(?=-0.113). We also found support forhypothesis 4, predicting that instrumentalmotivation to include information aboutWWHAM is stronger for women than for men(Table 3). The regression coefficient forinstrumental motivation was significant forwomen (r = 4.619) but not significant for malesa=: 1.166).

information about WWHAM for people with-out a college education (Table 3). Our resultsindicate support for hypothesis 5, since thecorresponding regression coefficient for thelow education group is significant it= 2.279)while that for the higher education group is notsignificant (f = 0.301).

Spouse-seeking interest versuschange seeking

To test for the moderator effect of spouse-seeking interest and change seeking we usedthe product term analysis with hierarchicalregressions after mean centering the variablesto avoid multicollinearity problems (Ping,1995). We found support for hypothesis 6(Table 4), predicting a smaller impact ofnormative motivation on interest in includinginformation about WWHAM, as interest inspouse seeking increases (?= —2.29). How-ever, we found no support for hypothesis 7,which predicted that higher interest in spouseseeking leads to a higher instrumental motiva-tion to provide information about WWHAM.In terms of the moderating impact of change-seeking tendencies, hypothesis 8 was sup-ported (Table 5). As predicted, the impact ofnormative motivation on interest to includeinformation on WWHAM will be weaker forindividuals with stronger change-seekingtendencies.

Moderating effect of education

Hypothesis 5 predicted a stronger impact ofnormative motivation on the interest to include

Discussion of results

The meaning of the hijab is not fixed anduncontested but dependent on the historical



Table 4. The moderating effect of spouse-seekinginterest

Main effectsNormative motivationInstnimental motivationSpouse-seeking interest

Interaction termsNormative Motivation x Spouse-

seeking interestinstRiniental motivation x Spouse-

seeking interestIncremental R^FChangeSignificance of /''changeFull modelI'X5,89)SignificanceRÂdj. R'^

0.187(1.956)0.254* (2.507)0.265** (2.908)

-0.220* (-2.290)

-0.032 (-0.332)

0.0543.7860.026

10.1090.0000.3620.326

•Îhe regression coefficients are standardized with t-values in parentheses.*p<0.05.**/><0.01.

Table 5. The moderating effect of change seeking

Main HffectsNormative motivation 0.191(1.866)Instnimental motivation 0.373** (3.724)Change seeking 0.050 (0.552)

Interaction termsNormative motivation x Change -0.196* (-1.983)seekingInstnimental Motivation x Change 0.153 (1.546)Seeking

Incremental R^ 0.037/•'change 2.329Significance of /•' change 0.103I'ull modelK5,93) 6.518Significance 0.000R^ 0.260Adj. R^ 0.220

"The regression coefficients are standardized with/-values in parentheses.

**p<0.01.

and social context in which it is inserted.Within the context of an online matchmakingsite, the mobilization ofthe hijab by Shia youthis predominantly instnimentally motivated.Conforming to cultural conventions of thecommunity is less important. In other words,within the context of an 'electronic shoppingmail' for men and women, the hijab becomesfirst and foremost an element of personal

branding strategy (Kirmani and Rao, 2000),akin to the way a brand symbol or logo operatesin the market place. For example, an indicationof a woman's willingness to wear the hijab aftermarriage in her personal web profile impliesconservative attitudes, religiosity, and Islamicvalues to a potential husband. Conversely, byindicating a refusal to wear hijab after marriage,the young woman can signal a more liberal,modern, individualistic, or acculturated iden-tity. In tum, male suitors looking for shortcutsto assess the suitability of a potential wife usethe hijab as a way to reduce social risk. Thus,the hijab represents a rich signifier of 'personalbrand identity' (Spillane, 2000), and it can bemobilized to signal a complex set of meanings.

On the other hand, our results show that thehijab is not used to lend greater culturalacceptability to the matchmaking websiteitself. This is not to say that the onlinematchmaking site becomes a space for cami-valesque dating behavior among Muslim youth.In fact, the site as a whole provides a quitedefinite structure for interaction that is closelyaligned with the processes and rules thatgovern dating of young Shia Muslims in thereal world. This might in fact account for thenonsignificant impact of normative motiva-tion. As long as the structural characteristics ofthe matchmaking site assure a general levelof adherence of all parties to a conventional setof communal laws" (for example, dating onlyone person at a time), the presence of otherreligious identifiers does not contribute tomaking the site more culturally acceptable.

