Migration Trade and Peoples

Migration, Trade and Peoples


Michael WillisGeneral Editor

The British Association for South Asian StudiesThe British Academy

London

European Association of South Asian ArchaeologistsProceedings of the Eighteenth Congress

London, 2005

Published by the British Association for South Asian Studies, 14 Stephenson Way, London NW1 2HD

© BASAS 2009

ISBN978-0-9553924-5-0

Designed by Lucie Goulet

CONTENTS

PART 1: INDIAN OCEAN COMMERCE AND THE ARCHAELOGY OF WESTERN INDIA Editors: Roberta Tomber, Lucy Blue, Shinu Abraham

Preface

Boats, Routes and Sailing Conditions of Indo-Roman TradeLucy Blue

Strategies for Surface Documentation at the Early Historic site of Pattanam, Kerala: the Malabar Region Archaelogical SurveyShinu A. Abraham

Archaeological investigations at Pattanam, Kerala: New Evidence for the Location of Ancient MuzirisV. Selvakumar, K.P. Shajan and Roberta Tomber

Beyond Western India: the Evidence from Imported AmphoraeRoberta Tomber

2

3

14

29

42

PART 2: GANDHARAN ARTEditor: Dr Christine Frölich

Preface

A Study of some Deities in Indo-Scythian and Indo-Parthian CoinagesDr Christine Frölich

Vajrap!"i in the Narrative ReliefsMonika Zin

Reliefs and Stelae from Sahr#-B!hlol: a Typological StudyCarolyn Woodford Schmidt

Indo-Scythian Buddhists in Han Dynasty China: the Visual Evidence and its Signi canceMartha L. Carter

The Gates to the Darel Valley from the Singal Valley: the Batakhun & the Yajei Passes. Field Research in Northern Pakistan tracing Fa Hsien’s route

59

60

73

89

108

ForewordDr Michael Willis iii

1

58

i

The Face Urns of Gandhara and the Nasatya CultAsko Parpola

Stone ‘Harvesters’ of Neolithic Tradition from Northern Indo-Pakistan Val-leysGiorgio Stacul

The Evolution of Moulding Techniques in the Ceramic Sequence of the Swat Valley (North-West Pakistan)Emanuele Morigi

Relative and Absolute Chronology of Farming Monuments in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age of Northern Bactria (South-West Tajikistan)N.M. Vinogravoda

PART 3: ARYANS AND NOMADSEditor: Asko Parpola

118

135

from Pamir to DarelHaruko Tsuchiya

The ‘Greek Grid-Plan’ at Sirkap (Taxila) and the Question of Greek In u-ence in the North WestRachel Mairs

148

149

163

167

179

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PREFACE

The European Association of South Asian Archaeologists was founded in July, 1970. Meet-ing biennially since, the Association convened in London for the rst time in 2005. I had the honour of serving as President of the Association at the time and of hosting the congress at the British Museum. I am extremely grateful to the Trustees of the British Museum for offering the Museum’s conference facilities to the Association and I am especially grateful to Mr. Neil MacGregor, the Museum’s Director, for opening the congress and welcoming the delegates. My department supported the event in many ways, as did the Department of Coins and Medals through Mr. Joe Cribb. I am also grateful to the School of Oriental and African Studies, the Vic-toria and Albert Museum and the Institute of Archaeology, University College London, for co-hosting the congress and for supporting its activities in many practical ways. Financial support for the congress was received from the British Academy and the Charles Wallace Trusts. Their assistance helped many delegates come from India and Pakistan. I am delighted to acknowledge the support of these bodies especially because the research papers read by scholars working and living in South Asia did much to enrich the sessions. A conference grant from the Society for South Asian Studies also contributed substantially to the success of the meeting.

The Association is a pan-European body that operates effectively in all European countries with active interests in South Asian archaeology. Britain, with its unique institutions, fostered a pragmatic approach toward the publication of the proceedings. Some sections appeared in-dependently in scholarly journals, while two volumes were published under the editorship of panel leaders: The Temple in South Asia, edited by Adam Hardy and Religion and Art: New Issues in Indian Iconography and Iconology, edited by Claudine Bautze-Picron. Both volumes have been a success and contain cutting-edge research. The support of the British Association for South Asian Studies and the British Museum allowed these books to appear in a timely mat-ter. Publication of the nal papers was delayed because of nancial constraints but now appear thanks to support from the British Museum. I cannot thank the Museum enough for supporting this effort. In the actual production of the present volume, it is my pleasant duty to thank the editors of each section: Roberta Tomber, Lucy Blue, Christine Fröhlich and Asko Parpola. I also owe much to Lucie Goulet for the design and for attending to all the editorial corrections. Cam Sharp-Jones ably assisted with the on-line publication. It is a pleasure to see these important articles at last and I hope the scholarly community will nd them at once useful and stimulating.

Dr. Michael WillisDepartment of AsiaThe British Museum

iii


Edited by Roberta TOMBER, Lucy BLUE and Shinu ABRAHAM


London

PART 1: INDIAN OCEAN COMMERCE AND THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF WESTERN INDIA

Issues in Indian Ocean Commerce and the Ar-chaeology of Western India

PREFACE

This half-day session at the London EASAA conference in July 2005 was the result of our overlap-ping interest in Indian Ocean commerce during the Early Historic period. This shared interest grew out of our distinct backgrounds of Classical (RT), Maritime (LB) and Indian (SA) archaeology. Despite these differences our archaeological experience was unifi ed as we had all excavated at ports on the Egyptian Red Sea – at either Quseir al-Qadim (ancient Myos Hormos) and/or Berenike, sites critical to the context of Indo-Roman trade.

Here the intention was to focus not on the Red Sea but on peninsular India, drawing on the relation-ship with the West through the phenomenon labelled ‘Indo-Roman’ trade. Our aims for this session were to present new fi ndings related to this trade, particularly from South Asia, and to promote further communication between scholars throughout the Indian Ocean. From this we hoped to encourage a synthetic perspective, to evaluate better the nature and extent of contacts and to reconstruct the settings in which they occurred.

Seven papers were presented in our session, four of which are published here, essentially as given on the day and submitted for printed publication in February 2007 with only minor updating. The focus of these papers ranges from the mechanisms of Indo-Roman trade from a maritime perspective outlined by Lucy Blue to the ports themselves, which were emphasised with detailed accounts of exciting new fi nd-ings from Pattanam by Shinu Abraham, V Selvakumar, KP Shajan and Roberta Tomber. Unfortunately Sunil Gupta’s paper on the role of Kamrej and Elephanta in the shifting patterns of Indian Ocean trade (1st – 7th century AD), and Vishwas Gogte and Rukshana Nanji’s on Chaul and Sanjan, were not avail-able for publication. The sixth paper, Pia Brancaccio’s on art and craftsmen particularly of the Deccan region and the infl uence of Western models is also not included due to the delay in publication, but will appear as ‘Terracottas from Western Deccan: an exploration of sources and transmission of models in the Early Historic period’, in P. Granoff (ed), Changing Perceptions of Early Historic India. Oxford: Delhi (forthcoming). Finally, Roberta Tomber spoke on the variety of imported amphora fi nds from the West found in India and this is published here.

Over four years have now passed since the London EASAA conference; a session on Indo-Roman trade was held at EASAA Ravenna 2007 and preparations are underway for EASAA Vienna 2010. The fi eld remains very active and research into all the areas reported on here has moved forward in terms of new evidence and new interpretations. Although only very minor changes have been made to these papers, they nevertheless still contribute to the on-going and fascinating subject of exchange within the Indian Ocean.

Roberta Tomber, LondonLucy Blue, SouthamptonShinu Abraham, Canton October 2009

2

Boats, Routes and Sailing Conditions of Indo-Roman Trade

LUCY BLUE

This paper addresses particular aspects of the mechanics of trade between Rome and India, briefl y discussing the context, but focusing predominantly on a vital but little known element of this trade, that is the vessel of trade – the boat.

ROUTES, TIMINGS AND HARBOURS

The direction and duration of winds in both the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean were so infl u-ential that they determined the sailing season and routes of merchant ships voyaging between the Egyptian Red Sea and the coast of India (Said 1991: 89–92). The key Egyptian Red Sea ports that were involved in eastern trade were Myos Hormos and Berenike (Peacock and Blue 2006; Sidebotham 1986: 48–71). From these ports of departure, the outwards journey tradition-ally commenced midsummer when the south-west monsoons would drive the ships across the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean (Casson 1989: 13–21, 1980, 1984; Figure 1). Roman ships going to India either went to the north-west coast, where the major ports were Barbarikon and Barygaza (Casson 1989: 75–6), or they took a more direct route across the Indian Ocean to the Malabar Coast, south-west India, to ports such as Muziris and Nelkynda (Charlesworth 1974: 68; Casson 1989: 83; Young 2001: 30).

The voyage to India took about two months, resulting in ships reaching the Indian coast by September (Casson 1984: 190–1). However, the north-east monsoons on the west coast of India did not begin until late November (Casson 1984; McGrail 2001: 258), therefore, Roman merchants and seamen had about two months in India to accomplish their trade business and maintain their vessels before they started their return trip. According to Pliny (NH 6.26.106), ships set sail back from India in December or early January utilizing the north-east monsoons, arriving in Egypt in March or April. Accordingly, a return voyage to and from India could by accomplished in less than a year (Casson 1984: 190–1; McGrail 2001: 258).

Thus, the trade routes and timing of the voyages were largely dictated by the wind, and on a local level by access to appropriate anchorages, that would not only have provided shelter and water, but also access to inland trade routes and in many cases and most importantly, products of trade.

THE BOATS

The context of Indo-Roman trade is widely published (Sidebotham 1986; Young 2001) but evidence for the vessels of transportation of this trade – the boats – is not so forthcoming. What

MIGRATION, TRADE AND PEOPLES, PART 1: ISSUES IN INDIAN OCEAN COMMERCE AND THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF WESTERN INDIA, Boats, Routes and Sailing Conditions of Indo-Roman Trade, 3-13; ISBN978-0-9553924-5-0

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BOATS, ROUTES AND SAILING CONDITIONS

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type of vessels did they use? How were they built? Who built them? Where were they built? Where were they repaired? In short we have many questions and very few answers.

General assumptions have been made about the nature of vessels that were conducting trade in the Red Sea and Indian Ocean region. They are assumed to have been similar in type, shape and building tradition to Mediterranean Roman merchant vessels, that is vessel whose hulls were constructed shell-fi rst and whose planks were secured in place by a series of pegged mor-tise and tenons, and propelled by a square sail (Casson 1971: 169–216; McGrail 2001: 256). However, not a single ship has been excavated to provide direct evidence for the types of ves-sels of this period. In fact, we have very limited evidence for vessels in the Indian Ocean–Red Sea region in general for all periods and as a consequence we rely almost entirely on iconogra-phy (see below). Evidence for the nature of traditional indigenous vessels of the region for the subsequent two millennia is also scant although they are generally described as being of sewn construction (Procopius 1.19.23–6; PME 36; Hourani 1995: 92).

In India, for example, archaeological fi nds are very rare and amount to a 6th century BC century log boat from Sri Lanka, the recent and exciting discovery of a Medieval boat from Taikkal-Kadakkarapally, Kerala (Tomalin et al 2004), and some 17th century, presumed to be European, timbers from Orissa (McGrail 2001: 249–78; Blue et al 1997). Depictions of boats in the Indian sub-continent have survived in the iconographic record from as early as Meso-lithic rock art (Tripathi 2006: fi gure 3, plate 6), on seals, amulets and pots and in model form, and subsequently as reliefs on religious buildings (Sanchi 1st century BC) and 2nd century AD coins (Mookerji 1912; McGrail 2001: 253–5; Tripathi 1997). Ships are also depicted in the 4–6th century Ajanta caves. However, all these images provide very schematic clues that offer limited detail and it is often not clear whether the vessels are indigenous or belong to the Ya-vanas (foreigners) (Sidebotham 1986: 23). A recent graffi to on a 1st–2nd century AD pot from the port of Alagankulam in Tamil Nadu provides more detail of a Roman trading vessel, with twin steering oars and two or three masts, however, again the detail pertaining to the specifi c construction is absent (Sridhar 2005: 67–73, fi gure 7).

Evidence from the Red Sea is equally sparse. Some rock art depictions of boats have been identifi ed in the Eastern Desert, particularly at Wadi Hammamat, and display many different types of vessels but the dating of these images is problematic. A single graffi to of a sailing vessel was also found on a sherd in a 1st century AD context, at the Red Sea port of Berenike (Sidebotham 1996: 315; Peacock and Maxfi eld 2001: 54–5).

The textual record is also very limited with respect to detailed descriptions of vessels in-volved in trade. References, particularly in the PME, are made to the different types of indig-enous vessels observed en route and include rafts, dugouts, canoes and sewn boats, but not seagoing vessels:

At this place there is a small port of trade, namely Avalites, where rafts and small craft put in (PME 7)

They are the home ports for local boats that sail along the coast as far as Limyrike and others, called sangara, that are very big dugout canoes held together by a yoke, as well as for the very big kolandiophonta that sail across to Chryse and the Ganges region (PME 60)

The island has sewn boats and dugout canoes that are used for fi shing and for catching turtles (PME 15)

5

LUCY BLUE

The island [Socotra] has good supplies of fi ne-quality tortoise shell. The mer-chants of Kane customarily fi t out small sailing vessels to trade with it (PME 33)

Intriguingly many of these vessels are still operating in the Indian Ocean today – although limited direct evidence has survived to support their continuity of use, ethnographic accounts, drawings and photographs, help breach the gap. In the 17th century a proto-ethnographer Bow-rey (1905) provided illustrations of the ‘primitive log rafts’ referred to in the PME (60) and by Pliny (NH 6.26 and 6.105) as kolandio phonta, still known today as kolamaram or kattuma-ram, log rafts, as well as the sangara or log boats. Likewise, Bowrey also details sewn vessels (1905), the traditional craft of the Indian Ocean, referred to in the PME (15) and subsequently by Arab geographers and Europeans travellers, including Marco Polo who described the use of ‘wretched’ boats stitched together with twine made from the husks of Indian nut [coco-nut] (Johnstone 1988: 178). These vessels also still survive today and are known as marsula and odam (Procopius 1.19.23–6; PME 36; Hourani 1995: 92; Hornell 1920: 215; Varadarajan 1998). However, the ethnographic and more so the proto-ethnographic record whilst of value, varies widely in the quantity and quality of the technical information provided. The descrip-tions of the boats are limited, providing little detail of construction and technical information. The boat names, although often similar, cannot necessarily be ascribed to the same boat over the centuries, and a particular boat is frequently referred to by a number of names and different boats by the same name making identifi cation and interpretation extremely problematic. How-ever, this information is of value as it provides clues towards appreciating a complex subject.

Boats – the archaeological evidence

As previously indicated the archaeological record is very poor and provides limited insight other than through comparison with the rich Greco-Roman ship fi nds from the Mediterranean (Parker 1992). However, recent archaeological evidence from terrestrial contexts in the Red Sea ports of Quseir al-Qadim, ancient Myos Hormos and its sister port Berenike some 320 km to the south, is beginning to shed some light on this issue (Peacock and Blue 2006; Sidebotham 1996; Figure 2). Particularly interesting are the elements of ships rigging and boat hull fragments that have been recovered that give an indication of the construction, size and origin of the vessels presumably involved in trade with India.

The site of Quseir al-Qadim was been excavated by the University of Southampton between 1999–2003 (Peacock and Blue 2006). Various elements of ship structure have been uncovered, including two fragments of hull planking in a reused context. Both planks display mortise and tenon joints with a number of tenons and pegs still extant (Blue et al in press). The character-istics of these planks thus provide an indication of the method of construction, specifi cally that they were fragments of planking from a ship that was built in the Greco-Roman shipbuilding tradition (Casson 1971: 201–6) and as such may provide direct evidence for Classical infl u-ences upon the vessels that were being used for Roman trade in the Indian Ocean.

Recent excavations have also greatly increased the physical record of ships rigging (Blue et al in press; Whitewright 2007). Over 160 brail rings, both wooden and horn, have been recorded from late 1st and early 2nd century contexts. Brail rings were attached to square sails and served as a guide to ropes that ran up the face of the sail in order to facilitate the furling of the sail. All the complete examples of brail rings that have been recovered have one, and in some cases two, pairs of small holes pierced through their edges for the purpose of attaching them to the sail. Besides the brail rings, a number of sheaves from rigging blocks and a dead-eye, have also been

6


recovered, which indicate that the vessels were rigged by the traditional Roman Mediterranean square sail method. One brail ring was able to provide further clues as to the nature of the rig as uniquely it had a piece of cotton sail cloth still attached (Figure 3).

Comparable material including a number of brail rings (Wild and Wild 2001: fi gure 5) and reused planks (Vermeeren 1999: 316) have also been found at Berenike. Cotton fragments of the Z-spun variety, with a regular grid-pattern of cotton strips or reinforcing strips (Casson 1971: 234), were also recovered in a 1st century AD midden deposit (Wild and Wild 2001). The cotton textile fragments have been interpreted as the remains of a sail (ibid: 211–20, fi gures 2 and 3) and again have close parallels with fi nds from Myos Hormos (Handley 2003).

Direct evidence for sails used on Roman vessels is virtually non-existent. Prior to the dis-

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LUCY BLUE

FIGURE 2: LOCATION OF QUSEIR AL-QADIM AND BERENIKE (PENNY COPELAND)

covery of the fragments of sail cotton from Berenike and Myos Hormos, the only other sail fragments of similar date found in an archaeological context, were discovered reused in a grave from Thebes (Rougé 1987; Schoeffer et al 1987 in Wild and Wild 2001: 216; Black 1996: 111, fi gure 6). However, numerous depictions of sails in the iconographic record from the Mediter-ranean describe ancient square sails (Casson 1971: 234). In addition, rigging recovered from Greco-Roman wrecks in the Mediterranean (Parker 1992; Beltrame and Gaddi 2005; White-wright 2007) serves to confi rm the types of rigging portrayed in use on iconographic depictions of Roman vessels, such as the famous 3rd century AD relief depicting a vessel in the harbour of Portus (Casson 1971: fi gure 144). This image shows a square-sailed vessel, with reinforced sails, brails and blocks clearly visible.

Thus, recent fi nds from Myos Hormos and Berenike so far appear to represent sails and rig-ging elements similar in nature to those used in the Mediterranean, possibly on ships construct-ed by the Classical pegged mortise and tenon technique (Casson 1971: fi gure 144). However, these ships are not operating in the Mediterranean but out of Red Sea ports, conducting trade throughout the Indian Ocean.

Boats – the ethnographic analogy – who builds the boat?

The above evidence provides more clues as to the nature of vessels that plied the Indian Ocean in the fi rst centuries AD, what these vessels looked like and how they were constructed. However, there is still one key point that remains unanswered, where were the ships built? Were they fi rst constructed in the Mediterranean and then hauled across the Eastern Desert before being reconstructed at the ports of Myos Hormos and Berenike? A stele found at Coptos on the Nile, details rates charged in order to transport goods and passengers across the Eastern Desert to the Red Sea. These include charges on shipwrights as well as ships equipment such as masts and yards (Milne 1898: 123–4), and thus support the fact that at least some elements of ships timbers were transferred across the desert with the intention of being assembled at the Red Sea ports. Furthermore, a roster of tolls or fees between Coptos and a Red Sea port (Lewis 1960) details how a mast and a yard had been returned after one years rental. But in this case the goods were imports moving from the Red Sea to the Nile. Egypt lacked good sources for timber suit-able for building large seagoing vessels (Wachsmann 1998: 310; McGrail 2001: 16; Ward 2000: 15–24) and therefore the importation of wood was not uncommon. A closer look at the evidence

8


FIGURE 3: SAIL CLOTH WITH BRAIL RING ATTACHED, MYOS HORMOS, RED SEA COAST (JULIAN WHITEWRIGHT)

from Myos Hormos and Berenike would appear to shed some light on this issue.Firstly, it has been noted that the material generally used for making sails for ships in the

Mediterranean was linen (Casson 1971: 234; Black and Samuel 1991: 220), however, the mate-rial identifi ed as sail cloth from Berenike and Myos Hormos, is as indicated, cotton. In addition, this cotton is Z-spun rather than S-spun, S-spun being the traditional method of weaving in ‘Egypt and the neighbouring Roman provinces’ (Wild and Wild 2001: 212). Thus, the implica-tion from the Red Sea fi nds to date is that the materials and methods of weaving the sails are not of local origin or manufacture. They are described by Wild and Wild (2001: 213) as ‘intrusive’ [and] the weight of ancient literary and documentary evidence indicates India to be the only practical source’.

Secondly, selected timbers used to make some of the rigging elements from Myos Hormos have been analysed in order to determine their species (M Van der Veen pers comm). Similar analysis has been undertaken on reused planks of pegged mortise and tenon construction recov-ered from Berenike (Vermeeren 1999: 316). Of all the species identifi ed a few were from East Africa, however, the majority were made of teak from India. Thus, it would seem that ships operating in the Indian Ocean during the Roman Imperial period were constructed and rigged in the Greco-Roman style, but in some cases at least with Indian teak. As to the place of construc-tion of these vessels, a number of alternative scenarios are possible.

Perhaps vessels initially constructed in the Mediterranean, that subsequently sailed to India, were being repaired in India, either by the local population or groups of westerners (Yavanas) (Sidebotham 1986: 23; Casson 1989: 24–5, 33) known to have settled in India (PME 60). Al-ternatively, the ships were built in ports along the Red Sea coast using timber imported from India for the hull and rigging elements (perhaps transported from the East on board vessels as a form of ballast) and Indian cotton for the sails. Again, the PME (36, 48) refers to the export of teak and ‘a considerable amount of cloth of ordinary quality’ from, amongst others, the port of Barygaza in north-west India (Casson 1989: 73, 81; Hourani 1995: 90). The fi nal scenario is that perhaps some of the vessels involved with trade between the Red Sea and India were constructed in India either by ‘Roman’ shipwrights or Indian craftsmen, using Indian teak for the hull and rigging components, and had sails made from Indian cotton.

Pliny (NH 16.80.221) amongst other authors refers to the import of wood from the East from at least the 4th century BC. PME 36 refers to the transportation of ‘teakwood’, ‘beams’ of wood, saplings and logs exported from Barygaza to modern day Oman, as well as sandalwood (native to southern India), timbers of teakwood (northern India), logs of blackwood (Punjab and western India) and ebony (India).

In later periods India still seems to be providing timber for ship construction purposes. After AD 878 when direct trade links with China were severed, ‘Indian ports such as Cochin, Calicut and Cannanore became even more frequently used by Arabian Ocean going ships not just, as had long been customary, to collect teak and benteak from the forests of the Malabar Coast for the construction of their ships (there being no suitable trees available anywhere in Arabia)…’ (Boxhall 1989: 292). In the early 20th century Hornell (1942: 13) describes how ‘Mysore teak is employed [in shipbuilding] for the beams and spars with Malabar teak for the shell.’ He continues to discuss how many Arab vessels were built and/or purchased from Indian ports and operated throughout the Indian Ocean, Red Sea and Gulf regions. This provides further support for the idea that India continued to play a substantial role in the supply of timber for shipbuild-ing practices throughout the India Ocean from the early days of Indo-Roman trade.

The ethnographic record as already indicated, can also be of potential assistance here. One example in this regard is the ubiquitous Indian huri or log boat. This vessel as the PME indi-

9

LUCY BLUE

cates: ‘The island has sewn boats and dugout canoes that are used for fi shing and for catching turtles’ (PME 15) has been operating in the waters of the Indian Ocean for at least two millennia and continues to be built and used both for inshore fi shing, lightering, and as ships-boats today. Boxhall (1989: 295) states ‘the small huri a canoe made of mango wood from the Malabar Coast… is to be found on almost every coast of the Indian Ocean’. This has been confi rmed by Hornell (1942: 30) who describes them having been ‘imported (to the Red Sea) from India via Aden’. Villiers (1940: 307) comments how they were transported on the decks of dhows across the Indian Ocean from India to Arabia. Recent ethnographic studies of huris in the Red Sea region conclude that the majority were all imported from India and this is supported by analysis of the wood used to construct the boats (Blue personal observation; J van Rensburgh pers comm). An ethnographic study conducted by the author is ongoing to determine the current distribution, variety and origin of this craft throughout the Indian Ocean and Red Sea region.

However, to fi nally return to the sea-going vessels, the wood discovered in Roman contexts at Myos Hormos and Berenike seems to support an East African, and more commonly, Indian origin for these vessels. Yet there are further indications that in fact we should look to India for not just the wood used to construct the vessels of Greco-Roman Indian Ocean trade, but also the boat building skills. Thus, the observations made in this paper effectively challenge previ-ous ideas concerning the origin of vessels that plied the Indian Ocean conducting trade during the Greco-Roman period. They confi rm that vessels were probably constructed in the Mediter-ranean style, shell-fi rst, secured by pegged mortise and tenon joints and rigged with a square sail, and yet the materials used in their construction would indicate an origin in coastal India.

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Procopius, History of the Wars 1, trans HB Dewing, 1961, Loeb Classical Library, Cambridge: Harvard University Press

Rougé, J (1987) ‘La Momie contenait-elle les fragments d’une voile?’, Nouvelles Archives du Muséum d’Histoire Naturelle de Lyon 25, 91–6

Said, F (1991) (2nd ed) Oman: A Seafaring Nation, Sultanate of Oman: Ministry of National Heritage and Culture

Schoeffer, M, Cotta, D and Beentjes, A (1987) ‘Les etoffes de rembourrage: du chiffon au vêtement et à la voile de bateau’, Nouvelles Archives du Muséum d’Histoire Naturelle de Lyon 25, 77–80

Sidebotham, SE (1996) ‘The ship graffi to’, in SE Sidebotham and WZ Wendrich (eds), Berenike 1995: the Preliminary Report of the 1995 Excavation at Berenike and the Survey of the Eastern Desert, Lei-den: CNWS Research School, 315–7

Sidebotham, SE (1986) Roman Egypt and the Red Sea. Roman Economic Policy in the Erythra Thalassa 30BC – AD217, Leiden: Brill

Sridhar, TS (ed) (2005) Alagankulam: An Ancient Roman Port City of Tamil Nadu, Chennai: Department of Archaeology, Government of Tamil Nadu

Tomber, RS (2008) Indo-Roman Trade: From Pots to Pepper, London: Duckworth

Tomber, RS (2000) ‘Indo-Roman trade: the ceramic evidence from Egypt’, Antiquity 74, 624–31

Tripathi, A (2006) ‘Some ship representations on Buddhist monuments’, in Purabharati, Studies in Early Historical Archaeology and Buddhism, Commemoration Volume in Respect of Prof BP Sinha, BR

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Mani and SC Saran (eds), Delhi: Sharada Publishing House, 430–8

Tripathi, A (1997) Ships in Ancient Indian Art, New Delhi: Nehru Trust for Indian Collections in the Victoria and Albert Museum

Tomalin, V, Selvakumar, V, Nair, MV, and Gopi, PK (2004) ‘The Thaikkal-Kadakkarappally boat: an archaeological example of Medieval shipbuilding in the western Indian Ocean’, International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 33(2), 253–63

Vermeeren, CE (1999) ‘Wood and charcoal’, in SE Sidebotham and WZ Wendrich (eds), Berenike 1997. Report of the 1997 Excavations at Berenike and the Survey of the Egyptian Eastern Desert including Excavations at Shenshef, Leiden: CNWS Research School, 307–24

Varadarajan, L (1998) Sewn Boats of the Lakshadweep, Goa: National Oceanography Institute

Villiers, A (1940) Sons of Sinbad, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons

Wachsmann, S (1998) Seagoing Ships and Seamanship in the Bronze Age Levant, College Station: Texas A&M University Press

Ward, C (2000) Sacred and Secular: Ancient Egyptian Ships and Boats, Boston: Archaeological Insti-tute of America

Whitewright, J (2007) ‘Roman rigging material from the Red Sea port of Myos Hormos’, International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 36(2), 282-292

Wild, FC and Wild, JP (2001) ‘Sails from the Roman port of Berenike, Egypt’, International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 30(2), 211–20

Young, GK (2001) Rome’s Eastern Trade: International Commerce and Imperial Policy 31 BC – AD 305, London: Routledge

13

LUCY BLUE

Strategies for Surface Documentation at the Early Historic Site of Pattanam, Kerala: the

Malabar Region Archaeological Survey

SHINU A. ABRAHAM

Until recently, South Indian scholars have found it challenging to rely on archaeological data to derive models of Malabar socio-economic behaviour during the late prehistoric/early historic periods of Kerala history. Obstacles to model building have ranged from an over-emphasis on data collection and site identifi cation (rather than problem-oriented data analysis), poor chrono-logical control, and a lack of regional data management. While archaeologists and historians have been quite successful isolating and documenting various trade entrepots described in the Periplus and other historical sources, they have nevertheless struggled to understand the char-acteristics of those indigenous communities that made overseas exchange a consistent part of their coastal economies.

The current excavations of the earliest urban settlement in Kerala at Pattanam near the mouth of the Periyar River, however, have now presented south Indian archaeologists with a unique opportunity to rethink existing perspectives about the organisation of Malabar coastal commu-nities and the nature of their participation in early Indian Ocean trade networks (Cherian et al 2009, Shajan et al 2008). The new data emerging from central Kerala is generating a variety of questions related to the internal processes that integrated overseas, coastal, and inland exchange networks. In addition to being able to investigate such macro-regional questions as the move-ment of goods and populations across Kerala’s coastal, midland, and highland regions, or the relationship of early settlement patterns to their environmental contexts, we can now develop fi ner-scaled analyses on Kerala’s western coast. The Malabar Region Archaeological Survey (MRAS) has been designed to launch this micro-regional perspective by mapping artefacts and features within and surrounding the site of Pattanam.

The MRAS project has been designed to investigate the layout and organisation of early South Indian settlements through the documentation and analysis of the surface data from Pat-tanam. Preliminary investigations indicate that Pattanam may have operated as a coastal site linking overseas maritime trade with inland exchange systems during the Early Historic period (c 300 BC to AD 300) and may correspond to the historically well-documented ancient Mala-bar port of Muziris (Shajan et al 2005). This project not only fi ts into the broader context of ancient trade and urbanisation in South Asia (e.g., Tomber 2008) but also addresses the nature of an early coastal system that integrated overseas maritime networks with local production and exchange systems (Abraham 2008). Four objectives guide the MRAS project: ascertaining the extent and scale of the site of Pattanam; mapping and defi ning internal site characteristics; de-veloping a broadly applicable ceramic typology; and establishing a research baseline on which to build future investigations of early Malabar socio-economic organisation.

By employing a strategy of intensive surface survey, the MRAS project investigates the ur-ban anatomy of Pattanam as a ‘special purpose settlement’ (Cowgill 2004:12): a coastal center

MIGRATION, TRADE AND PEOPLES, PART 1: INDIAN OCEAN COMMERCE AND THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF WESTERN INDIA, Strategies for Surface Documentation at the early Historic Site of Pattanam, Kerala: the Malabar Region Archaeological Survey, 14-28; ISBN: 978-0-9553924-5-0

that served, at least in part, to structure Malabar economic transactions. It is possible that Pat-tanam was established in response to the growing need of Malabar communities to effi ciently merge escalating overseas trade with internal economic systems. An intensive surface analysis will help archaeologists appreciate the role of such coastal settlements as complex nodes link-ing lowland polities, upland foragers-traders, and non-local merchants (Morrison 2002) and will lead to a more nuanced characterisation of Malabar urbanism. The purpose of MRAS, however, is to move away from preconceived categories for urban settlements as ‘mercantile’ or ‘administrative’ (Fox 1977), or as ‘primate centers’ or ‘disembedded capitals’ (Blanton 1976: 257). Rather, the intent is to follow Cowgill’s prescription to reconceptualise the organisational characteristics of early settlements in terms of a range of defi ning variables, including settle-ment size, nature of physical edges, spatial segmentation, dispositions of consumption activi-ties, variability in labour investment, and environmental constraints (Cowgill 2004: 543) – vari-ables that may be documented through intensive, problem-oriented surface survey. By shifting the focus from normative models, this research programme represents an effort to contribute to the growing diversity of expressions of early South Asian urbanism (Smith 2006). The fi ndings will thus make it possible to evaluate the relevance of Pattanam as both a member of the greater South Indian cultural landscape and as a participant in Indian Ocean trade relations.

MRAS also seeks to present a new perspective on Early Historic social organisation in South India, which, despite a century of research, is still inadequately understood (Trautmann and Sinopoli 2002). Prevailing approaches to the emergence of urban forms is South Asia are being re-examined (Smith 2006; Morrison and Lycett 1994; Sinopoli 2001). In South India, much work remains to be done, for example, in standardising ceramic chronologies, delineat-ing site categories, and exploring the interplay between the environment on socio-economic development. These are especially pressing questions in the southernmost states of Kerala and Tamil Nadu, where synthetic studies are largely lacking. Finally, framed as an intensive fi ne-scaled analysis of surface distributions within and surrounding Pattanam, this project balances concerns about broader interegional processes with questions about local agency (Stein 2002: 914); this is an opportunity to counter traditional views of Muziris and other South Asian ports as passive peripheral players in an interregional system dominated by certain non-local core members, and instead view South Asian communities as actively engaged and invested partici-pants in their own right.

In addition, MRAS will contribute to Indian Ocean trade studies by supplementing the rich data being recovered from excavations at one of its most important participants: the Malabar port Muziris. Lacking better options, scholars located Muziris at the nearby Medieval site Ko-dungallur or Cranganore (Achan 1946; Gurukkal and Whittaker 2001). However, distance measurements provided in the Periplus, coastal geomorphological studies, and the presence of Roman wares at Pattanam provide stronger corroboration that instead Pattanam may be identi-fi ed as Muziris (see also Shajan et al 2004). Although archaeological research on Indian Ocean trade exists for other regions within South Asia (Carswell 1996; Coningham 2002; Gogte 2004; Irani 2002; Pramanik 2004; Shinde et al 2002; Begley et al 2004) and throughout the Indian Ocean littoral (Ardika 1995; Chami 1999; Gogte 1999; Horton and Middletown 2000; Horton 1996; Reade 1996; Retzleff 2003; Rougeulle 1999; Sedov 1996; Wendrich et al 2003), sys-tematic research along the Malabar coast has just begun. This is remarkable when we realise that Roman records provide detailed information about Malabar participation in long-distance maritime trade (Ray 2003; Parker 2002; Casson 1989). Further, the texts make numerous refer-ences to Muziris. Pliny’s Natural History (NH 6.104), for instance, claims that sailors could use monsoon winds to reach Malabar ports in forty days. The Peutinger Tables, a series of maps composed in AD 222, include a rendering of the southwestern coast of India, on which can be

15

THE MALABAR REGION ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY

found a notation for Muziris, as well as a possible nearby temple of Augustus (Gurukkal and Whittaker 2001: 337). The Vindob papyrus is a mid-2nd century AD document dealing with the shipment of goods imported to Egypt from Muziris (Casson 1986; Rathbone 2001). Finally, the Periplus Maris Erythraei (one of the earliest records of organised Roman maritime trade to India) is a mid-1st-century AD mariner’s guide for merchants dealing with the ports and goods from Africa, Arabia, and India. With almost half the text devoted to Indian ports of trade (Cas-son 1989: 21), the writer makes it clear that Muziris was one of several important emporia along the Kerala coast. The proposed research therefore fi lls an important intellectual gap in Indian Ocean studies: the precise nature of Tamil participation in the trans-oceanic trade networks of the fi rst centuries AD.

MRAS PROJECT AREA

The state of Kerala is a narrow strip of land in the south-western part of India with a long coastal front that incorporates the Malabar Coast. Three subregions subdivide the state into nar-

16

SHINU A. ABRAHAM

FIGURE 1: SOUTH INDIA SHOWING PROJECT AREA

row, east-west strips: the low-lying alluvial coastland, the middle laterite plateaus and foothills, and the gneissic highlands of the Ghat Mountains (Ramachandra Nair 1986; Spate and Lear-mouth 1967). The sub regions are in turn intersected by over 40 west-fl owing rivers; the largest of these is the Periyar River, which drains into the Indian Ocean in the Malabar coastal region and at whose mouth the site of Pattanam is situated. The Malabar Coast (Figure 1) forms a part of the alluvial coast, which includes marshes, lagoons, and backwaters extending over 300 km (Spate and Learmouth 1967: 675). The physiography of the tropical coastal plain is character-ised by low relief, generally 4–6 m above sea level, with numerous beach dune ridges that run roughly parallel to the shoreline. In the Malabar region, canals and backwater transport routes form complex networks along the coast that even today serve to integrate the local population.

17


FIGURE 2: MALABAR COAST, KERALA

Geomorphological studies of the Malabar coast provide ample evidence for fl uctuations in sea level during the Pleistocene and Holocene; the widest expanse of coastal build-up occurred during Holocene times in the stretch where Pattanam is located (Gurukkal and Varier 1999; Sreekala et al 1998). This region is characterised by sand ridges and paleo-beaches (Bhattach-arya et al 1979; Shajan 2004; Ramachandra Nair 1986; Soman 2002). Based on archaeological and geological surveys, it has been argued that the coastline during the Early Historic period was located several kilometers inland from the coast, where the Thottupuzha River now lies (Shajan 2004).

Pattanam (Figure 2) is located about 0.5 km north-west of Parur city, and was discovered during geoarchaeological surface explorations along the Malabar coast (Selvakumar et al 2005; Shajan et al 2004). Situated near the mouth of the Periyar River, Pattanam is 5 km from the present Indian coastline and less than 2 km from the purported paleocoastline (Narayana et al 2001; Shajan 2004). This coastal zone is part of an extensive estuarine system of backwaters and forms a natural harbour that has been active throughout Kerala’s long maritime history (Menon et al 2000; Soman 2002). Trial excavations by Shajan and Selvakumar show that Pat-tanam is a multi-phase site with occupational layers that include the Iron Age (c 1000 – 300 BC) and Early Historic (c 300 BC to AD 300) periods (Selvakumar et al 2005; Shajan et al 2004). The discovery of Roman amphora fragments and other non-local wares at Pattanam (Tomber 2005) supports the assertion that Pattanam was a port site engaged in trade with the Roman empire, whose merchant-sailors actively sought valued spices such as Malabar pepper (Casson 1986; Parker 2002; Ray 2003; Reade 1996; Thapar 1992; Casson 1989). Beyond initial surface explorations and trial excavations, no further detailed work took place at the site until the MRAS project.

The discovery of Pattanam/Muziris presents south Indian archaeologists with an opportunity to examine an urban center that was actively involved in integrating overseas and local trade networks. It has been suggested that the scale of overseas and inland trade at this time may have stimulated the rise of urbanism and other dimensions of complex social organisation (Maloney 1969; Maloney 1970; Thapar 2002), and that inland trade routes functioned principally as points of intersection designed to connect multiple coastal-based systems linked by port sites (Heitz-man 1984). Pattanam may have functioned in ways similar to the south-eastern Indian port site Arikamedu, which is thought to have occupied a pivotal position balancing inland, coastal, and trans-oceanic networks (Begley 1996: 1). If so, then the investigation of environmental, settle-ment, and artefact distribution patterns at Pattanam will yield valuable information about the role of this port site as a socio-economic magnet for the collection, warehousing, and redistribu-tion of trade goods, and perhaps even as a secondary political capital (Champakalakshmi 1996: 120–2). Rather than assuming the nature of socio-economic organisation in this emergent urban settlement, however, this project seeks to use material data to help determine how Pattanam was actually structured and organised.

FIELD RESEARCH GOALS AND METHODOLOGIES

The early seasons of MRAS are focused on collecting archaeological and spatial data associ-ated with the site of Pattanam itself. Two seasons of surface survey at Pattanam have already taken place (in 2004–5 and 2005–6), resulting in the construction of a GIS site database and a preliminary artefact corpus (including nearly 10,000 ceramic sherds) from 10 hectares in the site core. Preliminary results from these two seasons (Abraham 2005) demonstrate both the feasibility of the proposed work and the value of a problem-oriented survey in order to address the key questions described above. Three intertwined goals structure the fi eld research: 1) de-

18

SHINU A. ABRAHAM

veloping a ceramic typology for Pattanam; 2) documenting general site layout and organisation; and 3) documenting artefact density and distribution, especially for ceramics. The fi rst goal, to develop a ceramic system, addresses a fundamental need for present and future archaeological investigation in Kerala. The second and third goals will contribute to our delineation of both formal characteristics of the overall site and functional variability within the site.