There are differences, however, betweenmen and women regarding their strategies ofmobilization. Women are more likely to use thehijab in an instrumental, branding sense than

In this Shia matchmaking site, participants can seek outpotential spouses by searching through profiles. Partici-pants are required to reveal their identities and emailaddresses to a moderator and receive a profile number.Participants can view profiles and email the moderator formore information and ask to exchange contact informa-tion. A match is made only when both parties agree toexchange identities and email addresses. Once a match ismade, participants cannot search other profiles and cangain access to the site only if both parties email themoderator indicating that the match was unsuccessful.



men, whose motivation to mobilize the veil'scultural and traditional symbolism prevails.These motivational dispositions reinforce exist-ing gender structures, which pressure youngwomen to many early and young men to find awife accepting of a conservative gender role.Therefore, a Shia online matchmaking sitemerely appears to be a radical and potentiaUysubversive technology of dating. In reality,however, it reproduces the dominant Shia valuesystem by maintaining among other things agendered framework of signification (seeSchroeder, 2002; Schroeder and Zwick, 2004).

In accordance w ith previous research thatsuggests an inverse relationship betwêeneducational level and religiosity (see e.g., Hogeet al, 1994; Rosenhouse-Persson and Sabagh,1983; Schwartz and Huismans, 1995), we findthat a higher degree of education reduces thelikelihood of men and women to use the hijabin order to conform to community norms. Tobe sure, traditional cultural resources such asthe hijab remain critical for the constructionand reaffirmation of Muslim female identity incontemporary Western societies. Yet, theseresources become semiotically malleable andflexible in the hands of educated young Muslimwomen who no longer see a contradiction inimbuing the hijab with both religious andbrand meaning at the same time, mobilizingone over the other depending on the specificcommunicative context in which they findthemselves.

Finally, our results indicate that both extrin-sic and intrinsic motivations to use the websiteweaken the impact of normative motivation.For website users highly interested in finding aspouse, the method used is less important thanachieving results, and close adherence totradition is likely to be seen as a hindrance.For the change seekers, a matchmaking web-site might seem an interesting way to breakaway from tradition and try a different methodto find a spouse.

Several limitations of our study should betaken into account when assessing our find-ings. First, from an external validity perspec-tive, our sample represents the Shia youth froma large urban center in Canada, a setting where

maintaining and manifesting one's ethnic andreligious identity is not only tolerated butencouraged. Also Canada has not beenexposed to politically charged situations, suchas the 9/11 events in US, the 3/11 events inMadrid, or the recent hijab controversy inFrance. Therefore, it is possible that replica-tions ofthe present study in a different Westernsetting would generate different results.

Another limitation of the study is the use ofseveral one-item measures. Previous studies inethnically similar populations have reportedlower response rates associated with longerquestionnaires (see e.g., Alkhazraji et al,1997). While reducing the size of the ques-tionnaire was one of our concerns, it isimportant to mention that we derived ourmeasures from a number of phenomenologicalinterviews conducted with Shia youth as partof our exploratory research, and the resultinginstrument had been reviewed by members ofour population of interest.

Conclusion

Information and communication technologiesare not value-neutral. Marketers must under-stand the cultural norms and social assump-tions embedded in and promulgated bytechnologies like the Internet and how theyinteract with consumers' existing cultural andsocial frameworks (see Dholakia and Zwick,2004). Especially in niche markets with highlyparticular consumer characteristics, marketersplay a critical role in co-constructing themeaning of technologies and determining theirvalue for consumers. To successfully do sodepends on the ability of the marketer todevelop a high degree of cultural sensitivitytowards the target group and to merge thevalue structure of the technology with thegroup's expectations.

The case of the Shia matchmaking site isinstructive in this respect. In this complexenvironment success depends on the ability ofthe marketer to provide tools to users thatallow them to negotiate the tensions generatedby inserting a new^ technology into establishedprocesses. Adopting any popular matchmaking



platform like Lavalife or Match.com would failbecause they do not deliver the specificsemiotic resources that allow Shia Muslims toconstruct communally acceptable virtual iden-tities and negotiate Islamic directives withmodem rationalities. The case of the hijabshows how important it is to identify salientcultural signifiers that play a leading role insocially constructing the new technology in away that makes it palatable for relevant socialgroups (cf. Dholakia and Zwick, 2004).

Acknowledgement

We are thankful to Sammy Bonsu, NikhileshDholakia, and Ashwin Joshi for their helpfulcomments on earlier drafts of this paper.