As noted earlier, effective ceramic chronologies and classifi cation systems are largely lack-ing for South India. Because of this, the ceramics are being treated as a single assemblage; a series of qualitative and quantitative variables will be measured and recorded in a relational da-tabase, following strategies employed at other South Indian sites (Sinopoli 1999; Smith 2002; Abraham 2002). As a value-neutral strategy, this system will allow for comparison across sites within the Malabar region and with ceramic collections from other sites in South India in an effort to situate Pattanam as part of an inland coastal trade network (Guderjan and Williams-Beck 2001). Furthermore, when these ceramic data are eventually correlated with the huge database of local earthenwares recovered from stratifi ed contexts in the Pattanam excavations, it will be possible to explore the range of chronological variation in the surface remains. During the winter fi eld seasons, all collected ceramics sherds are weighed, counted, and sorted. Dur-ing the summer lab seasons, the ceramics are analysed and catalogued by recording a variety of attributes: interior and exterior surface treatment, interior and exterior colour, vessel form, wall thickness, and inclusion type. Other relevant data include morphological and metric data on diagnostic sherds: rims, handles, bases, and decorated sherds. We know that Pattanam is a multi-period site, but a ceramic chronology is still under development (Selvakumar et al 2005). Once the chronology is published, it may be possible to link the ceramic categories derived from the MRAS project with chronologically controlled data, allowing investigation of the dis-tribution and range of datable ceramics across the site. In addition, we plan during this project to collect samples from clay sources in the survey domain, and selected sherds will undergo X-ray diffraction (XRD) analysis to help determine possible production sources. Compatibil-ity will be an important reason for choosing XRD, especially for sherds identifi ed as Roulet-ted ware, which have undergone similar examination from Arikamedu and other sites (Gogte 1997; Gogte 2002). Such analysis will have a number of benefi ts, not only for understanding Pattanam, but more generally for relating Pattanam to other Early Historic sites in South India. It is hoped that eventually the south Indian archaeological community will together produce a comprehensive ceramic classifi cation system that can be adapted for future investigations within India and throughout the Indian Ocean littoral.

A key goal of MRAS is to confi rm and establish the surface morphology of the site, the distinctiveness and nature of site borders, and the presence of satellite sites. Other concerns are to identify patterns of surface variability, to interpret the reasons for these patterns, and to discriminate between those that are culturally relevant and those that may be post depositional (Gregg et al 1991). Post-depositional disturbance resulting from long-term occupation (rang-ing from construction activities to small cultivated zones) is inevitable; current activities are documented in the fi eld through observation and village interviews. The ancient site currently sits under a small village; mapping and survey strategies have therefore been designed to try to mitigate problems associated with long-term occupation and subsequent site disturbance. The survey design employs three scales of measurement: 1) collection units, based on individual liv-ing compounds; 2) 250 x 250 m grid cells; and 3) nested subzones. The contemporary village is already subdivided into a collection of irregular, adjacent living compounds, so it was deemed most effi cient to collect and record surface remains based on these divisions. These collection units are in turn grouped into a series of contiguous evenly-spaced grid cells, demarcated for the entire 2.5 sq km survey domain. The grid cells are then grouped into three concentric subzones:

19


the Core Zone, the Inner Zone, and the Outer Zone. A nested scale such as this will allow for the identifi cation of the range and intensity of artefact distribution at different scales of analysis.

Surface architectural features will be mapped and described in detail, keeping in mind that the visibility of early architectural remains are subject to certain environmental forces in a semi-tropical setting (Johnston 2002: 56). The distribution and density of architectural features such as brick alignments, Early Historic roof tiles, and terracotta ring wells will allow for the spatial segmentation of functional and residential areas. The comparison of intrasite structural com-ponents may provide information about intrasite social groupings (Conlon and Moore 2003). Architectural debris will be recorded (and selected samples collected) for each survey unit (compounds, grid cells, and zones). Continuing with the strategy employed during the 2004–5 and 2005–6 seasons, the survey team will record in the fi eld the location, count, circumstances, and relative density of material debris from each compound. Another important feature to be mapped is the network of active and residual canals that crisscross the site and its environs. As in Cambodia’s Mekong Delta during the Early Historic period (Stark and Sovath 2001), Malabar canal systems very likely functioned as transport and communication routes linking Pattanam to the coast and to other sites in the immediate vicinity. Also informative will be the potential discovery of associated sites, such as craft activity areas or mortuary sites, in the 2.5 km area surrounding the site. Finally, Quickbird satellite imagery from Digital Globe (0.6 m panchromatic resolution and 2.4 m colour resolution) has already been purchased for the 430 sq km region around Pattanam; these digital data will provide an environmental context for the Pattanam study, in terms of landscape forms, coastal mapping, possible transport/communica-tion corridors, and resource distributions.

Because historical records provide little detail on matters of community economy, social organisation, and spatial diversity at Pattanam, our understanding of these matters must derive from a detailed study of artefact distribution patterns. Of course, attributing cultural signifi -cance to these patterns is an analytic challenge, but it serves as a fi rst step toward deciphering the multiple reasons for variability that range from temporal changes to consumer choices to inter-workshop differences (Sinopoli 1999: 125–6). At Pattanam, ceramics comprise the largest category of artefacts. The traits to be recorded will cross-cut those used to develop the ceramic typology described earlier. Other spatially relevant data include counts, weights, and percent-ages of different ceramic wares (both local and non-local) and vessel types (including vessel size and shape) for each collection unit, grid cell, and subzone. The distribution of ware cat-egories and ceramic types will provide insights into intra-site consumption patterns and help to sharpen the discrimination among different neighbourhoods within the settlement. Across the site, spatial patterns in vessel morphology will provide information about functional distribu-tions. For instance, an important feature of any urban settlement (and especially a trading port) is warehousing surplus goods; a higher-than-normal density of large storage vessels in certain zones may indicate storage facilities. Conversely, a concentration of smaller vessel types such as bowls may suggest residential areas. The investigation of these sorts of spatial relations are an important supplement to the recent discovery of below-ground features, especially the boat and wharf features at Pattanam (Cherian et al 2009). A question of particular interest is the range, distribution, and densities of non-local wares such as Rouletted ware, Roman amphorae, and West Asian ceramics. Based on surface distribution, do these foreign ceramics cluster in certain portions of the site, and are they associated with certain architectural features, local ware categories, or certain neighbourhoods?

Thus far, the MRAS team has completed almost 10 of the approximately 24 hectares com-prising the core of the Pattanam site (Figure 3) in order to document fi ne-scaled ceramic, arte-fact, and architectural debris distributions as indicators of intra-site organisation. As mentioned,

20

SHINU A. ABRAHAM

almost 10,000 sherds have been recovered; initial examination of the ceramic collection shows a variety of South Indian wares, including Black-and-Red ware, Red ware, Black ware, Grey ware, and Rouletted ware (Abraham 2005: 4). Also recovered were imported wares, including Roman amphorae and examples of possible West Asian wares. A small number of beads were also found, including one carnelian bead blank, perhaps an indication of craft production at Pat-tanam. The survey also documented extensive Early Historic bricks, roof tiles, and terracotta ring wells (some in situ), making it possible to speculate on intra-site organisation. The fi rst lab season for ceramic analysis took place in is July/August 2006 and a preliminary data profi le is

currently in preparation, as is a MRAS GIS database.

SITE MAPPING STRATEGY

For the surface documentation of Pattanam and its immediate environs, a 6.25 sq km survey domain was blocked out around the site. This 2.5 sq km area was then subdivided into 100 cells, each measuring 250 x 250 m (6.25 hectares each). Just over 25% of the grids from the south-west corner of the survey domain were removed from the sampling domain, in order to eliminate 1) those units located on the western bank of the Thottupuzha River, which marks the paleocoastline during the Early Historic period, and 2) those units that are diffi cult to survey because of seasonal fl oodplains or paddy fi elds. Removing these cells left a total of 73 grid cells, equaling 456.25 hectares. These remaining cells were then subdivided into three nested, contiguous survey subzones (Figure 4). The innermost Core Zone comprises the 8 cells or 50

21


FIGURE 3: CORE ZONE, PATTANAM

hectares encompassing the 24-hectare settlement itself. The middle Inner Zone comprises 24 cells or 150 hectares and encompasses the inner 1.5 x 1.5 km area that surrounds the Core Zone. The peripheral Outer Zone comprises the remaining 41 cells or 256.25 hectares and includes the remaining 2.5 x 2.5 km region surrounding the site. Geo-coordinates for the zones and cells have been mapped using GIS topographic and satellite base layers and will be delineated in the fi eld using Trimble GPS units.

The Core Zone is currently undergoing 100% survey coverage. Once the Core Zone is com-plete, the Inner Zone will undergo 25% coverage, and the Outer Zone will undergo 15%-20% survey coverage. The complete survey of the Core Zone will inform about the community

22

SHINU A. ABRAHAM

FIGURE 4: PATTANAM SURVEY ZONES WITH SAMPLING UNITS

layout and organisation, as well as the differential distribution of artefacts and architectural features. The selected sampling of the Inner and Outer Zones will allow us to confi rm the extent and perimeter of the urban settlement, to map surrounding canal networks, and to recover in-formation about ancillary craft and mortuary sites that may be linked with the urban core. The actual collection program involves the recovery of all diagnostic pieces and all body sherds larger than 20–30 mm. Ceramics are bagged and tagged by collection unit; later they are taken back to the lodging facility to be washed and sorted. Early Historic bricks, tiles, and other architectural debris are mapped and counted in the fi eld, but not collected, unless they exhibit atypical characteristics. Special attention is given to features in situ such as brick alignments and terracotta ring wells.

Although GIS is a part of many current South Asian projects, this is the fi rst time it is being used for the management of a long-term regional survey in Kerala. The value of GIS lies in its ability to manipulate large data sets (Bevan and Conolly 2002; Conolly and Lake 2006; Ebert et al 1996; Wheatley and Gillings 2002), making a logical foundation for the MRAS project. Currently, the database includes topographic data for central Kerala, results of all published surveys and explorations in three districts comprising the Malabar region (Chedambath 1997; Peter 2002), MRAS 2004–5 and 2005–6 survey results, and satellite images for the deltaic por-tion of the Periyar River.

The database, to date, comprises base layers that include topographic sheets and satellite im-agery. Other layers currently in development are the collection units, canal and water systems, contemporary transport routes, etc. At the moment we are extracting and digitising data from topographic maps and satellite images, including contour lines, hydrology, vegetation zones, and geological formations. We are also collecting and digitising archaeological site data from published sources for the greater Malabar region, and will design and generate attribute layers resulting from the analysis ceramics and feature distributions. A relational database for ceramic attribute data is currently in development; the GIS database will also make it possible to exam-ine easily the signifi cance of intrasite spatial patterning of ceramics, including cluster analysis and density analysis (Conolly and Lake 2006).

CONCLUSIONS

Although problem-oriented archaeological investigations into Late Prehistoric and Early Historic South India are certainly growing, substantive contributions from sites in Kerala are only just now becoming available, triggered in no small part by the new insights made possible by the Pattanam excavations. Hence the MRAS project will advance our knowledge of a region in South Asia where systematic archaeological work is lacking. With relatively few studies specifi cally addressing ancient Tamil urbanism, the research at Pattanam will provide new data that can be integrated into the larger archaeological investigations on South Indian patterns of urban development. Whether or not Pattanam is conclusively identifi ed as Muziris, the site and its environs will provide much needed information about how Indian coastal settlements struc-tured themselves as active participants in trade relations with other Indian Ocean partners, and how they integrated overseas exchange with inland production/exchange systems. Finally, this project addresses the need to re-evaluate the utility of current models of the ‘state,’ ‘chiefdom,’ ‘city,’ and ‘urbanism’ by presenting a South Asian case study that explores in detail just one of the many diverse cultural, ecological, and historical landscapes in which urban settlements fi rst emerged.

23


BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Abraham, SA (2002) Social complexity in early Tamilakam: sites and ceramics from the Palghat Gap, Kerala, India, unpublished PhD thesis, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania

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Chami, FA (1999) ‘Roman beads from the Rufi ji Delta, Tanzania: fi rst incontrovertible archaeological link with the Periplus’, Current Anthropology 40(2), 237–41

Champakalakshmi, R (1996) Trade, Ideology, and Urbanization: South India 300 BC to AD 1300, Del-hi: Oxford University Press

Chedambath, R (1997) Investigations into the Megalithic and Early Historic Periods of the Periyar and the Ponnani River Basins of Kerala, unpublished PhD thesis, Poona: Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute

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SHINU A. ABRAHAM

Archaeological Investigations at Pattanam, Kerala: New Evidence for the Location of

Ancient Muziris

V. SELVAKUMAR, K.P. SHAJAN AND ROBERTA TOMBER

The history of Indo-Roman or Indian Ocean trade on the Malabar Coast has traditionally been dominated by literary accounts because of the lack of archaeological evidence. In the absence of evidence for ports and settlements, no signifi cant progress could be achieved in the understanding of the role of this important region, strategic both for distributing local prod-ucts such as pepper to the Mediterranean and as a transshipment point for goods such as gems from the interior of India. What was intriguing in this context was that despite the discovery of characteristic Indian ceramics, including Rouletted ware, in regions as far as Egypt in the West (Tomber 2000) and Indonesia in the East (Walker and Santoso 1977), Kerala has drawn a blank for such material remains, until the identifi cation of Pattanam. A well-established view has located the ancient port of Muziris – an important commercial port discussed by both Greco-Roman authors (including the Periplus Maris Erythraei, Casson 1989: 296) and the indigenous Sangam Tamil texts (Akananuru 149 in Zvelebil 1973: 35, n 1; Champakalakshmi 1996: 120–2) – at Kodungallur (Cranganore) on the northern bank of the river Periyar (Gurukkal and Whit-taker 2001). Against this background the research undertaken at the site of Pattanam has, for the fi rst time, brought out interesting material evidence for Indo-Roman trade in Kerala, as well as indicating a different location for ancient Muziris. This paper discusses the geological, archaeological and toponymical evidence that support Pattanam as the site of the ancient port of Muziris.

Location and environmental background of Pattanam (Figure 1)

Pattanam is in the delta of the river Periyar that drains the western slope of the Western Ghats in Kerala. This delta has played a signifi cant role in the history of Kerala as the centre of occupation from the Early Historic to the modern period. The site of Pattanam is part of Vadekkekara village in Chittatukara Panchayat, Paravur Taluk, Ernakulam District. Pattanam is 2 km north-north-west of North Paravur, 4 km south of the river Periyar and c 4 km east of the Arabian Sea coast. Approximately 1 km south of the site fl ows the Paravur Todu, a distributary of the river Periyar; 1 km west of the site is the Tattapally River, a backwater body that runs parallel to the coast. To the west of the Tattapally River is the land stretch called Vaippin Island with the Cherai beach adjacent to the Arabian Sea. The delta is marked by coastal and alluvial sediments, a few marshy areas and sand deposits. A few networks of meandering canals are also found in this area, some of which are considered artifi cial.

MIGRATION, TRADE AND PEOPLES, PART 1: INDIAN COMMERCE AND THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF WESTERN INDIA, New Evidence for the Location of Ancient Muziris, 29-41; ISBN978-0-955-39-24-5-0

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NEW EVIDENCE FOR THE LOCATION OF ANCIENT MUZIRIS

FIGURE 1: THE CENTRAL KERALA COAST SHOWING ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES (AFTER SHAJAN ET AL 2004, FIG 1)

History of research

The location of Muziris has commanded the attention of Orientalists, archaeologists and historians for centuries and the view that Muziris is at Kodungallur has been strongly held since Logan (1887). The seat of the Medieval Cheras at Kodungallur and the proximity of the river Periyar have all encouraged researchers to locate Muziris at Kodungallur or its immediate neighbourhood. Attempts to locate ancient Muziris in the Kodungallur region are numerous (Achan 1946; Raman 1970; Gurukkal and Whittaker 2001). Cheraman Parambu (which lies in Methala village about c 500 m north of the Periyar and about 4 km south of Kodungallur town) was excavated by Achan (1946: 2–3 especially), and several locations such as Thiruvanchiku-lam and Mathilakam, on the northern side of the river Periyar were also excavated (Raman 1970). Begley examined the ceramic collections from Cheraman Parambu stored in Trissur Archaeological Museum (now housed at Shaktan Tamburan Palace) and antiquities collected by various individuals and museums in 1993 with the aim of identifying Indo-Roman trade (Begley 1996: 11, n 3). Explorations were undertaken around Kodungallur by Chedambath (1997) between 1993 and 1996 resulting in the discovery of a few Medieval habitation sites and a few Megalithic (Iron Age) burial sites. It is reported that Satyamurthy (pers comm) at-tempted underwater explorations near the mouth of the Periyar, in the expectation that Muziris is now submerged. Despite these explorations on the surface, in museum collections and from excavations, not a single sherd of characteristic habitation-related ceramics datable to the Early Historic period was identifi ed. Equalling vexing has been the absence of Iron Age and Early Historic habitation sites throughout Kerala (Gurukkal and Varier 1999), but especially in the Periyar basin, despite the presence of numerous Megalithic burial sites, Roman coin hoards (eg Valluvalli, 10 km south-east of the mouth of the Periyar) and punch-mark coins (eg Kodussery near Angamali, 15 km north-east of the mouth of the Periyar) (Chedambath 1997; Satyamurthy 1999; Turner 1992: 79).

Against this background, the site of Pattanam was discovered by Shajan during geoarchaeo-logical investigations along the central Kerala coast (Shajan 1998, 2004). Subsequently, further investigations were undertaken at the site by a team of researchers (Shajan et al 2004, 2005, 2008). Trial excavations conducted at this site by the Centre for Heritage Studies in association with Shajan have provided additional information on the site and material culture (Selvakumar et al 2005; Tomber 2005). Intensive surface explorations are in progress by Abraham (Abraham 2005, 2006, see also this volume) and since 2007 large scale excavations by the Kerala Council for Historical Research (KCHR).

GEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

The archaeological site at Pattanam lies in the south-western part of the Periyar River delta, c 5 km interior to the river mouth. The present coastal landscape in the Paravur–Kodungallur coastal area is the combined result of the sea level fl uctuations and various fl uvio-marine proc-esses during the recent geological past. Geomorphological features like the extensive back-waters and intervening barrier beaches in the near coastal areas are the remnants of this late Holocene marine regression. Various studies on this coast between Cochin and Kodungallur have shown that it is essentially an emergent coast (Mathai and Nair 1988; Rajendran et al 1989; Shajan 1998). The chronology of this evolution is important in the study of ancient set-tlements in the region. It appears that since antiquity the Periyar River has migrated northwards (Narayana et al 2001; Shajan 1998)

Rajendran et al (1989) proposed a transgression between 8000 to 6000 years BP and a re-

31


gression from 5000 to 3000 years BP for the Kerala coast. The presence of innumerable Iron Age (Megalithic) burial urns in the barrier ridges and sand dunes often associated with Black-and-Red ware, iron implements and occasionally Russet-Coated White Painted ware (Shajan 1998) testifi es to the stabilisation of coastal sand sheets before the Early Historic period. Thus the major changes on the coastline took place before the generally accepted date for the occupa-tion of Muziris. According to Mathai and Nair (1988), the confi guration of the coastline around 2000 BP is on the eastern margin of the Tattapalli River placing the coast line approximately 1 km west of the site at Pattanam when Muziris was an active port.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

The importance of Pattanam as a settlement site, unlike the non-occupation (Megalithic burial and coin hoard) sites mentioned above, cannot be overstated. The archaeological site at Pattanam covers c 1 sq km and a dense concentration of artefacts occurs within an area of about 600 m x 400 m. The site is marked by several terraces and undulating surfaces, perhaps result-ing from human interventions, especially in the recent past. The mound is approximately 2 m in height from the surrounding surface level and is completely covered by modern habitation. The archaeological record is disturbed by current activities such as the digging of wells, pits and house construction, as well as trenches for agricultural operations and removal of soil for level-ling marshy areas in the neighbourhood. All these activities periodically bring materials from the bottom-most layers to the surface. As a result surface surveys have revealed Early Historic materials in various parts of the site, though in differing concentration along with Medieval and modern period remains. There is a high concentration of occupational debris on the eastern and north-eastern edges; elsewhere there is relatively less material, probably because it was destroyed by natural or cultural activity. On the southern boundary and the south-west area of the site more sand is mixed with comparatively less occupational debris.

Trial excavations at Pattanam

Surface and sub-surface fi nds from dug-out areas provide fi rm evidence for Early Historic occupation at the site. In order to understand the cultural sequence and importance of the site, and to build a ceramic sequence for the historical period in Kerala, controlled excavations were necessary and it was felt that trail excavations would yield suffi cient material evidence before larger scale excavations could be undertaken. Two trenches (see Figure 2) were excavated from the fairly well-preserved north-eastern area of the site, where more than 2 m of cultural deposit were visible from the surface. Excavation was stratigraphic, based on the defi nition of layers through colour, composition and texture.

Trench PTM I The trench, measuring 2 m x 2 m, yielded evidence for the Iron Age–Early Historic transition

(Megalithic), the Early Historic (period of foreign trade contacts), the Medieval and the modern periods. The total thickness of the habitation deposit in this trench was 2.6 m, divisible into seven layers. Part of a brick wall datable to the Early Historic period was exposed. Amphorae, Rouletted ware, beads, nails and several other artefacts were also recovered.

Trench PTM II This trench, also measuring 2 m x 2 m, exposed a total deposit of 2.3 m consisting of eight

32


layers. In the south-west corner of the trench a portion of a brick structure was noticed. The most important fi nd from this trench was an early Chera copper coin (see below). A few other highly corroded, unidentifi able copper coins were also collected, as were amphora fragments, beads, iron nails and Rouletted ware.

A fragment of a polished stone, iron nails, a fi shbone and a few shell fragments were col-lected from both the trenches.

Cultural sequence and chronology

The study of the layers and their fi nds indicate that the occupation deposits of both trenches can be classifi ed into four cultural periods. In the absence of C-14 dates, a tentative chronology is proposed here on the basis of ceramic evidence.

Period I: Iron Age–Early Historic transition (Megalithic)The lower-most layers in trenches PTM I and PTM II can be ascribed to the Iron Age–Early

Historic transition phase, since typical Megalithic Black-and-Red ware and Coarse Red ware were found. No bricks were noted from these sandy layers; a few glass beads and a few Early Historic ceramics were found, most probably due to disturbance. Megalithic Black-and-Red ware and Coarse Red ware (‘Megalithic’) pottery fragments were found in Period I (Iron Age–Early Historic transition) in greater quantities than in the later periods. When the fi rst people settled here during the late Iron Age this area was covered by beach sand. The situation here is identical to Arikamedu, which has typical ‘Megalithic’ pottery in the early layers of Southern Sector (Casal 1949: 37–54; Begley 1996: 16–17, 2004: 159–60). In the Iron Age–Early Historic transition the occupation at Pattanam does not appear intense, as a very limited amount of pot-

33


FIGURE 2: SITE MAP OF PATTANAM

tery was found in these layers. Although no C-14 date is available for this cultural period, the presence of amphora fragments of the Early Roman period in the succeeding Early Historic pe-riod (Period II) and in the surface contexts (Tomber 2005) in conjunction with Rouletted ware, indicates that this cultural period may predate the late 1st century BC.

In an earlier publication (Selvakumar et al 2005) this period was referred to as ‘Iron Age’, because of the presence of Megalithic Black-and-Red ware and Coarse Red ware, and was tentatively placed in the last quarter of the 1st millennium BC. However, here it is renamed the ‘Iron Age–Early Historic transition’ because of the reasons given below.

In ancient Tamil country (which includes the modern states of Tamil Nadu and Kerala), the beginning of the Early Historic period is placed at around the 3rd century BC based on the ref-erence to the Tamil kingdoms in the 2nd and 13th Asokan rock edicts inscriptions (Smith 1920: 160–1, 185–7). The Early Historic period can be divided into three phases – Phase I (pre-1st century BC), Phase II (1st century BC to 3rd C A.D) coinciding with early ‘Indo-Roman’ or Indian Ocean trade, and Phase III (post-3rd century to AD 500) the post-Sangam Age (Selvaku-mar and Darsana 2008). Since the beginning of the succeeding Early Historic period at the site dated from c the late 1st century BC or early 1st century AD, the 600+ mm thick sand deposit that mostly has Black-and-Red ware and other typical ‘Megalithic’ pottery could be placed in the fi rst phase of Early Historic period prior to Roman contacts and the earlier Iron Age. There-fore, tentatively this cultural period could be placed in the second half of the 1st millennium BC. Only further research and radiocarbon dating can reveal the exact beginning of this cultural period. It should be mentioned that a Megalithic burial from Mangadu has been dated to 1000 BC based on radiocarbon dating (Satyamurthy 1992a). Further investigations at Pattanam can help date the beginning of occupation precisely.

Period II: Early Historic overseas trade contact phase The Early Historic period of the overseas (Roman) trade contact is very clearly represented

at this site and saw intense occupation. Imported Roman amphorae and Rouletted and related fi ne wares, beads of glass and semi-precious stones and nail fragments occur in this cultural period. Intensive building activities in the form of a brick structure, bricks and triple grooved tiles are also seen. Based on the presence of Rouletted ware, amphora sherds of the early Ro-man period (Tomber 2005) and a potential Yemeni jar fragment, this cultural period could be dated between the late 1st century BC and the 4th century AD. As of now, no foreign ceramic material clearly datable to before the late 1st century BC has been found at this site.

Period III: Early MedievalThe layers of this period were above the layers of the Period II already discussed, and.

produced three blue-glazed sherds. They are poorly dated, but may be Sasanian-Islamic. If Sasanian they may date from the 3rd century AD, although until now most glazed pottery in India has been dated between the 7th and the 10th centuries AD (Glover 2002). This evidence suggests that the site was occupied during the Early Medieval period. Several beads found at the site may come from Medieval layers.

Period IV: Modern After a gap from the 11th to the 15th century AD, the site was reoccupied in the modern pe-

riod as a silver Puthen coin of the Cochin or Travancore 19th dynasty was found in the Trench PTM II (Selvakumar and Shajan 2009). A Blue-on-White ceramic vessel assignable to the post-15th century was also found in this level. Oral tradition among the villagers of Pattanam also supports occupation in the modern period.

34


Ceramic evidence

Ceramics are the most important archaeological evidence at the site. Pottery was collected from surface contexts and trial trenches, but the surface sherds include more varieties than the trial trench collection, since they incorporate a wider chronological range. A total of c 10,000 sherds were collected from Trench PTM I with body sherds representing 86% and rims 14%. From Trench PTM II, 27,000 sherds consisting of 90% body sherds and 10% rim sherds were recovered.

Imported pottery Given the amount of exploration that has taken place at Pattanam, the relative quantity of im-

ported pottery is signifi cant in demonstrating the long-distance contacts of the site and includes both Roman and non-Roman sources.

So far more than 50 imported amphora sherds have been collected from Pattanam from surface (by various individuals) and excavation levels. The most readily identifi ed of these is a wine amphora with a double-rod handle, carinated shoulder, bead rim and peg base, known as the Dressel 2–4 amphora (Peacock and Williams 1986: 105–6, Class 10; see also Tomber this volume). Produced in a number of different centres, at least 10 of the Pattanam sherds from surface and excavation, including a rim, handle and sizeable base fragment, come from the Bay of Naples/Mt Vesuvius region where production took place from around the late 1st century BC through the fi rst three-quarters of the 1st century AD. At least three other amphora fabrics were identifi ed, none of which could be precisely assigned to source (Tomber 2005). A single sherd with organic temper and black lining was recovered from initial surface collections. It was allied to a Yemeni jar commonly found at port sites involved in Indo-Roman trade and dat-ing between the late 1st century BC and the late 4th century AD (Tomber 2004). A relatively large number of sherds in a related organic-tempered fabric have subsequently been found at Pattanam. They have not yet been studied in detail and may alter the date and source of the fi rst previously published sherd.

About 10 sherds of turquoise (blue/green) alkaline glazed ware of West Asian origin (Ken-net 2004: 29–30) were collected from the surface as well as in the trenches. From the trenches only four tiny fragments were found and their exact shape could not be determined. In addition a few comparatively light body sherds with powdery surfaces and without any traces of glazing were found in the excavations and they too could belong to this category. This pottery could fall within the Sasanian or Islamic time frame. One sherd found on the surface has appliqué decoration may date between the 8th and 10th centuries.

Chinese ceramics are not common at the site. From the surface only a few sherds have been found. Two sherds of Blue-on-White porcelain, which appear to belong to the post-15th century period, were also encountered in the later trench layers. In colour and design they are very simi-lar to those found at post-15th century settlements of Kottappuram, near Kodungallur (V Sel-vakumar, personal observation) and at Jingdezhen and Guangdon (N Karashima pers comm).

Several unidentifi able and defi nitely non-local ceramics were also recovered from the ex-cavation. Thin section and more detailed chemical analysis would help to determine the exact nature and origin of these ceramics.

Indian pottery Most of the pottery from Pattanam compares typologically with those from other Early His-

toric sites of India. Coarse Red ware is the dominant pottery from the site. Rouletted ware and other fi ne wares are the characteristic Early Historic ceramics from Pattanam. About 50 small

35


fragments of Rouletted ware and related fi ne wares have been recovered from the trenches: three rim sherds clearly resemble Type 1 from Arikamedu (Wheeler et al 1946: 45–9, fi gure 12); the remainder (30+) are tiny body sherds. When fi rst identifi ed in India, Rouletted ware was considered non-local in origin (ibid: 45). Begley (1983) proposed that it was indigenous and recently Gogte has suggested that it was produced in the Bengal region on the basis of X-ray diffraction (XRD) analysis (Gogte 1997). Even by eye alone it is clear that the fi ne ware fabric is distinct from the clay used for the local pottery at Pattanam and that it was imported from elsewhere in India. Other forms in the same fabric present at Arikamedu, Wheeler et al 1946 Types 10 (ibid: 59, fi gure 17) and 18 (ibid: 60, fi gure 18), have not yet been found at Pat-tanam. Similar forms were also produced in coarse fabrics and an example of Wheeler’s Type 1 occurs at Pattanam in a coarse fabric. The fabric of the coarse varieties is quite distinct from the fi ner one and is very similar to the thousands of coarse ware sherds found at Pattanam.

The majority of the ceramics from the site, ie more than 90%, was probably locally pro-duced. The fabric and forms are different from imported amphorae, West Asian pottery and other fi ne wares. The pottery of the Iron Age–Early Historic transition (Period I) is quite distinct from the pottery of the Early Historic period (Period II), although the Black-and-Red ware pot-tery continues in reduced quantity during the Early Historic period. During the Megalithic it has a distinct red slip in comparison with the Early Historic pottery. Bowls with convex-sided rims (equating to Wheeler et al 1946: 59, Type 9, fi gure 16) are very frequent. The pottery is highly weathered, with slip abraded in most cases.

Antiquities

As is the case with many of the Early Historic settlements, the site produced a variety of antiquities. Beads are remarkable in terms of their variety in typology, colour, raw material and workmanship. Beads of glass and stones, such as agate, carnelian, and quartz, matching with those from other Early Historic sites of India in typology and material, were found. Not all the beads belonged to the Early Historic period; some instead dated to the Medieval period or later. Chips of carnelian and quartz, raw material blanks and rough-outs collected from the trenches indicate manufacture of beads at the site. However, drawn tubes of glass (an indication of local manufacture) that are frequently found at Arikamedu (Wheeler et al 1946: 29–34, fi gure 40; Francis 2006: 458, fi gure 7.10) have not been recovered from the limited digging and surface collection at Pattanam, and at present it appears that it was not a glass bead manufacturing centre.

An important fi nd from the excavation is a square copper coin of the early (Sangam) Chera dynasty. The Chera dynasty that ruled around the turn of the Christian era is mentioned in Asokan inscriptions and controlled western Tamil Nadu and central Kerala (Smith 1920: 160–1, 185–7 see above). The coin weighs about 2 gm and has a right facing elephant with sacred symbols above on the obverse, and a bow and arrow, the emblem of the Cheras, along with el-ephant goad on the reverse. This is the fi rst time that a Sangam Chera coin has been found in a stratifi ed context in Kerala. This clearly attests to the Chera link with the settlement of Muziris mentioned in Sangam literature (Akananuru 149 in Zvelebil 1973: 35, n 1). A few other uni-dentifi able copper discs, probably coins, were also found in the excavations. Bricks measuring 390–420 mm x 170–190 mm x 50–60 mm from the site match the typical Early Historic bricks of India (Wheeler et al 1946: 33). The iron nails were mostly found in the layers adjacent to the brick walls.

36


TOPONYMICAL EVIDENCE

The importance of the site is preserved in its current name Pattanam, which in modern Ma-layalam means an urban centre. Pattanam is a term derived from Prakrit ‘Patan’ which origi-nally meant a ferry point; later it was used to refer to coastal and port towns. Early Historic sites such as Manikpattana (Orissa), Kothapattanam (Andhra Pradesh), Kaveripattinam (Tamil Nadu) and Arikamedu-Virampattinam (Pondicherry) in India indicate the historical signifi cance attached to places with the suffi x ‘pattanam’ in their names. Most probably the present name is a survival representing the past activities at the town. References in the Ramayana mention Murachipattanam, which is identifi ed with Muciri, the original Tamil or Malayalam word for the westernised Muziris (Menon 1970: 58). The linguistic evidence therefore supports the iden-tifi cation of Muziris with Pattanam.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

The research at Pattanam described here demonstrates that the settlement is important for a number of reasons. Firstly, this is the only settlement to produce Roman ceramic materials from primary contexts in Kerala. Secondly, it has yielded habitation remains for the Iron Age–Early Historic transition. No Iron Age–Early Historic (Megalithic) habitation site has been previ-ously identifi ed in Kerala, although 700+ Iron Age–Early Historic (Megalithic) burial sites (S Darsana, pers comm) have been found. Thirdly, it is a multicultural site with occupation extend-ing at least from the second half of the 1st millennium BC to the modern period. In the past it has been argued that habitation sites are diffi cult to create and identify given the nature of the environment (with high rainfall, thick vegetation and steep slope) (Gurukkal and Varier 1999). Recent investigations have begun to show that the lack of sites refl ects the lack of survey rather than a genuine absence of settlements. The following are the arguments for proposing Pattanam as Muziris:

• Satellite imagery studies by Narayana et al (2001) and geoarchaeological investigations conducted by Shajan (1998) have suggested the possible movement of the course of the Periyar River northwards, from the Paravur Todu in ancient times to the present course near Kodun-gallur. These geological studies have also suggested that the ancient coastline (c 2000 BP) is about 1 km west of Pattanam. The distance from the proposed coastline around 2000 BP and the site of Pattanam via the canal more or less matches with the distance of 20 stadia (3.5 km) mentioned in the Periplus (PME 54).

• There exist a number of channels present in the area south of the present course of the Periyar, some of which may date back to the early period. These channels must have enabled easy access to the site of Pattanam despite its location away from the main river course. Classi-cal texts mention that the Roman ships stopped away from the settlement and that small boats transported the goods to Muziris (Pliny NH 6.104). Unlike the situation at Arikamedu, the main port of Muciri may not have been directly adjacent to the Periyar River; this difference may be attributed to the higher water discharge of the Peryar which made the location at Pattanam ide-ally suited for navigation.

• Pattanam abounds in typical Early Historic material remains, as well as being relatively rich in Mediterranean and West Asian ceramics.

• The Valmiki Ramayana mentions Muracipattinam which can be identifi ed with Muciri; thus Pattanam could be a survival of the ancient name Muciripattanam.

• The absence of materials datable to the Early Historic in the excavations by Achan

37


(1946: 2–3) at Chearmanparambu (Kodungallur) provides negative evidence for placing Muz-iris at Kodungallur.

Based on the above considerations, it is suggested that Pattanam could be the ancient port of Muziris. We stress that the importance is not based solely on its location, but also an under-standing of the patterns of settlement in the entire Periyar Basin, including the identifi cation of associated settlements. The presence of Early Historic remains or even a major settlement north of the Periyar cannot be ruled out until detailed survey is conducted.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

V. Selvakumar would like to acknowledge the Kerala Council for Historical Research (KCHR) and Rata Tata Trust for the funds to attend the conference, and thanks Dr P.J. Cherian and Mr P.K. Gopi for their support. K.P. Shajan thanks the Council of Scientifi c and Industrial Research for the fellowship to undertake the research and the Nehru Trust for support to attend the conference. We thank Søren Fredslund Andersen, Ian Glover, John Guy, Derek Kennet and St John Simpson for comments on photographs of the glazed sherds.

ADDENDUM

Since the initial research and trial excavations at Pattanam through 2006, Kerala Council of Historical Research (KCHR) has excavated more than 300 sq m in the northeastern part of the site for three seasons between 2007 and 2009 (Cherian et al 2007a, 2007b, 2009a). These excavations have produced further evidence to support the claim that Pattanam could be the location of ancient Muziris. AMS radiocarbon dating has enabled better understanding of the chronology of the site (Cherian et al 2009b). It is likely that Pattanam was occupied before 500 BC. The fi ndings such as the brick-built warehouse, dug-out canoe, a wharf with wooden posts for securing canoes and the large quantity of organic remains, glass beads, amphorae and other artefacts point to the importance of Pattanam as an important hub in the Indian Ocean trade network.

The three seasons of full-scale excavation has dramatically increased the fi nds of imported pottery of all categories, including glazed sherds, and they will be reported on in the forthcom-ing reports. The recent investigations suggest that the blue-green glazed ware is fi rst found in Period I.

38


BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abraham, S (2006) ‘Structuring an intensive surface survey: strategies for investigating the Early His-toric port site of Pattanam, Kerala’, Journal of the Keraleeya Puratattva Samiti Kottayam 1, 83–8

Abraham, S (2005) ‘The Malabar Regional Archaeological Survey: introduction, goals, and prospects’, Journal of the Centre for Heritage Studies 2, 1–5

Achan, AP (1946) Annual Report of the Archaeological Department, Cochin State for the Year 1121 ME (1945–46), Ernakulam, Cochin: Cochin Government Press

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Begley, V, Francis, P Jr, Karashima, N, Raman, KV, Sidebothoam, SE and Will, EL (2004) The Ancient Port of Arikamedu: New Excavations and Researches 1989–1992 2, Mémoires Archéologiques 22.2, Paris: École Française d’Extrême-Orient

Casal, J-M (1949) Fouilles de Virampatnam-Arikamedu, Paris: Imprimerie Nationale

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Champakalakshmi, R (1996) Trade, Ideology and Urbanization. South India 300 BC to AD 1300, Delhi: Oxford University Press

Chedambath, R (1997) Investigations into the Megalithic and Early Historic Periods of the Periyar and the Ponnani River Basins of Kerala, unpublished PhD dissertation, Pune: Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute

Cherian, PJ, Selvakumar, V and Shajan, KP (2009a) ‘Maritime traditions of the Malabar coast and the fi ndings from the Pattanam excavations 2007’, in K Paddayya, PP Joglekar, KK Basa, R Sawant (eds), Recent Research Trends in South Asian Archaeology, Pune: Deccan College Post-Graduate Research Institute, 321-32

Cherian, PJ, Ravi Prasad, GV, Dutta, K, Ray, DK, Selvakumar, V and Shajan, KP (2009b) ‘Chronology of Pattanam: a multi-cultural port site on the Malabar coast’, Current Science 97(2), 236-40 Cherian, PJ, Selvakumar, V and Shajan, KP (2007a) ‘The Muziris Heritage Project excavations at Pattanam’, Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology 4, 1-10

Cherian, PJ, Selvakumar, V and Shajan, KP (2007b) ‘Evidence for the ancient port of Muciri’, Chem-mozhi 2(1), 26-7

Francis, P (2006) ‘Beads and selected small fi nds from the 1989–92 excavations’, in Begley et al 2004, 447–607

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Glover, I (2002) ‘West Asian Sassanian-Islamic ceramics in the Indian Ocean, South, Southeast and East Asia’, Man and Environment 27(1), 165–77

Gogte, VD (1997) ‘The Chandraketugarh–Tamluk region of Bengal: source of the Early Historic Rou-letted ware from India and Southeast Asia’, Man and Environment 22(1), 69–85

Gurukkal, R and Varier, MRR (eds) (1999) Cultural History of Kerala 1, Thiruvananthapuram: Depart-ment of Cultural Publications, Government of Kerala

Gurukkal, R and Whittaker, CR (2001) ‘In search of Muziris’, Journal of Roman Archaeology 14, 335–50

Kennet, D (2004) Sasanian and Islamic Pottery from Ras al-Khaimah, British Archaeological Report International Series 1248, Oxford: Archaeopress

Logan, W (1887) Malibar 1, Madras: Government Press

Mathai, T and Nair, SB (1988) ‘Stages in the emergence of the Cochin–Kodungallur coast. Evidence for the interaction of marine and fl uvial process’, Proceedings of the Indian National Science Academy 54A(3), 439–47

Menon, AS (1970) (reprint) A Survey of Kerala History, Kottayam: Sahiya Pravarthaka Co-operative Society Ltd

Narayana, AC, Priju, CP and Chakabarti, A (2001) ‘Identifi cation of a palaeodelta near the mouth of Periyar River in central Kerala’, Journal of the Geological Society of India 57, 545–47

Peacock, DPS and Williams, DF (1986) Amphorae and the Roman Economy. An Introductory Guide, London: Longman

Pliny, Natural History, trans H Rackham, 1961 (reprint), Loeb Classical Library, London: William Heinemann Ltd

PME, The Periplus Maris Erythraei, see Casson 1989

Rajendran, CP, Rajagopalan, G and Narayanaswamy (1989) ‘Quaternary geology of Kerala. Evidence from radiocarbon dates’, Journal of the Geological Society of India 33, 216–22

Raman, KV (1970) ‘Archaeological excavations in Kerala’, Souvenir of the 37th Annual Meeting of the Indian Historical Congress Calicut University, India, Dec 29 – 31: Calicut: Calicut University, 6–10

Satyamurthy, T (1999) ‘Angamali hoard of silver punch marked coins’, Studies in South Indian Coins 9, 45-50

Satyamurthy, T (1992a) The Iron Age in Kerala: A Report on Mangadu Excavations, Thiruvanan-thapuram: Department of Archaeology, Government of Kerala.