Biographical notes

Detlev Zwick is an Assistant Professor ofMarketing and Consumer Behavior in theSchulich School of Business at York University,Toronto, where he teaches courses on Inter-active Marketing and Marketing of High-Tech-nology Products. His research focuses oncultural aspects of consumer behavior inelectronic, mobile, and high-technology mar-kets. He is currently conducting ethnographicfieldwork in a customer intelligence companyto study the service trajectory from client needidentification to product delivery.Cristian Chelariu is an Assistant Professor ofMarketing in the Schulich School of Businessat York University, Toronto. His researchinterests lie in Emergent Economies, Channeland Sales Management and Implementationof Market Orientation. His work has appearedin the Journal of Business Research, the Journalof Business Logistics, and the Journal ofBusiness and Industrial Marketing amongothers. His current research investigates legit-imization strategies of sales force managers inemerging economies from an institutionaltheory perspective.

References

Adelman M, Ahuvia AC. 1995. Social support in theservice sector: The antecedents, processes, andoutcomes of social support in an introductory

service. Journal of Business Research 32(2):273-282.

Alkhazraji KM, Gardner WL III, Martin JS, PaoliUoJGP. 1997. The acculturation of immigrants to U.S.organizations: The case of Muslim employees.Management Communication Quarterly 11(2):217-265.

Batson CD, Schoenrade P, Vends WL. 1993. Religionand the Individual: A Social-Psychological Per-spective. Oxford University Press: New York.

Beatty SE, Smith SM. 1987. External search effort: Aninvestigation across several product categories.Journal of Consumer Research 14(1): 83-95.

Berger PL 1969. The Sacred Canopy: Elements of aSociological Theory of Religion. Anchor: NewYork.

Beit-Hallahmi B, Argyle M. 1997. The Psychology ofReligious Behaviour, Belief, and Experience.Routledge: London.

Belk RW, Wallendorf M, Sherry JF. 1989. The sacredand the profane in consumer behavior: Theodicyon the odysscy. Journal of Consumer Research16(1): 1-38.

Bernal V. 1994. Gender, culture, and capitalism:Women and the remaking of Islamic 'Tradition' ina Sudanese village. Comparative Studies inSociety and History 36(1): 36-67.

Bhate S. 1993. Cognitive styles and personalinvolvement as explicators of innovative pur-chasing of 'healthy' food brands. EuropeanJournal of Marketing 27(2): 5-16.

Bohan JS. 1992. Seldom Seen, Rarely Heard:Women's Place in Psychology. Westview Press:Boulder.

Brenner S. 1996. Reconstructing self and society:Javanese Muslim women and 'the \ci\. AmericanEthnologist 23(4): 673-697.

Brown S, Kozinets RV, Sherry JF. 2003. Teaching oldbrands new tricks: Retro branding and the revivalof brand meaning. yoMm«/ of Marketing 67(3):19-33.

Celsi RL, Olson AJC. 1988. The role of involvement inattention and comprehension processes. Journalof Consumer Research 15(2): 210-224.

Chaves M, Gorski PS. 2001. Religious pluralism andreligious participation. /InnM«/ Review ofSociot-0^27:261-281.

Comaroff J. 1996. Ihe Empire's old clothes:Fashioning the colonial subject. In Cross-Cul-tural Consumption, Howes D (ed.). Routledge:London and New York; 19-38.



Cottc J, Stacy LW. 2004. Families and innovativeconsumer behavior: A triadic analysis of siblingand parental influence. Journat of ConsumerResearch ^l(\y.lS-S6.

Davis FD, Bagozzi RP, Warshaw PR. 1992. Extrinsicand intrinsic motivations to use computers in theworkplace. Journat of Apptied Social Psychot-o ^ 22(14): 1111-1132.

Deleuze G, Guattari F. 1987. A Thousand Plateaus:Capitalism and Schizophrenia, University ofMinnesota Press: Minneapolis.

Derrida J. 1970. Structure, sign, and play inthe discourse of the human sciences. InThe Languages of Criticism and the Sciencesof Man, Macksey R, Donato E (eds). TheJohn Hopkins Press: Baltimore; 247-272.

Dholakia N, Zwiek D. 2001. Privacy and consumeragency in the information age: Betweenprying profilers and preening Vfchc^ms. Journatof Research for Consum.ers 1(1): [Online]Available at: \\Wp.//www.jrconsum.ers.com(Article 3).

Dholakia N, Zwick D. 2004. Cultural contradictionsof the anytime, anywhere economy: Reframingcommunication technology. Telematics andInformatics 11(2): 123-141.

Eagly AH, Beall AE, Sternberg RJ. 2004. ThePsychology of Gender. Guilford Press: New Yorkand London.

Ekelund RB, Mixon FG, Ressler RW. 1995. Advertis-ing and information: An empirical study of search,experience and credence goods. Journal ofEconomic Studies 22(2): 33-43.