Satyamurthy, T (1992b) Catalogue of Roman Gold Coins, Thiruvananthapuram: Department of Archae-ology, Government of Kerala

Selvakumar, V and Darsana, S (2008) ‘Genesis and development of urban processes in the ancient/Early Historic Tamil Country’, in G Sengupta and S Chakrabarti (eds), Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia Kolkata: Pragati Publication and ASTEI, 337-72

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Selvakumar, V, Gopi, PK and Shajan, KP (2005) ‘Trial excavations at Pattanam: a preliminary report’, Journal of the Centre for Heritage Studies 2, 57–66 Selvakumar, V and Shajan, KP (2009) ‘A note on the coins from Pattanam, Kerala’ in SH Jahan (ed), Abhijnan: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts, Felicitating A.K.M. Za-kariah, British Archaeological Reports International Series 1974, South Asian Archaeology Series 10, Oxford, 69-70

Shajan, KP (2004) `Geo-archaeology of the coastal areas in central Kerala’, Journal of the Centre for Heritage Studies 1, 83-8

Shajan, KP (1998) Studies on Late Quaternary Sediments and Sea Level Changes of the Central Kerala Coast, India, unpublished PhD thesis, Cochin: Cochin University of Science and Technology

Shajan, KP, Selvakumar, V and Tomber, RS (2005) ‘Was Pattanam ancient Muziris?’, Man and Environ-ment 30(2), 66–73

Shajan, KP, Cherian, PJ, Tomber, R and Selvakumar, V (2008) ‘The external connections of Early His-toric Pattanam, India: the ceramic evidence’, Antiquity 82, Project Gallery at http://antiquity.ac.uk/ProjGall/tomber/index.html

Shajan, KP, Tomber, RS, Selvakumar, V and Cherian, PJ (2004) ‘Locating the ancient port of Muziris: fresh fi ndings from Pattanam, Journal of Roman Archaeology 17, 312–20

Smith, VA (1920) (3rd revised ed) Asoka. The Buddhist Emperor of India. Oxford: Clarendon Press

Tomber, RS (2005) ‘Amphorae from Pattanam’, Journal of the Centre for Heritage Studies 2, 67–8

Tomber, RS (2004) ‘Rome and South Arabia: new artefactual evidence from the Red Sea’, Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 2003 34, 351–60

Tomber, RS (2000) ‘Indo-Roman trade: the ceramic evidence from Egypt’, Antiquity 74, 624–31

Turner, PJ (1989) Roman Coins from India, Institute of Archaeology Occ Publ 12/ Royal Numismatic Soc Special Publication 22, London: Institute of Archaeology/Royal Numismatic Soc

Walker, MJ and Santoso, S (1977) ‘Romano-Indian rouletted pottery in Indonesia’, Asian Perspectives 20(2), 228–35

Wheeler, REM, Ghosh, A and Krishna Deva (1946) ‘Arikamedu: an Indo-Roman trading station on the east coast of India’, Ancient India 2, 17–124

Zvelebil, K (1973) The Smile of Murugan. On Tamil Literature of South India, Leiden: EJ Brill

41


Beyond Western India: the Evidence from Imported Amphorae

ROBERTA TOMBER

Roman texts, frequently relying on earlier Greek information, describe fantastical sights in India, including dragons, griffi ns, monsters with enormous bodies (Jerome Letters 125.3; see also Parker 2002: 50), and rivers of wine, honey and oil (Dio Chrysostom Orations 35: 18–24). Equally, Indians saw foreigners or Yavanas (incorporating Greeks, Romans and West Asians) in different ways, with their attitude best summarised as ‘ambivalent’ (Champakalakshmi 1996: 109). As traders they are referred to as ‘the uncivilised Yavanas of harsh speech’ (Patirruppattu 2 in Zvelebil 1956: 404) and as fi erce-eyed soldiers (Mullaippattu 61 in Zvelebil 1973: 61). More favourably they were known by their ‘fi ne physique and strange speech’ (Achaya 2002: 216). Thus, it is obvious that Romans and Indians had exaggerated notions about each other that refl ected the opposition, alterity or ‘otherness’ of their experiences (Whittaker 1998: 5–7). It was not just people, but Indian products that were fanciful and the rarity of Indian goods in the West and vice versa must have raised the value and the price of such objects (ibid: 14). Phrased differently, ‘geographical distance brings social prestige’ (Parker 2002: 59). It is interesting that these exceptionally long-distance imports continue to excite exceptional interest given their relatively small quantity within archaeological assemblages. However, by better understanding these objects and placing them in context we raise their meaning beyond their rarity.

Coinage is indisputably the most visible Roman fi nd in India. It is the most widely published class of material, the most readily identifi able from photographs and the most prolifi c. Re-corded since the 1790s, coins number in the thousands, with c 6,000 denarii (silver) from South India (Turner 1989: 23). Less visible and more diffi cult to identify is pottery. It is the second most frequent class of Roman material in India after coinage and the focus of this paper. The aim of this paper is to evaluate imported amphora in India based on the author’s recent survey of this material and to demonstrate the potential of the amphora data. A further aim is to clarify the study of Roman amphorae to non-classical scholars.

‘ROMAN’ POTTERY TYPES IN INDIA

This category refers to three pottery types found in India that were previously considered Roman imports, but are now understood to be indigenous. The fi rst, Rouletted or chattered ware (RW) so designated by the decoration on the base of platters is also known as Wheeler 1 from the 1946 Arikamedu typology (Wheeler et al 1946: 45–9, fi gure 12). It was assumed to be a Mediterranean import because of its decoration, fi ne fabric and slip. Similar rouletted vessels in a coarser fabric were referred to as ‘imitated’ rouletted ware and considered Indian. Begley has, however, convincingly demonstrated an indigenous source for both the well-made fi neware and the coarser examples (Begley 1983: 469–71, 1988: 427; see also Schenk 2006). More recently

MIGRATIONS, TRADE AND PEOPLES, PART 1: INDIAN OCEAN COMMERCE AND THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF WESTERN INDIA, Beyond Western India: the Evidence from Imported Amphorae, 42-57; ISBN 978-0-9553924-5-0

Gogte has used X-ray diffraction (XRD) to propose a source in the Ganges Basin, near the sites of Chandraketugarh and Tamluk (Gogte 1997, 2002: 63; Begley 2004; Tomber 2008:44). Although defi nitely manufactured in India, the inspiration for the decoration is still a matter of debate, particularly whether it can be traced to Classical traditions (Begley 1988: 439). Roman red-slipped wares may be decorated with rouletting, but the occurrence of red-slipped wares in India post-dates the fi rst production of RW and Salles (2002: 197–9) has instead suggested a Seleucid inspiration from Mesopotamia and the Persian Gulf.

Although RW is frequently black in colour, orange and red examples do exist. Of these, the orange rouletted vessels from Alagankulam have been prominent in the literature. Mistakenly allied with a similar late Roman African Red Slip ware (ARS), these vessels are now known to be Indian in origin (Begley 1988: 428; Sridhar 2005: 26). The confusion is understandable given the similarities between the two (cf Wheeler et al 1946 Type 1 with Hayes 1972 ARS Form 61A), but differences in the decoration and fabric can be seen when one is familiar with both types.

Similarly, many older publications refer to Red Polished ware (RPW) as a type of imported red-slipped ware. Distribution of the ware, its fabrics and forms (Orton 1992) all set it apart from Roman sigillata. True Roman red-slipped wares, of which there are a few sherds in India, belong to a distinctive repertoire of shapes (eg Hayes 1972, 1985) that do not overlap with RPW. A Gujarati source is now generally accepted for RPW (Orton 1992) and the literature can be re-interpreted accordingly. Thus, the current thinking on these two fi neware types can be retrospectively applied with certitude.

Amphorae, jars used for the long-distance transport of foodstuffs, are more diffi cult to inter-pret from the literature alone, particularly if occurring as body sherds or unillustrated in publi-cation. Rims, handles or bases are easier to evaluate and some are non-Roman imports. Until recently few amphorae have been precisely identifi ed in India, but Arikamedu (Will 1996) and some of the Nevasa collection (Gupta et al 2001) provide notable exceptions. Since many Ro-man amphorae are well-dated and well-provenanced they, as recognised by Indian scholars (eg Gupta 1993, 2002; Tripathi 1993, 2004), represent an untapped resource for the understanding of Indian Ocean contact.

Other sherds published as imported amphorae are Indian in origin and the most prominent examples of this are conical jars found in South India, particularly Tamil Nadu. The largest, best-known concentration of these vessels is from Kanchipuram where more than 50 have been found, many inset into the ground and perhaps used as storage jars for wine or toddy (Raman 1992: 127), the latter being a local sap-based alcoholic drink. Wheeler identifi ed them at Ari-kamedu and as a result they are frequently referred to by his nomenclature as Wheeler Type 74 or 75 (Wheeler et al 1946: 77, fi gure 29). Recently sherds have also been identifi ed from Pat-tanam in Kerala (Shajan et al 2005: 70–1).

IMPORTED AMPHORAE IN INDIA

Unlike RW or RPW, which can universally be regarded as indigenous, amphorae provide a more complex situation for not only are some of them locally produced as outlined above, but imported ones represent a wide variety of source areas and vessel forms, which in the Indian context span between approximately the 2/1st century BC and early 7th century AD.

Fieldwork in India conducted by this author in 1998, 2003, 2004 and 2006 has included a systematic programme particularly to view and identify imported amphorae from throughout the country. Such an undertaking was workable because of the extensive list of amphora sites compiled by Sunil Gupta (Gupta 1993, 1997), who listed over 50 potential fi nd spots. As yet it

43

BEYOND WESTERN INDIA

has not been possible to locate the material from all these fi nd spots. Nevertheless, many sites traditionally associated with amphorae such as Tamluk in West Bengal, Manikpatna in Orissa and Shamalaji and Dhatva in Gujarat can now be excluded from this list. Figure 1 shows sites from which imported vessels have been confi dently identifi ed, either from fi rst hand examina-tion or reliably verifi ed through publication. It is not exhaustive, as not all published amphorae have been located and some sites are evaluated only through museum displays rather than their entire assemblage; furthermore new sherds are constantly added to the list from current exca-vations. Although this session focuses on western India, the gateway to India from the West, the distribution maps include the entire country since the patterns are clarifi ed by comparison between the east and west coasts.

44

ROBERTA TOMBER

FIGURE 1: SITES WITH IMPORTED AMPHORAE (ANTONY SPENCE)

METHODOLOGY FOR THE STUDY AND CLASSIFICATION OF ROMAN AMPHORAE

Roman amphorae include a multitude of types, from different sources and of different date. The most recent source for Roman amphorae, created by Williams and Keay, is the web-based ‘Roman amphorae: a digital resource’ (http://ads.ahds.ac.uk/catalogue/archive/ampho-ra_ahrb_2005/index.cfm). Although the methodology employed by classicists in the study of pottery shares approaches with Indian archaeologists, notably the examination of clay fabrics in conjunction with vessel shape, the long tradition of scholarship requires some explanation to those outside the discipline.

Amphorae were widely traded during the Roman period, and used primarily to carry wine, oil and garum (fi sh sauce produced from salt and decomposed fi sh), all of which were mainstays to the Roman way of life. Because of their close association with agriculture, many amphorae were manufactured on the estates where these foodstuffs were produced. During the early Ro-man period amphorae are normally tall with thick walls, weighing between 15–20 kg empty and having a capacity of up to 80 litres, but more generally between 25 and 50 litres (Peacock and Williams 1986: table 1; Sealey 1985, table 2). In addition to being double handled they frequently have a spike base, thought to facilitate stacking in ships, as well as providing a make-shift third handle for these heavy vessels. Around the late 4th or early 5th century, the shape of amphorae alter quite dramatically, becoming shorter, thinner walled, frequently ribbed, and

often with a rounded base. Their ca-pacity is also reduced, with the most common type, Late Roman Ampho-ra 1 (see below) just over 6 and less than 10 litres (van Alfen 1996: 203). The rationale behind this change has been widely debated, whether it rep-resents a more effi cient method for transporting liquid commodities, or if it relates to a change in agricultur-al systems at this time.

The fi rst systematic classifi cation for Roman amphorae was published by Heinrich Dressel in 1899. His work was based on the mound of amphorae near the Tiber quayside in Rome known as Monte Testaccio, translated as Mountain of Sherds. From this study he isolated 43 major amphora types, and his typology is reproduced here in Figure 2 (Dres-sel 1899: fi gure 2). The composition of the mound meant that Dressel’s work emphasised Spanish and to a lesser extent North African vessels dating from the mid-2nd to the mid-3rd century. Epigraphic evidence, through stamps and written inscrip-

45


FIGURE 2. DRESSEL’S AMPHORA TYPOLOGY (AFTER DRESSEL 1899: FIGURE 2)

tions, was exceptionally common. Stamps are most frequently placed on the handle, although also on the rim and neck, and

are thought to refer usually to the agricultural estate on which the vessel was made. Written inscriptions on the neck and shoulder, known as tituli picti, may contain details on the contents, the empty weight of the vessel and weight of its contents, and in some cases the estate where the contents was produced and information relating to shipping and customs procedures. Not all vessels were inscribed and those that were do not necessarily survive.

Although Dressel’s classifi cation has been greatly enlarged and refi ned, it nevertheless re-mains at the core of amphora studies today. Numerous other typologies exist alongside Dres-sel’s, whose numeration is based on either place (eg Carthage as Riley 1981 or Camulodunum as Hawkes and Hull 1947) or personal name (eg Kapitän 1972; Peacock and Williams 1986 with a useful correlation list of types in Appendix 1). Fieldwork at Monte Testaccio has con-tinued to interest scholars and spawned a vast literature, particularly on amphora epigraphy (eg Bláquez Martinez and Remesal Rodriguez 1999, 2001, 2003).

In the context of Indian archaeology, Dressel’s Forms 2–4 are the most important. This in-corporates three vessels united in overall body shape by a double-rod handle (comprising two rounded handle sections that are joined together lengthwise), peg base and carinated shoulder. The rim is either a rounded or fl attened bead. Remarkably, this amphora shape was manufac-tured in virtually every province, from Britain to Egypt and Syria making it the most widely reproduced early Roman type. It is also the most widely distributed early Roman amphora type found in India. The shape derives from a wine amphora produced on the Greek island of Kos (Koan amphora) from the 4th century BC into the 1st century AD (Whitbread 1995: 81) which, most notably, shares its double-rod handle with the Dressel 2–4. Will (1996, 2004b) has identi-fi ed Koan amphorae in some numbers at Arikamedu.

Like the Koan, the main function of Dressel 2–4 amphorae was as a wine container. The Dressel 2–4 seems to have been particularly associated with wines made from the Aminean grape, renowned from Campania (incorporating the region around Mt Vesuvius/the Bay of Na-ples) but also commonly grown in central Italy, Bruttium, Sicily, Spain and Syria (Rathbone 1983: 85). According to ancient sources, Aminean wine was of high quality (Tchernia 1986: 352; contra Will 2004b: 330). Thus, the association between a particular kind of wine and its vessel shape allowed product identifi cation for consumers (Wendrich et al 2003: 77), such as exists today by bottling wines from the Bordeaux region into narrow bottles and those from Burgundy into broader ones.

The different sources for Dressel 2–4 can sometimes be distinguished by typological idi-osyncrasies when a large portion of the vessel is preserved. For example, the key typological distinction between Koan and non-Koan vessels is that the former have a button base, while the others have a peg or spool-shaped base (Slane 1992: 204). In many cases, when dealing with fragmentary sherds, variations in clay or fabric are a more reliable means of differentiation.

As noted above, the examination of fabric for analysing ceramics is a method shared by clas-sical and Indian scholars. Carla Sinopoli’s Approaches to Archaeological Ceramics (Sinopoli 1991) outlines the available techniques and approaches, using many examples from the Indian context. The long-established scholarship on Roman amphorae means that many of the clay fabrics have been systematically investigated in the past, and therefore new examples can be classifi ed by visual examination in reference to a pre-existing database. Nevertheless, some sherds will require more detailed analysis and in these cases the coarse-grained texture of many amphora fabrics make thin-section analysis a suitable technique. It is a relatively simple and inexpensive method of characterising the clays and sometimes assigning them to source area. The method, described by Sinopoli (1991: 57–8), enables the sample to be viewed through a

46

ROBERTA TOMBER

polarising microscope for more precise identifi cation of the rock and mineral constituents in the clay than by binocular microscope.

Some amphora fabrics are very distinctive; others are less so and rely more heavily on form or the combination of fabric and form. As a result some of the sherds examined in India can-not be assigned to a source area or type at present. Nevertheless it is useful to analyse these sherds in order to build up a systematic database for India that will enable identifi cation in the future. The more examples that can be added to this, the greater the possibility of refi ned sourcing and dating, not only for new examples, but for previously recorded ones.

The Campanian/Bay of Naples amphora fabric is particularly distinctive. Its clay is usu-ally red or orange, coarse in appearance comprising well-sorted inclusions of what looks to be black sand, but is identifi able in thin section as volcanic minerals (particularly pyroxenes). In contrast, Koan amphorae are red to pale or buff, relatively fi ne-textured and described by Will (2004b: 329) as typically having a greenish surface. Mica can be a distinguishing feature, as can a sprinkling of volcanic rocks, but there is considerable variability within the fabric.

In other instances the stylistic differences between early and late amphorae means that even unsourced types can at times be assigned to one of these categories and provide evidence for dating. The presence of Islamic amphora sherds in India presents a different challenge for it can be diffi cult to distinguish them from Roman ones when only a body sherd is available; this reinforces the importance of good stratigraphic contexts.

AMPHORA CONTENTS AND THE INDIAN PALATE

Amphorae for the three primary contents – wine, oil and fi sh products – have all been identi-fi ed in India. As noted above, vessel shape is closely associated with contents, which is also in-formed by inscriptions; location of production may also have a bearing, such as kilns sited near garum tanks. Scientifi c analysis can also be used to detect ancient residues in the vessel walls (eg Evershed et al 2001). Without a doubt, in India those carrying wine are the most common, garum and oil substantially less. There has been some discussion as to whether Indians had the taste for wine. Will has suggested that the wines most agreeable to the Indian palate were those made with salt water such as the Koan and Koan imitators (Campanian Dressel 2–4s) (Will 2004b: 328–31, 2004a: 435–6). Based on the quantity of the different amphora types at Arikamedu, Will (2004a: 438) concluded that wine was probably for Indians and westerners alike, and garum and oil for westerners only.

The Sangam poetry’s reference to ‘cool and fragrant wines’ from Purananuru 56 has been quoted by scholars in support of Indian’s liking wine since Wheeler’s time (Wheeler et al 1946: 21; Begley 1996: 23). Whether grapes were cultivated in India for the production of wine is another matter and it is diffi cult to be precise about the point of introduction in India. In the 7th century the Chinese Buddhist Xuan Zang mentions grape growing brought from Kashmir (Achaya 1994: 148), and the north of India would provide the most suitable conditions.

A range of alcoholic drinks are known to have been fermented and distilled in India at the time and while these do not necessarily equate to our wine a taste for alcoholic beverages clearly existed. The Purananuru notes that for the king at Muziris ‘toddy is no more valuable than water’ (Purananuru 343 in Harte and Heifetz 1999: 196). In his History of Alexander the Great, written from secondary sources during the 1st century AD, Quintus Curtius describes an Indian king (taken as Chandragupta, Achaya 1994: 144): ‘Women prepare his food. They also serve his wine, the use of which is lavish with all the Indian peoples’ (Quintus Curtius 8.9 30). In direct contrast, in the early 5th century AD, the Chinese Buddhist Fa Xian wrote ‘Through-out the country no one kills any living things, nor drinks wine…’ (Achaya 1994: 147). Textual

47


references to wine drinking vary according to date and situation. Amphorae for garum and oil are much less common than for wine, and as yet Arikamedu is

the only site from which the entire range has been recovered for the early Roman period (Will 1996, 2004b). This refl ects the greater intensity of excavation rather than archaeological pat-terns, and excavations at Pattanam have now yielded large quantities of amphorae (see Selva-kumar et al this volume).

Garum was important to the Roman diet. Its over-riding taste is salty and it was added to both sweet and savoury dishes. Today fi sh sauce is produced and consumed in great quantity throughout Southeast Asia. Manufactured with similar techniques as garum, it is known by a variety of names, such as ‘nuoc-mam’ in Vietnam (Curtis 2001: 409). It is not eaten in India, but as salted fi sh were available in Tamil country (modern Kerala and Tamil Nadu) and else-where (Achaya 2002: 70) one can speculate that there was a taste for it in antiquity. Olive oil is more diffi cult to evaluate, but other oils, including fi sh oil (Achaya 1994: 50) are and were used in India.

It seems that Indians had a taste for wine and garum; for oil we can make no suggestions. These foods were familiar to the Romans, necessary to their way of life, and importation into India allowed them to maintain this way of life while residing abroad. Whitehouse cites an-other example, that of pre-Roman Colchester (Camulodunum, UK) where a small amount of imported amphorae, sigillata and glass may represent the needs of a resident foreign (Roman) community (Whitehouse 1990: 490). We cannot know for certain whether Indians enjoyed the actual contents of amphorae, but there was no doubt status attached to their acquisition. Another parallel from the Iron Age (Tomber 2005: 231) comes from Welwyn in Hertfordshire, where imported Roman amphorae, silver cups and ceramic cups and plates were excavated from the graves of non-Roman wealthy aristocrats (Potter and Johns 2002: 128, 138; Stead 1967). Simi-larly in India, amphorae may have been restricted to wealthier segments of indigenous society, such as those controlling or benefi ting from the long distance trade.

IMPORTED AMPHORAE IN INDIA

Amongst a variety of early Roman amphorae found in India (Figure 3), the Dressel 2–4 Campanian one is the most widely distributed type. Roughly dating between the late 1st century BC and the late 1st century AD, it falls into the period considered to be the apex of Indo-Roman trade. Other source areas for Dressel 2–4 are also identifi ed: it is interesting, for example, that vessels from Mareotis near Alexandria are present in India given the importance of the Egyp-tian Red Sea ports in this trade. Highly praised by ancient authors (see Tomber 2004b: n. 30 for a summary), these Mareotic vessels are also likely to have carried Aminean wine (Empereur 1986: 608) and demonstrate the diversity of amphora sources in India even within a single form.

Although Roman fi nds in India remain biased towards the late 1st century BC through the 2nd century AD, a growing corpus of material refl ects contacts from the 4th through the early 7th century AD (Figure 4). Coins of this period are fairly well known (eg Krishnamurthy 1994) and corresponding amphora evidence is now available (eg Tomber 2005). One of the most widely represented types in India is a Red Sea amphora, produced at modern Aqaba in Jordan between the 4th and 7th centuries. Although its content is not certain, one suggestion is that it was used for the transportation of garum (Parker 1998: 390–1). A characteristically hard fabric, with inclusions of granite and mica, it has a lid-seat rim, tapered and heavily ribbed body and loop handles (Figure 5). Interestingly, it seems to be primarily linked to Indian Ocean trade with distribution almost exclusively on trade sites in the region (Tomber 2004a).

A Mediterranean amphora, Late Roman Amphora 1 (Figure 6; Riley 1981: 120 or Peacock

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FIGURE 3: DISTRIBUTION OF EARLY ROMAN AMPHORAE IN INDIA (ANTONY SPENCE)

FIGURE 4: DISTRIBUTION OF LATE ROMAN AMPHORAE IN INDIA (ANTONY SPENCE)

and Williams 1986: 185–7, Class 44), is the most ubiquitous of late Roman amphorae through-out the Roman world, but is fairly rare in India. While its origins can be traced to the early Roman period, the vessel we are concerned with here dates to the same period as the Aqaba type and was produced in Cyprus and eastern Turkey/Syria for the transport of both wine and oil. A rounded amphora, with grooved handles and variable ribbing on the body, the fabric is normally white or off-white with well-sorted multi-coloured sand-sized inclusions consisting of limestone, quartz, volcanic rocks and ferromagnesian minerals.

The most surprising discovery of this survey is that many vessels published as Roman in-stead belong to a distinctive class of later Parthian and Sasanian (0-651 AD) to early Islamic (9th century) vessels known as the torpedo jar (Adams 1970: 100, fi gure 6 c-e, see also Kil-

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FIGURE 5: AQABA AMPHORA (c 820 MM HIGH) (PENNY COPELAND AFTER WHITCOMB 1989: FIGURE 5A)

lick 1988; Northedge 1988 for quantifi ed assemblages). Of the sites with imported amphorae, over half of them yielded Mesopotamian sherds and in a number of cases Roman sherds were entirely absent with only Mesopotamian ones present (Figure 7). The dating of these vessels is diffi cult, but it is argued elsewhere that some at least belong to the Sasanian (AD 224-651) period (Tomber 2007 for a full discussion of the vessels and their dating in India).

The torpedo is characterised by a bead rim on a neckless, cylindrical shape and a tall, hollow base with small diameter (Figure 8). The uniform lack of handles distinguishes them from their Roman counterparts. Macroscopically the clay is very similar to that described for Late Ro-man Amphora 1, but the inclusions are typically fi ner and better sorted. Although no kilns sites have as yet been located Mesopotamia is generally accepted as their production region (Tomber 2007). Many, but not all, sherds have a thick black internal coating, a feature frequently found on Roman wine amphorae. Analysis by Carl Heron on torpedo sherds from Anuradhapura in Sri Lanka has identifi ed the lining as bitumen (Seely et al 2006: 107). Wine was also an important part of Sasanian life and it has been suggested that torpedoes were used for the transport of wine (Simpson 2003: 353–5).

FIGURE 6: LATE RO-MAN AMPHORA 1 (c 456 MM HIGH) (PENNY COPELAND AFTER VAN ALFEN: FIGURE 2)

PATTERNS OF DISTRIBUTION: INTERPRETING IMPORTED AMPHORAE

This paper has demonstrated the wide range of dating and source information that can be gained by closer examination of imported amphorae in India. These three groupings illustrated on Figures 3, 4 and 7, show distinct patterns that were obscured when grouping them together. The widest distribution occurs amongst the Early Roman amphorae, reinforcing the intensity of trade during this period, particularly in South India. Vessels dated from the 3rd century onwards, late Roman and torpedoes, have a very different profi le, clustered on the north-west coast and particularly Gujarat and Maharashtra. Detailed comparison, however, suggests that they relate to two different supply patterns (Tomber 2007). The majority of torpedoes are in the territory of the Western Kshatapas and the presence of them refl ects the cultural milieu that was largely infl uenced fi rst by the Parthians and then the Sasanians. On the other hand, that of Ro-man vessels in this area may owe more to the overall social and economic climate of the region which, due to successive foreign invaders, was very much at the heart of thriving international trade routes connecting coastal ports with inland sites. In this way a richer picture of East–West contact is gained by separating the amphorae into early Roman, late Roman and Mesopotamian vessels.

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FIGURE 7: DISTRIBUTION OF TORPEDO JARS IN INDIA (ANTONY SPENCE)

FIGURE 5.8. TORPEDO JAR (830 MM HIGH) (PENNY COPELAND)

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This research was funded by an AHRB major grant held with David Peacock at the University of South-ampton, and I am grateful to him for his support throughout the project. As will be clear, this paper relies on numerous individuals and institutions that allowed me access to the material and discussed it with me, often in advance of publication. It is a pleasure to acknowledge their generosity: KK Bahn and K Krishnan for MS University of Baroda collections; Vishwas Gogte; SP Gupta for the Indian Archaeological Society; Sunil Gupta; Kalini Khandwalla; Pratip Kumar Mitra and Tapas Banerjee for State Archaeological Museum, Kolkata; K Paddayya, Vishwas Gogte and Shahida Anseri for Deccan College Museum; Debraj Pradhan, Orissa State Museum; T Satyamurthy and G Thrumoorthy for ASI Chennai; Gautam Sengupta for Center for Archaeological Studies & Training Eastern Indian, Kolkata; V Selvakumar; S Sens; KP Shajan; TS Sridhar and S Vasanthi for TN State Department of Archaeology; K Rajaram and N Devi for Pondicherry Museum; Alok Tripathi. For much useful discussion on torpedo jars I thank Derek Kennet and St John Simpson.

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Edited by Dr. Christine FRÖHLICH


London

PART 2: GANDHARAN ART

Gandharan Art: Issues in North-Western Art and Iconography

PREFACE

The conference panel Issues in North-Western Art and Iconography, held during the Congress of the European Association of South Asian Archaeology in 2005 at the British Museum, focused on new discoveries, observations and thoughts about the historically rich area of Gandhara. All eight papers pre-sented during this half-day session underlined and reinforced the well-known fact that the North West, especially during pre-Kushan and Kushan times, was a region where several cultures and civilizations encountered each other and interacted in vibrant ways. The iconography of the coinage, jewellery and relief sculpture, as analysed in the papers by K. Tanabe, M. Zin, C. Fabregues and M. Carter, show the deep cultural marks made by Buddhism in Gandhara. All the papers also emphasise that outside infl u-ences from Rome, Greece and other parts of the world shaped the representation of deities, as shown in my own paper, and infl uenced town planning, as pointed out by R. Maris in her study of Taxila. Revisit-ing excavations of the former century, as C. Schmidt has done for Sahri-Bahlol, and exploring the routes in the footsteps of the Chinese pilgrim Fa Hsien, as done by H. Tsuchiya, are necessary to understand the past of a region that is now a tragic theatre of international confl ict.

New discoveries have, of course, been made since 2005 and another Congress of the Association

held in Ravenna two years ago. Nevertheless, the articles published here constitute a valuable contribu-tion and were enriched by enthusiastic discussions and stimulating questions raised at that time. I am most grateful to all the contributors and especially to the authors for their scholarly efforts and patience while this part of the Proceedings was being prepared.

Dr. Christine Fröhlich25 November 2009

59

A Study of some Deities in Indo-Scythian and Indo-Parthian Coinages

CHRISTINE FRÖHLICH

Indo-Scythian and Indo-Parthian dynasties, in North West India are often considered as a transitional period, between Alexander’s followers, the Indo-Greeks, and the well known Kush-ans. Working on their history mainly means answering to crucial questions such as: when did they arrive in North Western India, in the beginning of the 1st c. BC? Who was Azes? When were the Indo-Parthians expelled by the Kushans from their kingdom? To answer these ques-tions, the main historical source is, as for their predecessors, some few kharoshthi inscriptions and coins.

Thus the Indo-Scythians and the Indo-Parthians are best known through their coins and through their chronology – which is still very controversial. Yet if the chronology seems to be the heart of each and every study on the Indo-Scythians and the Indo-Parthians, it is striking to note that there are very few studies about their artistic production: indeed we know very few about their art, religion but much more about Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek towns, sculp-tures, etc. and about Kushan art. Studies about Kushan art or excavations in different parts of India or Pakistan are numerous but, apart from rare specifi c articles (See O. Bopearachchi and C. Sachs, 2001; C. Fröhlich, 2004), there are no analyses about the Indo-Scythian and the Indo-Parthian period. An explanation of this lack is easy to fi nd out: Indo-Scythian and Indo-Parthian issues are considered only as a mean to fi nd BC and AD dates. However, beyond this purely chronological aspect, coin types are also an essential part of their civilization that we do not know in other respects. As any numismatist knows, the choice of a design on a coin is also a political choice, if not at least related to the cultural background of the rulers. Analysing coin types and their signifi cance is thus also a historical process.

It is usually assumed that the Indo-Scythians and the Indo-Parthians copied the Indo-Greek coin types — and this is true in a certain extent. But the deities found on their coinage show that their art is at the crossroads of different infl uences: Greek, Iranian, Indian.

MAIN GREEK DEITIES ON COINS

As said above, the Indo-Scythians and the Indo-Parthians took a good number of Greek deities from Indo-Greek coin types. The aim of this paper is not to deal with all the gods and goddesses appearing on Indo-Scythian and Indo-Parthian issues, as Athena, who is one of the favourite goddesses of these rulers. She is depicted exactly in the same way as on Indo-Greek issues: fully armed, with a shield, a spear and the Gorgoneion (See for example in Azes coin-age M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 752; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 90). Yet, along with purely Greek gods, there are some deities which were inspired by Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek issues but

MIGRATION, TRADE AND PEOPLES, PART 2: GANDHARAN ART, A Study of some Deities in Indo-Scythian and Indo-Parthian Coinages, 60-72; ISBN 978-0-9553924-5-0

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A STUDY OF SOME DEITIES

which have their own specifi city in Indo-Scythian and Indo-Parthian coinages.As for Athena, Zeus is well represented on North Western Indian coinages. He is of course

associated with Victory: on Amyntas issues, he is depicted throning, holding a Nike (See O. Bopearachchi, 1991: Amyntas, series 1-12). The very same type is to be found on Maues and Azilises issues (Maues, M. Mitchiner, 1976: types 712-713; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 2. Azilises: M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 773; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 30). The association of Zeus with king-ship is obvious and the fact that Maues and later on Azilises chose to represent him on their coin obverses is signifi cant. Zeus Nikephorus standing is a type repeated in Gandhara, probably specifi c to Taxila mint (See on this particular point J. Marshall, 1951: 129-131; G.K. Jenkins, 1957), throughout the Indo-Scythian and the Indo-Parthian period. It is found on posthumous Azes issues (M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 856; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 105) and on Indo-Parthian issues (Abdagases: M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 1123; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 231; Sases: M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 1125; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 243). On these issues, Zeus clearly re-mains a Greek god, his depiction remains Greek.

But on some Maues copper coins, if Zeus is easily recognisable throning to the left, there is a specifi city: Zeus’ thunderbolt is personifi ed (Fig. 2. See M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 723; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 19). The whole coin type is perfectly recognisable: the king of gods is seated on a throne, a sceptre resting on his left shoulder and his right hand on the shoulder of a small character. This character is inside rays which take the shape of Zeus’ thunderbolt. As far as our knowledge goes, there is no such depiction of Zeus’ thunderbolt in the Greek world, neither on Indo-Greek coinage: it is typical to Maues issue. Unfortunately, it is impossible to fi nd out the origin of this peculiar depiction.

Less frequent than Zeus on Indo-Greek and Indo-Scythian coinages, the twins, the Dios-couroi, are also a coin type taken from the Indo-Greeks by the Indo-Scythians. They are to be seen on Eucratides I, riding horses, side by side (O. Bopearachchi, 1991: series 1, 2, 4-8, 11, 19-21 and 25), and in the same position on Azilises silver issues (Fig. 1. See M. Mitchiner, 1976: types 773-775; R.C. Senior, 2001: types 30-31). Another coin type of Eucratides I repeated by Azilises fi nds a parallel in two relief pictures coming from the Swat valley and published by Gnoli in 1963: the twins are represented side by side, wearing their typical hat, the pilos, hold-ing a spear and a sword on one side (O. Bopearachchi, 1991: Eucratides I, se ries 17; Azilises: M. Mitchiner, 1976: types 777-778; R.C. Senior, 2001: types 36-37. Relief pictures: G. Gnoli, 1963: 29-37 and fi gs. 1, 3, 8 and 9. The relief pictures published by Gnoli are interpreted in another way by M. Taddei, who suggests the two young men are Iranian deities. See M. Tad-dei, 1966: 85-88). The author dates both relief pictures from the Indo-Scythian period because of their similarity with Azilises coins. This similarity could reinforce the idea that the Indo-Scythians and later on the Indo-Parthians just retained Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek coin types and repeated them.

FROM POSEIDON TO SIVA

But one phenomenon suggests that this is a just a part of the truth. One can notice the same change in Poseidon depiction during the Indo-Greek, the Indo-Scythian and the Indo-Parthian period. As Gnoli (Gnoli, 1963: 33-35) and Marie-Thérèse Allouche Le Page (Allouche Le Page, 1956: 145-151) have pointed out, the Indo-Scythian and the Indo-Parthian period is a transi-tional one: Indo-Greek coin types were transmitted to (or modifi ed by) the Kushans through Indo-Scythian and Indo-Parthian issues. Thus it is usually assumed that the main changeover, from a purely Greek deity to an Indian or Iranian god (if not a Kushan god), took place during the Kushan period.

62

CHRISTINE FRÖHLICH

Poseidon on North West Indian coinages is a good instance of such a changeover. On square copper issues of Maues and Azes (I), Poseidon appears standing, his left foot resting on a small character, which is identifi ed as a River God. On Maues issues, Poseidon’s left hand either makes a gesture (M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 718; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 25) or holds a palm (M Mitchiner, 1976: type 731; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 24). In this last case, a small character emerging from the bottom of the coin also holds the palm’s end. The identity of this character is so far unknown and fi nds no parallel in Greek or Indian art. On some coins, Poseidon holds a thunderbolt in his right hand and a trident in his left hand – it means that Zeus and Poseidon iconography are mixed up (M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 717; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 27). The coin type taken by Azes from Maues represents Poseidon holding a trident in his left hand and the right arm resting on his leg (Maues: M. Mitchiner, 1976: types 704 and 721; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 28. Fig. 3, Azes (I): M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 740; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 77) .

These coin types raise many questions: such depiction of Poseidon is unknown in the Greek world or in North West India. Of course, the confusion between Poseidon (the trident) and Zeus (the thunderbolt) was quite common and it is well known that their iconography is very closed (See for example the Zeus-Poseidon of Sounion Cape). But on some Maues issues, there are fl ames on the god’s shoulders. This particular aspect reminds of some Iranian gods associated with fi re. Concerning the River God emerging from the bottom of the coin, it was compared to the River God Orontos appearing at Antiocheia’s personifi cation feet in Greek and Roman pictures (See for example J.C. Balty, 1984: 840-851 and Tigranus II issues: SNG Syria, Seleu-cid kings , n. 435 pl. 12). The position of the River God is similar in both cases: he seems to be swimming. And, as Paul Bernard rightly pointed out (P. Bernard, 1994: 97), the worship of rivers in Central Asia is well attested. The Oxus statuette found at Takht-i-Sangin is a good data of this worship (B.A. Litvinskij and I.R.Pitchikjan, 1980: 129-131; P. Chuvin, 1999: 85 and fi g. 119; P. Bernard, 1994: 97), even if the iconography of this River God, depicted as Marsyas, fi nds no parallel on Indo-Scythian coinage.

Nevertheless, the association of Poseidon, as it is depicted on Indo-Scythian issues, and the small river god is new. Furthermore one more detail distinguishes the Indo-Scythian River God from his Greek parallels: there are two horns in his hair. Such a depiction is also unknown. Thus it seems that the god depicted is not Poseidon as the Greeks used to worship and that he is peculiar to the Indo-Scythians.

Poseidon was of course also known on Indo-Greek coins: for example, on an Antimachus I silver issue, he is represented standing, holding a trident and a palm (O. Bopearachchi, 1991: series 1-4). This coin type does not appear as such on the Indo-Scythian coins but was chosen by Gondophares on some of his Gandharan issues (Fig. 4. See M. Mitchiner, 1976: types 1112 and 1116; R.C. Senior, 2001: types 216-217): the god is standing, holding the trident and gesturing. But is the god depicted still Poseidon? As it is well known, the trident is the principal attribute of Siva on Kushan coins (See for example Wima Kadphises gold issue: R. Göbl, 1984, type 80. Siva is represented standing in front of the bull). Beside, Siva’s worship is attested in Gandhara before the Kushan period (J. Rosenfi eld, 1957: 93-94). So the god depicted on Gondophares issues could be either Poseidon or Siva. As J. Cribb has already suggested (E. Errington and J. Cribb, 1992: 87-88), the Indo-Parthian coin type is a good example of how the Greek iconogra-phy was adopted by Indian gods from the Indo-Greeks to the Kushans. Two different gods, one Greek and one Indian, were represented in the same way in a same area. But I would add one more suggestion: it seems that the Greek deities were emptied out from their original meaning during the Indo-Scythian and the Indo-Parthian period. That means that the Indo-Scythian and Indo-Parthian god on coins is no more Poseidon as the Greeks conceived him but not yet Siva as the Kushans used to worship him.

HERACLES AND BUDDHIST DEITIES

Amongst all the Greek deities appearing on the Indo-Scythian and the Indo-Parthian coin-ages, there are two more examples which are signifi cant in this particular point of view. Hera-cles, the semi-god, is reknown in Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek coinages, as well as in small bronze sculptures (see some examples of bronze statuettes in E. Errington and J. Cribb, 1992: fi g. 102-105. Some of these statuettes date from the Indo-Scythian and Indo-Parthian period, ie 1st c. BC- 1st c. AD), and in stone sculpture (See fi g. 5: a capital from the Indian Museum, Kolkatta, dating from the 2nd c. AD). Heracles crowning himself on Maues and Azilises issues is directly taken from the Indo-Greek coin type (Maues: M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 724; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 10. Azilises: R.C. Senior, 2001: type 44. Indo-Greeks: O. Bopearachchi, 1991: Demetrius I, series 1-3; Theophilus, series 5). But Heracles’ iconography is very similar to Balarama as he is seen on Maues and Azes issues: as Heracles, Balarama holds a club and a part of a plough on his shoulder (Fig. 6, Maues. See M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 727; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 20. Azes (I): M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 742; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 78). Interest-ingly, on an Azilises copper coin (Fig. 7. See M. Mitchiner, 1976: types 787-788; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 39), Balarama also holds a Nike: thus the Indian deity holds a Greek goddess, mean-ing the victory, and generally associated with Zeus. The frontier between Greek and Indian deities as we consider it does not seem to be very clear. Greek iconography is taken by Indian gods as soon as the Indo-Scythian period (ie from the beginning of the 1st c. BC onwards). The same phenomenon is observable in sculptures later on, where Vajrapani has seized on Heracles appearance and lion skin: in Hadda stucco sculpture 2nd c. AD, Vajrapani, looking exactly like Heracles, but holding the vajra instead of the club, is seated near the Buddha (The sculpture was found in Tape Shotor, in the niche V2, during the excavations conducted by Z. Tarzi in 1974-1976. See Z. Tarzi, 1976 and for a specifi c study on Vajrapani-Heracles, Z. Tarzi, 2000. For a good series of photographs, see Afghanistan, 2002: 82).

TYCHE ON COINS AND BUDDHIST RELIEF PICTURES

The last example of such a syncretism is to be found in Tyche evolution. The observations that will be done now are mainly due to the researches I made with my friend Magali Vacherot, and I would like to take this occasion to thank her for her large contribution to this paper.

Tyche is sometimes considered as a city goddess; the city goddess is indeed often depicted with Tyche features on Greek coins and sculptures from the 4th c. BC (See for example gold and silver issues of Demetrius I of Syria in Antioch, on which Tyche is represented holding a cornucopia and a sceptre, and wearing a himation: E.T. Newell, 1918: 34-43 and pl. 5-6). But Tyche is also the goddess of good (or bad) fortune, of abundance. If in the Greek world her attributes are various (it can also be a sceptre or a rudder), the North West Indian artists have retained the cornucopia and the polos, a high cylindrical hat, or the turreted crown. She is of-ten chosen by the Indo-Greeks, from Eucratides I onwards (See for example O. Bopearachchi, 1991: Eucratides I, series 24, where the deity is here Kapisa city goddess). She is represented throning, holding a cornucopia on her left arm, as on Greek images. This type was adopted by the Indo-Scythians, from Azilises onwards (Azilises: M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 795; RC. Senior, 2001: type 41. Azes (II): M. Mitchiner, 1976: types 831-832, 839; R.C. Senior, 2001: types 101, 112 and 123. Fig. 8, Posthumous Azes issues. See M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 873; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 139). The deity holding a cornucopia, symbol of fertility, appears also in sculptures in Gandhara and North West India generally speaking. A bronze statuette found in Taxila shows the same features: a cornucopia resting on her left arm and a polos on her hair

63


(J. Marshall, 1951, vol. I: 192 and vol. III: pl. 211, n. 1). She might be the same deity as on the Indo-Scythian coinage, as she was probably created during this period. The great archaeologist Alfred Foucher had already noticed in 1913 (A. Foucher, 1913: 123-138) that the goddess ap-pearing so often in Gandhara art and handicraft was no more purely Greek, but not yet purely Indian: during the Kushan period, from the 2nd c. AD onwards, Hariti, the Indian goddess of fertility, is represented in sculptures with a polos and holding a cornucopia in her left hand and wearing a Greek himation — a long tunic tightened under her breast. So is represented the Tyche in Hadda, on the other side of the Buddha in the niche V2 (See Z. Tarzi, 1976: 381-410 and fi g. 12-13; Afghanistan, 2002: 82. For a specifi c study see B. Rowland, 1966: 183-189). In sculptures, Hariti takes Tyche’s iconography, even when she is seated near her partner Pancika. Relief pictures depicting the couple are numerous during the Kushan period (See for example a sculpture found in Takht-i-Bahi, dating from the 3rd c. AD: J. Rosenfi eld, 1957: pl. 78; E. Errington and J. Cribb, 1992: 134-135, n. 136). If Hariti’s iconography becomes more and more complex, it seems, as for Poseidon, that her specifi city comes from the Greek deity Tyche, who lost her Greek meaning during the Indo-Scythian period, ie during the 1st c. BC. Furthermore, the goddess holding a cornucopia on the Kushan coinage has also Iranian features: she is Ar-doxsho, the goddess protecting the realm, the goddess of wisdom, wealth and fortune on Kan-ishka I and Huvishka’s issues (R. Göbl, 1984, type 876).

As said above, Tyche was also considered as a city goddess. The personifi cation of a city is common in Asia Minor during the Hellenistic period, in Antioch in the fi rst instance. But there are traces of such a deifi cation of a town during the Indo-Greek period: on a Eucratides I copper issue the goddess is clearly identifi ed as the personifi cation of Kapisi-Begram (O. Bopearach-chi, 1991: Eucratides I, series 24: the goddesss is clearly identifi ed because her name is cited in the kharoshthi legend). The type was retained by Maues associated with Machene, on a rare silver issue (M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 736; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 4.1. This type was repeated by Maues alone: M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 714; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 3). But on the Indo-Scythian coinage, the turreted crown is not specifi c to the city goddess. Marie-Thérèse Allouche LePage and other scholars stated that the city goddess as she appears on the North West Indian coinages is directly stem from the Greek city goddess (Tarn, 1951: 353; Allouche Le Page, 1957: 135-136). According to them, this is a proof of the existence of polis — in the Greek acceptance — at least during the Indo-Greek period. But was there any city goddess during the Indo-Scythian period? Marie-Thérèse Allouche Le Page interpreted the goddess engraved on a rare Azes (II) copper issue as Pushkalavati city goddess, as she holds a lotus fl ower (Al-louche Le Page, 1957: 134-137. Fig. 9. See M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 841; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 120). But it is more probable that the goddess here depicted is Lakshmi: she stands half naked, a hand on her hips and the other one in front of her face, holding a lotus fl ower. The general attitude of the goddess shares more similarities with Lakshmi, as she is found on some Azilises silver issue (M. Mitchiner, 1976: types 785-786; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 33), and later on the Satrap Rajuvula lead coins (M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 907; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 154. Rajuvula’s son, Sodasa, also retained this coin type on copper issues: M. Mitchiner, 1976: types 908-909; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 156).

TYCHE AND CITY GODDESS

Nevertheless, it is probable that the Tyche appearing on Azes (II) coinage and some other deities with a turreted crown might have been a city goddess. There is no data to prove or in-validate such an hypothesis. Nevertheless, it is certain that it is during the Indo-Scythian and the Indo-Parthian period that the Tyche gave her iconography to the Indian city goddess: two relief

64

CHRISTINE FRÖHLICH

pictures published by Gnoli in 1963 show that Tyche was not just a coin type: it also existed in sculpture (Gnoli, 1963: 30-31 and fi gs. 5 and 6. The author dates these sculptures from the 1st c. AD. Another example of a head with a turreted crown was found in Butkara I: see M. Tad-dei, 1964: 138 and pl. CDL). If B. Rowland noticed the similarity of the Indo-Greek Tyche and other Indo-Greek city goddesses with the Kushan Ardoksho and the Indian Hariti (B. Rowland, 1966: 183-189), he surprisingly forgot to observe the continuity during the Indo-Scythian and the Indo-Parthian period — when she was emptied out from her fi rst meaning.

Furthermore, the existence of a city goddess in North West India — and maybe only there — is strengthened by the representation of Kapilavastu as a women wearing a turreted crown only on North West Indian relief pictures depicting the Buddha’s Great departure. On a good number of relief pictures of Prince Siddharta’s departure from his palace, Kapilavastu is depicted in dif-ferent ways. On certain scenes, she fl ies in the sky amongst other deities, looking at the future Buddha, sometimes with columns coming out of her shoulders (See fi g. 10: a relief picture found in Loriyan Tangai and kept in the Indian Museum, Kolkatta. A. Foucher, 1905: fi g. 182). More frequently, she stands behind Prince Siddharta, resting on a column in an affl iction at-titude (See for instance a relief in the British Museum: W. Zwalf, 1996: 166-167 and fi g. 176 in a private collection in Japan: K. Tanabe, 1993/1994: fi g. 9). Less often, she seats on a throne behind the future Buddha, two columns springing out of her shoulders (See for instance a relief in the National Museum of Pakistan, Karachi: K. Tanabe, 1993/1994: fi g. 24). Her expression of sadness, her affl iction is typical of these relief pictures and the association with columns reinforce the link between the personifi cation of a city (an Indian city) and the Greek Tyche. Kapilavastu crying during the Buddha’s departure is described in the Lalita Vistara (Chap. 15. See Foucaux, 1884: 176-196). Her iconography (a turreted crown or a polos, a Greek himation) is directly inspired from the Indo-Greek, later Indo-Scythian goddess. The fi liation between the Greek city goddess and Kapilavastu city goddess is very clear throughout the Indo-Greek, the Indo-Scythian and fi nally the Kushan periods.

TYCHE AND KINGSHIP

Notwithstanding this evolution, there is another aspect of Tyche which shows that there was more than one infl uence in the Indo-Scythian and Indo-Parthian engravers art. Tyche — or sometimes an apteros Nike — is directly associated with the kingship on Indo-Scythian and Indo-Parthian issues. In a very peculiar mint, Azilises and later the satrap Zeionises chose to represent Tyche either beside Zeus, holding a crown (Fig. 11. See M. Mitchiner, 1976: types 781-782; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 34), or crowning the king (or the satrap) himself (Fig. 12. See M. Mitchiner, 1976: types 881-882; R.C. Senior, 2001: types 132 and 135: here Tyche is hold-ing a cornucopia and wearing a polos). This must be an Iranian infl uence, as some Gondophares issues suggest: Tyche (or more precisely an apteros Nike) is depicted crowning the mounted king (Fig. 4, obverse. See M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 1112; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 216). The Parthian infl uence of the khvareno, the heavenly light, which illuminates all the gods, but also princes, is obvious. She appears on Parthian coins (See for example Phraates III: D. Sellwood, 1980: 119 type 39). She is also represented in a very similar way on a relief picture in Bisutun, where a fl ying apteros Nike crowns the king Gotarzes (See. R. Ghirshman, 1961: 52). To the Greek iconography and function, one has to add the Indian concept and the Iranian fi liation.

OTHER UNIDENTIFIED GODS ON COINS

However, if Heracles, Poseidon and Tyche are good examples of the complex evolution and

65


set of infl uences, they also suggest that the Indo-Scythian and the Indo-Parthian period should not be considered only as a transitional one. During those two centuries, coin types appeared that did not exist before and were not retained by the Kushans. Often, deities chosen by the kings are diffi cult to identify or to analyse.

Some gods and goddesses cannot be identifi ed, but present Greek, Indian or Iranian charac-teristics. This is the case of a veiled deity holding a torch and wearing horns or a turreted crown on a Maues copper issue (Fig. 2, reverse. See M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 723; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 19). The diffi culty of the identifi cation of this goddess stands in the impossibility of de-ciding what is on her hair: it could be either horns or a moon crescent or a turreted crown. Her identity depends partly on this detail. R.B. Whitehead thought she was a city goddess with a turreted crown (R.B. Whitehead, 1914: 98); but she might also be a Night goddess if the object in her hair is interpreted as a moon crescent. On Azes (I) and Azilises silver issues, a woman is holding a lamp and a palm (Fig. 13. See Azes (I): M. Mitchiner, 1976: types 743-744; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 82. Azilises: M. Mitchiner, 1976: types 801-802; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 56). Her identity and more precisely the object she is holding in her right hand is very uncertain. Sir John Marshall thought it was a burning lamp (J. Marshall, 1951: 780 and 811). J. Rosenfi eld prefers to see in the lamp the symbol of the Iranian khvareno by comparison with the Kushan god Pharro (J. Rosenfi eld, 1967: 128 and 198). The rest of her iconography – her dress, the palm – is directly inspired by the Greek Nike. But she is not a Nike, nor an Indian or Iranian goddess. Also mysterious is the deity similar to Athena but wearing a turreted crown on a unique Azilises silver drachm (M. Mitchiner, 1976: type 780; R.C. Senior, 2001: type 35). Should we consider her as a city goddess because of her turreted crown? Or as Athena because of the shield, the spear and her himation? There are no decisive parallels for this picture. In any case, she is a good instance of the convergence of different infl uences, including a local or Indo-Scythian substratum that is unknown in other way. Finally two very similar deities, with a swollen scarf, holding either a garland or a wheel, appear on Maues and Azes (I) issues (Deity with garland: fi g. 6. See M. Mitchiner, 1976: types 727 and 742; R.C. Senior, 2001: types 20 and 78. Deity with a wheel: M. Mitchiner, 1976: types 720 and 722; R.C. Senior, 2001: types 22-23). They reveal again the complexity of the Indo-Scythian coin iconography. Like on some sculptures of the teaching Buddha, the wheel might be the wheel of the Buddhist law — but it is unknown in the hand of a female deity. The wheel could also be interpreted as the Greek wheel of Nemesis, the Memory. But such a representation is also unknown in the Greek world. Thus if it is possible to fi nd parallels for some details, it is not for the whole picture. In my point of view, these gods are the testimony of a purely Indo-Scythian (or Indo-Parthian) substratum. In fact, scholars are always looking for Greek, Indian or Iranian infl uences in the Indo-Scythian and Indo-Parthian coins, because they are well known and because they do exist. But it was never thought that Indo-Scythians and Indo-Parthians have their own culture — which is still unknown.

Therefore it is obvious that the Indo-Scythian and Indo-Parthian coinages are very rich in information about these two Nomadic dynasties in other terms than chronological questions. One has to remember that they were foreigners in North West India, as the Indo-Greeks and the Kushans were too. But they were also foreigners to the Indo-Greeks and to the Kushans.

If the Indo-Scythian and the Indo-Parthian period is indeed a transitional one, it is obvious, considering their coin art, that the syncretism observed during the Kushan times began un-der the Indo-Scythians and the Indo-Parthians. Greek, Indian, Iranian infl uences started being mixed up during the 1st c. BC and the 1st c. AD — and it is not only a phenomenon due to the Kushans. This shows the importance of those two centuries and the emergency to try to know more about the Indo-Scythian and the Indo-Parthian art and handicraft.

Finally, the Indo-Scythians and the Indo-Parthians had their own culture and the three cul-

66

CHRISTINE FRÖHLICH

tures observed in their coin types are added to their own substratum — that we can suspect but that we do not know in other respects. This substratum is also visible in the legends and titles used by these kings and satraps, as well as in the monograms and mintmarks they used in a good number, which are very different from the Indo-Greek or from the Kushan systems — but this is a purely numismatist question and there is no place to deal with it in this paper.

67


FIGURES

68

CHRISTINE FRÖHLICH

FIGURE 1: AZILISES. ZEUS NIKEPHOROS/ DIOSCOUROI. PRIVATE COLLECTION.

FIGURE 2: MAUES. ZEUS NIKEPHOROS/ VEILED DEITY. ASHMOLEAN MUSEM,

OXFORD.

FIGURE 3: AZES (I) POSEIDON/ YAKSHI. FITZWILLIAM MUSEUM, CAMBRIDGE.

FIGURE 4: GONDOPHARES. KING MOUNTED ON HORSEBACK AND NIKE/ SIVA. ASH-

MOLEAN MUSEM, OXFORD.

FIGURE 5: HERACLES. STONE., GANDHARA. 2ND C. AD. INDIAN MUSEUM ; KOLKATTA.

69


FIGURE 6: AZES (I) BALARAMA/ DEITY WITH GARLAND. ASHMOLEAN MUSEM,

OXFORD.

FIGURE 7: AZILISES. BALARAMA WITH NIKE/ DEITY . ASHMOLEAN MUSEM, OX-

FORD.

FIGURE 8: POSTHUMOUS AZES. KING MOUNTED ON HORSEBACK/ TYCHE.

ASHMOLEAN MUSEM, OXFORD.

FIGURE 9: AZES (II)/ LAKSHMI/ BULL. ASH-MOLEAN MUSEM, OXFORD.

FIGURE 10: THE GREAT DEPARTURE. STONE. FROM LORIYAN TANGAI. AFTER

A. FOUCHER.

70

CHRISTINE FRÖHLICH

FIGURE 11: AZILISES. KING MOUNTED ON HORSEBACK/ TYCHE AND ZEUS. ASH-

MOLEAN MUSEM, OXFORD.

FIGURE 12: ZEIONISES. KING MOUNTED ON HORSEBACK/ NIKE CROWNING THE KING. ASHMOLEAN MUSEM, OXFORD.

FIGURE 13: AZES (I). KING MOUNTED ON HORSEBACK/ LAMP GODDESS. CABINET

DES MÉDAILLES, PARIS.

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P. Bernard (1994) ‘Le temple du dieu Oxus à Takht-i-Sangin en Bactriane : temple du feu ou pas ?’, Studia Iranica, 23,1, 81-121.

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O. Bopearachchi and C. Sachs (2001), ‘Armures et armes des Indo-Scythes d’après leurs émissions monétaires et les données archéologiques’, Topoi, 11, 321-355.

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A. Foucher (1913), ‘Les images indiennes de la fortune’, Mémoires concernant l’Asie Centrale, Paris, 123-138.

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C. Fröhlich (2004), ‘La représentation du roi cavalier sur les monnaies indo-scythes et indo-parthes: une approche numismatique’, Revue Numismatique, Paris.

R. Ghirshman (1961), Parthes et Sassanides, Paris.

G. Gnoli (1963), ‘The Tyche and the Dioscouroi in Ancient Sculptures from the valley of Swat’, East and West, 14/1-2, 29-37.

R. Gobl (1983), System und Chronologie der Münzprägung des Kushanreiches, Wienna.

G.K. Jenkins (1957), ‘Azes at Taxila’, Actes du congrès international de numismatique, Paris, 1953, vol. II, 123-130.

B.A. Litvinskij and I.T.Pitchikjan (1980), ‘Archaeologitchekie othrytiia na iouge Tadjikistana’, Vesnik AN SSSR, 1980, 124-133.

J. Marshall (1951), Taxila, an account of the archaeological excavations carried out at Taxila on the orders of the Government of India between years 1913-1934, Cambridge.

M. Mitchiner (1976), Indo-Greek and Indo-Scythian coinage, London.

E.T. Newell (1918), The Seleucid Mint of Antioch, New York.

D. Sellwood (1980), An introduction of the coinage of Parthia, London.

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R.C. Senior (2001), A catalogue of Indo-Scythian coinage, Butleigh Court.

J. Rosenfi eld (1957), The dynastic Arts of the Kushans, Bekerley.

B. Rowland (1966), ‘The Tyche of Hadda’, Oriental Art, XII, 183-189.

M. Taddei (1964), Sculptures from the sacred area of Butkara I, IsMEO Reports and Memoirs, Rome.

M. Taddei (1966), ‘An interesting Relief from the Swat valley’, East and West, vol. 16/1-2, 84-88.

K. Tanabe (1993/1994), ‘Neither Mara nor Indra but Vaisrana in Scenes of the Great Departure of Prince Siddharta’ Silk Road Art and Archaeology, 157-185.

W.W. Tarn (1951), The Greeks in Bactria and India, Cambridge.

Z. Tarzi (1976), ‘Hadda à la lumière des trois dernières campagnes de fouilles de Tapa-e-Shotor (1974-1976)’, Compte-Rendu de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 381-410.

Z. Tarzi (2000), ‘Vajrapani-Héraclès de la niche V2 de Tape Shotor de Hadda (Afghanistan)’, Mélange

G. Siebert, KTEMA (Civilisation de l’Orient, de la Grèce et de Rome antiques), n° 25, Strasbourg, 163-170.

R.B. Whitehead (1914), Catalogue of coins in the Panjab Museum, Lahore. Vol. I: Indo-Greek coins, Oxford.

W. Zwalf (1996), A catalogue of Gandhara sculpture in the British Museum, London.

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Vajrapāṇi in the Narrative Reliefs

MONIKA ZIN

The following paper is a summary of a project I have been working on for two years, titled Mitleid und Wunderkraft. Schwierige Bekehrungen und ihre Ikonographie im indischen Bud-dhismus (= Pity and Miracles. Diffi cult Conversions and their iconography in Indian Bud-dhism). The main purpose of this endeavour, fi nanced by the German Research Society (DFG), has been to analyse literary and pictorial representations of certain episodes in the life of the Buddha. All the episodes narrate incidents in which the Buddha converted, or rather tamed, violent and particularly stubborn individuals. Vajrapāṇi plays an important role in some of these stories.

The stories of conversions analysed in the book include narratives about the taming of evil godlings (Āṭavika, Hārītī, Apalāla, Black Snake from Rājagṛha), of the elephant Dhanapāla, and of the mass murderer Aṅgulimāla. There are also narratives about the conversion of the heretic Śrīgupta, of Brahmin Kāśyapas, and of Nanda, a person engrossed in the pleasures of a hedonistic life. These conversions are of considerable importance in the Buddha legend because all of them are diffi cult to bring about. The opponents of the Buddha in these episodes are rep-resented as powerful antagonists: they are extremely dangerous, extremely cruel or extremely intelligent. Each conversion therefore confi rms the Buddha’s power and charisma.

In the episodes with evil individuals, the conversions are presented in a specifi c way. The attention given to the conversion of the individual is rather insignifi cant, given that this is the crux of the story from the point of view of Buddhist teaching. Instead the narratives focus on the people who benefi t from the conversion of the malefactor and who will no longer suffer from the malefactor’s negative actions. For instance, it is not important that Hārītī was saved and set on her way to nirvāṇa, what is of much greater importance in the story is that, thanks to her conversion, she will no longer kill the children of Rājagṛha (for summaries and analyses of texts and the list of known depictions cf Zin 2006: ch 2).

In these episodes, the Buddha is stylised as a protector of oppressed people. This role is fre-quently emphasised by the representation of the entreaties of the tormented people, asking the Buddha to save them from disaster. In such episodes, the Buddha plays the role of a saving hero which would more usually be fulfi lled by a king. The authors of the texts, however, remind us that the fundamental task of the Buddha is the conversion of the malefactor rather than the relief of his or her victims. After hearing people’s requests to help them in dealing with an evil indi-vidual, the Buddha often states, in dramaturgically improper moments, that the time has come for the malefactor to be converted and that therefore he is going to meet him/her. Immediately after the conversions, the former malefactors are venerated and the authors clearly seem to re-alise that the process of conversion requires a further explanation. They frequently incorporate additional motifs into the story, which explain the cruelty of the converted individual in terms

MIGRATION, TRADE AND PEOPLES, PART 2: GANDHARAN ART, Vajrapāṇi in the Narrative Reliefs, 73-88; ISBN 978-0-9553924-5-0

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of their karmic past. For instance, in her previous life Hārītī was a pregnant woman who lost her child because of the actions of the citizens of Rājagṛha. The chain of cause-and-effect therefore starts prior to the events depicted in the conversion episode, and her present cruelty is just a reaction to the evil that she encountered before. Similar circumstances apply to the other mal-efactors. In his previous life, Aṅgulimāla died after 99 citizens had hit him with their fi ngers and so he now takes revenge on them, becoming a mass murderer and cutting off the fi ngers of his victims (for summaries and analyses of texts and the list of known depictions cf Zin 2006: ch 6).

The stories about conversions are based on narrative patterns known as topoi. Patterns of this kind are found throughout the world and include fable motifs, such as the monster that must be given a child every day to devour, the basilisk that kills with its looks, and the Sphinx and its riddles. In the conversion stories, the Buddha, as the hero, confronts a great evil and as a result the local population is liberated from a plague. The difference between these stories and other narratives of heroes delivering people from evil-doers lies in the fact that in the Buddhist sto-ries the malefactor is not killed but converted. The Buddha counters his opponents with power that would be the envy of other heroes, that is, power combined with artfulness and magic. The power of the Buddha always overwhelms the power of evil; however, it is always, in a way, its counterpart. When the snake in the hermitage of Kāśyapas breathes out smoke, the Buddha breathes out smoke as well, when the snake emits fi re, the Buddha enters a fi re-meditation and defeats the snake (for summaries and analyses of texts and the list of known depictions cf Zin 2006: ch 8).

The profi t gained from the conversion is the ultimate objective, and the end apparently justi-fi es the means, even if these means break the existing rules of monastic life. Nanda is kept in the monastery against his will (for summaries and analyses of texts and the list of known depictions cf Zin 2006: ch 9); and violent individuals often receive no other choice than to take refugee in the dharma.

In the pictorial representations of the stories of conversions, Vajrapāṇi is usually present, and, importantly, he participates actively. Such scenes are rare. It is worth pointing out that the way in which we understand the fi gure of Vajrapāṇi nowadays, was by no means self-evident from the beginning. The person carrying a weapon near the Buddha has previously been inter-preted as Devadatta (Grünwedel 1900: 84-92); as Māra (Burgess 1898: 30); as dharma, the third component of Buddhism, presented near the monks (sangha) (Vogel 1909); or as “Fravashi”, a Guardian Angel adopted from Zoroastran religion (Spooner 1916). It is known from the re-search of Senart (1905), Foucher (1905-51 vol 2: 481ff), Lalou (1956) and, above all, Lamotte (1966) that Vajrapāṇi is a yakṣa, a protecting deity. Santoro (1979) interpreted Vajrapāṇi as a protector of legitimate kingship, while Tanabe (2004) took him for the equivalent of Hercules in his role as the guide and protector of the traveller. It is generally assumed that Vajrapāṇi was the Buddha’s guard.

Vajrapāṇi, who stands with his weapon next to the Buddha, does look like his bodyguard. The reliefs from Gandhara, in which scenes from the legend of Vajrapāṇi occur, enable us to in-vestigate further. Vajrapāṇi is not present in the depictions of the Buddha’s childhood. Vajrapāṇi fi rst appears in scenes of the Bodhisatva leaving his hometown of Kapilavastu and in scenes preceding his departure (for example, in the relief from the Private Collection in Japan, ill: Kurita 2003 vol 1 fi gure 134). From that time, Vajrapāṇi accompanies the Buddha and he ap-pears for the last time in the scene of the Buddha’s death. The appearance of Vajrapāṇi, depicted as he is with a weapon, gives rise to the following question: whom exactly is Vajrapāṇi protect-ing? It is defi nitely not the Bodhisatva, if it were, Vajrapāṇi would have to appear by the Bo-dhisatva’s side in childhood; nor is it the Buddha, because in that case Vajrapāṇi would appear only after the Enlightenment. In fact, talking about protection at all (for instance the protection

in the wilderness after leaving Kapilavastu) is very risky. This is because common knowledge of the basic doctrine deems it to be impossible to wound or kill the Buddha, the Bodhisatva, or even his expectant mother.

From the point of view of Buddhist scholasticism, it is impossible to establish the reason for the appearance of Vajrapāṇi in the scene in which the Bodhisatva leaves Kapilavastu. The self-ordination of the Bodhisatva (by cutting his hair and accepting clothes from a hunter) provides a turning point in the attempt to explain the presence of the perpetual acolyte, but the leaving of Kapilavastu is only the moment when the Bodhisatva decides to abandon the possible role of the cakravartin king, the king of the turning wheel, for the sake of the role of the Buddha. The appearance of Vajrapāṇi at this exact moment may be connected with the Bodhisatva’s decision to a certain degree, but understanding the connection is by no means an easy task. The Bodhisa-tva renounces the role of the cakravartin, instead he chooses the road that will lead him to Sar-nath where he will turn the wheel, the dharmacakra (the Buddha after the Enlightenment would frequently call himself “dharmarāja” ie Lalitavistara XV, ed: 214; trad: 189). The only person apart from the Buddha who has a personal yakṣa is the cakravartin king Māndhātar. His yakṣa, Divaukasa, suggests the targets of his next conquests (for the Māndhātar story cf Zin 2001).

In the Buddha legend, Vajrapāṇi only actively protects the Buddha once. This is when De-vadatta throws a rock at the Buddha from above and Vajrapāṇi crushes it into little pieces with his vajra (for various versions of the story cf Bareau 1991; Zin 2005). However, this example is not very telling; it is necessary to the story that the stone is crushed, because legend has it that a little splinter hurt the Buddha’s toe. Vajrapāṇi is the only one who could crush the stone with his weapon. Moreover, it is yakṣa Kumbhīra rather than Vajrapāṇi who dies as the result of Devadatta’s assault, so it is not Vajrapāṇi who protects the Buddha.

Vajrapāṇi fi rst appears in art at the end of the 2nd century, in Gandhara, Mathura and Ama-ravati (see British Museum, no BM 11, ill: Barrett 1954, plate 29). Vajrapāṇi appears in the depictions of the stories of conversions in Gandhara and in some reliefs in Nagarjunikonda and Goli. In a relief from Goli, now in the Metropolitan Museum (no 30.29), which depicts the conversion of Nanda, Vajrapāṇi accompanies the Buddha through the streets of Kapilavastu. He is also present during Nanda’s acceptance into the monastery and takes part in the episode in which the Buddha takes Nanda to heaven to cure him of his attachment to his wife by showing him divine damsels (Figure 1). In this episode it is suggested that Vajrapāṇi has a theriomorphic character: his hair is combed in the form of animal’s ears which are sticking up. This relief is the only one, to the best of my knowledge, which portrays Vajrapāṇi in this way. Vajrapāṇi is not mentioned in any literary versions of the Nanda story and his appearance in the relief may have a special meaning related to the theme of conversion.

In Gandhara, Vajrapāṇi is, in fact, very frequently represented, and depictions of him are not restricted to the scenes of conversion. In the depictions of conversions, in which Vajrapāṇi does not participate actively, Vajrapāṇi is sometimes shown looking in a completely different direction, possibly suggesting that the Buddha does not need any protection (Figure 2). In his role as a passive companion of the Buddha, the manner in which Vajrapāṇi holds the vajra is signifi cant. The vajra is not held aloft and, in most cases, it is in his left hand. The contrary iconography – vajra in the right hand, held over the head – signals the active participation of Vajrapāṇi in the plot. This is apparently an important sign in visual language: already in Ṛgveda Indra is described as vajradakṣina (with the vajra in his right hand) before the assault at Vṛtra (I 101 1; X 23 1). The anthems also include requests to Indra to take the vajra in his right hand (VI 18 9; VI 22 9), that is, to go and fi ght.

In literature, Vajrapāṇi has an active role in stories of conversions, and in episodes in which terror is instilled into those who are disobedient. His most famous performance is during the

75

MONIKA ZIN

conversion of nāga Apalāla (for summaries and analyses of texts and the list of known depic-tions cf Zin 2006: ch 3). The story is related to the series of conversions in Gandhara, during which the Buddha managed to convert 7, 700,000 beings. The Buddha’s journey to Gandhara, accompanied by Vajrapāṇi, is described in the Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya. This is preserved in the Gilgit Manuscripts as well as in Tibetan and Chinese translations (trad in: Przyluski 1914). Five conversions are described here in detail, among them the taming of the malevolent nāga Apalāla. The king of Magadha Ajātaśatru asks the Buddha to tame this nāga, who damages crops by sending bad weather. The Buddha, accompanied by Vajrapāṇi, goes to Gandhara to deal with this problem. Apalāla becomes furious, rises into the air and continuously fl ings hail and pieces of ground at them. The Buddha enters into the meditation of love (maitrisamādhi), as a result of which hail and pieces of ground turn into sandal and other fragrances. The nāga

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FIGURE 1: GOLI, NEW YORK, METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART, NO 30.29, AFTER RAO 1984: 435-39.

FIGURE 2: GANDHARA (CHATPAT), CHAKDARA MUSEUM, 134, PHOTO © WOJTEK OCZKOWSKI.

throws various kinds of weapon at the Buddha but they change into lotuses. The nāga sends a cloud of smoke and the Buddha responds with the same; he also sends a cloud of smoke. Seeing that, a furious and conceited nāga withdraws to his palace. Then the Buddha decides to threaten Apalāla seriously and orders Vajrapāṇi to attack him. Vajrapāṇi breaks off the top of the moun-tain using his vajra and it falls down into the lake of the nāgas, fi lling it completely. The Buddha enters the fi re-meditation and fi lls the shores of the lake with fl ames, so that the only cool place remains at his feet. Apalāla, who has no other choice, kneels in front of the Buddha and asks why the Buddha hates him so much. The Buddha answers with a question; how could he as a dharmarāja hate anybody? Placing his hand on the nāga’s head, the Buddha says that if the nāga quits his evil deeds, he will achieve a life in Trayastriṃśa heaven. The nāga, together with his family, takes refuge in the Three Jewels. Vajrapāṇi and the Buddha leave Apalāla no choice but to convert when they damage the lake and set everything on fi re. While Apalāla’s conversion is clearly benefi cial for his victims, the greatest benefi t is to Apalāla himself as he only has to wait for a series of rebirths that will lead him to nirvāṇa.

In the scenes of the conversion of Apalāla found in Gandhara, Vajrapāṇi is frequently de-picted in two different ways. In one, he is positioned near the Buddha with the vajra in his left hand. In the other, he has the weapon lifted up in his right hand and, hanging out of the rocks, he threatens the terrifi ed family of Apalāla (Figure 3; in especially elaborate reliefs, the artists de-picted the landscape with animals and a hunter [cf a relief from Barikot in Swat, ill: Kurita 2003 vol 1 fi gure 637]). Vajrapāṇi is quite often shown fl ying (Figure 4). In several reliefs, like in one from Sanghao Vajrapāṇi jumps from one rock to another while the nāgas fl ee the lake whose

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MONIKA ZIN

FIGURE 3: GANDHARA, PESHAWAR MUSEUM, NO 336 N.N. 98, PHOTO © WOJTEK OCZKOWSKI.

shores are sprouting fl ames (Bombay, Prince of Wales Museum, no 17, ill ie Foucher 1905-51, fi gure 274; Moti Chandra 1974, fi gure 35). A particularly detailed relief in Calcutta (Indian Mu-seum, no A 23 4575, ill: Kurita 2003, fi gure 456) even shows the lake with its burning shores completely fi lled with rocks, as it is written in the text. The lake is sometimes represented with water fl owing out of it (Lucknow State Museum, no G 47 109, ill: Joshi and Sharma 1969, fi g-ure 20) – the nāgas as water creatures cannot live without it. Another representation of it is as a well with an outlet in the form of a lion’s head taken from classical art (about this siṃhamukha motif, as the origin of the so-called Kīrtimuka ornament cf Zin 2003: no 10).

The story of the conversion of Apalāla is also depicted in Nagarjunikonda (ill: Rosen Stone 1994, fi gure 211, 218-20). It is shown in three very similar reliefs. As with the journey of the

Buddha to Gandhara, it is the version known nowadays from the vinaya of the Mūlasarvāstivādin that must have served as a literary basis because the story is unknown in Pali literature. Vajrapāṇi is presented only once: he is in a dynamic pose having thrown the vajra, and is standing with his back to the spectators (Figure 5). The depiction of the vajra is unsymmetrical which must mean that the weapon is stuck in the rock.

The image of Vajrapāṇi throwing his weapon is encountered in some reliefs depicting an-other conversion, that of the evil yakṣa Āṭavika (for summaries and analyses of texts and the list of known depictions cf Zin 2006: ch 1). This story is less well-known and is preserved in no more than a dozen depictions, found in Gandhara and Central Asia. The primary motif of the story, the dialogue between the Buddha and yakṣa, is very old and already present in the Suttanipāta and the Saṃyuttanikāya. The developed versions of the narrative are preserved in numerous later versions; none of these, however, constitute a coherent story. The original nar-rative is no longer preserved. It does, however, seem to be depicted in reliefs. The reliefs cor-respond most closely to the version from T 212 and T 203, the commentaries on Udānavarga

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FIGURE 4: GANDHARA, PESHAWAR MUSEUM, NO 428 N.N. 95, PHOTO © WOJTEK OCZKOWSKI.

(trad Huber 1906 and Chavannes 1910-34 vol 3: 94-98). Both texts mention the parents who are depicted in the reliefs. However, the versions in T 212 and T 203 do not narrate all the epi-sodes, so in order to understand the narrative, one must also resort to other texts. The story of the fi ght between the Buddha and Āṭavika is known in Pali and Tibetan and, in addition, from a manuscript in Old-Turkish. The story of yakṣa Āṭavika is as follows: everyday the citizens of a particular town send a man to be devoured by yakṣa Āṭavika; the monster eats the person he is offered but does not devour the rest of the people (in Pali: but does not devour the king). One day this fate touches the son of a citizen who decides to call the Buddha for help. When the desperate parents bring their child to the yakṣa (in Pali: the prince, as the very last child in the kingdom is brought by the soldiers), the Buddha states that the time has come for Āṭavika to be converted. When the Buddha comes to the yakṣa’s dwelling place, the yakṣa is not there, but when he returns and sees the Buddha on his throne, he becomes furious. Flames belch from his eyes and he grasps various types of weapons, however, the fl ames are put out and his weapons come apart. Āṭavika threatens to drive the Buddha mad, and then to catch him by his feet and throw him over the Himalayas if he fails to answer certain questions. The Buddha replies that it is impossible to do him any harm but he agrees to answer Āṭavika’s questions; as the result of his answers, Āṭavika is converted and returns the child. The reliefs from Gandhara show the child’s parents – the mother’s loose hair indicates her grief – on one side of the Buddha (cf Kuri-ta 2003, fi gure 343-47). On the Buddha’s other side is Āṭavika, after his conversion, bringing the boy back. In the unpublished relief from Peshawar the scene is laid out in a similar way – the doorkeeper of yakṣa, who is mentioned in the texts, is on one side of the Buddha (Figure 6). In the upper part of the Peshawar relief, however, something new appears: there is a fi ght taking place between two fl ying individuals. In the context of our story, it might be the fi ght between

79

MONIKA ZIN

FIGURE 5: NAGARJUNIKONDA, NAGARJUNIKONDA MUSEUM, PHOTO © MONIKA ZIN.

Āṭavika and Vajrapāṇi which is not described in any of the preserved texts. Other reliefs depict the scene going on over people’s heads. In a relief from Calcutta it is possible to identify the person throwing the stone, despite a poor state of preservation of this piece – this is Āṭavika (re-lief from Jamalgarhi, Indian Museum, no G 21 (A23284) ill: Foucher 1905-51 vol 1 fi gure 253; Kurita 2003 vol 1 fi gure 345). The assault of Vajrapāṇi on Āṭavika also seems to be depicted in one relief in the Peshawar Museum (Figure 7). On the right-hand side, Āṭavika is bringing a boy to the Buddha, while on the left-hand side, a yakṣa-like person holds an unusual round object

in his right hand. In my opinion, this is Vajrapāṇi with the vajra, shown from an extremely un-typical perspective, that is, from the bottom. The vajra is depict-ed in this way very rarely: one instance of this perspective is found in the beautiful relief in the Victoria and Albert Museum (no IS 78-1948, ill: Ackermann 1975, plate 35; Kurita 2003 vol 1 fi gure 374). This shows two scenes: the conversion of Nanda and the conversion of the heretic Śrīgupta.