Firat FA, Venkatesh A. 1995. Liberatory Postmo-dernism and the Reenchantement of Consump-tion. Journal of Consumer Research 22(3):239-267.

Fournier S. 1998. Consumers and their brands:Developing relationship theory in consumerresearch. Journal of Consumer Research 24(4):343-373.

Franks M. 2000. Crossing the borders of whiteness?White Muslim women who wear the hijab inBritain today. Ethnic and Racial Studies 23(5):917-929.

Fritz HL, Helgeson VS. 1998. Distinctions ofunmitigated communion from communion: Self-neglect and overinvolvement with others. Jour-nal of Personality and Social Psychology 75(1):121-140.

Gadington WK, Shimota H. 1964. The changeseeking index: A measure ofthe need for variablestimulus input. Psychological Reports l4: 919-924.

Gentry JW, Suraj C, Sunkyu J. 2003. Review ofliterature on gender in the family. Academyof Marketing Science Review [Online] Availableat: http://www.amsreview.org/articles/gentryOl-2OO3.pdf.

Ghani JA, Deshpande SP. 1994. Task characteristicsand the experience of optimal flow in humancomputer interactions. Journal of Psychology128(4): 381-391.

Greenwald R. 2003. Eind a Husband After 35Using What / Learned at Harvard BusinessSchool. Ballantine: New York.

Hare-Mustin RT, Marecek J. 1990. Making aDifference: Psychology and the Construction ofGender. Yale University Press: New Haven.

Hayles KN. 1993. Virtual bodies and flickeringsignifiers. Octofoer 66(3): 69-91.

Higie RA, Feick LF. 1988. Enduring involvement:Conceptual and methodological issues. InAdvances in Consumer Research, StuU T (ed.).Association for Consumer Research: Provo, UT;690-698.

Hoffman DL, Novak TP. 1996. Marketing inhypermedia computer-mediated environments:Conceptual foundations./oMma/ of Marketing80(1): 50-68.

Hoge DR, Johnson B, Luidens DA. 1994. VanishingBoundaries: The Religion of Mainline ProtestantBaby Boomers. John Knox Press: Louisville,KY.

Holt DB. 2002. Why do brands cause trouble? Adialectical theory of consumer culture andbranding. Journal of Consumer Research29(1): 70-90.

Hox JJ, de Leeuw ED, Kreft IG. 1991. The effect ofinterviewer and respondent characteristics onthe quality of survey data: A multilevel model. InMeasurement Errors in Surveys, Biemer PP,Groves RM, Lyberg LE, Mathiowetz NA, Sudmna S(eds). John Wiley & Sons: New York; 439-461.

Hyman HH, Cobb WJ, Feldman JJ, Hart CW, StemberCH. 1954. Interviewing in Social Research.University of Chicago Press: Chicago.

Jaccard J, Choi KW. 1995. Measurement error inthe analysis of interaction effects between con-tinuous predictors using multiple regressions:


394 D. Zwick and C. Chetariu

Multiple indicator and structural equationapproaches. Psychotogtcat Buttettn 117(March):348-357.

Kandiyoti D. 1991. Women, Istam, and the State.Temple University Press: Philadelphia.

Kandiyoti D. 1995. Reflections on the politicsof gender in Muslim societies: From Nairobito Beijing. In Faith and Freedom: Women'sHuman Rights in theMustim Wortd, Aflchami M(ed.). Syracuse University Press: Syracuse, NY.

KapfererJ-N, Laurent G. 1993. Further evidence onthe consumer involvement profile: Five antece-dents of involvement. Psychology & Marketing10(4): 347-355.

Killian C. 2003. The other side of the veil: NorthAfrican women in France respond to the Head-scarf Affair. Gender and Society 17(4): 567-590.

Kirmani A, Rao AR. 2000. No pain, no gain: A criticalreview of the literature on signaling unobserva-ble product quality./oMma/ of Marketing 64(2):66-79.

Laaksonen P. 1994. Consumer Invotvement: Con-cepts and Research. Routledge: London and NewYork.

Loewenthal KM, MacLeod AK, Cinnirella M.2002. Are women more religious than men?Gender differences in religious activityamong different religious groups in the UK.Personatity and Individuat Differences 32(1):133- 139.

Maheswaren D, Meyers-Levy J. 1990. The influenceof message framing and involvement./owma/ ofMarketing Research 27(3): 361-367.

Manji 1. 2004. The Trouble with Istam: Muslim's Catlfor Reform in Her Faith. St. Martin's Press: NewYork.