If there is a correspond-ence between representations of Vajrapāṇi participating actively in events and the stories of con-versions, it is worthwhile con-sidering his role and the mean-ing of the vajra in the Buddha legend. The two oldest refer-ences to Vajrapāṇi in literature (Majjhimanikāya ed vol 1: 231-32; transl: 285; Dīghanikāya ed vol 1: 95; transl: 117) are very telling about his charac-ter. One reference is the story preserved in Pali as well as in ‘northern’ sources about the encounter between the Bud-dha and a certain young Brah-min Ambaṭṭha (Sk Ambāṣṭha); in the Majjhimamikāya about a nirghranthaputra, that is Jaina. Ambāṣṭha and the nirghranta do not answer the Buddha’s ques-tions. Ambāṣṭha knows the an-swer, but he is in a quandary: if he gives the answer, he will con-

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FIGURE 6: GANDHARA, PESHAWAR MUSEUM, NO 1.L, PHOTO © WOJTEK OCZKOWSKI.

FIGURE 7: GANDHARA (SAHRI BAHLOL), PESHAWAR MUSEUM, NO 471, PHOTO © WOJTEK OCZKOWSKI.

tradict his earlier argument and lose face in front of the Brahmins who are present. The text relates that, when Ambāṣṭha keeps stubbornly silent, Vajrapāṇi stands above him with the vajra and threatens to crush his head into seven pieces. Ambāṣṭha fi nally gives the answer because of this appearance by Vajrapāṇi (the threat to crush the malefactor’s head into seven parts is also uttered by Indra [Jātaka 519, ed vol 5: 91, gāthā; transl: 50; about the motif of the shattered head cf Witzel 1987]. In the Mahāyāna-Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra (Lamotte 1966: 120) the monk Kāśyapa asks the Buddha how the doctrine of love towards all creatures can reconciled with Vajrapāṇi’s violent act, had he crushed the head of a young man. The Buddha explains that what Kāśyapa sees is a vision (nirmāṇa). However, the story proves that Vajrapāṇi’s weapon was understood not only as a pure threat but also as a weapon capable of causing real harm. The story of Ambāṣṭha has not been identifi ed among the reliefs in Gandhara. However, I believe that it is found in Kizil in Central Asia. In two of the paintings in Kizil, which are known from the drawings by Grünwedel (Grünwedel 1912, fi gure 353) (Figure 8), Vajrapāṇi is standing holding the vajra over the head of a young Brahmin who is surrounded by his colleagues.

As far as I know, Vajrapāṇi – apart from smashing the rock fl ung by De-vadatta and the stories about threaten-ing the disobedient beings – does not appear in the older literature. However, the reliefs from Gandhara and the paintings from Cen-tral Asia show him hundreds of times. In the scenes with the heretics, Vajrapāṇi is quite often depicted with the raised vajra and he seems to participate in events (ie Kizil Cave 80 ill: Xu 1983-85 vol 2 fi gure 46). He is not, however, mentioned in the texts, as if his presence in such situations was obvious for everyone.

So, what is the vajra? What is the object that Vajrapāṇi raises to strike horror into those who are disobedient to the Buddha’s teaching. In the Veda, ‘vajra’ means thunderbolt and it is Indra’s weapon. In the Vedic texts there are descriptions which enable us to make assumptions about the appearance, material and function of the vajra. From these descriptions it seems certain that the authors described Indra’s particular metal weapon and not a mythological phenomenon. It is said that the vajra is made of metal, that its blade can be sharpened, that it is fl ung, that it revolves, and that it makes a noise while fl ying. Three types of artefacts are preserved from the Copper Hoard Culture (CHC), all of which have been identifi ed as the vajra from Ṛgveda. These are the so-called harpoon (Rau 1973), an anthropomorphic fi gure (Das Gupta 1975) and a bar-celt (Falk 1993). Falk’s identifi cation of the vajra as a bar-celt seems to be the right one; the Avestan word vazra means a ‘hammer’.

However, what is true for the Vedic epoch is not necessarily applicable to Buddhism. There is an enormous gap between CHC and the fi rst depictions of the vajra in art of the 1st c BC. None of the three objects from CHC resembles the Buddhist vajra, as none of them is symmetri-cal. It seems that, by the time the vajra started to be represented in reliefs, there was no memory

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MONIKA ZIN

FIGURE 8: KIZIL, HÖHLE 207 (MALERHÖHLE) = GRÜNWEDEL 1912, FIGURE 353.

of the shape of a Vedic weapon. The oldest vajras are represented in Sanchi I (Sanchi I, Eastern gateway, ill: Marshall and Foucher 1940 vol 2 plate 49) and Sanchi III (Sanchi III, gateway, ill:

ibid vol 3 plate 96). Several generations later, in Mathura, the vajra is depicted in three sculp-tures of Indra (Mathura Government Museum, no 00E24, ill: Vogel 1930, plate 38b; Lucknow State Museum, no B19, ill: Sharma 1995, fi gure 152). From these it is clear that the appearance of the vajra was not yet normalised, however, it was always a symmetrical object from which prongs come out in each direction. The further development of the form of the vajra in the hand of Indra, Vajrapāṇi, or later tantric deities, can be easily investigated on the basis of hundreds of preserved examples. In the paintings in Ajanta, it may be seen that the prongs actually corre-spond to rays. These are diffi cult to represent in stone (Zin 2003: no 43). Comparative research carried out during the 19th and early 20th centuries (see Jacobsthal 1906) discovered a strik-ing resemblance between the weapon of Zeus, the keraunos, and Asian representations of the thunder weapon (Figure 9). These include the Indian and Tibetan vajras. Today, after 100 years, the accuracy of that comparative research must be confi rmed: the Indian vajra does correspond to the keraunos. There is no other object which is symmetrical and has rays, which could be compared to Indra’s weapon. The iconography may have been transported via coins and small objects of art. The loan is a very apt one: the keraunos of Zeus corresponds to Indra’s weapon in most essential details. The difference lies in the fact that the keraunos only has a mythologi-cal meaning – as lightening in the hand of the God of Heaven – and does not have a material existence as a particular metal weapon, capable of being sharpened and so on. The keraunos is an object which produces heavenly fi re and, it is depicted as such in art. In artistic representa-tions, Zeus holds an object in his hand from which fl ames emanate. It is written in the Veda that the vajra shone while it was fl ying and also, that it could burn the enemy (Ṛgveda VII 104 4, cf Das Gupta 1975: 40), these, however, are apparently metaphoric expressions, as nothing is said about fl ames or fi re. In Buddhist tradition, Indra raises the burning weapon over the malefactor (jalita ayakūṭa: Jātaka no 347 ed vol 3: 146 transl: 96-97). Likewise, Vajrapāṇi holds the vajra while he is standing above Ambāṣṭha and it is described as fl aming, blazing and burning. Paint-ings from Central Asia, which in my opinion depict this story (Figure 8), show fi re falling from the vajra. Thus the Buddhist vajra is not a particular weapon; rather it is a mythological object

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FIGURE 9: = JACOBSTHAL 1906, TAFEL 1.

producing fl ames. It is represented with the same form as the keraunos, with two exceptions: the image in Gandhara and a painting in Kizil that copied Gandhara.

It is precisely in Gandhara, where the contacts with Mediterranean art were the strongest, that this form of the vajra is unknown. The representation of Vajrapāṇi is also different here, as it is commonly acknowledged, and a lot has been written about what it shares with the iconog-raphy of Heracles (Vogel 1909; Flood 1989; Santoro 1991; Carter 1995; Schwab 1998). The Indian loan from Greek culture is again wise: Heracles – like Vajrapāṇi in the stories of conver-sion – is a hero with especially diffi cult tasks. The iconography of Vajrapāṇi wearing a lion’s skin headdress makes it impossible to tell him apart from Heracles sometimes (ie the sculpture from Swabi, ill; Kurita 2003 vol 2 fi gure 919). This is unless he appears with the vajra, which is very different from Heracles’ club (cf ie the Vajrapāṇi from the Kamakura Collection, ill: Sérinde, Terre de Bouddha, fi gure 75). The club is never symmetrical and looks like what it is, namely the irregular bough of a tree, often reinforced with stones or teeth. The Gandharan vajra, on the other hand, is always symmetrical and has a concave part in the centre. In well-crafted reliefs that are in a good state of preservation, it is possible to see that the sidewalls of the object are joined, creating sharp blades. There may be four or more of these sidewalls; if they are nu-merous, the bottom of the vajra takes the shape of a circle. Sometimes the top and bottom parts are depicted as the polished edges of a jewel. These precise representations of the vajra allow us to exclude the possibility that it is simply a form of the keraunos.

Indeed, I can only think of one explanation for the form of the vajra in these representations. The weapon of the Gandharan Vajrapāṇi derives from a different meaning of the word vajra; it is not a thunderbolt but a diamond. This meaning of the word ‘vajra’ is unknown in Vedic lit-erature, but it does appear in the epics. In the Mahābhārata and the Rāmāyaṇa, the authors seem to describe the vajra like fi re like (Mahābhārata V 9 22 transl: 203), like the vajra of hundred segments (Rāmāyaṇa I 45 18 transl: 212), a vajra which must be made from bones of the demon Dadhica is described like large, sharp, six-cornered, and with a terrifying sound (Mahābhārata III 98 10ff transl: 417) – but the references probably only repeated set epithets. The word ‘vajra’ is used in the epics for Indra’s weapon, and in epithets of Indra, such as vajrapāṇi, vajrahasta or vajradhara are used repeatedly. The vajra is also encountered, however, meaning a diamond. In the Mahābhārata (II 27 26 transl: 82), it is mentioned in a list of “priceless gems and pearls, gold, silver, vajras and precious coral”. In other places in epic literature, like in the Rāmāyaṇa (III 53 8 transl: 203), we fi nd a reference to pillars ornamented with gold, silver, vajra and beryl, and also, (III 11 29 transl 113) to Viṣṇu’s bow being inlaid with gold and vajra. In the epic poem it is used in a simile – as hard as vajra. This is written of the claws of Garuḍa (Mahābhārata I 218 20 transl: 156), and of someone’s hands (Rāmāyaṇa I 39 18; transl: 99).

In the Buddhist texts vajra (Pali: vajira) is understood as referring to Indra and Vajirapāṇi’s weapon, but ‘vajra’ also means a precious stone. In the Milindapañha (ed: 267; transl vol 1: 85), like in Mahābhārata, vajra is listed among other precious stones. This meaning also appears in later literature, like in the Commentary to Dhammapada (I 387 transl vol 2: 61), where the teeth of a beautiful girl are compared to a necklace made of vajra. The defi nition of vajra as the hardest element has been present since the epoch of canonical literature as can be seen from the following references (Dhammapada 161 ed: 45-46 transl: 45): “evil crushes the foolish like a vajira breaks a precious stone”, in the Milindapañha (ed: 278; transl vol 2: 100): “owing to its exceeding sharpness vajira cuts precious gems, pearls and crystals”. Only once is it suggested that there is something better than vajira: (Milindapañha ed: 118; transl vol 1: 165-66: “there are numerous stones from the ground, sapphire, emerald, lapis lazuli, vajira ‘…’ but the Jewel of a cakravartin (cakkaratimaṇi) shines most brightly”. Thus the understanding of vajra as a diamond was common and well known in the times of the art of Gandhara.

83

MONIKA ZIN

Precious stones were presented as crystals in art. They may be observed in the example of depictions of the cakravartin king. In Amaravati, Mathura, Gandhara and Central Asia, his maṇiratna has the shape of a crystal with at least four walls with clearly marked edges (Zin 2003: 357, for Mathura Sanghol: Gupta 1987, fi gure 15; for Gandhara: Nishoika 2001, plate 1; Gandhara 2009, p.311, fi gure 6). From the stone, rays or fl ames often fl are out. The similarity

of the Gandharan vajra to the representations of precious stones is considerable; the differ-ence lies in the concave part which allows the vajra to be held in the hand. This relates to the shape of the vajra since fi rst depictions at Sanchi.

In the Pali version of the Ambāṣṭha story there is a reference to a burning metal prong (ādipta ayaḥkuṭa), whereas in the same place in Sanskrit and Tibetan, a metal prong is not mentioned at all. Instead, the description is confi ned to a stereotypical image of the va-jra as fi re: vajra, fl aming, blazing, burning, becoming a single fl ame (vajram ādīptaṃ pradīptaṃ saṃprajvalitam ekajvālībhūtaṃ Ambāṣṭhasya mānavasopari murdhino dhārayati). The meaning of vajra as an ob-ject made of metal is not documented here.

In the art of Gandhara, the vajra is depict-ed with the meaning of a ‘diamond’ (Figure 10). The form of the Gandharan vajra failed to survive; however, the meaning of ada-mantine weapon which was depicted would become obligatory for the centuries which followed and would gain a philosophical meaning as the object crushing all obstacles and the very essence of the Buddhist teach-ing. Also, the Gandharan Vajrapāṇi, with his aggressive attitude towards stubborn candi-dates to conversions, is, beyond any doubt, a predecessor of the later vajra-bearer,

Dharmapālas. But perhaps something is depicted in Gandhara which we do not understand. The jewel-carrying person next to the Buddha, who appears when the Buddha leaves Kapilavastu and starts on his way to turn the dharmacakra, and who is especially active when the Buddha helps people tormented by monsters, may have a lot in common with the representations of the cakravartin king and his maṇiratna.

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FIGURE 10: GANDHARA PESHAWAR MU-SEUM, NO 1858, PHOTO © WOJTEK OCZKOWSKI.

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Reliefs and Stelae from Sahrī-Bāhlol: a Typological Study

CAROLYN WOODFORD SCHMIDT

INTRODUCTION: THE HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL

While almost one hundred and fi fty years have passed since the publishing of the fi rst report on the major Buddhist communities at Sahrī-Bāhlol, that by Dr. H. W. Bellew in 1864, the site remains one of the least well-understood complexes of the Greater Gandhāran Buddhist tradi-tion. At the same time, the relative importance of Sahrī-Bāhlol to the history of Buddhism and its artistic legacy is unquestioned, attested by numerous well-known and widely published images, including the earliest extant examples of the use of colossal scaling for independ-ently sculpted images of Buddhas and the Bodhisattva Maitreya. Sahrī-Bāhlol’s signifi cance is further demonstrated by numerous life-size images of Bodhisattvas including the enigmatic Bodhisattva image-type, which bears a wreath in his proper left hand (see Annual Reports, Archaeological Survey of India, Frontier Circle, photographic records for years 1906-1912; Tissot 1985: 575-79; Schmidt 2005: vol 2, 637-47). In addition to these extraordinary carv-ings, there is a relatively large corpus of formally ordered stelae, which is the subject of this essay and exemplifi ed by Figure 4. With their permanent visual records of stylistic change and iconographic programming, the stelae in this corpus provide a wealth of evidence of major de-velopments that is largely absent from other sites in the northwest. The evidence includes many examples that are fundamentally related to the trikāya (three bodies or three-fold nature of Bud-dhas) system, suggesting the site of was a center for emerging Mahāyāna practices and beliefs. Moreover, provenance for these sculptures, a factor essential to research, is fi xed absolutely.

SITE OF SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL

Since the earliest phases of exploration, it has been abundantly clear that the large site of Sahrī-Bāhlol, located approximately seven miles northwest of Mardan and two and one-half miles south of the Takht-i-Bāhī hill range, had been an important Buddhist center in ancient times (Figure 1). In an early assessment, Sir Alexander Cunningham suggested that the site had been fi rst inhabited at the beginning of the second millennium BCE, and had remained desirable for settlement and resettlement over the centuries due to inundations by fl oodwaters from the Murdara Stream, assuring agricultural fertility. In the middle of the 19th century, the centrally located village mound covered approximately twenty-four acres (Tissot 1985: 569-577 citing Bellew 1864 and Cunningham 1875). Visible across a landscape of cultivated fi elds, but within a radius of approximately one mile from the village, were numerous secondary mounds of vary-ing sizes (Figure 3; Stein 1911-12: pt 1, iv).

MIGRATION, TRADE AND PEOPLES, PART 2: GANDHARAN ART, Reliefs and Stelae from Sahrī-Bāhlol: a Typological Study, 89-107; ISBN 978-0-9553924-5-0

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RELIEFS AND STELAE FROM SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL

ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND CHINESE BUDDHIST PILGRIMAGE REPORTS

Unfortunately, neither the efforts of Bellew and Cunningham, nor the results of subse-quent surveys and the excavations by Dr. D. B. Spooner and Sir Aurel Stein of eight additional mounds, once the locations of vibrant Buddhist communities, proved defi nitive (Stein 1911-12: pt 2, 10). Given the lack of stratifi cation details, it is not surprising that the structural remains, inscriptions on potsherds, and the recovered coins, dating from the turn of the common era to the 10th century, offered no clear evidence as to the relative dates for the construction of, or for subsequent changes to, these Buddhist complexes (Spooner 1910: pt 2, 21-27; Stein 1911-12: pt 1, iii, v and pt 2, sec 5, 9-14). It appeared likely that some installations fell into ruin more than once prior to abandonment. According to the Archaeological Survey of India, Stein report for the 1911-12 season, reliefs and images were frequently found in positions inconsistent with an original installation. Evidence of certain locations having been used, subsequent to their construction, as repositories for miscellaneous statues and reliefs from the same or a neighbor-ing complex was also forthcoming (Figure 3; Stein 1911-12: pt 2, sec 5, 10-11). The diversity in style, materials, subject matter, and of refi nement in sculpting suggest that the sanctuaries were founded at different times and that the length of occupation varied (Schmidt 2005: 637-38 citing Spooner 1910: pt 2, 21-27; Stein 1911-12: pt 1, iii and pt 2, sec 45, 9-14; Tissot 1985: 568-76).

The diffi culties associated with evaluating the original survey documents have been high-lighted by the extended efforts of Francine Tissot, as summarized in her series of reports pub-lished in the proceedings of four South Asian Archaeology conferences from 1983 to 1993 (see Tissot 1985: 567-616; 1989: 417-25; 1990: 737-64; 1994: 733-44). Also diffi cult to evaluate, but of interest to this topic, are early Chinese Buddhist pilgrimage accounts of a town posi-tioned some distance to the northeast of Peshawar on the central plain of Gandhāra. Elizabeth Errington, in her 1994 article, ‘In Search of Pa-lu-sha,’ presents a persuasive argument for identifying Sahrī-Bāhlol as the community Fo-sha-fu or Pa-lu-sha described respectively by the famous pilgrims Sung-yün for CE 519-520 and Hsüan-tsang for CE 632. Sahrī-Bāhlol appears to be the only town to the northeast of Peshawar with characteristics that accord with the Chi-nese accounts of a fl ourishing urban center surrounded by suburbs, which included a number of Buddhist stūpas and monasteries housing both Hīnāyana and Mahāyāna practioners (Errington 1994: 55-66).

FORMALLY ORDERED STELAE FROM SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL

With historical accounts, archaeological records and the results of more recent efforts re-maining equivocal, and with scholars disagreeing on numerous points of interest, little increased understanding of the complex has been achieved over the years. In the absence of new excava-tions, as Sahrī-Bāhlol is currently occupied, it is apparent that it is through detailed analyses of the sculptural tradition that answers to many outstanding issues may be addressed.

It is the purpose of this study to evaluate a discrete corpus of hieratic, hierarchical stelae and correlated works in relationship to the introduction and modifi cation of elements derived from both South Asian and Graeco-Roman cultural values and traditions. The analyses are presented in terms of iconographic content, stylistic characteristics, and relative chronological develop-ment. This type of stele was fi rst introduced to Sahrī-Bāhlol sometime during the second-half of the 2nd century and continued as a focus through the 4th and 5th centuries (Figures 4, 7, 9-11, 14, 15). Examples of this type are often referred to descriptively as theophanies or vi-sions-of-paradises or Pure Lands associated with Mahāyāna traditions where a Buddha teaches

91


the dharma (Law) to Bodhisattvas in their fi nal or non-retrogressive stages of learning. Alfred Foucher, having completed several studies of these works beginning in 1909, con-

cluded that these stelae represent the greatest of the Miracles of Śrāvastī as explained in Chap-ter XII of the Divyāvadāna (Rosenfi eld 1967: 236 citing Foucher 1909: 1-78; 1905-51: vol 2, 206-210, 535-7; 1917: 147-148). During more recent times, this assessment has been the subject of a number of re-evaluations, as the stelae appear essentially related to the trikāya system. In his 1967 publication, The Dynastic Arts of the Kushans, John Rosenfi eld observed that Foucher’s early efforts did not account for the number of variations found in, and the many miraculous settings for Buddhas provided by, the early Mahāyāna literature (Rosenfi eld 1967: 236-8). Juhyung Rhi, in his recent article ‘Early Mahāyāna and Gandhāran Buddhism: An Assessment of the Visual Evidence,’ highlights the many possible ideas and approaches that could have inspired any given work, reemphasizing the problems of identifi cation without explicit literary and epigraphic evidence (Rhi 2003: 152-202, esp 154-55, 176-77). In addi-tion to miraculous or visionary images of Śākyamuni found in texts, such as the Divyāvadāna and the Saddharma-puṇḍarika-sūtra, it appears probable that sculpted representations of the Pure Lands of the non-earthly Buddhas Akşobhya, Amitābha, and Variocana would also have become suitable subject matter for the sculptors of Greater Gandhāra by the end of the 2nd or fi rst half of the 3rd century, especially given that the texts related to these Buddhas were of such signifi cant interest as to have been taken to China and subsequently translated into Chinese by this time (Huntington 1980: 657; Nakamura 1987: 177-78, 194-196; Xing 2005: 3, 182-183). Unfortunately, the carvings in this classifi cation are characterized by a multiplicity of common features making identifi cation problematic.

THE RESEARCH CORPUS

There are twenty-eight stelae or stelae fragments in this research corpus from Sahrī-Bāhlol. An expanded corpus includes an additional twelve examples from various sites in the region as well as eighteen unprovenanced sculptures from major museum collections around the world, including two that are probably from Sahrī-Bāhlol, for a total grouping of fi fty-eight. Other examples, from private and antiquities dealer’s collections, are not included. No two exam-ples are alike, although they are clearly typologically related. The subject matter is presented in a hierarchically arranged, formal manner, dominated by a large fi gure of a Buddha seated in padmāsna (lotus sitting attitude) and displaying dharmacakra mudrā (gesture of setting in motion the wheel of the Law). Positioned beneath a jewel-bearing fl oral canopy or in an ar-chitectural setting, the Buddha image is consistently attended by a complementary pair of Bo-dhisattvas as manifestations of his karuṇā and prajñā (compassion and wisdom, the delivering knowledge) (cf Figures 4, 7). The Bodhisattva adorned with a jaṭāmukuṭa (crown of matted locks) is depicted with a kuṇḍikā or water fl ask in his proper left hand; the Bodhisattva adorned with a turban is depicted with his proper left hand placed on his hip or holding a lotus or a wreath. These sculptures vary in complexity, and in the total number of fi gures included in their iconographic programs (cf Figures 7, 9-11, 13, 14). In addition to being distinguished by their settings, the stelae in the research corpus (and larger examples) are further differentiated by the iconographic and stylistic features of lotus daises used for the Buddha images and by stylistic, morphological changes over time (see Figures 5 and 6). The lotus dais was used either as a single motif or in combination with other motifs. One arrangement is of the lotus supported by a set of elephants, perhaps intended to represent diggajas, guardian elephants of the quarters (Figures 4 and 9). A second arrangement is of the lotus supporting a second throne, which is rectangular in confi guration, perhaps representing a rājāsana or royal seat of a sovereign (Fig-

ures 13 and 14). These dais styles, designated Styles I-VIII, may be separated into earlier and later groupings.

THE LOTUS DAIS: A PRIMARY SOUTH ASIAN CHARACTERISTIC

The padma or lotus (Nelumbium speciosum Wild) is one of the oldest, most universally used and widespread symbols in South Asian iconography. From an early date, in addition to other concepts, it was used to represent the cosmic axis and was emblematic of divine crea-tive essence and purity of descent. It also served as a symbol of transcendence or transcendent birth (see Liebert 1976: 202-05; Zimmer 1960: 141-142, 158 ff; Saunders 1960: 122-123). As far as is known in enduring materials from Buddhism’s artistic history, the lotus fl ower was a corporal component of the iconographic repertoire. Often depicted as a pedestal or dais upon which divine beings stand or sit, it is sometimes shown as a fully mature, open blossom, and, at other times, as a less mature blossom with the pericarp just emerging from the petals (cf Figures 7-10).

Early researchers such as Emile Sénart, Ananda Coomaraswamy and Alfred Foucher noted a tendency in early Buddhism to adapt pre-Buddhistic iconographic traditions to its own im-mediate ends by infusing the traditions with new meaning (Coomaraswamy 1935: 13; Sénart 1875: 484; Marshall and Foucher 1940: vol 1, 183 ff; Zimmer 1960: 56-57, 160-62). The use of the lotus and the lotus dais for images of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas provide clear examples of this disposition. In works from the northwest, lotus blossoms reveal many of the same stylistic features found in other early Buddhist contexts, such as those at Bhārhut and Sāñcī, although surviving works from Gandhāra and other communities active at the same time do not show Buddha images seated on a lotus throne until the 2nd century (Coomaraswamy 1935: 21-22). The inspiration for choices in the confi gurative style of lotuses, either partially or fully open, remains unclear. At the same time, image attributes and the characteristics of context, such as the lotus used in combination with a set of elephant supports or the lotus used to support a sec-ond throne, may offer insight into their signifi cance.

The varied symbolic functions and connotations of elephants in South Asian history have survived from the very early periods and are traceable throughout the long and diverse courses of Hindu and Buddhist iconography (Zimmer 1946: 102-03; Zimmer 1960: 159, 250, 255-56). As portrayed in stelae from Sahrī-Bāhlol, the elephants that buttress the lotus suggest diggajas, guardian elephants who function as the supporters of the universe by bearing the fi rmament on their backs (Figures 1, 9; for mythological references to diggajas, see Zimmer 1946: 104-05; 1960: 241, 291). Seemingly, their symmetrical positioning beneath the lotus signifi es the cos-mic axis and emanation of, in all directions, the benefi cent infl uence of the Buddha positioned on the lotus as the supra-human force of the universe (for references to the Historical Buddha as leader of all worlds, see Zimmer 1960: 79 citing Jātaka 1, 51-52). The second combination depicts the lotus beneath an additional throne, which is rectangular in confi guration and sup-ported by turned legs (and occasionally complemented with a back), perhaps in reference to a rājāsana or royal seat of a sovereign (Figures 13, 14). Stylistically, the turned legs distinguish this rectangular throne type from the siṅhāsana or lion-throne, which is also known from Sahrī-Bāhlol, but not from stelae that compose the research corpus.

The earlier lotus dais types, referred to as Styles I and IV, were initially introduced during the apogee of the Gandhāran Buddhist tradition (Figure 5). The fi nest examples are character-ized by refi ned technical skills in sculpting and by a naturalistic treatment of form associated with a new wave of Western stylistic and iconographic infl uences, that of the Graeco-Roman school of the 2nd century, the Hadrianic and Antonine periods. In examples belonging to the

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later dais categories, Styles V–VIII, created from approximately the second half of the 3rd through the 4th or 5th centuries, there is a discernable loss in the technical skill in sculpting and in naturalistic grace (Figure 6). Given the number of monastery complexes at Sahrī-Bāhlol and the some two hundred and fi fty years period under review, complexities in the development of iconographic and stylistic characteristics, such as these, are to be expected.

EARLIER DAIS STYLES: STYLES I-IV

In the examples of dais Style I, the Buddha image is positioned directly on the pericarp of a partially opened lotus (Figure 7). Only the outer edge of the seedpod can be seen above several rows of upturned petals. In what appear as the earliest examples of Style I, the petals display smooth surfaces terminating in points at the top of their outer edges. Several petals of the lower or outer-most row gracefully turn downward. In later Style II examples, the lotus is larger and more bulbous, while the upturned petals of the fl ower are defi ned by incised lines that border their outer edges (Figure 8b).

For dais Style III examples, in contrast to those of Styles I and II, the Buddha image is posi-tioned directly on the pericarp of a fully mature lotus (Figure 9). Each of the smooth-surfaced, down-turned petals of the open fl ower terminates in a rounded point at its outer edge, while the relatively naturalistic, rounded confi guration of fl ower itself gives the impression of being sup-ported by four elephants, each holding lotus blossoms, although only the forelegs, heads and trunks of three elephants are shown. Although less skillfully sculpted, examples belonging to the Style IV category are stylistically and iconographically related to Style III (Figure 10). With the exception of a single row of short upturned petals, the remaining rows are turned downward, displaying smooth, un-ridged surfaces. Some examples show only the lotus pod; others show the lotus supported by elephants, as seen in Style III examples.

LATER DAIS STYLES: STYLES V-VIII

Examples belonging to the later dais categories, Styles V through VIII, display less-success-ful, more-stylized characteristics, which are also found in the treatment of images and other features (Figures 11-14). Even though Style V is closely related to Style I, in contrast to the uniformly smooth surface of the Style I lotus petals, for Style V examples, the center of each petal displays a convex roundness defi ned by a fl at outer edging, which increases in width as it rises to a point at the top (Figure 11).

Although directly related to Style V examples, works belonging to the Style VI and VII categories display changes in both style and iconography (cf Figure 11 with Figures 12, 13). While the Style V lotus-dais type clearly served as the precursor to Styles VI and VII, the lotus blossoms are fully open in these later styles. The several rows of downward-turning petals re-call the petals of Style V lotuses, but are given a more advanced decorative form, retaining the convex roundness in the center while displaying a double rather than single edging. Style VI examples show the Buddha image seated directly on the seedpod, but in Style VII examples, the Buddha image is seated on a rectangular dais, above the lotus pericarp (cf Figures 12, 13).

Style VIII is related to Style VII, in that the Buddha image is seated on a rectangular dais, which is positioned on a lotus (cf Figures 13, 14). However, as to the blossom itself, the treat-ment of the petals represents the introduction of a new stylistic feature. The outer edges of the upward-turning petals are given defi nition, as is the middle of each petal, by an incised line.

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STELAE CHARACTERISTICS REFLECTED IN INDEPENDENTLY SCULPTED IMAGES AND RELIEFS

In addition to providing invaluable information related to further defi ning a relative chro-nology for the stylistic and iconographic development of the stelae, these sculptures provide insight, through their use as reference points, into the dating and reconstruction of larger instal-lations, allowing for the possible reuniting of certain aspects of their long-separated compo-nents. Recovered from Sahrī-Bāhlol and the neighboring site of Takht-i-Bāhī are a number of independently sculpted reliefs and images, which correspond stylistically and iconographically to the primary features of the stelae (cf Figures 8a, 8b, 15-17).

The knowledge that may be achieved through analysis and the resultant reconstruction proc-ess is exemplifi ed by a 24.5 cm relief of a lotus dais from Mound D (Figure 8b). Drilled into the top is a mortise, designed to receive a tenon from the bottom of a Buddha image, which, apparently, was not recovered. However, an appropriately sized Buddha image of the missing type was recovered from the nearby site of Takht-i-Bāhī (Figure 8a). Although they are from different complexes, the pieces serve to illustrate original usage. The lower portion of the Takht-i-Bāhī image would, most likely, have been secured within the recess of a base not unlike the example from Mound D at Sahrī-Bāhlol. The scaling of these pieces, suggests the possibil-ity that they were originally the major components of similar, large installations, the additional elements of which, as far as can be determined, are missing from the archaeological records of both Sahrī-Bāhlol and Takht-i-Bāhī.

In addition to the independently sculpted base and teaching Buddha image, there are image fragments or images of Bodhisattvas, such as the fragments found in close proximity to each other at Mound C, which must have served as life-size counterparts to the diminutive images depicted in the stelae (cf Figures 15, 16). This assessment applies equally to a second, more-complete pair of Bodhisattvas, recovered under similar circumstances, also at mound C (Figure 17). While not fully explainable, it is of value to give consideration to the hairstyle depicted on the jaṭāmukua-wearing Bodhisattvas and the wreath depicted in the hand of turban-wearing Bodhisattvas seen in Figures 7, 11, 15-17. As with numerous other features in the early Bud-dhist art of Gandhāra, they represent elements borrowed and adapted from Western stylistic and iconographic conventions, a process not unlike that discussed above in relationship to the lotus dais.

GRAECO-ROMAN CHARACTERISTICS

While, undoubtedly, many of the stylistic characteristics and ideas expressed in the sculp-tures were developed from the force of traditional South Asian eschatological concepts, as indicated above, the stelae display two signifi cant elements that are clearly Western in their derivation, the knot-of-Herakles hairstyle for Bodhisattvas and the laurel wreath, shown as a hand-held attribute or suspended above the head of a Buddha (Figure 18). These distinguish-ing iconographic elements are not unique to the sculptures under study and occur variously in other works from Gandhāra. At the same time, they do predominate or are used repetitively in the research corpus of stelae and related works from approximately the 2nd century through the 4th or 5th centuries.

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THE KNOT-OF- HERAKLES HAIRSTYLE

In stelae from all periods at Sahrī-Bāhlol, the knot-of-Herakles hairstyle is the preferred arrangement for one of the two primary Bodhisattvas and their larger, independently sculpted counterparts (see Figures 15-17, 19). The knot is fashioned of long clustered strands of hair from either side of the head, which are drawn up and secured on the top of the head by what is commonly known as the square knot. The popularity of the square knot throughout the mil-lennia refl ects its practical functionality (the greater the stress placed on it the more tightly it binds), and the apotropaic values of averting evil that came to be associated with it over time.

The name, knot-of-Herakles, seems to have been derived from its being used as the knot that secured the forelegs of the magically impenetrable Nemean lion’s skin around the shoulders of Herakles (Nicgorski 1995: 66). The arrangement, known as the knot-of-Herakles hairstyle, became increasingly popular, after the end of the 4th century BCE, for images of the Greek god Apollo in his capacity as the divine protector of young men during their transition into maturity, his presence in this form assuring successful achievement of the new status. In other capacities, he offered prophetic wisdom, healing and purging of malevolent forces (Nicgorski 1995: 66, 161, 187, 200, 226-27; Burkert 1977: 144-145, 211; Harrison 1927: 376-381, 439-444; Board-man, et al 1990: 185; Bieber 1961: 63). The use of this fashion for images of Apollo is widely recognized today due to the famous Roman copy of the type known as the Apollo Belvedere, now in the Vatican Museum collection (Figure 20).

WREATHS OF LAUREL

Several stylistic types of wreaths and garlands (mālās) were used in Gandhāran art; some are composed of fl oral materials and others of beaded strands of jewels. One type, the wreath or crown of laurel (Laurus nobilis), is clearly derived from Western conventions. As depicted in works from Sahrī-Bāhlol and other sites, the Graeco-Roman style wreath or small garland (hypothymis) of laurel, appears to be tightly and densely bound to a fi llet. At the center front of the larger examples, the wreath is ornamented with an open-faced fl ower, secured by a small band (Figures 21, 22). Wreaths with these characteristics fi gure prominently as an attribute, held in the proper left hands of numerous turban-wearing Bodhisattvas in the stelae and among the large Bodhisattva images recovered from Sahrī-Bāhlol (see Figures 7, 15, 17, 21; Schmidt forthcoming 2006: essay 28). Wreaths are also depicted above the heads of Buddha images, suspended by either fantastic, half-fl oral, half-human beings or a pair of erote-like fi gures or mālādharās (Figures 11, 14, 22: Schmidt 2005: 645-47).

Just as the use of garlands and wreaths had long, complex histories in South Asia, they like-wise had long, complex histories in the West. Throughout the Greek infl uenced world of the Hellenistic and Roman periods, fl oral wreaths had became part of a universal, symbolic koine, understood, in a general sense, to refer to concepts of victory and immortality. The types of materials selected were often embodied with meaning and sacred to a particular Greek or Ro-man deity, with specifi c values seen in relationship to the contexts in which they were used. Laurel, for example, an evergreen symbolic of victory and immortality, was sacred to Nike and Eros (Schmidt 2008: 331-333, sv ‘Wreath in Western Culture’; Danielou 1964: vii, 8, 17, 19, 23; Eliade 1987: sv ‘crowns’; Goodenough 1953: vol 7, 158, 161; Whittick 1960: 206). The prevalence of this subject matter has been particularly well documented in mortuary contexts in the Mediterranean region and in the trade-route cities, as exemplifi ed by a Roman period sarcophagus from Italy, and by a relief from Dura-Europus, where it was used, not only to represent the hope of reawakening to a blissful immortal existence, but also as a reference to

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divine authority and sanctifi cation (Figures 23, 24; McCann 1978: 20-21; Ingholt 1954: 8, fi g 17; Ingholt 1935: 68-9). Clearly, the ways in which these elements were used add insight into the long-recognized fact that, in cosmopolitan Gandhāra, the formal repertoire of the Western cultural tradition served as one source of inspiration.

CONCLUSIONS

The analyses summarized in this effort establish guidelines for adding clarity-in-understand-ing to the stylistic, morphological sequence at Sahrī-Bāhlol and to the introduction, retention and collation of a number primary iconographic elements. While there is little possibility of fully comprehending the correlations between regional practices, lost oral traditions, texts and images, undoubtedly, the sculptors attempted to provide lucid visual complements to focused doctrinaire messages. The symbolic values of the elements, however, like words, take on dif-ferent denotations and intensities depending upon context, and like words, evolve over time. Exploring the stylistic and iconographic specifi city of the source motifs, whether South Asian or Western, is of value in defi ning chronological issues and in discerning some of the inten-tions behind the Gandhāran formal choices. Furthermore, these sculptures are of interest from many differing perspectives. Although their history and signifi cance cannot be fully explained, they offer opportunities to supplement the region’s limited historical and textual sources, to develop an understanding of the visual language characteristic of certain themes, and to iden-tify regional iconographic and stylistic elements that are unique to the early Buddhist school in Greater Gandhāra. Most of the stelae in the corpus from Sahrī-Bāhlol are largely unstudied. Numerous opportunities for further research, both at Sahrī-Bāhlol and across the broader scope of Gandhāran Buddhist art, are suggested.

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FIGURE 1 & 2: MAP OF GANDHĀRA. AND MAP OF SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL.

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FIGURE 3: SITE PHOTOGRAPH OF SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL, MOUND C. ARCHAEOLOGICAL SUR-VEY OF INDIA, STEIN EXCAVATION, 1911-12. PHOTOGRAPH: BY PERMISSION OF THE BRITISH LIBRARY.

FIGURE 4: STELE WITH AN IM-AGE OF A BUDDHA SEATED IN PADMĀSANA AND DISPLAYING DHARMACAKRA MUDRĀ. SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL, MOUND D. SECOND HALF OF 2ND OR 3RD CEN-TURY CE. SCHIST. H: 113.03 CM, W: 68.58 CM. PESHAWAR MUSEUM, NO 1554. PHOTOGRAPH: AFTER LYONS AND INGHOLT 1957: PL 257.

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FIGURE 5: DRAWINGS OF EARLIER DAIS STYLES, STYLES I-IV (CF FIGURES 7-10).FIGURE 6: DRAWINGS OF LATER DAIS STYLES, STYLES V-VIII (CF FIGURES 11-14).

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FIGURE 7 (TOP LEFT): STELE WITH AN IMAGE OF A BUDDHA SEATED IN PADMĀSANA AND DISPLAYING DHARMACAKRA MUDRĀ. SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL, MOUND A. SECOND HALF OF 2ND OR 3RD CENTURY CE. SCHIST. H: 60.3 CM, W: 47.6 CM. PESHAWAR MUSEUM, NO. 158. PHOTOGRAPH: AFTER LYONS AND INGHOLT 1957: PL 254.FIGURES 8A & 8B (TOP RIGHT): FIGURE 8A. IMAGE OF A BUDDHA SEATED IN PADMĀSANA AND DISPLAYING DHARMACAKRA MUDRĀ. TAKHT-I-BĀHῙ. SECOND HALF OF 2ND OR 3RD CENTURY CE. SCHIST. H: (INCLUDING TENON) 61 CM. PESHAWAR MU-SEUM. PHOTOGRAPH: BY PERMISSION OF THE BRITISH LIBRARY. FIGURE 8B. RELIEF WITH LOTUS BASE WITH MORTIS TO RECEIVE TENON FROM AN IMAGE OF A BUDDHA. SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL, MOUND D. CIRCA 3RD CENTURY CE. GRAY SCHIST. H: C 25.4 CM. PE-SHAWAR MUSEUM. PHOTOGRAPH BY AUTHOR.FIGURE 9 (BOTTOM LEFT): STELE WITH AN IMAGE OF A BUDDHA SEATED IN PADMĀSANA AND DISPLAYING DHARMACAKRA MUDRĀ. SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL, MOUND A. SECOND HALF OF 2ND OR 3RD CENTURY CE. PHYLLITE. PESHAWAR MUSEUM. PHOTOGRAPH: BY PERMISSION OF THE PESHAWAR MUSEUM.FIGURE 10 (BOTTOM RIGHT): STELE WITH AN IMAGE OF A BUDDHA SEATED IN PADMĀSANA AND DISPLAYING DHARMACAKRA MUDRĀ. SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL, MOUND C. SECOND HALF OF THE 2ND OR 3RD CENTURY CE. SCHIST. H: 19 CM, W: 14 CM. PESHA-WAR MUSEUM. PHOTOGRAPH: BY PERMISSION OF THE BRITISH LIBRARY.

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FIGURE 11 (TOP LEFT): STELE WITH AN IMAGE OF A BUDDHA SEATED IN PADMĀSANA AND DISPLAYING DHARMACAKRA MUDRĀ. SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL, MOUND C. CIRCA 3RD OR 4TH CEN-TURY CE. SCHIST. H: 94 CM; W: 81 CM. PESHAWAR MUSEUM PHOTOGRAPH: BY PERMIS-SION OF THE BRITISH LIBRARY.

FIGURE 12 (CENTER LEFT): STELE FRAG-MENT WITH IMAGE OF A BUDDHA SEATED IN PADMĀSANA. SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL, MOUND C. CIRCA 3RD OR 4TH CENTURY CE. SCHIST. H: 30.5 CM, W: 36.8CM. ORIGINAL HEIGHT OF BUDDHA IM-AGE C 135-160 CM. PESHAWAR MUSEUM. PHOTOGRAPH: BY PER-MISSION OF THE BRITISH LIBRARY.

FIGURE 13 (CENTER RIGHT): STELE WITH AN IMAGE OF A BUDDHA SEATED IN PADMĀSANA AND DISPLAYING DHARMACAKRA MUDRĀ. THE DAIS IS COMPOSED OF TWO PARTS, A RECTAN-GULAR THRONE AND A LOTUS. SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL, MOUND C. CIRCA 3RD OR 4TH CENTURY CE. SCHIST. H: C 44.5 CM, W: C 42 CM. PESHAWAR MUSEUM. PHOTOGRAPH: BY PER-MISSION OF THE BRITISH LIBRARY.FIGURE 14 (BOTTOM LEFT): STELE WITH AN IMAGE OF A BUDDHA SEATED IN PADMĀSANA AND DISPLAYING DHARMACAKRA MUDRĀ. THE DAIS IS COMPOSED OF TWO PARTS, A RECTAN-GULAR THRONE AND A LOTUS. SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL, MOUND D. CIRCA 3RD OR 4TH CENTURY CE. SCHIST. H: 50.8 CM, W: 48.9 CM. PESHAWAR MUSEUM. PHOTOGRAPH: BY PER-MISSION OF THE PESHAWAR MUSEUM.

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FIGURE 15 (TOP LEFT): STELE WITH AN IMAGE OF A BUDDHA SEATED IN PADMĀSANA AND DISPLAYING DHARMACAKRA MUDRĀ. THE DAIS IS COMPOSED OF TWO PARTS, A RECTANGULAR THRONE AND A LOTUS. SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL, MOUND C. CIRCA 3RD OR 4TH CENTURY CE. SCHIST. H: C 58.5 CM, W: C 50.8 CM. PESHAWAR MUSEUM. PHOTOGRAPH: BY PERMISSION OF THE BRITISH LIBRARY.

FIGURE 16 (TOP RIGHT): TWO HEADS FROM IMAGES OF BODHISATTVAS, PROBABLY A COMPLEMENTARY PAIR. SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL, MOUND C. SECOND HALF OF 2ND OR 3RD CENTURY CE. SCHIST. H: C 25.4 CM. PESHAWAR MUSEUM. PHOTOGRAPH: BY PERMISSION OF THE BRITISH LIBRARY.

FIGURE 17 (BOTTOM): SITE PHOTOGRAPH OF TWO IMAGES OF BODHISATTVAS, PROB-ABLY A COMPLEMENTARY PAIR. SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL, MOUND C. SECOND HALF OF 3RD OR 4TH CENTURY CE. SCHIST. H: (FIGURE ON LEFT) C 144 CM, H: (FIGURE ON RIGHT) C 147 CM. RESPECTIVELY: NATIONAL MUSEUM OF PAKISTAN AND PESHAWAR MUSEUM. PHOTOGRAPH: BY PERMISSION OF THE BRITISH LIBRARY.

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FIGURE 18: DRAWINGS OF ELEMENTS INFLUENCED BY GRAECO-ROMAN STYLISTIC AND ICONOGRAPHIC CONVENTIONS OF THE 2ND CENTURY CE (CF FIGURES 19-24).

FIGURE 19 (LEFT): HEAD FROM AN IMAGE OF A BODHISATTVA WEARING KNOT-OF-HERAKLES HAIR FASHION. SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL. CIRCA SECOND HALF OF 2ND CENTURY CE. SCHIST. H: C 30 CM. PESHAWAR MUSEUM. PHOTOGRAPH BY AUTHOR.

FIGURE 20 (RIGHT): DETAIL OF THE HEAD OF THE GREEK GOD APOLLO. ROMAN COPY OF AN ORIGINAL OF C 325-300 BCE. MARBLE. H: (OF COMPLETE IMAGE) 224 CM. VATI-CAN MUSEUM, CORTILE DEL BELVEDERE, NO. 92. PHOTOGRAPH BY AUTHOR.


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FIGURE 21 (LEFT): DETAIL OF A STANDING IMAGE OF A WREATH-BEARING BODHISAT-TVA. SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL, MOUND B. CIRCA 3RD CENTURY CE. SCHIST. H: 129 CM, W: 48.3 CM. PESHAWAR MUSEUM, NO. 1428. PHOTOGRAPH BY AUTHOR.FIGURE 22 (RIGHT): DETAIL OF FIGURE 11 SHOWING AN IMAGE OF A TEACHING BUD-DHA WITH A WREATH SUSPENDED ABOVE HIS HEAD. SAHRῙ-BĀHLOL, MOUND C. CIRCA 3RD OR 4TH CENTURY CE. SCHIST. H: 94 CM, W: 81 CM. PESHAWAR MUSEUM. PHOTOGRAPH: BY PERMISSION OF THE BRITISH LIBRARY.

FIGURE 23 (LEFT): DETAIL OF AN EROTE HOLDING A GARLAND (HYPOTHYMIS) FROM LEFT-FRONT SECTION OF A SARCOPHAGUS. CIRCA END OF 2ND OR 3RD CENTURY CE. ITALY. LIGHT COLORED MARBLE WITH DARK BANDS. H: 58 CM. J. PAUL GETTY MU-SEUM, MALIBU, NO. 85.AA.30. PHOTOGRAPH: COURTESY OF THE J. PAUL GETTY MU-SEUM, MALIBU.FIGURE 24 (RIGHT): RELIEF DEDICATED BY THE PRIEST MALKU TO THE GAD (PATRON GODDESS) OF PALMYRA. MALKU IS SHOWN WEARING A MODIUS AND A LAUREL WREATH WITH AN OPEN-FACED FLOWER. NIKE IS SHOWN CROWNING THE GAD WITH A SECOND WREATH. DURA-EUROPOS. DATED 159 CE. LIMESTONE. H: C 70 CM. PHO-TOGRAPH: COURTESY OF THE YALE UNIVERSITY ART GALLERY.

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Ingholt, H (1954) Palmyrene and Gandharan Sculpture, New Haven: Yale University Art Gallery

Huntington, J C (1980) ‘A Gandhāran Image of Amitāyus’ Sukhāvatī,’ Annali dell’ Istituto Orientale di Napoli 40: 651-72

Liebert, G (1976) Iconographic Dictionary of the Indian Religions: Hinduism-Buddhism-Jainism, Lei-den: E. J. Brill

Lyons, I and Ingholt, H (1957) Gandhāra Art in Pakistan, New York: Pantheon Books


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Marshall, J and Foucher, A (1940) The Monuments of Sāñchi, 3 vols, Calcutta: Manager of Publications; reprint 1982, Delhi: Swati Publications

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Monier-Williams, M (1899) A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, Oxford: Oxford University Press

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Saunders, ED (1960) Mudrā: A Study of Symbolic Gestures in Japanese Buddhist Sculpture, New York: Pantheon Books

Sénart, E (1875) Essai sur la légende du Bouddha, Paris, Imprimerie nationale Schmidt, CW (1995) ‘The Sacred and the Secular: Jewellery in Buddhist Sculpture of the Kushan Pe-riod,’ in Strong, S, The Jewels of India: 15-36, Bombay: Marg Publications

Schmidt, CW (2002) ‘Buddhist Art of Ancient Gandhāra: Reassembling Long-Separated Buddha Triads and Iconographic Programs,’ South Asian Archaeology 1997: 1101-1124, Rome: Istituto Italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente

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Indo-Scythian Buddhists in Han Dynasty China: the Visual Evidence and its

Signifi cance

MARTHA L. CARTER

According to a number of later Chinese Buddhist accounts the Han Emperor Ming (AD 58-75) dreamed of a ‘golden man’ who was identifi ed as Śākyamuni Buddha, and then dispatched an envoy to the West to seek more information. The envoy returned in AD 67 with two Indian monks, a famous Buddha image and a scripture carried on the back of a white horse. The White Horse Temple still exists outside Luoyang city. This seemingly apocryphal tale may not be to-tally inaccurate, however, since according to the Hou Han shu (ch. 42, bio. 32) a group of Bud-dhists, thought by most authorities to be foreigners, were fi rst noted in the biography of Prince Ying who ruled a small fi efdom between AD 52 and 70. Among his many purported virtues, he was said to have followed the precepts of the Buddha and provided feasts for a colony of monks and laymen in his domain. His capital lay about 30 miles from to the Chinese coast, close to the modern seaport of Lianyungang on the northern edge of Jiangsu close to the border of Shan-dong Province. Near this city there is an interesting example of what may have been among the earliest attempts at creating Buddhist imagery in China. This is an auspicious hill called Kongwangshan. (Wenwu 1981.7: 1-19; Wenwu 1982.9: 61-70) Carved in low relief on its on its rocky face is a crude hodgepodge of imagery, some Chinese such as the popular Queen Mother of the West at the highest point of the display, seated as if in her abode at the summit of Mt. Kunlun, with much below that is alien. (Figure 1) There are three Buddha images, (X2, X 61, X76) and two Buddhist scenes: one a strange version of the Bodhisattva’s sacrifi ce of his body to a hungry tigress (X82) found in the Mahāsattva Jātaka, and another a complex Parinirvāna group (X4-X60) with the recumbent Buddha carved out of a shelf of rock and onlookers’ heads ranked in a simple isocephalic style (Figure 2) All have stylistic elements seemingly reminiscent of the shallow rock reliefs of Parthian Elymais, such as Tang-i Sarvak. (Vanden Berghe and Schippman 1985: 21-50, 59-92) This was noted by Marilynn Rhie (1999: 32) in her thorough compendium on early Buddhist art in China and Central Asia. Along with these Bud-dhist subjects are assorted representations of fi gures in Indo-Scythian costume, often having no apparent relationship to the Buddhist imagery. (Figure 3) The Buddha images are all distinct in appearance with X61 perhaps the latest in date. Here the standing fi gure is in abhaya mudrā with the head and hands somewhat enlarged and feet placed frontally, suggesting a somewhat sinifi ed appearance. The other standing Buddha (X2) carved in a low relief niche sways some-what to the right and has a fl at featureless robe ending with a wide fl are at the ankles. (Figure 4) The feet are small, rectangular, and turned outward. Like X61 the pose is in abhaya mudrā with the right hand turned awkwardly outward in a two-dimensional mode. The face is also fl at with a small incised cusp of a mouth, deeply cut brows, large eyes, and a fl at squarish nose. The ears are simple half lobes with no indication of elongation, and the hair and uṣṇīṣa look like a small brimmed hat. The seated Buddha (X76) also in abhaya mudrā, close stylistically to X2, and

MIGRATION, TRADE AND PEOPLES, PART 2: GANDHARAN ART, Indi-Scythian Buddhists in Han Dynasty China: the Visual Evidence and its Signifi cance, 108-117; ISBN 978-0-9553924-5-0

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INDO-SCYTHIAN BUDDHISTS IN HAN DYNASTY CHINA

FIGURE 1. DRAWING OF THE ROCK RELIEFS AT KONGWANGSHAN, LIANYUNGANG, JIANGSU, LATER HAN DYNASTY (AFTER WENWU, 1981.7, 2)

FIGURE 2: ROCK RELIEF IMAGE OF STANDING BUDDHA (X2), KONG-WANGSHAN, LIANYUN-GANG, JIANGSU. LATER HAN DYNASTY (AFTER WENWU, 1982, 61, FIGURE 1)

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FIGURE 3: ROCK RELIEF IMAGE OF SEATED BUDDHA FROM LINTEL AT CAVE IX, MAHAO, SICHUAN. LATER HAN DYNASTY (AUTHOR’S PHOTO)

FIGURE 4: CERAMIC BASE OF A ‘MONEY TREE’ WITH A SEATED BUDDHA EX-CAVATED AT PENGSHAN AND NOW IN THE NAN-JING MUSEUM (AFTER MUSEUMS IN CHINA, VOL. 4, NANJING MUSEUM, WENWU PRESS, BEIJING, 1984, PLATE 77)

similarly a fl at fi gure incised in the rock. Here, however, there are some lines indicating folds of drapery and wide sleeves. Considering the haphazard layout of the carvings it appears probable that the rock art was created by different hands over a period of time perhaps stretching into the late second or early third century AD, but the earliest may not be too far removed from the era of Prince Ying. X2 and X 76 appear to be earlier and less developed than X 61. They are more two-dimensional and probably earlier.

The salient point I wish to make is that the Buddhists who inspired the rock reliefs seen here must have come by sea rather than overland. Sea trade between China and India in the fi rst cen-tury AD expanded due to a period of internal political turmoil and natural disasters culminat-ing in the Wang Mang interregnum (AD 9-25) that lost the Han Dynasty their military control protecting important routes of communication with the West. Trade with India and Western Asia became more hazardous by land across Xinjiang at the very time that the Mediterranean world grew more prosperous under the Roman Empire of the Julio-Claudian Era. During the fi rst half of the fi rst century AD the demand for sericum in fashionable Roman society became almost a mania. Although, according to Tacitus (Ann. ii.33), the senate under Tiberius issued a ban on silk garments for men, during the reign of Caligula ladies of imperial court accumulated vast quantities of luxurious silk robes, ribbons and shawls interwoven with gold embroideries. (Suet. Cal. 52; Dion Cass. lix.12) With demand for ‘seric cloth’ among wealthy Romans ris-ing rapidly and supply by land from China diminished by unstable conditions in Xinjiang , sea trade between China and India with transshipment from there to the West became a more vi-able alternative. Bulky Western cargo ships could cross the Erythraean Sea on monsoon winds directly to India’s western coast, but, according to Lionel Casson, (1991: 10-11) probably did not go further. The Indian middlemen of the China trade manned smaller, more fl exible sailing craft to make the hazardous trips farther east. From the evidence of Kongwangshan it seems likely that Indo-Scythians were among the fi rst Indian traders to reach the Jiangsu-Shandong coast; and that they were responsible for the Buddhist art created there, although much of the carving may have been a product of local commissions. If some of Prince Ying’s Buddhists were Indo-Scythians during the fi rst century AD they were most likely part of a network con-nected to ports of the Indus River mouth region’s coastal Indo-Scythian territories. Minnagara, capital of the recent Indo-Scythian (ie Saka) conquests in region is recorded in the mid-fi rst century Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (Casson 1989: 38; Schoff 2001: 37) as ruled at that time by constantly warring Parthian princes (ie Indo-Parthians). That city is also mentioned in the Acts of Saint Thomas as the seat of Gondophores around AD 30/40. Further south the port of Barygaza lay at ‘…the beginning of the Kingdom of Nambanus’, possibly the Kshaharāta king Nahapāna, although his dates are disputed.(Rosenfi eld, 1967: 131; Senior 2001, I: 129-133) We do not usually think of Indo-Scythians of any stripe as venturesome sea traders, but it is possible that they were introduced to it by seagoing Iranians of the Parthian era who might have reached China by the late second century BC, as suggested by a three almost identical lobed decora-tive metal boxes of sub-Achaemenid Iranian style found in Chinese princely tombs of that era. (Laing 1995: 11-17; Harper 2002: 97-100) A silver one was found in Shandong Province on China’s northern coast, another at Guangzhou on China’s south coast, and a bronze version of the same box in Yunnan.

Surprisingly, at Kongwangshan there is no trace of early Indian Buddhist style or content such as that under the Sātavāhanas. The Buddhist scenes are closest in schema to early Kuṣāṇa style, although some may even earlier, belonging to the Saka /Indo-Parthian Era as suggested by their crude two-dimensional Parthian relief style overtones. The question of prototypes for this imagery is puzzling. Marilynn Rhie (1999: 33) has compared the X2 Buddha image with Kuṣāṇa ‘Sakamono Boddo’ copper coin reverse Buddha images, and notes (1999: 40) that one,

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a carved profi le bearded head with a high cap, resembles Vima II Kadphises’ coin portraits. In addition to coins, however, the nautical Indo-Scythians may have carried fi gural amulets, small portable shrines, and pictorial illustrations that could have served as inspiration for Kongwang-shan reliefs. By the early second century the land trade routes to China were gradually re-open-ing in Xinjiang much to the benefi t of both Kuṣāṇa and Parthian caravaneers. Nevertheless, sea trade once established continued to thrive.

I do not presume to delve into the complex question of Parthian Buddhism in this short paper. Worthy of mention, however, is an account in the Mahāvamsa (Geiger 1986: 194) of a large delegation of Buddhists from ‘Pallavabhoga’ who journeyed by sea to attend a council convened by the Ceylonese king Duṭṭhagāmani who reigned between 108 and 77 BC. Bud-dhism may well have penetrated the eastern Iranian borderlands under the tolerant Parthians by this time. Parthian stylistic elements occur in early Buddhist sculpture in the Gandhāran re-gion, especially Swat. (Fabregues 1987: 37-41; Nehru 1989: 45-46; Carter 2005: 307-317) This strongly suggests that there is an underlying link with Iran and Western Asia under the Arsacids in the creation of Kuṣāṇa Buddhist art.

A second and seemingly unrelated appearance of Buddha images during the Later Han Dy-nasty in China occurs in Sichuan, barely on the horizon of Chinese culture at the time, and far from the sea. The famous Mahao Cave IX tomb near Leshan, dated to the mid-second century (Edwards 1954, I: 5-28, II 103-129; Lim 1987: 194-99, Rhie 1999: 47-56), shows a seated Bud-dha carved over its middle doorway. (Figure 5) It faces north, while most Han Era tombs face south, and has an antechamber and three separate shafts, a plan that Rhie (1999: 48) suggests is comparable to Kuṣāṇa Era caves at Karatepe in Northern Bactria. The Buddha image here is more plastic than those of Kongwangshan, closer to Kuṣāṇa types, but lacks much detail, with hardly a suggestion of an uṣṇīṣa. Rhie (1999: 52) points to a fragmentary painting of a

112

MARTHA L. CARTER

FIGURE 5: RUBBING OF A SEATED BUDDHA FROM THE POLE OF A ‘MONEY TREE’ AND A DRAWING OF THE SAME IMAGE (AFTER WENWU 1991,3, 6; 1992,11, FIGURE 1)

Buddha from Karatepe as a comparison. Another very different tiny seated Buddha with two attendants is found on the ceramic base of a funerary ‘money tree’ excavated from Pengshan, Sichuan and now in the Nanjing Museum. (Figure 6) One is a monk but the other is dressed

as an Indo-Scythian. (Wu Hung 1987, 4: 33; Rhie 1999: 56-58) Here the Buddha has a robe with heavy folds, vertically striated hair and a very high, prominent uṣṇīṣa, more like a tall bun of hair. Signifi cantly, it is distinct in style from that of the Mahao Tomb, suggesting a different source of inspiration, more like that of some earlier Gandhāran Buddha images. (Kurita I 1990: Figures P-2 VII, 164, 207, 210, 227, 254, 256, et al) Yet a third type of seated Buddha image may be found on the bronze ‘money trees’ themselves. One is repeated fi ve times on the shaft of a ‘money tree’ found in a tomb at Mianyang near Chengdu. (Figure 7) Here the Buddha has a large fl at uṣṇīṣa, a wide, prominent mustache and schematized folds of drapery forming a prominent U shape between the hands. Oddly, these little Buddhas most closely resemble some provincial Gandhāran varieties supposedly from Bajaur, a region that belonged to the fervently Buddhist Apraca kings of the fi rst century AD. (Kurita II 1990: Figures 259, 260, 265, 266, 277, et al; Salomon 1999: 148, 180-182) The question remains as to the mode by which these varied images that seem to have inspired a fair degree of local attraction to Buddhism get to Sichuan, and who might have brought them.

According to the Shi ji, when Zhang Qian returned to China in 126 BC from his adventures in the West, he told the emperor Wudi that he found goods imported from Sichuan in Bactria that were said to have come from India. (Watson II 1961: 269) Excited about the possibilities of opening a new trade route to the west, the emperor sent him to the region where he spent

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FIGURE 6: DRAWING OF PARINIRVĀNA ROCK RELIEF AT KONWANGSHAN, LIANYUN-GANG, JIANGSU. LATER HAN DYNASTY (AFTER WENWU. 1981.7, 3, FIGURE 2)

a frustrating year unable to discover where the route lay (Watson II 1961, 293-294); no doubt because local traders had no intention of sharing their secrets with a Chinese ambassador. In Sichuan and Yunnan examples of art closely related to Central Asian ‘animal style’ are well known. Chinese archaeologists have pointed to evidence suggesting that there was an infl ux of Central Asian tribal elements of Saka ethnicity into the region during the late fi rst millennium BC. (Zhang Zengqi, 1994: 678-699; Chiou-Peng 1998: 280-304; Mallory and Mair 2000: 3228-330) Signifi cantly, small ceramic fi gures of foreigners wearing trousers and pointed caps have recently been discovered there. (Hong Kong University Newsletter June 2004: 1-3) The most likely path of trade with northern India would have been some precursor of the Burma Road to river ports accessible from the Bay of Bengal. Hirth (1975: 179-180) notes that both the Wei-shu and Wei-lio mention goods from the West coming by sea to the coast of Pegu and up the Irrawaddy or Salween River to Yunnan. A combination of land and sea routes would likely have continued around the coast, up the Ganges and on to thriving emporia such as Mathurā. Trade goods destined for Mediterranean markets such as silk yarn could be easily transferred there to caravans bound for the Indus ports.

Pliny (historia naturalis VI. 22-24) mentions a Ceylonese delegation to the Emperor Clau-dius in the mid-fi rst century whose leader explained to the curious Romans that his father had actually met the mysterious Seres during a trading expedition at an emporium on a riverbank in what he evidently thought was China. This is suggested by the Pliny’s statement that the Ro-mans were told that the northeast coast of their island faced the land of the Seres. The traders found by the delegate’s father were described to the Romans as blue eyed, red haired barbarians

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MARTHA L. CARTER

FIGURE 7: RUBBING OF ROCK RELIEF FIGURES AT KONGWANGSHAN, LIANYUNGANG, JIANGSU. LATER HAN DYNASTY (AFTER WENWU, 1981, FIGURES 3, 8)

speaking in a guttural tongue. Although they were obviously non-Sinic in ethnicity, they could have been immigrant Central Asians from Sichuan or Yunnan trading in Burma. One may im-agine that they would have welcomed their Indo-Scythian cousins in a trading relationship, and quickly learned that great profi ts could be made from the export of local silk and other luxuries to the West. If among the Indo-Scythians there were Buddhists, which seems probable, they could have traveled north to Sichuan to form trading colonies as they did in Jiangsu, and ex-erted signifi cant infl uence there. Buddhism and its artist expressions entered a quiescent phase in Sichuan after the mid-second century, but reappeared with vigor in the sixth century under the Liang Dynasty. (Howard 1998: 119-120, pl. 1) A Buddhist stele from the Wan Fo Temple in Chengdu dated to AD 548 (fi g. 8) shows Avalokiteśvara presiding over a rowdy group of musi-cians and dancers who, as Angela Howard suggests, are ‘foreign looking’. Perhaps they are a late offshoot of Saka elements in the local population.

There is a great deal that is unknown about trade between India and China in the fi rst century,

but the history of the Han dynasty clearly details the disasters that almost caused the dynasties downfall and lost its hard won trade routes at the turn on the fi rst millennium. It would appear that Indo-Scythian traders among others, from India quickly learned to take advantage of alter-nate sea routes to China and may have brought the earliest infl uences of Buddhist art with them.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Casson, L (1989) The Periplus Maris Erythraei, Princeton: Princeton University Press

Casson, L (1991) ‘Ancient naval technology and the route to India’, in Begley, V. and De Puma, R. eds., Rome and India: The Ancient Sea Route, Madison: University of Wis-consin Press

Carter, M (2005) ‘A Marble Acrolithic Head from Afghanistan’, in Bopearachchi, O.and Bous-sac, M. eds., Afghanistan ancien carrefour entre l’est et l’ouest, Turnhout: Brepols

Chiou-Peng, T (1998) ‘Western Yunnan and its Steppe Affi nities’, in Mair, V The Bronze Age and Early Iron Age Peoples of Eastern Central Asia, Monograph no 26

Edwards, D (1954) ‘The Cave Reliefs at Mao Hao’, Artibus Asiae 17, part 1, 15-28, part 2 , 103-129

Fabregues, C (1987) ‘The Indo-Parthian Beginnings of Gandhāra Sculpture’, Bulletin of the Asia Institute, vol. 1, 33-63

Geiger, W (1986) The Mahāvamsa or the Great Chronicle of Ceylon, reprint of 1912 edition, New Delhi: Asian Educational Services

Harper, P (2002) ‘Iranian Luxury Vessels in China from the late First Millennium B.C.E. to the second half of the First Millennium C.E’, in Juliano A. and Lerner, J. eds., Nomads, Traders and Holy Men along China’s Silk Road, Turnhout: Brepols

Hirth, F (1975) China and the Roman Empire, reprint of 1885 edition, Chicago:Ares Press

Howard, A (1998) ‘The Development of Buddhist Art in Sichuan’, Baker, J, ed., The Flowering of a Faith. New Studies in Chinese Buddhist Art, Mumbai: Marg Publications

Kurita, I (1990) Gandhāran Art, The World of the Buddha 2, Tokyo: Nigensha

Laing, E (1995) ‘Recent Finds of Western-Related Glassware, Textiles, and Metalwork in Cen-tral Asia and China’, Bulletin of the Asia Institute, vol. 9, 1-18

Lim, L. (1987) Stories from China’s Past: Han Dynasty Pictorial Tomb Reliefs and Archaeo-logical Objects from Sichuan Province, Exhibition Catalogue, San Francisco: The Chinese Cul-tural Foundation of San Francisco

Mallory, J and Mair, V (2000) The Tarim Mummies, London: Thames and Hudson

Nehru, L (1989) Origins of the Gandhāran Style, Oxford: Oxford University Press

Rhie, M (1999) Early Buddhist Art of China and Central Asia I, Leiden: Brill

Rosenfi eld, J (1967) The Dynastic Arts of the Kushans, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University

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of California Press

Salomon, R (1999) Ancient Buddhist Scrolls from Gandhāra, Seattle: University of Washington Press

Schoff, W (1989) Parthian Stations by Isadore of Charax, reprint of 1914 edition, Chicago: Ares Press

Senior, R (2001) Indo-Scythian Coins and History I, London: Classical Numismatic Group

Vanden Berghe, L. and Schippman K. (1985) Les reliefs rupestres d’Elymaïde (Irān) de l’epoque parthe, Iranica Antiqua, supplement III

Watson, B (1961) Records of the Grand Historian of China, 2, New York: Columbia University Press Wenwu (1981.7) Three articles in Chinese: ‘A Report on the Stone Statues Discovered in Mt. Kongwangshan, Jiangsu Province’, 1-7; Hsueh Wei-ch’ao and Hsin Li-Hsiang, ‘An Examina-tion of the Date of the Cliff Images at Kongwangshan’, 8-15; Yen Wen-ju, ‘Kongwangshan Buddhist Image Materials’, 16-19

Wenwu (1982.9) One article in Chinese: Pu Lien-Sheng, ‘Preliminary Theory on the Eastern Han Buddhist Cliff Images at Kongwangshan’, 61-65

Wu Hung (1987) ‘Xiwangmu, the Queen Mother of the West’, Orientations 28.4, 24-33

Zhang Zhengqi (1994) ‘Again on the Infl uence and Diffusion of the Scythian Culture in the Yunnan Bronze Age’, in Genito, B.ed., The Archaeology of the Steppes; Methods and Strate-gies, Napoli: Istituto Universitario Orientale

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The Gates to the Darel Valley from the Singal Valley: the Batakhun & the Yajei Passes. Field

Research in Northern Pakistan tracing Fa Hsien’s route from Pamir to Darel

HARUKO TSUCHIYA

The present paper is the result of work conducted as part of Haruko Tsuchiya and Ajmad Ayub fi eld research, on the area between the heads of the Singal and the Darel Valleys in 2003 and 2004, particularly focusing on the Batakhun and the Yajei Passes, the two gateways to the Darel Valley from the Singal Valley.

Our fi eld research is based on the account by Fa Hsien (Legge 1886, 24-25, Adachi 1936 & 1940) that the fi rst country he reached after crossing Pamir was Darel, since Darel was re-nowned for the 24-meter colossal image of Maitreya Buddha (Tsuchiya 2006 b). In search of the direct route to Darel from Pamir, we have discovered the route from the Khora Bhort Pass, along the Karambar and Ishkoman Valleys to Gakuch on the Gilgit River and then through the Singal Valley to reach Darel (Tsuchiya 1999 a & b, 2000 a, 2001, 2002 a). This route dif-fers from the so-called established route from the Mintaka-Killik Pass, via Hunza and Gilgit to Darel as presented by Kazutoshi Nagasawa (Nagasawa 1979 map). Had Fa Hsien crossed Gilgit, he should have referred to it since Gilgit was already known as a strategic point called Nantou in the Han Shu of the 1st century AD (Han Shu, 1977, 963, Shiratori 1941, 387, 652) The outcome of the various stages of our fi eld research has already been presented previously at the Rome, Leiden (Tsuchiya in press) and Bonn meetings of the EASAA.

The fi eld research of the Singal Valley in 2001 covered almost the entire valley except for its head beyond the Patharo Chowki (Tsuchiya 2006 a).The fi eld work in the Darel Valley (1998-2000) started from the mouth of the valley on the Indus, towards Pouguch and Rajikot, but was halted at Harone, as it was deemed too dangerous to continue (Tsuchiya 2002 b). The area between Patharo Chowki in the Singal Valley and Harone in the Darel Valley had remained a no man’s land for non-Darelis. In our present fi eld work (2003, 2004), we could fi nally cover the two entrances to the Darel Gates, the Batakhun and the Yajei Passes, as the fi rst scientifi c fi eldwork ever to have been made of this area.

The Darel Valley covered by our fi eld work is considered, among the people of the northern areas of Pakistan as the most dangerous, inaccessible and remote territory, completely closed off to the outsiders. Even the people close to Darel, from Gilgit or Puniyal along the Gilgit River, never intend to visit Darel. Intermittent tribal feuds and confl icts within the Darel Val-ley discourage any visitors. It took us eight years to have the closed door of the Darel Valley opened for us. Only by good fortune we did make acquaintance with some people from the Darel Valley. Through several years of acquaintanceship, we gained their trust, and eventually an invitation to the Darel Valley was extended to us.

The only prior exploration of the Darel Valley with a focus on Fa Hsien’s T’o-Li or Darel was conducted by Sir Aurel Stein in 1913 (Stein 1928, 13-32 ). Aurel Stein, coming from Chilas via the Hodur and Khanberi valleys, reached Yashot in the Darel Valley by tracing the Ishkobar MIGRATION, TRADE AND PEOPLES, PART 2: GANDHARAN ART, THE GATES TO THE DAREL VALLEY FROM THE SINGAL VALLEY: THE BATAKHUN & THE YAJEI PASSES. FIELD RESEARCH IN NORTHERN PAKISTAN TRACING FA HSIEN’S ROUTE FROM PAMIR TO DAREL, 118-134; ISBN 978-0-9553924-5-0

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THE GATES TO THE DAREL VALLEY FROM THE SINGAL VALLEY

FIGURE 1: THE HEAD OF THE SINGAL VALLEY, WITH THE PARO SAR LAKE AND THE PATHARO PASS ON THE RIGHT.

Valley, then went toward its mouth by visiting Rajikot and Lohilo Kot (the University site at Pouguch). From Gayal, he then took the route via Shardai Pass to Tangir. Therefore, he neither reached the mouth of the Darel Valley nor covered the area towards the head of the Darel Valley beyond Yashot, where the Batakhun and the Yajei passes lie.

From our initial visit to the Pouguch site in the Darel Valley in 1998 we gradually extended our fi eld work toward the head of the valley, covering Rajikot, the fortress castle of Darel, and the Yashot village, the last permanent village at the head of the valley (Tsuchiya in press). Our aim was to reach the very head of the valley, where two passes, the Batkhun and the Yajei, stand as the gateways of the valley.

THE FIELD RESEARCH, 2003

The exploration made in July and August of 2003 covered the area from the mouth to the head of the Singal Valley and through the Maja Sagar to the Darel Valley (see map). By this fi eld work, it was possible for the fi rst time to complete the route throughout the Singal Valley to the Darel Valley by covering the area between the Police Chowki at Patharo in the Singal Val-lley to Harone in the Darel Valley, which had remained unexplored by the previous fi eld efforts.

At the very head of the Singal Valley, beyond the Police Chowki to the end of the Patharo Gah, the path is fl at and easy, surrounded by grasses and fl owers. The grazing rights of this area are said to be owned by the Darelis and this is extended to the heads of Satachao and whole Totori and part of Patharo up to the Police Chowki. Before the Patharo Pass, a small stream of the Singal River fl ows out of the Paro Sarsar meaning lakea round lake, deep but with no fi sh and no glaciers. Beyond the southern end of the Paro Sar, a gentle slope rises toward the Patharo Pass Figure 1), which is easily passable, covered partially by snow only on the Singal side.

The Patharo Pass is not connected directly to the Darel Valley. A high plateau of pasture land called Maja Sagar-Yajei extends westward from the glacier-covered Kini Chish Mountainn, at a height 4940 meters. Kini Chish Mountain (meaning black mountain both in Shina & Kala Pahar in Urdu) is the highest mountain in the area, the watershed of the Singal and the Batraith rivers, located at the heads of the Singal, Batraith, Darel and Khanberi valleys, Kini Chish’s northwest side has a perpendicular cliff covered by hanging glaciers standing like a shield at the eastern coast of the Maja Sar Lake, the largest in the area with a 2 to 3 km diameter and the source of the Batraith River (Figure 2). As more streams from Shatao Gawolo and Gali Sar join the Bath-raith River, the rich supply of water produces meadows full of alpine fl owers in various hues. The majority of these grazing meadows are under the control of the Darelis. Therefore, people in the adjacent area, such as at Patharo in the Singal Valley, are compelled to be cautious of any imminent attacks on their cattle by the Darelis.

Maja Sagar (meaning pasture-in-between) is owned exclusively by the Darelis, and not by the people from the Bathraith and Singal valleys. Here three families from Darel spend their summers grazing cattle and growing maize. Maja Sagar and its surrounding area, Maja Sar, Kinichich Mountain, and Mayornote, Shataro Gawolo Sar, and Kolibari Valley, can only be reached after crossing passes at the head of the Singal Valley by way of the Patharo Pass, and at the head of the Darel Valley by way of the Batakhun, the Yajei and the Moshadogan passes. Mayornot is a grazing pasture for the Darelis on the upper Batraith River near Maja Sagar.

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FIGURE 2: THE HEAD OF MAJA SAGAR: THE MAJA SAR LAKE AND THE KINI CHISH MT.(4940M)

There are fi ve or six summer houses at Mayornote (Figure 3). The Darelis go up in April or May and return at the end of October. Groups of rocks and natural caves scattered in the area are used as refuges for cattle from rain, snow and wind. A small stream of the Batraith River fl ows out of the Maja Sar Lake, south of Mayornot.

These Darelis use the Yajei Gali (gali meaning pass), and not the Batakhun Pass, to reach Mayornot. They consider the Yajei Pass the common route. Hence it was decided that our fi eld work in 2003 would cover the Yajei Pass route, and, subsequently in 2004 the Batakhun Pass route. The way to the Yajei Pass starts to the west of Mayornot, from the mouth of the Kolibari Valley at Alai Patharo towards Moos and Narkanoi. A gradual slope continues along the Koli-bari stream, fl owing out of the Gali Sar Lake. The Kolibari Valley is a narrow but open valley, fi lled with green pastures along a stream, fl owing from Gali Sar, located immediately below the Yajei Pass (Figure 4). Gali Sar Lake is almost the same size as Paro Sar and Shatao Gawolo, but is the deepest. Gali Sar, like Paro Sar, is frozen but walkable during the winter season.

The Yajei Pass (Figure 5) is an open pass, fl at only for a few meters, but passable all year-round where snow does not remain. This pass was found to be a regular route to reach Dar-el, more popular than the well-known Batakhun Passes which are covered by snow until the months of April or May. Neither snow nor glacier remain on the Yajei Pass, making it possible for traffi c to cross throughout a year. The Darel side of the Yajei Pass was relatively gentle and the devoid-of-stone descent was preferred for loaded animals (Figure 6). Fountains, here and there, provide enough water for travelers but there are no streams. Two diffi cult points needed to be maneuvered but, overall, the valley can easily be negotiated.

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FIGURE 3: MAJORNOT IN THE BATHRAITH VALLEY: A DARELI FAMILY NEAR THEIR SUM-MER PASTURES.

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FIGURE 4: THE KOLIBARI VALLEY LOOKING TOWARD THE YAJEI PASS.

FIGURE 5: THE TOP OF THE YAJEI PASS, WITH THE GALI SAR LAKE IN THE BACKGROUND.

The Moshadogan Pass is located further northwest of the Yajei Pass and can be viewed from Shallpakar, halfway down the Yajei Ghali on the Darel side where the Moshadogan Valley meets the Yajei Valley. The Moshadogan Pass, opened throughout the year, is said to be slightly steeper and more rugged than the Yajei Pass but not as diffi cult as the Batakhun Pass. The local people, including Tangiri of the upper Batraith River, use the Moshodogan Pass, but the Singal people do not.

Throughout the year, both the Moshadogan and the Yajei Passes can be used by a large herd of cattle without diffi culty. It is quite important to have these two passes for the Darelis to take their cattle for grazing in their summer pastures at Mayornot and Maja Sagar, located in a high plateau above the passes.

Shallpakar, the middle way from Yajei Pass to Lulei in the Darel Valley, is a small grazing pasture with two huts (dukuri), which can be used by any resident of the Darel Valley. From Shallpakar, a picturesque scene of the Shosharepati and Googli mountainns, including Lurei and Gotobo of the upper Darel Valley, can be viewed. Looking up from Gotobo, the Yajei Valley and the Yajei Pass can be viewed. The vegetation becomes scarce towards the head of the Darel Valley beyond Lurei and Gotobo. Lurei, with 20 dukuri-style huts, and Gotobo, with four or fi ve huts, are the summer villages of Mankial, but cattle can move onto Maja Sagar. Conifer trees and cedar, are growing at Atth along a small stream of the Darel River as well as at the side of the mountains (Figure 7). Behind the cedar trees is a polo ground.

THE FIELD RESEARCH, 2004

The Batakhun Pass was covered in the 2004 fi eld research efforts which also included the entire course of the Batraith River and the Maja Sagar-Yajei region. On the Batraith River, Ha-maran is the last permanent village, while Ushkur, reached by jeep (24 km from the mouth), has only two or three houses and after that is an area solely for summer villages.

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FIGURE 6: FROM THE YAJEI PASS, LOOKING DOWN LUREI AND GOTOBO, THE HEAD OF THE DAREL VALLEY

There are nine sub-valleys and fi ve summer settlements on the Batraith River.The sub-valleys of the Btraith above Ushkur are (1) Gailo N (left bank), (2) Kushkui area

(left), (3) Hangudas (right), (4) Chuno Batraith (left; reaching Chileli Gali to the very head of Darel), (5) Duboga (left), (6) Kasfi ra (right), (7) Moshadogan (reaching Moshadogan Gali to Darel, Yajei, used by Batraith people), (8) Roshana (right; reaching Roshan Gali to Roshan Gah), (9) Gulmucha (right; reaching Glumti Gali to Glumi Gah). From there, Batraith continues toward the head water, while Shen Gah continues to reach the Brishardai Gali to the Singal Gah. On the Batraith, there are fi ve summer settlements to be reached: Dalamai Athur, Mayarnot, Bari (ponds), Amir Hayatai Athar, Howlet Khan-e-Athar before arriving in the Maja Sagar area. Tracing up the Batraith Valley, the Maja Sagar area starts on the right bank of Batraith River after Howlet Khan-e-Athar and ends at Maja Sar Lake, at the foot of the glacier-covered Kini Chish Mt (4940m).