Mawjee M. 1998. The concept of marriage —Islamversus the western society. In Our MarriageWays: Witt They Survive The Next Mitlennium.Birmingham, UK; 235.

McCracken G. 1988. The Long Interview. Sage:Newbury Park, CA.

Menon S, Kahn BE. 1995. The impact of context onvariety seeking in product choices. Joumat ofConsumer Research 22(4): 285-295.

Memissi F. 1987. Beyond the Veil: Male-FemaleDynamics in Modern Muslim Society. IndianaUniversity Press: Bloomington.

Metcalf BD. 1996. Making Muslim Space in NorthAmerica and Europe University of CaliforniaPress: Berkeley.

Mick DG. 1986. Consumer research and semiotics:Exploring the morphology of signs, symbols, andsignificance, fournat of Consumer Research13(2): 196-213.

Mittal B. 1989. Measuring purchase—decisioninvolvement. Psychology & Marketing 6(2):147-162.

Muniz AM, O'Guinn TC. 2001. Brand community.fournat of Consumer Research 27(4): 412-432.

Myers SM. 1996. An interactive model of religiosityinheritance: The importance of family context.American Sociotogicat Review 6l(5): 858-866.

Nelson P. 1970. Information and consumer beha-vior, fournat of Potitical Economy 78(1): 311-329.

Nunnally JC. 1978. Psychometric Theory. McGraw-Hill: New York.

Peterson RA, Merino MC. 2003. Consumerinformation search behaviour and the internet.Psychotogy and Marketing, 20(2): 99-121.

Petty RE, CacioppoJT, Schumann D. 1991. Centraland peripheral routes to advertising effective-ness: The moderating role of involvement. InHandbook of Consumer Behavior, RobertsonTS, Kassarjian HH (eds). Prentice-Hall:Englewood Cliffs, NJ; 340-357.

Ping RA. 1995. A parsimonious estimating techni-que for interaction and quadratic latent variables.Journal of Marketing Research 32(August):336-347.

Prince-Gibson E, Schwartz SH. 1998. Value prio-rities and gender. Social Psychology Quarterty6l(l): 49-67.

Rosenhouse-Persson S, Sabagh G. 1983. Attitudestoward abortion among catholic Mexican-American women: The effects of religiosity andeducation. Demography 20(1): 87-98.

Scharlott BW, Christ WG. 1995. Overcomingrelationship initiation barriers: The impact of acomputer dating system on sex role, shyness andappearance inhibitions. Computers in HumanBehavior 11(2): 191-204.

SchauHJ, Gilly MC. 2003. We are what we post? Thepresentation of self in personal webspace.Journal of Consumer Research 30(3): 385-404.

Schroeder J. 2002. Visual Consumption.Routledge: London and New York.



Schroeder J, Zwick D. 2004. Mirrors of masculinity:Representation and ontology in advertisingimages. Cutture, Markets, and Consumption7(1): 21-51.

Schwartz SH, Huismans S. 1995. Value priorities andreligiosity in four western religions. SociatPsychotogy Quarterty 58(2): 88-107.

Sharma S, Durand R, Gur-Arie O. 1981. Identifica-tion and analysis of moderator variables.Journat of Marketing Research. 18: 291-300.

Spillane M. 2000. Branding Yoursetf. Pan:London.

Steenkamp J-BEM, Baumgartner H. 1994. Develop-ment and cross -cultural validation of a short fromof CSI as a measure of optimum stimulation level.Intemationat Journat of Research in Marketing12(2): 97-104.

Taraki L. 1995. Islam is the solution: JordanianIslamists and the dilemma of the 'ModernWoman'. The British Journat of Sociology46(4): 643-661.

Turkle S. 1995. Life on the Screen. Touchstone:New York, NY.

Vuola E, 2002. Remaking universals? Transnationalfcminism(s) challenging fundamentalist ecumen-ism. Theory, Culture and Society 19(1/2): 175-95.

Weeks MF, Moore RP. 1981. Ethnicity^ of inter-viewer effects on ethnic respondents. PublicOpinion Quarterty 45(2): 245-249.

Williams JA. 1964. Interviewer-respondent interac-tion: A study of bias in the information interview.Sociometry 27(3): 338-352.

Yin S. 2002. Off the map: Looking for love.American Dem.ographias 24(2): 48.

Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journat of Consumer Behaviour, Juty-August 2006DOI 10.1002/cb

Documents

Mobilizing the Hijab: Islamic identity negotiation in the ... · Mobitizing the Hijab 381 popularity among urban twenty-something Muslims of marriageable age. The new medium, however,