The Batakhun Pass is located to be southwest of the end of the Maja Sagar plateau (Figure 8). The steep climb toward the Batakhun Pass starts from its foot at Maja Sagar. Had we come from the Singal Valley via the Patharo Pass, it would have taken one and a half hours to reach the foot of the Batakhun Pass from the Patharo Pass; namely, from the top of the Patharo Pass to Maja Sagar requires 30-40 minutes, crossing Maja Sagar to the foot of Batakhun Pass requires one hour. The north side of Batakhun is rocky, steep and dangerous and partially covered by snow with no vegetation. Despite being hampered by diffi culty, one can step aside from the snow and walk to the top in an hour and half. For a few meters the Batakhun top is fl at (Figure 9).

In contrast to the relatively easy climb to the Batakhun Pass from the north side, the descent on the south side along the Batakhun valley, a sub-valley of Chirah Valley, is lengthy and ex-hausting. Climbing down the extremely steep and rugged slopes of the Batakhun Valley is also very dangerous (Figure 10). The descent from the Batakhun Pass to Matic on the Darel Valley, it took four hours and 20 minutes; from the Batakhun top to Sonibas one hour; Sonibas to Rai-

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FIGURE 7: LOOKING TOWARD THE HEAD OF THE DAREL VALLEY FROM BERAOUS AND ATTH.

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FIGURE 8: FROM THE BATAKHUN PASS, LOOKING TOWARD THE MAJA SAGAR AND THE PATHARO PASS.

FIGURE 9: THE TOP OF THE BATAKHUN PASS, LOOKING TOWARD THE MAJA SAR LAKE.

bas 20 minutes; Raibas to Dhat one hour; Dhat to Chirokhun one hour; Chirokhun to Madre/Kasholi 30 minutes; Kasholi to Matic 30 minutes.

The climb up to the Batakhun Pass from the Darel side starts from Kasholi. There are two or three huts along the Chirah Valley. At Madre, the Chirah Valley is very narrow but then it opens up and is fl at up to Dhat. It takes one and a half hours from Kasholi to Dhat, which is the junction of the Chirah Nala and small Batakkun sub-valley, where the steepness increases. It will take four hours to cover from Dhat to the top of the Batakhun Pass. There are two spots in the Batakhun sub-valley, Raibas (King’s camp) and Sonibas (Queen’s camp), where people nor-mally stay overnight before reaching the Batakhun Pass. Only goats can go over the Batakhun pass in April and May. Smaller in size, a special species of cow and buffalo in the Darel Valley will go up the Batakhun pass only in June or July or , if earlier, by way of the Yajei Pass. Cattle have diffi culty coping with the steep slope of the Batakhun Pass and are often lost on the way.

However, the Batakhun Pass is still considered the quickest and the shortest way linking the Darel and the Singal Valleys. It is used for emergency. In the months of July, August, and Sep-tember, a man with a light load or cattle can go by the Batakhun Pass reaching Kasholi (Chirah) 90 minutes faster than those coming from the Yajei Pass.

The Batakhun Pass can be considered a strategic route rather than the normal trail. In this regard, a legend on the goat at the Batakhun Pass, collected during our fi eld work reads as fol-lows: ‘Once, there was a famous goat at the top of the Batakhun Pass. The goat had a capacity to send signals to the Darelis concerning any possible invasion by kicking her feet on the ground. By doing so, it created the sound of drum. Being alerted, the people would light a fi re to make the whole Darel Valley aware of the danger and assembled at Darband, their defensive gate-way.’ This legend reveals how the Darelis were prepared for any imminent invasion, and how

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FIGURE 10: LOOKING DOWN THE STEEP SLOPES OF THE CHIRAH NALAH FROM THE TOP OF BATAKHUN PASS.

they were depending on the Batakhun Pass as a strategically important point. From the top of the Batakhun Pass, almost 80% of the entire Darel Valley up to Samigiyal, close to Pouguch, can be viewed.

A network of the ‘Batakhun Pass Defense System’ in the Batakhun area, including Darband at the head of the Darel Valley, seemed to have existed. It was a defensive system, protecting the entire Darel Valley, including Pouguch, a possible Buddhist establishment, where Fa Hsien must have made the pilgrimage (Tsuchiya 2002 b). Watchmen were said to have been posted at the stragetic points around the clock to look out for any sign of smoke from the Batakhun Pass at the mouth of the sub-valleys, such as Brigah (Barigah), Gharirot, Lati, Bonil and Shadorghah (near by Samigal Pain) on the left bank of the Darel River. When the smoke was spotted, fi res were then set at each watch-point. Fires were made with wood but smoke (dua) was important rather than fi re itself. No watch towers were built since there was no space available in the mountains.

Darband (dar meaning gate, band meaning close), the most important defense location in the Darel Valley, was established at the point where all the routes to the Darel Valley from Tangir, Batraith, Singal, and Kargah valleys came together. The Brigah, the last valley to join the Darel Valley at Matic, links Kargah and Darel. Darband was constructed just 1 km south of Matic.

Darband consists of a gate and wall on the right bank and a long wall on the left bank of the Darel River along the slope of the mountains reaching to a cliff. Harone was the farthest point we could reach during the previous fi eld trip made in 2000, from which we could sight the wall of Darband, about 1km away. The location of Darband seems to have been aptly chosen by the presence of a high cliff, towards which a wall was constructed so that the path could be directed towards the gate. The gate was at the foot of the precipice soaring close to the right bank of the Darel River. Though diminished, as piles of rubble have fallen from the old wall, a portion of old wall near the gate remains, and an open space, where the gate (darband) was standing until 1980s, is recognizable (Figure 11) A long defensive wall, reaching to the side of the mountains where the valley is wide and open, was constructed on the left bank of the Darel River (Figure 12). The wall must have been 2 to 2.5m high and 1m wide. But at present, it is only 1ft high just enough to indicate the location of the wall. The wall ended at the point where it touches the cliff of the mountain. However, traces of the wall, climbing up the side of the mountains for a considerable distance, can still be discerned.

The gate of the Darband existed until the 1980s. Taj Rahmat, our research assistant from the Darel Valley, remembers, as a young man, that the gate was still standing. It was a wooden frame of pine without a door, which must have already been lost at that time. The frame was carved with a fl oral design. The up-right was 30cm wide, slightly less than 3 meters high; the width of the gate was enough for a laden animal (horse or donkey) to pass through. A man on a horse-back could also go through. The gate staff seemed to have been removed by people who, for the sake of the fl oral decorations, sold it.

These remnants of Darband provide us enough information to assume that the above men-tioned defensive system of Darband did exist in the upper Darel Valley. The scale of the Dar-band system suggests that the defense of the Darel Valley was a very serious matter and a considerable effort was given to maintain constantly this defensive line as a FDL (forward defended locality).

Darband, stretching on both sides of the Darel River at the narrow point in the upper Darel Valley, is strategically located below the mouths of the various sub-valleys which led to the passes where an enemy might venture an invasion to the Darel Valley from the side of the Gilgit River Valley. Any possible attacks, attempted by crossing several passes into the Darel Valley such as Batakhun Pass, Yajei Pass, Moshadogan Pass and Chileli Pass, could be shielded off at

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FIGURE 11: THE GATE SITE AT THE WALL OF DEWAR DARBAD ON THE RIGHT BANK OF THE DAREL VALLEY

FIGURE 12: THE DEFENSIVE WALL OF DARBAND AT NELEEGUL ON THE LEFT BANK OF THE DAREL RIVER.

Darband, because the routes from these passes are all located to the north of Darband. Therefore all the routes coming into the Darel Valley from the Batakhun, Yajei, Moshadogan and the Chil-leli Passes and Chuno Batraith from the Batraith Valley, had to pass through Darband in order to enter the Darel Valley. In other words, any possible attacks coming from the Gilgit Valley sides, such as Gilgit, Kargah, Singal, Glumuti, Roashan or Bathraith valleys, which have their mouths on the Gilgit River, can be defended at Darband.

The only exception is the Ishkobar Valley, reaching the Darel Valley south of Darband at Yashot, but it is connected to the Khanberi Valley which has its mouth on the Indus, a natural defense line and less threatening. The Ishkobar Valley is not used frequently by the Darelis because their grazing area is at the head of the Barigah, so they go by the Barigah Valley to the Khanberi Valley and not by Ishkobar Valley.

The presence of Darband, near the head of the Darel Valley, clearly indicates that the entrance to the Darel Valley is at the head of the valley, and, not at its mouth, where the Darel River joins the Indus River and where no defensive system has been found so far. The Indus River must have been the major factor which discouraged any attacks from the mouth of the Darel Valley. Therefore, the safest place in the Darel Valley was close to the mouth of the valley.

Pouguch, which we consider to be the site of a temple where Fa Hsien made his pilgrimage, is located only 15.3km from the mouth of the Darel Valley. This location itself may refl ect the nature of the site as a suitable location for a religious institution, which requires tranquility and peace, far from the defense line. Judging from the red clay, the material used for the construc-tion of a wall of the site, it could be discerned to be a temple and not a for a structure used for a defensive purpose such as a fortress. The material of the wall at Pouguch, not stone as in Rajikot but a red clay, is only available at Atth and beyond at the upper valley as well as on the Maja Sagar plateau. The clay used for the wall construction must have been transported from the up-per valley, which is more than 40km from Pouguch. This indicates that special consideration must have been given to the construction of the wall at the University site at Pouguch; not using stone but clay, which is less defensive, suggests that the site was not meant to be a fortress, as Stein considered (Stein 1928, 32) but was originally designed to be a religious site.

CONCLUSION

The present fi eld research provided us a vista of the Maja Sagar area on the roof of the Gilgit Mountains, where we under normal circumstances normally are unable to travel for security reasons. The Maja Sagar area is much more vast than we had imagined.

Traffi c to summer villages in the upper Patharo, Kurguzi and Satachaw valleys, sub-valleys of the Singal Valley, seemed to present an option for the travel conditions Fa Hsien might have experienced. Food supplies for summer villages and pastures have to be transported frequently and this incessant fl ow of traffi c necessitates the maintenance of the roads. It was already clear at the time of our fi eld work of May 2001 that recent landslides and falling rocks would not stop the fl ow of traffi c of transhumance from their permanent villages to their summer villages. This indicates that the road in the Singal Valley must always be kept passable from spring, when the cattle is driven to summer pasture, to autumn, when the cattle must be brought back to the permanent villages before winter starts. This pattern of traffi c in relation to transhumance must have been in practice from ancient times as the most basic system in the semi-nomadic style of living. It could be discerned that even at the time of Fa Hsien, the road in the Singal Valley must have been kept functional for the traffi c, not only for cattle but for those heading towards the Darel Valley.

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The Yajei Pass proved to be the alternative to the Batakhun Pass. Coming from the Singal Valley via the Patharo Pass, it would take much longer to detour and cross the Yajei Pass, but it seems that a large amount of traffi c tends to choose the Yajei because of its easy approach and crossing. All the passes are closed during the winter by snow except for the Yajei Pass. The Batakhun Pass, on the other hand, is diffi cult to cross even during the summer season when the loaded animals and cattle can not negotiate the steep climb.

We could cover the entire course of the Batraith Valley which was gradual and easy. How-ever, the way from Gakuch via Gupis to the end of the Batraith Valley was almost twice as long compared to Gakuch-the Singal route to the Yajei or the Batakhun Passes. Hence, the Batraith route has been dropped from the exploration of Fa Hsien’s route.

Up to the present exploration, the Batakhun Pass had been regarded as the normal route from the Singal to the Darel Valleys. However, it was verifi ed by our fi eld research that the Yajei Pass, an open pass having neither snow nor glacier, makes an ideal pass for traffi c heavy with loads or with a big herd. In contrast, the Batakhun Pass is closed from November to April or May. Additionally, with its ruggedness and steepness being a hazard, we now consider the Ba-takhun Pass to be inappropriate for normal traffi c. The Batakum Pass seems to have been used only as a quick route for emergencies and was regarded an important strategic point in defense of the Darel Valley. To have these alternatives, either the Batakhun or the Yajei Passes, must have given more expediency to the traffi c - quick but dangerous for the Batakhun Pass and slow, long but easy for the Yajei Pass.

The present fi eld work made clear that the head of the Darel Valley was used as the entrance of the valley in ancient times. The geographical, topographical and social features had estab-lished the two gates, the Yajei and the Batakhun passes, connecting the Singal Valley to the Darel Valley. The Batakhun Pass had been well known being the pass at the head of the Darel Valley, but now the Yajei Pass should be regarded as the common pass, linking the Darel and the Singal Valleys.

Previously, we thought that the route Fa Hsien took from the Singal Valley to the Darel Val-ley must have been through the Batakhun Pass. After the fi eld work of 2003 and 2004, we are in a position to propose a new route for Fa Hsien via the Yajei Pass, the pass which had been left in obscurity and had never been highlighted historically. However, the Batakhun Pass has always remained important strategically. The presence of the Batakhun Pass, standing like a shield, must have served to the Darelis as a powerful defense location for the Darel Valley. The Yajei Pass and the Batakhun Pass, with their respective functions, stand always as the two gates of the Darel Valley.

[The present fi eld research was directed by Haruko Tsuchiya and Amjad Ayub, Research As-sociate, assisted by Taj Rehmat, Field Assistant. Editorial assistance was provided by Patrice Fusillo and maps were prepared by Tokutaro Matsuda.]

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131


MAP 1 NORTHERN AREAS OF PAKISTAN

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MAP 2 UPPER DAREL VALLEY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Adachi K (1936) Koushou Hokken-den [Annotated study of ‘A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms’ by Fa Hsien] Sanseido. Tokyo.

Adachi K (1940) Hokken-den – Chua -Indo-Nankai Kiko no Kenkyuu [A Study of Fa-hsien’s Travel] Houzou-kan, Tokyo.

Han Shu (2) (1972; Reprint 1983) Hanko Shoin, Tokyo Legge J (1886) A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms. Clearemdom Press. London. [Reprint 1965 Dover Publication. New York].

Nagasawa K (1979) Hokkenden [A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms by Fa Hsien]. Toyo Bunko, Hei-bonsha. Tokyo.

Shiratori K (1941) Saiiki no Kenkyu [A Sudy on the Western Region], Vol.1.Iwanami Shoten. Tokyo.

Stein M.A (1928) Innermost Asia, Vol.1 ( Reprint 1981 New Dehli), 13-32

Tsuchiya H (1999a) ‘Preliminary Report on Field Research along the Ancient Routes in the Northern Areas of Pakistan and Related Historical and Art Historical Information 1995(I)(II), 1996(I)(II), 1997(I)(II),1998(I)’, Sophia International Review, vol.21. Tokyo, 39-72

Tsuchiya H (1999b) ‘Tracing Ancient Routes in Northern Pakistan: Field Research (1991-1996) (Pre-liminary Report)’, Proceedings of International Symposium on “Weihrauuch und Seide”, Wien, April 11-13 1996, Coins, Art and Chronology, edited by Alram M. and Klimburg-Salter D. E. Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaftern, Wien, 353-390

Tsuchiya H (2000 a) ‘Pamir to Swat: Tracing Ancient Routes along the Gilgit River Valleys in the Northern Areas of Pakistan; Field Research (1991-2000) Part 1’ Journal for the Comparative Study of Civilizations. Center for the Comparative Study of Civilizations, Reitaku University, Kashiwa, Chiba Prefecture, n.5, 87-120

Tsuchiya H (2000 b) ‘Ancient Routes in Northern Pakistan, 1996(II) and 1997 (I)’, Proceedings of the Fourteenth International Conference of the European Association of South Asian Archaeologists, 7th -11th July 1997, Rome, Ed. By Taddei, Maurizio and De Marco, Giuseppe, South Asian Archaeology 1997, Rome, Vol.II, 889-902

Tsuchiya H (2000 c) ‘The Singal Valley as Fa Hsien’s route from Pamir to Darel. Field Research in the Northern Areas of Pakistan 2001-2002’, South Asian Archaeology 2003, Proceedings of the Seventeenth Association of South Asian Archaeologists( 7-11 July 2003, Bonn), edited by Ute Franke-Vogt & Hans-Joachim Weishaar, Deutsches Archologisches, Aachen, 261-269

Tsuchiya H (2001) ‘Pamir to Swat: Tracing Ancient Routes along the Gilgit River Valleys in the North-ern Areas of Pakistan; Field Research (1991-2000) Part 2’, Journal for the Comparative Study of Civi-lizations, Center for the Comparative Study of Civilizations, Reitaku University, Kashiwa, Chiba Pre-fecture, N. 6, 57-110

Tsuchiya H (2002 a) ‘Pamir to Swat: Tracing Ancient Routes along the Gilgit River Valleys in the Northern Areas of Pakistan; Field Research (1991-2000) Part 3’. Journal for the Comparative Study of Civilizations, Center for the Comparative Study of Civilizations, Reitaku University, Kashiwa, Chiba

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Prefecture, N.7, 47-118

Tsuchiya H (2002b) ‘The Darel Valley as Explored in 1913 and in 1998-2000’, Indo-Koko-Kenkyu [In-dian Archaeological Studies ], Tokyo, Vol.23, 1-24

Tsuchiya H (2005 b) ‘The Darel Valley: Fa-hsien and a Colossal Statue of the Maitreya; Field Re-search in the Northern Areas of Pakistan: 1998(I)(II) and 1999(I)’, Art et archéologie des monastères gréco-bouddhiques du Nord-Ouest de l’Inde et de l’Asie centrale. Actes du colloque international du Crpoga (Strasbourg, 17-18 mars 2000) edited by Zemaryalai Tarzi & Denyse Vaillancourt, Collection de l’Université Marc Bloch-Strasbourg, De Boccard, Paris, 187-208

Tsuchiya, H (in press), ‘The Darel Valley on the Indus and T’o-li and Fa Hsien: 1998(I)(II) and 1999(I): Field Research in the Northern Areas of Pakistan’, Proceedings of Fifteenth International Conference on South Asian Archaeology, July 5th -9th, 1999, Leiden

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The ‘Greek Grid-Plan’ at Sirkap (Taxila) and the Question of Greek Infl uence in the

North West

RACHEL MAIRS

Sir John Marshall’s excavations at Taxila (1912-1934) revealed a distinctive, regular street-plan in the city of Sirkap, which he attributed to the infl uence of Greek theories of town-plan-ning:

the city was laid out on the typically Greek chess-board pattern, with streets cutting one another at right angles and regularly aligned blocks of buildings. Notwithstanding that the city was several times destroyed and rebuilt and that many transformations were made in individual buildings, this Greek layout was on the whole well preserved down to the latest days of the city’s occupa-tion (Marshall 1960: 5).

In Marshall’s assessment of the three successive cities of Taxila, at Bhir Mound, Sirkap and Sirsukh, this rigidly-planned Hellenistic city stands in neat contrast to its ‘irregular, haphazard’ (Marshall 1960: 22) Indian predecessor and its Central Asian successor. Even where scholars now adopt a more nuanced approach to interpretation of the data from Taxila, tacit acceptance of Marshall’s theory of Greek infl uence on the urban plan at Sirkap has tended to be the rule (Ghosh 1948: 4; Puri 1966: 115; Sharma 1987: 11; Dani 1988: 65; Erdosy 1988: 135). The in-fl uence of Marshall’s view may also be seen in interpretation of the city of Shaikhan Dheri, at Charsada (Wheeler 1962: 13-14; Dani 1965/66: 24).

Without the benefi t of a site-plan to hand (Figure 1), the descriptions applied to Sirkap could lead to a misleading impression of the actual city layout. ‘Grid-plan’, or ‘gridiron’, (eg Er-dosy 1988: 135; DK Chakrabarti 1995a: 177, 179) and ‘chessboard’ (eg Marshall 1960: 5, 22; Sharma 1987: 11) are the terms which occur with greatest frequency. Some studies do reveal a certain unease with the conventional ‘grid-plan’ or ‘chessboard’ descriptions of Sirkap - even if they do not abandon them altogether - and appear hesitant to overstate the case (eg Ghosh 1948: 4; Tarn 1951: 179; Puri 1966: 115; Ghosh 1973: 61). Erdosy notes that ‘while the layout of streets indeed recalls the gridiron plans of Hellenistic towns, in other respects the classical precepts are not followed’ (Erdosy 1990: 668). Castagnoli, whose work on Hippodamian town planning in the Greek world will be discussed below, limits himself to describing Sirkap as ‘one of the last echoes of the city patterned per strigas [“in rows”]’ (Castagnoli 1971: 92). The layout of the excavated sector of Sirkap is regular, revealing some degree of internal planning, but this is a regularity of reasonably straight streets and rectangular blocks, not of even, chessboard-like squares. Although the contrast with the winding lanes of Bhir Mound (Marshall 1951: Plate 2) remains a stark one, it is possible to go too far in emphasising Sirkap’s regularity.

MIGRATION, TRADE AND PEOPLES, PART 2: GANDHARAN ART, The ‘Greek Grid-Plan’ at Sirkap (Taxila)and the Question of Greek Infl u-ence in the North West, 135-147; ISBN 978-0-9553924-5-0

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THE ‘GREEK GRID-PLAN’ AT SIRKAP

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The issue here is not merely one of semantics. The idea that Sirkap possesses a ‘grid-plan’ comes with a certain weight of cultural baggage, in particular the notion that such a plan must be Greek in origin, associated with the spread of Greek infl uence in the North West under the Indo-Greeks. It is possible to set Marshall’s ‘typically Greek chess-board pattern’ in a wider context of Classically-infl uenced, colonialist interpretations of ancient Indian art and archaeol-ogy (Sharma 1987: 1; DK Chakrabarti 1997). The motivation behind such Classical compari-sons may have been as much a matter of didactic technique as of cultural chauvinism. Citing examples where discussions of columns in Indian architecture introduced Graeco-Roman com-parisons, V Chakrabarti suggests that ‘here the instances are used to familiarise the reader with a classical style of Indian architecture via European examples’ (V Chakrabarti 1998: 23-25). Marshall’s own background was in Greek archaeology, and he found ‘something appealing Greek’ (Marshall 1951: Preface) in the countryside around Taxila. Scholars inevitably conduct their analysis in a particular social or political milieu, but it is also important to remain aware of how such analyses can continue to hold infl uence. This paper aims to address the question of the regular layout at Sirkap and its origins; examine the basis for the argument that this rep-resents the application of Greek urban planning; and fi nally discuss the implications for how we conceive of the spread of cultural infl uence in the North West. I do not aim to provide in-depth consideration of the archaeological evidence and all its ramifi cations. Rather, I suggest that more thorough exploration of the reasons why the ‘Greek grid plan’ interpretation cannot be substantiated, may provide greater insight into the assumptions underlying our analysis of ‘Classical infl uence’ in the North West.

THE CHRONOLOGY OF SIRKAP

Marshall’s full publication of the site of Taxila appears in the three volumes of Marshall 1951, with Marshall 1960 (fourth edition) providing a shorter guide. Subsequent excavations were undertaken by Ghosh (Ghosh 1948). For a brief outline of successive excavations at the site, see Allchin 1993: 69. Callieri 1995 provides wider coverage of the archaeological evi-dence from the North-West in the Indo-Greek period.

Although Marshall revealed a wide swath of the urban layout at Sirkap, there are major prob-lems with his control of the stratigraphy and chronology (Coningham and Edwards 1997/98: 54). The exposed ‘grid-plan’ was much later than the strata identifi ed as ‘Indo-Greek’, but, on the basis of limited exploration of the lower strata, he concluded that the city-plan had re-mained basically unmodifi ed (Marshall 1951: 56; Marshall 1960: 81). In fact, it is possible to see considerable change in the layout of the city over time (Coningham and Edwards 1997/98: 53). The regular street-plan excavated by Marshall is to be dated to the successors of the Indo-Greeks at Taxila (Erdosy 1990: 658-659, 667) and, although it clearly has its basis in a similar, earlier plan, much about the material culture and urban dynamics of the Indo-Greek period city remains unknown (Rostovtzeff 1941: 545; Narain 1957: 60 n170).

ANCIENT TOWN PLANNING IN THEORY AND PRACTICE

The following sections will examine traditions of regular urban planning in the Greek world and South Asia, and question the idea that the plan of Sirkap is an exclusively Greek phenom-enon, attributable only to Hellenistic planners. ‘Grid-plans’ were neither exclusive to the Greek world, nor universal within it and, as comparison with other regions will demonstrate, in any case provide a poor index of cultural infl uence. In addition, excavations at Graeco-Bactrian cit-ies in Central Asia, such as Ai Khanoum, now provide a repertoire of potential comparisons for

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Sirkap. If we were to posit that the plan of Sirkap replicates a specifi cally Greek model, it is these to which we ought to look for prototypes. The only pressing reason for the regular layout of Sirkap is, in fact, provided by pragmatic considerations, and the position of the city as a new foundation on a ‘green-fi eld’ site.

Greece and the Hellenistic World

In the Greek world, the introduction of the grid-plan is usually credited to Hippodamos of Miletos (early 5th century BC). Although the archaeological record reveals a longer tradition of Greek urban planning, Hippodamos’ theoretical writings mark a watershed (Shipley 2000: 89; Aristotle, Politics VII 1330b, 21). ‘Hippodamian’ planning, strictly speaking, is more than sim-ply parallel streets demarcating regular blocks. At Miletos, one of Hippodamos’ major projects, we fi nd a ‘real chess board pattern’ (Castagnoli 1971: 12-13); Castagnoli notes with concern the lack of distinction usually made between simple, regular layout in rectangular blocks and true grid-planning on orthogonal principles (Castagnoli 1971: 56).

The application of this strict Hippodamian plan was at best inconsistent in the Hellenistic period (3rd – 1st centuries BC). The number of new Greek foundations in the territories con-quered by Alexander the Great created considerable scope for town-planners. Priene, laid out in square blocks on an east-west axis, is the example par excellence (Wiegand and Schrader 1904; Castagnoli 1971: 84). Although the city was built on a steeply sloping site, the grid-plan was applied regardless, so that some of the streets had to be made into fl ights of steps (Shipley 2000: 89, 90, Figure 3.7). From the same period, Magnesia-on-the-Meander and Herakleia-under-Latmos are also strikingly regular (Castagnoli 1971: 84; Shipley 2000: 90).

Some adaptation to the constraints imposed by the site was, however, more common. At Olynthus (Cahill 2002), Castagnoli prefers to describe the rectangular residential blocks as ‘longitudinal strips’ (Castagnoli 1971: 14). At Ptolemais in Cyrenaica, the approach taken was quite fl exible: ‘the grid plan served as an allocation and planning device, as a skeleton to be fl eshed out, and not a corset constraining building efforts’ (Mueller 2002: 137). Pergamon, de-spite being a carefully planned city with exceptional monumental architecture, was forced to abandon the grid-plan altogether, terracing itself into the craggy terrain (Shipley 2000: 92, 97, Figure 3.12).

If we are to regard the regular plan of Sirkap as part of this same tradition, then there are other issues which must be considered besides plausible similarity in form. If a city on the plan of Sirkap were to be excavated in, for example, Asia Minor of the same period, we would doubtless regard it as within the tradition of the Hippodamian model, and be able to cite other examples of Hellenistic cities where the ideal paradigm of the grid-plan had been applied with similar casualness. The oblong blocks of Sirkap were, in fact, more normative in the Hellenistic world than the square blocks of Priene. In South Asia, in a region which has so far failed to re-veal any really substantial presence of Greek material culture, more caution must be exercised in making any such identifi cation. Long-distance contact with the Mediterranean world was possible, and is attested from the Graeco-Bactrian site of Ai Khanoum (Bernard 1980: 442; Robert 1968: 445-450; Gardin 1990: 190-191). Sirkap, however, is later and further east than Ai Khanoum: the direct transmission of Greek urban planning is not implausible, but additional evidence would be required to make it a compelling theory.

South Asia

The evidence from South Asia reveals a similar picture of the confrontation of theory and

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practicality in urban planning. There is a signifi cant body of ancient Indian literature on prin-ciples of architecture and town-planning (in general, V Chakrabarti 1998). In addition to texts specifi cally of this genre (eg Mānasāra, Mayamata), more general treatises (eg Kautilya’s Arthaśāstra) include sections on the planning of settlements, and literary or philosophical works (eg Milindapañha) often contain accounts of cities, although these may be little more than con-ventional descriptions.

These texts do not formulate a unifi ed, coherent theory of urban planning along grid-plan lines, and it would be a futile endeavour to attempt to extract one from them. The emphasis is generally elsewhere, whether on fortifi cation and political organisation (Arthaśāstra), or on providing an evocative picture of a bustling, prosperous city (Milindapañha). Instructions on how a city should best be laid out bore in mind practical concerns, such as topography of the site (Joshi 2000: 34) and civic function/location of key buildings (Acharya 1927: 143-144). Even so, the passages which do refer to city layout are highly suggestive of regular planning as an ideal (see eg Dutt 1925: 15, 117; Ghosh 1973: 51; Shukla 1993: 268-269; Allchin 1995: 229-231; Sachdev and Tillotson 2002: 13). The question, of course, is to what extent these strictures were ever followed.

Jaipur provides a well-documented later example of the application of Indian architectural theory. The city was founded in the early 18th century, on an unoccupied site (Sachdev and Tillotson 2002: 33ff). It is divided into square blocks, although some irregularities are present within the broad structure (Dutt 1925: frontispiece; Sachdev and Tillotson 2002: 42). It is nev-ertheless clear that the regular pattern of Indian architectural texts could not always be applied so successfully as at Jaipur, by a single ruler on a ‘green-fi eld’ site (Malville and Gujral 2000: 27). The grid-pattern ‘represents a concept; it is not a plan’ (Sachdev and Tillotson 2002: 26).

Gathering data from Early Historic city sites to test any theory is notoriously problematic (DK Chakrabarti 1995a: 263-278; Erdosy 1987: 2). Taxila is, inconveniently for our present purposes, the only Early Historic city to have been subject to sustained and extensive horizontal excavation. Scholarly opinion is divided on what can be inferred from the information avail-able on ancient city layouts, ranging from the negative (Ghosh 1973: 60: ‘of town-planning in the cities of the Ganga valley there is no evidence’), through the noncommittal (Erdosy 1988: 135: ‘beyond residential zoning little can be said of the form of Early Historic cities, due to the lack of adequate exposure’), to the cautiously positive (Malville and Gujral 2000: 28: there are ‘a few old excavated city sites with fortifi cations that answer to the shapes recommended by the architectural texts’). There are a couple of sites, however, whose layout has attracted particular attention. Bhita displays some evidence of internal planning, with houses of uniform size and orientation (Marshall 1912, but see the cautions stated by Erdosy 1995: 111-112). At Sisupalgarh, although the interior is still largely a blank, the square fortifi cations, oriented ap-proximately along cardinal directions and with gates at regular intervals, suggest that the streets inside can only have been similarly regular (Lal 1949; Ghosh 1973; Erdosy 1988: 135; Joshi 2000: 36). We should not necessarily consider these sites as typical, and Allchin notes that ‘little or no problem-oriented research has been made on this matter’ (Allchin 1995: 207). A consid-erable disjunction might exist between theory and practice, and pragmatic considerations will always have been key in dictating a city’s layout.

‘The Central Asian Connection’

Any theory that the urban plan of Sirkap derives from Greek prototypes must make reference to the excavated Graeco-Bactrian sites of Central Asia, the point of origin of the Indo-Greek invaders of the North West. A key contribution to this is made by Fussman’s (1993) study of

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Taxila’s Central Asian context. Without a demonstrated connection to the Greek cities of Cen-tral Asia, any supposed link between Taxila and the Greek Mediterranean becomes tenuous in the extreme. The question of how much contact with the western Hellenistic world – and, indeed, ‘Greekness’ – the Bactrian and Indo-Greeks retained in the 2nd century BC North West is one which deserves much more space than is practicable to devote to it here. The political and social framework within which any Greek-style town planning may have been applied at Sirkap is largely unknown. What we can do, however, is attempt to trace the diffusion of Greek town planning on the ground.

In the Seleucid empire, Dura-Europos and Seleucia-on-the-Tigris were both laid out on a grid-plan pattern, with some irregularity incorporated (Colledge 1987: 140-141, Figure 4; Castagnoli 1971: 90). There is, however, a considerable ‘jump’ across the Iranian plateau from these Mesopotamian cities to Central Asia. Here, Ai Khanoum is the only well-excavated ma-jor urban site (Bernard 1982; full publication: Bernard (ed) 1973, and subsequent reports). It possessed many of the key civic institutions of a Hellenistic city, such as a gymnasium and theatre, but it does not follow any grid pattern. The central palace is the most important fea-ture, and the main street lies to the east of this, along the foot of the acropolis. Parallel streets are to be observed only in the (partially-excavated) south-western residential sector (Bernard 1990: 109). Elsewhere, the evidence is sparse. Balkh (ancient Bactra), Herat, Begram and Old Kandahar have not been excavated in such a way as to reveal anything of their internal layout in the Hellenistic period, although the regular ramparts and gates of Herat suggest to some ‘the topography and grid pattern typical of Hellenistic cities’ (Bernard 1994: 92; cf Lezire 1964). At Alexandria-in-Margiana, two main streets intersect in the city centre (Bernard 1994: 91). If anything, Sirkap conforms more strictly to a regular plan than its nearest Hellenistic neighbours across the Khyber Pass and Hindu Kush (Fussman 1993: 95).

What the absence of strict Hippodamian grid-planning in Greek Central Asia suggests is that the emphasis on such urban planning as a defi ning feature of Hellenistic city sites can be – and has been – taken a little too far. Although ‘outside Greek-speaking areas, a rectangular street layout can be seen as a conscious embracing of Greek style, a sign of the extension of Greek tradition to new environments’ (Shipley 2000: 92), the absence of such a layout should not be taken as a comment on the extent of Greek power and infl uence in the city. There are better indicators of Greek presence or infl uence than ‘Hippodamian’ grid-planning. What make a city identifi ably ‘Greek’ (aside from the evidence of pottery types, coins, etc) are undoubtedly its civic features: theatre, gymnasium, public inscriptions. None of these have so far been identi-fi ed at Sirkap. Although, of course, much of the site remains unexcavated, the highly debatable ‘evidence’ of Hellenistic-style grid-planning (which in its excavated form derives from post-Greek period strata) cannot be used to support Greek inspiration behind the city’s structure and to ascribe to it a clearly-asserted Greek cultural identity.

Pragmatism?

Caution must therefore be exercised in attributing the regular plan of Sirkap to any particular cultural group. I provide here two examples to illustrate the ubiquity of regular town-planning, and the dubious interpretations which can result from over-emphasis on the cultural background of a city’s foundation.

Several sites of the Indus civilisation, most notably Mohenjo-daro and Kalibangan, are laid out on a regular plan – although nothing resembling a chess board. We encounter here the same problem of terminology as with regard to Sirkap. Beg, for example, refers to the ‘checkerboard or grid pattern of town planning which originated in the Indus valley’ (Beg 1986: 53). DK

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Chakrabarti corrects such descriptions of the regular plan often encountered in Indus sites as follows:

Among the hypotheses thrown out of gear by modern research on the Indus civilization is the premise that its cities are based on chess-board patterns. The roads do not always move straight, nor do they criss-cross at right angles. At the same time there is clear evidence of centralized planning at all the ma-jor excavated sites (DK Chakrabarti 1995a: 115).

Whilst this provides the important evidence on urban planning in South Asia which we lack for the Early Historic period, it has also been used to support excessively diffusionist theories. Yonekura, for example, imagines that the Indus civilisation was the ultimate source of all grid-planning in the West, and that Taxila therefore ‘followed the Greek plan that was originally started in the Indus towns and then reimported there’ (Yonekura 1986: 137; for the development of the grid-plan in the Mediterranean world, see Castagnoli 1971: 2-7.). The idea of building in straight lines is surely not a concept so radical that it can have been developed only once.

Pharaonic Egypt provides a series of good examples of regularly-planned settlements. The greatest concentration of such sites before the Hellenistic period is in the Middle Kingdom. Kahun (Petrie 1891: 5-8, Plate XIV), Tell el Dab’a (Czerny 1999: 17-29, Plate 2) and Qasr el Sagha (Sliwa 1992: 179, Plate 1) are all laid out on an extremely regular plan, with straight streets and houses in blocks. At the pyramid town of Kahun, which was, in Petrie’s estimation, ‘laid out evidently by a single architect’ (Petrie 1891: 5), the town is divided into two zones, with large houses in one and smaller houses in the other, all built on identical plans, although these were modifi ed over the period of the site’s occupation.

In Hellenistic period Egypt, rigid grid-planning again came into use for new foundations, raising the question of how far the respective Greek and Egyptian traditions of town planning can be said to have been an infl uence. Pragmatism seems to have been the major factor infl uenc-ing the choice of regular city plans, and there is no need to see Greek triumphing over Egyptian, or vice versa, in the fi nal choice of design (Mueller 2002: 133-134, 143). This is a point which may well be equally applicable to Taxila. In both Greek and Indian traditions, we fi nd evidence of regular urban planning as a theoretical ideal alongside a more complicated archaeological picture. In these circumstances, applying the model of the encounter of differing traditions of urban planning in Hellenistic Egypt is a more useful approach than subjecting Sirkap to yet another academic ‘custody battle’ between Greece and India.

The question of why regular city plans should be designed in the fi rst place may be answered very simply: ‘such plans seem to hold too many advantages for planners to have ignored them’ (Erdosy 1987: 9; cf Erdosy 1988: 135). Patterns of usage may require the alteration of regular layouts over time, whether extending houses or widening streets to cope with increased traffi c, but for an architect laying out a new urban centre to deliberately give it winding streets and ir-regular blocks seems perverse. Even the more organic growth of a settlement at the intersection of two roads predisposes itself to some degree of regularity (Castagnoli 1971: 124). In certain types of urban settlement, straight roads and square or oblong blocks are very much the norm (Haverfi eld 1913: 15; Dutt 1925: 117; Jain 1972: 458). Things, naturally, are not always so simple:

The great majority of towns and cities in India (as elsewhere) have grown incrementally over long periods not from one pre-ordained plan. The oppor-tunities for new, planned cities are comparatively rare, and even then no site

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is wholly without features (Sachdev and Tillotson 2002:26).

Essentially the same point has been made from a Classical perspective:

The regularity or irregularity of town forms depends entirely on the presence or absence of spontaneity in their birth and growth. The irregular city is the result of development left entirely to individuals who actually live on the land. If a governing body divides the land and disposes it before it is handed over to the users, a uniformly patterned city will emerge (Castagnoli 1971: 124).

A settlement’s layout (regular versus irregular) is therefore largely decided by the circum-stances of its growth, and particularly by the presence or otherwise of any centralised politi-cal authority overseeing urban development (Joshi 2000: 34). The Egyptian town of Kahun, for example, was constructed specifi cally to house workers on the royal pyramid complex. Joshi views the establishment of Sisupalgarh also within a very specifi c political framework: ‘in terms of the history of Kalinga, the construction of this fortifi ed town in the early second century BC represented a great event, i.e. the establishment of an order under a local monarch following the political chaos during post-Asokan times’ (Joshi 2000: 39).

Sirkap fi ts within this general scheme of regularly-planned cities as functional layouts fa-voured by a centralised authority establishing a new political or military centre. At Sirkap, the area in which a regular city plan was imposed was on level ground, a suitable and convenient ‘green-fi eld’ site (DK Chakrabarti 1995a: 177). The location offered many natural advantages, including the raised ‘citadel’ to the south (DK Chakrabarti 1995b: 286). Taxila was re-founded on adjacent sites by successive Central Asian invaders – whether these were Bactrian Greeks, Sakas, Parthians or Kushans is largely immaterial. The planners of each new city were pre-sented with a fresh site on which to impose the urban plan they found most convenient. It is un-necessary to ascribe additional motivations to the planners, based on their cultural background. Incoming groups simply sought to enhance their prestige, or perhaps remove the prestige of a previous occupier of the region, by re-establishing urban centres. Ethnic and cultural interplay is something we should look for elsewhere, in areas such as art, iconography or language.

Although attempts have been made to reconstruct it (Coningham and Edwards 1997/98), the urban character of Sirkap remains elusive. Something which would tell us more about the city and its inhabitants – including the question of their cultural or ethnic identities – would be to focus rather on the city’s dynamics, how it functioned on a day-to-day basis, and its institu-tions and how people used and related to them. Or, as Fussman puts it, with reference to a later period and with a slightly different ethnic slant, ‘would a Central Asian traveler entering Taxila around the Christian era have felt at home?’ (Fussman 1993: 87). If we were to re-phrase the question for our own purposes, we might ask ‘would an Indian or Greek traveller have felt at home in Taxila of the 2nd century BC’? The supposed ‘grid-plan’ is unlikely to have struck ei-ther as inherently alien. The encounter, and later fusion, of Greek and South Asian culture may appear exotic to modern scholars with a Classical (Indian or European) education, but there is no need to impose this sense of alienation back onto the Taxila region under Indo-Greek domi-nation. For a 2nd century BC resident of Sirkap, Greek-speaking or otherwise, to hear their city described as possessing a classically-Greek Hippodamian grid-plan would, it is quite possible, have been something of a culture-shock.

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CONCLUDING REMARKS

The layout of Sirkap was argued by Marshall to be based on a ‘Greek grid-plan’. As I have suggested above, this description misrepresents the rather looser regularity present in the city’s urban structure. That this amounts to the application of any culturally-specifi c system of urban planning is a dubious proposition. Cities with such regular layouts occur in many different regions and historic periods for pragmatic reasons. Those responsible for designing and con-structing Sirkap laid it out in this way, not necessarily because of any overwhelming cultural reasons, but because it was a new foundation, on a new site.

Although attacking Marshall’s theories on ‘Greek grid-planning’ at Taxila runs the risk of degenerating into tilting at academic windmills, the exercise has greater heuristic potential. In areas where disciplines such as South Asian archaeology and Classical archaeology intersect, it is important that analogies should not always be accepted at face value. As discussed above, further examination of Greek practices of urban planning reveals the stark contrast between the Hippodamian model and the layout of the city of Sirkap. Although many Greek cities followed a regular plan, the same is true of settlements in any number of regions and historical periods, and we cannot, therefore, afford to consider Sirkap in a solely Greek context.

Another wider question which might be addressed is that of Greek infl uence in the North West. What are the essential mechanisms by which culture spread, and in what areas might we expect cultural borrowing or encounter to have been most active? Cultural connections may be highly visible in the art or material culture of a region – and the North West is a prime example of this – but how can we go about relating this to the people who created this material culture, and their social and ethnic identities? Without a more detailed cultural context, the urban plan of a city cannot be used to address these questions. Yet the site of Taxila, with its long history of occupation by diverse cultural groups, evidently offers much prospect for further work in this direction.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express my thanks to Dr Dorothy J Thompson and Dr Dilip K Chakrabarti (University of Cambridge) for reading and commenting upon an earlier version of this paper, and also to participants at the EASAA conference, who contributed a number of helpful points. Ursula Sims-Williams and the staff of the Ancient Iran and India Trust in Cambridge kindly provided assistance and access to their library collections.

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Ghosh, A (1948) ‘Taxila (Sirkap), 1944-5’, Ancient India 4, 41-84

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Haverfi eld, F (1913) Ancient Town-Planning, Oxford: Clarendon Press

Jain, KC (1972) Ancient Cities and Towns of Rajasthan: A Study of Culture and Civilization, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass

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Edited by Asko PARPOLA


London

PART 3: ARYANS AND NOMADS

The Face Urns of Gandhâra and the Nâsatya Cult

ASKO PARPOLA

THE HOMELAND OF THE EARLY ARYAN SPEAKERS IN THE LIGHT OF LOANWORDS IN PROTO-FINNO-UGRIAN

ARCHAEOLOGICAL COUNTERPARTS OF THE COMMUNITIES SPEAKING PROTO-INDO-EUROPEAN AND PROTO-ARYAN

The vocabulary associated with wheeled vehicles that can be reconstructed for the Indo-European protolanguage dates the disintegration of Proto-Indo-European c 3500 BC: before this there were no wheeled vehicles anywhere. (Anthony 1995) This date and distribution of the earliest vehicle fi nds in turn give a good starting point for locating the archaeological culture where Proto-Indo-European was spoken. It should be a culture connected through a chain of ge-nealogically related cultures with the often widely dispersed areas where the various branches of Indo-European were fi rst attested. This and various other criteria have suggested the Srednij Stog culture (c 4500-3350 BC) of Ukraine as the most likely candidate. (Mallory 1989)

Important indications for the location of Proto-Indo-European and of Proto-Aryan (and its successors) are the numerous loanwords borrowed from these languages into Proto-Uralic or Proto-Finno-Ugrian (here taken as synonyms). In all likelihood, Proto-Finno-Ugrian was spoken in the successive Lyalovo (c 5000-3650 BC) and Volosovo (c 3650-1900 BC) cul-tures, which had their centre on the upper Volga. The Lyalovo culture (characterized by Pitted Ware) expanded around 3900 BC to Karelia, Finland and the Baltic (the ceramic developed into Combed Ware in these regions); in the southwest, on the upper Don, the Lyalovo culture was in contact with the Srednij Stog culture. Around 2300 BC, the southern part of the Volosovo culture was intruded by the Abashevo culture (c 2800-1900 BC), which was descended from the Srednij Stog culture via the intervening Pit Grave culture (c 3500-2800 BC). As a result of this development, several Proto-Finno-Ugrian speaking communities seem to have had a Proto-Aryan speaking elite minority, whose later absorption into the majority left Aryan loanwords in early Finno-Ugrian. (Carpelan and Parpola 2001)

In the southern Urals, the Abashevo culture gave rise to the Sintashta-Arkaim culture (c 2200-1800 BC), the graves of which contain the earliest known horse-drawn chariots (c 2000 BC) The Sintashta-Arkaim culture in turn is the source of the Andronovo cultural complex, which spread widely in southern Siberia and Central Asia between 1800 and 1300 BC. (Epima-chov and Korjakova 2004)

MIGRATIONS, TRADE AND PEOPLES, PART 3: ARYANS AND NOMADS, The Face Urns of Gandhâra and the Nâsatya Cult, 149-162; ISBN 978-0-9553924-5-0

THE SOUTHWARD MIGRATION OF ARYAN SPEAKERS AND THE BACTRIA-MARGIANA ARCHAEOLOGICAL COMPLEX

The ‘homeland’ of the Aryan or Indo-Iranian languages thus was in the steppes of South Rus-sia and northern Central Asia. Yet, as their latter name indicates, they have long been spoken predominantly in India and in Iran (India and Iran denoting here South Asia and Greater Iran in the sense of the Achaemenid Empire). This implies a southward movement from northern Central Asia through southern Central Asia (Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Afghan-istan) approximately in the course of the second millennium BCE. During this time, southern Central Asia was in the control of the agriculturally based Bactria and Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC) (c 2500-1300 BC). The archaeological record shows that between 1800 and 1300 BC, the Andronovo tribes have been coming to southern Central Asia in increasing num-bers, until eventually almost every BMAC settlement was surrounded by their campsites (cf. Gubaev et al 1998; Cattani 2004 [2005]; Hiebert 2001; 2002; Hiebert & Moore 2004 [2005]; Francfort 2005: 295-304).

Undoubtedly the BMAC originally was non-Indo-European in its language, as it owed its birth to forces coming from earlier cultures of southern Turkmenistan, Elam, Iran and Balu-chistan (Francfort 2005: 258-261). But it seems that during the second millennium BC, the BMAC was linguistically Aryanized, because the Andronovo culture did spread from the north to the region of the BMAC, but not further to India and Iran and thus did not transport the Indo-Iranian languages there, while on the other hand the BMAC did spread both to Iran and South Asia. Also, an aristocratic grave that recently came to light at Zardcha Khalifa in Tajikistan has shown that the elite of the BMAC had adopted the horse-drawn chariot from the Sintashta-Arkaim culture (Bobomulloev 1997). The Vikings sailing from Scandinavia to the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea through the rivers of Ukraine and Russia took over the rule in the local communities speaking Old Russian. In the Hurrian-speaking kingdom of Mitanni, the Proto-Indo-Aryan speaking rulers adopted in its entirety the local culture where they had seized the power, including the religion, the Hurrian language and the use of the cuneiform script. In these two parallels, the incoming minority language was eventually absorbed, but in the case of the BMAC, the number of Aryan speakers was replenished by successive waves of immigrants from the north.

THE GANDHÂRA GRAVE CULTURE, ITS BMAC BACKGROUND, AND THE HORSE

Situated in and around the Swât Valley in northern Pakistan, on the route that leads from Af-ghanistan to South Asia, the Gandhâra Grave culture (c 1600-600 BC) occupies a strategic loca-tion at one of the principal entrances from Central Asia. This entrance was undoubtedly used by the Rigvedic Aryans, as the Kabul River, the Swât River and other waterways of this region are mentioned in the Rigveda. The horse and the horse-drawn chariot occupy a position of central importance in the culture of the Rigveda. It is therefore very signifi cant that the Gandhâra Grave culture has produced the earliest known evidence of the domesticated horse from this part of South Asia. (Around the same time, the domesticated horse appears at Pirak near the Bolan Pass that connects the highlands of Baluchistan with the plains of the southern Indus Valley.)

The Gandhâra Grave culture fi rst appears during the late part of the Ghâlegay IV Period, between c 1600 and 1400 BC. At this phase it is represented by ‘the black-grey, burnished ware … widespread throughout all the occupation phases of all the valley’s settlements excavated so far’, which is comparable to the BMAC ceramics at Dashly, Shah Tepe, Tepe Hissar and

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Tureng Tepe (Stacul 1987: 121f.). The hypothesis that its presence in the Swât Valley results from immigrations from the west is supported by the evidence of the only known late Ghâlegay IV Period graveyard at Kherai in Indus Kohistan. Here the burial customs are very similar to those typical of the BMAC in southern Bactria, with inhumed bodies placed on their sides with the knees drawn up in a hocker position. (Stacul 1987: 64-65, 71-73, 122) Besides the grey-burnished ware, the late Ghâlegay IV Period had black-on-red painted pottery related to the Cemetery H culture of the Punjab plains. The horse is depicted on several shards of this kind of ceramics at Bir-kot-ghwandai in Swât. (Stacul 1987: 123) Late Ghâlegay IV Period levels of this same settlement have produced bones of the domestic horse and donkey. (Stacul 1987: 123)

The BMAC parallels cited from northern Iran are dated to c 1800-1600 BC. This Gorgan Grey Ware is considered to be the source of the intrusive Early West Iranian Grey Ware that suddenly appears in great quantities all along the Elburz mountains, in Azerbaijan and around Lake Urmia c 1500 BC. The latter ceramic has plausibly been linked with the arrival of the Pro-to-Indo-Aryan speakers at the Mitanni kingdom in Syria (Young 1985; Parpola 2002a: 78). The presence of the post-Harappan Cemetery-H type ceramics in Swat on the other hand suggests that the carriers of the Gandhâra Grave culture at the Ghâlegay IV Period had close relationship with the Punjab plains and that part of them probably infi ltrated to that region. The Cemetery H culture (c 1700-1300 BC) had introduced cremation as a new mode of disposal of the dead, contrasting with the Harappan practice of inhumation burial.

The Gandhâra Grave culture is mainly known from graveyards belonging to the following Ghâlegay V Period, dated to c 1400-1000 BC, and the following Iron Age Period of Ghâlegay VI, dated to c 1000-600 BC. The Gandhâra Graves are rectangular pits, often surrounded by a ring of stones. About two thirds of them are internment burials, with the bodies in a fl exed position, men lying on their right sides and women on their left sides. There are skeletons in an anatomically intact position, but also a large number of graves where the bones were secondar-ily placed in heaps, yet with the head always in the upmost position. These inhumation graves are covered with stones. About one third of the Gandhâra Graves are cremation burials. After a transition period with approximately equal number of inhumation and cremation burials (in some graves even both types of disposal of the dead have been applied), cremation became the dominant mode of burial in the Ghâlegay V Period, while during the Ghâlegay VI Period cremation gradually disappeared. Both inhumation and cremation burials contain both single persons and (quite often) two persons, usually couples that mostly seem to have been buried at different times.

The Gandhâra Graves were early on compared with the cemeteries of the Bishkent and Va-khsh culture of southern Tajikistan (Müller-Karpe 1983: 118). These represent a fusion of the local north Bactrian variant of the BMAC in its late Molali-Bustân Phase (c 1700-1400 BC) and of steppe nomads. Andronovo culture is attested at several sites in southern Tajikistan (Vinogra-dova 2001). At the necropole of Bustân 6 in southern Uzbekistan, the cremation tradition was brought to the late BMAC (Molali-Bustân Phase) by Andronovo culture (which practised cre-mation in the steppes of eastern Kazakhstan) represented by various distinctive artefacts includ-ing Andronovo ceramics, terracotta human fi gurines and a horse fi gurine (Avanesova 1995; 1997). The excavation of the vast BMAC necropole of Gonur has brought to light further paral-lels between the Gandhâra Graves and the late BMAC. These include, among other things, the exact type of metal pin so characteristic of the Swât graves (though the single Gonur specimen is of silver, the many Gandhâra specimens of copper), anthropomorphic fi gurines and the burial of a horse (young headless colt) in Gonur. (Sarianidi 2001: 180-182).

Two well-preserved and complete skeletons of the horse were found at the graveyard of Kâtelai in the Swât Valley (Silvi Antonini and Stacul 1972: 288, T. 40 and pl. CLIV b & c; and

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291, T 45 and pl. CLIV a). From the same graveyard comes a small conical capsule made of bronze, with the horse as its top (ibid 422 and pl. LIII a). Particularly important for the theme of this paper is the concave terracotta lid with the fi gurine of a horse as its handle, for this was found in situ closing a cinerary vase in the graveyard of Loebanr in Swât (ibid 78 and pl. LII c; see Figure 1).

While the Gandhâra Grave culture of the Ghâlegay VI Period in many respects continues similar to the preceding Ghâlegay V period, there are some signifi cant changes, above all the introduction of iron. Wheel-turned red and grey ceramic with remarkably thin walls becomes the dominant type of pottery. About the same time, c 1000 BC, iron and a luxury ceramic with remarkably thin walls called Painted Grey Ware (PGW) start characterizing the culture of the Punjab plains and the Ganges-Yamuna Doab (dated to c 1000-400 BC) (eg Agrawal 1982: 251-256). While the Gandhâra Grave culture of the Ghâlegay VI Period is relatively isolated from the plains, some connections between the early PGW and the Gandhâra Grave culture have been noted. At Ahicchatra, the PGW layers have pots with perforations near the neck, resembling the face urns of the Ghâlegay V Period; and terracotta human fi gurines found in the graves of the Ghâlegay V Period ‘have almost exact parallels in the fi gurines recovered from the Painted Grey Ware (PGW) levels at Jakhera in Uttar Pradesh’ (Agrawal 1982: 250).

THE PHASES OF THE GANDHÂRA GRAVE CULTURE AND THE IMMIGRATION WAVES OF RIGVEDIC ARYANS

The temporal, geographical and cultural horizons of the PGW culture strongly suggest its equation with the Middle Vedic culture postdating the Rigveda. Iron was still unknown to the Rigveda, but is mentioned from the Atharvaveda onwards. The time gap between the Rigveda

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FIGURE 1: A CONCAVE TERRACOTTA LID WITH A HORSE FIGURINE HANDLE, FOUND IN SITU CLOSING A CINERARY URN (T. 19/1), FROM THE GRAVEYARD OF LOEBANR IN SWÂT, NOW IN THE ISLAMABAD MUSEUM. THE DIAMETER OF THE LID IS 31 CM, AND THE HEIGHT OF THE HANDLE, 10 CM. PHOTO ASKO PARPOLA.

and the Atharvaveda is not great, so if the Atharvaveda belongs to the Iron Age that started c 1000 BC in Swât and the plains of the Punjab, it is a reasonable to date the hymns of the Rigveda before this.

Although the Gandhâra area was well known to the Rigveda, it was already in the periphery in the Middle Vedic period, when the epicentre of the Vedic culture had moved to the Ganges-Yamuna Doab. Traces of the specifi cally Rigvedic Sanskrit gerund in –tvî in the Gândharî Prâkrit and in modern Dardic languages of the north-western mountain regions strongly suggest that the Indo-Aryan tribes which introduced the Rigvedic poetry to the Punjab entered the sub-continent through Gandhâra, and that some of these Rigvedic Indo-Aryans remained in these regions and in their isolation preserved their language with remarkable archaisms. This agrees with the relative isolation of Gandhâra in the archaeological record, starting c 900 BC.

For a long time it has been generally agreed that the Rigvedic speakers of Indo-Aryan came to the subcontinent in two successive waves. These two waves could be equated with the two earlier phases of the Gandhâra Grave culture, the Ghâlegay IV and V Periods with entrance points around 1600 and 1400 BC respectively. The most notable tribes of the earlier wave were the Yadu and the Turvas’a, and the Anu and the Druhyu; these tribes had already settled in South Asia when the later wave came there with the Pûru and the Bharata as its most notable tribes. This latter wave brought to north-western South Asia those Indo-Aryan speakers who composed the hymns of the so-called family books of the Rigveda, books II-VII. These hymns were collected fi rst, and are therefore the oldest preserved ones. The poetry of the earlier wave seems to have survived and transmitted essentially in its own original style and form, but in a later version already infl uenced by the poetry of the family books, because it was collected and codifi ed later. The early Yadu and Turvas’a tribes are mentioned in a positive tone most often by the Kânva poets. With some simplifi cation, one might equate the poetry of the earlier wave with that composed by the Kânva and Ângirasa poets. It is preserved chiefl y in books VIII, I and X of the Rigveda, in (the strophic tradition if not the actual hymns of) the Sâmaveda, and – as shown by Stanley Insler (1998) – in the Atharvaveda. These poems have a number of linguistic and other peculiarities – including some remarkable archaisms – which set them apart from the fam-ily books and connect them with the later epic and classical Sanskrit. (Parpola 2002a: 54-59)

The Kânvas must have entered the subcontinent through Gandhâra, and the Kânva poets of the Rigveda have resided there. Suvâstu, the ancient name of the Swât river, is mentioned in the Rigveda only in the Kânva hymn 8,19 (verse 37). Women from Gandhâra are mentioned once in book I. Besides toponyms, cultural criteria back up the location of the Kânva poets in ancient Gandhâra. Thus, in contrast to the family books, the Kânva hymns repeatedly refer to sheep herding and to agriculture with plough, which were both practised in Gandhâra. Out of the fi ve Rigvedic occurrences of the word ushtra ‘camel’, four are in book VIII and one in book I. The Kânva hymns are the only ones in the Rigveda to have proper names of the type ‘having god NN as his guest’, such as Medhâtithi. This name type connects them with the Proto-Indo-Aryans of Mitanni and elsewhere in Western Asia. The Mitanni Aryans took northern Syria in their control by 1500 BC, coming fairly certainly from the North Iranian branch of the BMAC. This took place around the same time as the Ghâlegay IV Period immigration of the Gandhâra Grave culture from the BMAC into the Swât Valley and the surrounding regions. (Parpola 2002a: 59-61.)

The main later wave of Rigvedic Aryans seems to have arrived under the leadership of King Divodâsa from the Kandahar region of Afghanistan, where he was born on the banks of the Sarasvatî River, probably the modern Arghandâb. (Parpola 2002a: 46-48.) Divodâsa fought for forty years against Dâsa forts in a mountainous area, which suggests the route from Kandahar to Kabul over the mountainous eastern Afghanistan, the only region of Afghanistan where the

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fortress-manor (qala) with massive pakhsa walls is the typical housing type. (Parpola 2002b: 260-273.) The oldest Kandahar (Shahr-i Kuhna), dated to c 1000-600 BC, had ‘a wall of pakhsa (an iron-hard mixture of gravel and clay), 1.4 m thick’ (Whitehouse 1978: 12). It is possible that this later wave of Indo-Aryan migration to South Asia around 1400 BC was prompted by the arrival of the Old Iranian speakers in Central Asia, which may be connected with the wide spread of the new type of handmade painted pottery named after Yaz Depe I (c 1400-1000 BC) and accompanied by the total absence of graves, suggesting the practice of exposure funeral characteristic of the Zarathushtran religion (Parpola 2002a: 68f.; Francfort 2005: 294).

Divodâsa’s son (or grandson) Sudâs fought the famous battle of ten kings in the Punjab, so the great majority of the Rigvedic Aryans connected with the family books are likely to have crossed the Gandhâra and pushed on to the plains (where the late Cemetery H culture prevailed). One part of them, however, remained in Gandhâra, namely the Atri clan associated with the fi fth book and its eponymous poet Atri. There is evidence that the Atris were in close and friendly contact with the Kânvas, which suggests that they resided in each other’s neighbourhood. The Atri hymn 5, 53 mentions the Kâbul and Kurum along with other rivers of Afghanistan and northwest Pakistan, which clearly places the Atris in Gandhâra.

THE NÂSATYA CULT OF THE KÂNVAS AND ATRIS AND THE BEGINNINGS OF THE GHARMA RITE

In the Sintashta-Arkaim culture men of the aristocratic elite were buried with had their hors-es and chariots. I have argued that the Nâsatyas or As’vins, as the deifi ed two-man team of the chariot warrior and his charioteer, were at the head of the Proto-Aryan pantheon. The distribu-tion and typology of the cheek plates of chariot horses has shown that the ultimate source of the Mycenaean Greek horse chariot was in the southern Urals, and together with this new show-piece of power the Greeks seem to have received the associated mythology of the two divine horsemen, the Dioskouroi, who in Sparta were associated with the dual kingship. The Baltic religion as well had ‘sons of the (Sky) God’ associated with horses, who wooed the solar maid (the dawn), as did their Aryan and Greek counterparts. In India, the dual kingship manifested itself in the close collaboration of the king and the high priest (purohita), who in ancient times is said to have acted as the king’s charioteer. Though the Nâsatyas were fi rst replaced at the top of the pantheon by Mitra and Varuna, the dual kings of the gods, and these in turn by the war god Indra and his high priest Agni, who also acted as his charioteer, the Vedic texts still occasionally identify the king and his charioteer with the As’vins. (Parpola 2005.)

Among the singer families of the Rigveda, the Kânvas and Atris are prominent worshippers of the Nâsatyas. Out of the 54 complete hymns addressed to the As’vins, as many as 33 are in ‘Kânva’ books: sixteen in book I, twelve in book VIII, and fi ve in book X. Six hymns are in the Atri book V. There are eight As’vin hymns in book VII, which belongs to the Varuna-worshipping Vasishthas. The contrast with the remaining ‘family books’ is great: book II has just one hymn, book III just one hymn, book IV has three hymns, and book VI only two. The references to the gharma rite, which is special to the As’vins, have a similar distribution pattern: they are by far most frequent in books I, V, VII, VIII and X. As the poets of the family books otherwise favour Indra, it can be assumed that the Atri worship of the As’vins started after their settlement in Gandhâra under the infl uence of the Kânvas. (Zeller 1990: 1, 163f.; Parpola 2004 [2005]: 106).

In the Rigveda, Sage Atri is the person most closely connected with the gharma rite, the ‘hot offering’ of milk and ghee to the As’vins. Later called pravargya, this offering was performed twice a day, in the morning and evening, during the preparatory phase of the Soma sacrifi ce,

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the principal rite connected with the cult of Indra. Some of the principal acts in the pravargya rite – all accompanied by mantras – are the following. A specially prepared clay pot is placed on a separate mound near the gârhapatya fi re, fi lled and anointed with ghee, surrounded with live coals and fuel and fanned until the pot glows red-hot. Then all priests and the sacrifi cer stand up and reverently watch the pot. The adhvaryu and pratiprasthâtr priests (identifi ed with the As’vins among the gods) milk a cow and a goat and pour the milk into the heated pot which is full of boiling ghee. A pillar of fi re issues from the pot. When the pot has cooled down a little, it is brought to the âhavanîya fi re, and offerings to Indra and the As’vins are poured into the fi re. The pot is fi lled with curds, which overfl ows into the âhavanîya. The remainder of the curds is partly used for an agnihotra offering and partly eaten by the priests and the sacrifi cer. The gharma pot and all accessory implements are placed upon a black antelope skin on a throne. On the last day the gharma implements are taken to the place of their disposal and laid down on the ground in the shape of a man or of the sun. (Parpola 2004 [2005]: 109f.)

According to Jan Houben, who has examined the Rigvedic evidence related to the gharma rite, this was originally an independent rite, which the Atri clan developed and incorporated in the Soma sacrifi ce. Then ‘the Gharma ritual apparently spread to other [Rigvedic] families as well, and remained in connection with a sacrifi cial worship to the As’vins’ (Houben 2000: 17). All the ten books of the Rigveda contain hymns or verses addressed to the As’vins, or at least some references to them. Yet it is clear that in most of the family books the As’vins occupy a very subordinate position compared to Indra. Even the Atris predominantly worship Indra. We may assume that they introduced the gharma rite into the Indra cult because in Gandhâra they became under the infl uence of the As’vin-worshipping Kânvas. The post-Rigvedic legends telling us how the As’vins got a share in the Soma sacrifi ce are likely to refer to this stage of development. The incorporation of the As’vins’ gharma offering as a minor component in the Soma sacrifi ce, one of its many heterogenous elements, and the As’vins’ obtaining a share of Soma in fact signals their submission to Indra. As’vins had now become second-rate deities of the Vedic pantheon, mainly associated with healing. They are expressly called physicians, and were looked down by other gods on account of their too close relationship with human beings.

According to the S’atapatha-Brâhmana (14, 2, 2) and the Kaushîtaki-Brâhmana (8, 3), the As’vins asked to get a share of the Soma sacrifi ce, but this was refused by Indra. Finally, how-ever, the As’vins got the âs’vina cup of Soma (offered in the morning outside the actual place of sacrifi ce) as a reward for healing the originally ‘headless’ Soma sacrifi ce. The As’vins healed the Soma sacrifi ce by providing it with a head in the form of the pravargya rite, which originally belonged to them and which rite was not liked by Indra. In accordance with this model of legen-dary history, the Vedic sacrifi cer is not supposed to perform the pravargya rite in his fi rst Soma sacrifi ce (which was at fi rst ‘headless’), but only from his second sacrifi ce onwards.

THE GHARMA VESSEL AND THE CINERARY FACE URN OF THE GANDHÂRA GRAVE CULTURE

The concept of ‘head’ is indeed very much associated with the gharma vessel, which is called mahâvîra ‘great hero’ or ‘Makha’s head’. In a legend narrated in the S’atapatha-Brâhmana (14, 1, 1), the gharma vessel is actually equated with the head of a decapitated divine hero. The ghar-ma pot has a parallel in the vessel most characteristic of the Gandhâra Grave culture, namely the face urn, the funerary vessel which is made to look like a human head. Such an urn func-tions as an ossuary into which select bones were collected in the cremation burials. As already observed, cremations constitute about one third of the Gandhâra Graves, and predominate in the Ghâlegay V Period. The face urns are characteristic of the Ghâlegay V Period; they have either

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just holes for the ‘eyes’ and the ‘mouth’ or also a protruding ‘nose’ (see Figure 2).

Attempts have been made to trace parallels to this distinctive artefact from other archaeo-logical cultures of Eurasia, particularly by Giorgio Stacul (1971). Stacul suggested a connection with the anthropomorphically inspired face urns with cremation remains that have been found in the fi nal phase of the Middle Danubian culture of Baden-Pécel (c 2000 BC). In the Balkans and the Middle Danube, anthropomorphic containers go back to the Late Neolithic period, when they were not yet related to burial rites. In spite of the several other parallels noted by Stacul between the Gandhâra Graves and the cultures of the Great Hungarian Plain, it has not been possible to confi rm their historical connection. The distance in space and to some extent in time is considerable. Rather, the Gandhâran face urns seem to be an independent local development.

The parallelism in the head symbolism between the gharma vessel in the cult of the As’vins – the ‘possessors of horses’ -- and the face urn of the Gandhâra Graves appears not to be just a coincidence, for the earlier mentioned horse-shaped handle of the lid of a face urn (see Figure 1) associates these urns with a cult involving horses. Equally signifi cant is the fact that the con-spicuous three-dimensional ‘nose’ of the later face urns has a counterpart in the gharma vessel.

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THE FACE URNS OF GANDHÂRA AND THE NÂSATYA CULT

FIGURE 2: A GANDHÂRA GRAVE CULTURE (GHÂLEGAY V PERIOD) FACE URN FROM ZARIF KARUNA NEAR PESHAWAR, NOW IN THE ISLAMABAD MUSEUM. PHOTO ASKO PARPOLA.

The S’atapatha-Brâhmana (14, 1, 2, 17) describes the preparation of the gharma vessel thus:

He then takes a lump of clay and makes the Mahâvîra (pot) with [the mantra], ‘For Makha thee! for Makha’s head thee! … a span high, for the head is, as it were, a span high; -- contracted in the middle, for the head is, as it were, contracted in the middle. At the top he then draws it out [unnayati] (so as to form) a spout [mukham ‘mouth’] of three thumb’s breadths (high): he thereby makes a nose [nâsikâm] to this (Mahâvîra, or Pravargya).

It is true that the description does not exactly match the making of the face urns of the Gand-hâra Graves, but it is remarkable that the gharma pot alone of all the vessels described in the Vedic literature is expressly told to have a ‘nose’. It is also true that the S’atapatha-Brâhmana is the only Vedic text to mention this ‘nose’, and although its present redactions are younger than the texts of the Black Yajurveda, it goes back to an earlier version and its contents in some respects differ entirely from all the other texts. That it can well have preserved ancient traditions prevalent among the Kânvas is quite likely on the basis that one of the two redactions belongs to the Kânvas. The ‘nose’ of the face urn and the gharma pot should have some specifi c function, and it indeed is meaningful when considered in the context of the As’vin cult. (Parpola 2004 [2005]: 108f.)

THE ATRI LEGEND AND THE RELATION BETWEEN THE GHARMA RITE AND THE FUNERAL

Comparing the gharma vessel with the cinerary urn of the Gandhâra Grave culture implies that there should be a close relationship between the gharma rite and the funeral. I think such a relationship does indeed exist. According to the Rigveda, the gharma rite was instituted by Atri and offered by his descendents out of gratitude to the As’vins, because these had saved Atri from the distress of the rbîsa pit. It was the As’vins who had fi rst given the hot gharma drink to Atri while saving him, so the gharma rite imitates the service rendered by the As’vins. I am arguing that the Atri legend refl ects the Atri clan’s initial adoption of the cremation burial and the associated cult of the As’vins as funeral deities, who revive the dead by means of their drink of heated milk. These funeral practices new to them the Atris took over from the Kânvas, with whom they established friendly relations while settling in Gandhâra. Let us fi rst examine the legend about Atri and some parallel cases, and then the relationship of the gharma rite and the Vedic funeral customs. (Parpola 2004 [2005]: 121)

THE NÂSATYAS AS GODS OF REGENERATION

According to Rigveda 6, 50, 10, the As’vins ‘delivered Atri from big darkness’, according to Rigveda 7, 71, 5 ‘from a narrow place and darkness’. These expressions usually refer to death and to the state of an embryo. It has been pointed out that many persons whom the As’vins have helped seem to be already dead or in a death-like state, in the dangerous zone of ‘in between’ (Oberlies 1993: 184). Atri, Kakshîvat, Cyavâna, Vandana and several other persons were thus in distress, in a pit, in great darkness, decrepit with old age, lying buried and dead, when the As’vins came and ‘helped’ or ‘saved’ them by ‘rejuvenating’ them. As ‘healers’ and ‘saviours’ the As’vins were thus essentially revivers of the dead, in other words, funeral gods, though it seems that this has not been generally recognized. (Parpola 2004 [2005]: 121; 2005: 30)

In the Greek tradition, the Dioskouroi were also ‘saviours’ (sôtêres), who helped in all kinds

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of trouble, particularly in peril at sea, in battle-fi eld, and in illness, but who also fi gure in funer-ary inscriptions. They are frequently depicted on Roman sarcophagi. In his book, The Myth of Return in Early Greek Epic (1978), Douglas Frame argues that nóstos ‘homecoming, return’ in early Greek religion primarily meant ‘return from (darkness and) death’, ‘coming back to (light and) life’, and that the miracles performed by the Dioskouroi – and the Nâsatyas (the As’vins) – as saviours largely denote revivals from death.

‘In the Iliad … the rôle of the chariot seems to be chiefl y as a means of transport to and from the battlefi eld. Generally the warrior leaps down to fi ght – his charioteer standing by to carry him out of danger if things go badly’ (Wace and Stubbings 1962: 521). The rescue function thus belonged to the charioteer, and the term nâsatya- ‘effecting safe homecoming, rescuer, saviour’ therefore denotes this member of the chariot team, although it is used in the Rigveda in an elliptic dual of both the As’vin twins. Sanskrit nâsatya- is related to Greek néstôr, which in Homer is the name of the old king of Pylos, famed as a horseman (hippóta ) and an experienced charioteer. Both words go back to the Proto-Indo-European root *nes- ‘to come home safely’, from which are derived also among others Greek nóstos ‘homecoming, return’, Sanskrit astam-aya- ‘homecoming, sunset’, Gothic ganisan ‘to be saved’ and Modern German genesen ‘to be healed’. (Parpola 2004 [2005]: 120; 2005: 12)

SYMBOLISM OF THE NOSE

We can now return to sort out what is the meaning of the ‘nose’ of the gharma pot and the face urn of the Gandhâra Graves. As a result of the sound change which turned Proto-Indo-European *e into *a in Proto-Aryan, the root *nes- ‘to come home safely’ became homonymous with the word nas- ‘nose’. Folk-etymologically the Nâsatyas were associated with the nose and its two nostrils (nâsâ).

The word nás- ‘nose’ occurs only twice in the Rigveda. In 2, 39, 6 the two As’vins are com-pared to the nose with its two nostrils (nâsâ in the dual) – note that the nose of one face urn has the detail of two nostrils. The other reference is 5, 61, 2c, in a hymn addressed to the Maruts, the gods of storm and battle, who in verses 12-13 are represented as driving a chariot, but in verse 2 apparently as riders: ‘(where is) the saddle (literally, seat) on the back (of the horse), (where) the rein (literally, the restrainer) of the two nostrils (of the horse)?’ (prshthé sádo nasór yámah). This verse shows that the Sanskrit words yama- (meaning ‘twin’ as well as ‘rein’) and nás- (meaning ‘nose’ as well as ‘to save’) – both associated with the As’vins in the Rigvedic language – had connotations defi nitely linked with a key skill in horsemanship, the control of the horse through its nostrils.

The myth about the ‘nose-birth’ of the As’vins is briefl y related in one of the Yama hymns of the Rigveda (10, 17, 1-2) and more extensively in the Nirukta (12, 10), the Brhaddevatâ (6, 127 – 7, 6 ed Tokunaga) and elsewhere. The mother of the divine twins assumed the shape of a mare and became pregnant with the As’vins when she sniffed the seed of the brightly shining sun-god Vivasvant, her husband, who had assumed the shape of a stallion but in haste emitted his seed on the ground.

The As’vins are invoked as deities of generation, and in Vedic rites of human fertility, the nose plays a central role. In a Rigvedic prayer for the birth of a son, the two As’vins, the lotus-garlanded gods, are asked to place an embryo in the wife (10, 184, 2). In the next verse of the same hymn, the embryo is equated with the fi re, the embryo of the waters, who is hidden in the as’vattha wood: ‘The embryo, whom the As’vins create with the golden fi re drill, him we call hither for you, so that he may be born in the tenth month.’ According to the Kaus’ika-Sûtra (35, 6-10) of the Atharvaveda, the life-cycle rite of pumsavana aiming at the birth of a son is

158


performed as follows. Fire is drilled with a fi re-drill, which consists of a female plank of s’amî wood, and of a male stick of as’vattha wood. (According to the Brâhmana texts, the as’vattha got its name from the fi re which in the shape of a horse, as’va, stood [sthâ- ] one year in this tree.) Then the fi re-drill is ground into powder, which is mixed with butter coming from a cow that has born a male calf. The mixture is put with the thumb of the right hand into the right nostril of the wife. The powder of the fi re-drill can also be mixed with a honey-drink (madhu-mantha), which consists of honey, curds and ghee, and which the wife is then made to eat.

This ‘nose-birth’ of the Nâsatyas is ritually included also in the pravargya rite. When collect-ing the clay out of which the gharma pot is to be fashioned, at the moment when a goat is milked so that its milk fl ows over the clay, a horse is made to sniff at the clay while the adhvaryu priest recites: ‘Grant life, grant prâna, apâna, and vyâna, sight, hearing, mind, voice, body, strength, mass – grant me all this!’ (cf. Âpastamba-S’rautasûtra 15, 2, 2-3). The milk here symbolizes the generating seed, as does the reviving gharma drink of heated milk that the As’vins gave to Atri. According to the Aitareya-Brâhmana (1, 22), the gharma vessel is the male member, and the milk is the seed. The seed is poured into the fi re, the womb of the gods, as generation, so one who sacrifi ces with the pravargya rite is reborn as an immortal god. (Parpola 2004 [2005]: 123f.; 2005: 35)

Postscript: On the topic of the very fi rst paragraph of this paper on page 1 see now: Parpola, A (2008) ‘Proto-Indo-European Speakers of the Late Tripolye Culture as the Inventors of Wheeled Vehicles: Linguistic and archaeological considerations of the PIE homeland problems’ pp. 1-59 in Jones-Bley, K, Huld, ME, Della Volpe, A and Robbins Dexter, M (ed.), Proceedings of the Nineteenth Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference, November 2-3, 2007 (Journal of Indo-European Studies Monograph 54), Washington DC: Institute for the Study of Man.

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Avanesova, NA (1997) ‘Spätbronzezeitliche Kulturkontakte in der baktrischen Flussoase nach den Be-funden der Nekropole Bustân 6’, Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran und Turan 29, 147-178

Bobomulloev, S (1997) ‘Ein bronzezeitliches Grab aus Zardca Chalifa bei Pendzikent (Zeravsan-Tal)’, Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran und Turan 29, 121-134

Carpelan, C and Parpola, A (2001) ‘Emergence, contacts and dispersal of Proto-Indo-European, Proto-Uralic and Proto-Aryan in archaeological perspective’, pp 55-150 in Carpelan, C, Parpola, A and Ko-skikallio, P (ed), Early Contacts between Uralic and Indo-European: Linguistic and Archaeological Considerations (Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne 242), Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura

Cattani, M (2004 [2005]) ‘Margiana at the end of Bronze Age and beginning of Iron Age’, pp 303-315 in Kosarev et al 2004 [2005]

Eichmann, R and Parzinger, H (ed) (2001) Migration und Kulturtransfer: Der Wandel vorder- und zentralasiatischer Kulturen im Umbruch vom 2. zum 1. vorchristlichen Jahrtausend (Kolloquien zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte 6), Bonn: Dr Rudolf Habelt Verlag GmbH

Epimachov, A and Korjakova, L (2004) ‘Streitwagen der eurasischen Steppe in der Bronzezeit: Das Wolga-Uralgebiet und Kasachstan’, pp 221-236 in Rad und Wagen: Der Ursprung einer Innovation. Wagen im Vorderen Orient und Europa (Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Nordwestdeutschland, Bei-heft 40), Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern

Frame, D (1978) The Myth of Return in Early Greek Epic, New Haven: Yale University Press

Francfort, H-P (2005) ‘La Civilisation de l’Oxus et les Indo-Iraniens et Indo-Aryens en Asie Centrale’, pp 253-328 in Fussman, G, Kellens, J, Francfort, H-P and Tremblay, X, Âryas, Aryens et Iraniens en Asie Centrale (Publications de l’Institut de Civilisation Indienne 72), Paris: Édition-Diffusion de Boc-card

Gubaev, A, Koshelenko, G and Tosi, M (ed) (1998) The Archaeological Map of the Murghab Delta: Preliminary Reports 1990-1995, Roma: IsIAO

Hiebert, FT (2002) ‘Bronze Age interaction between the Eurasian steppe and Central Asia’, pp 237-248 in Boyle, K, Renfrew, C and Levine, M (ed), Ancient Interactions: East and West in Eurasia, Cam-bridge: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research

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Houben, JEM (2000) ‘On the earliest attestable forms of the Pravargya ritual: Rg-Vedic references to the Gharma-Pravargya, especially in the Atri-family book (book 5)’, Indo-Iranian Journal 43, 1-25

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162

Stone “Harvesters” of Neolithic Tradition from Northern Indo-Pakistan Valleys

GIORGIO STACUL

The picture of Neolithic and post-Neolithic cultures of the Indo-Pakistani valleys, dated from the Third to the Midsecond millennium B.C., highlighted some types of lithic tools which can hardly be compared with similar ones in southern Asia. We are referring to some forms of sickle, provisionally called by scholars “harvesters”, where some basic shapes emerge: the rec-tangular/oval sickle with two notched sides (Fig. 1), and a similar form, with polished surfaces, with one or two small holes (Fig. 2). Similar shapes from Swat, in northern Pakistan, may be dated around the mid-second millennium B.C. (Stacul, 1987), while in Kashmir stone “harvest-ers” have been recovered in layers dated from 2000 B.C. or later (Sharma, 1982; Thapar, 1985).

It is well-known that the so-called “harvesters” of Neolithic tradition have been recovered not only in Kashmir and in Swat, but also in different sites of Inner Asia, such at Karuo in Tibet (Xu Chaolong, 1991) or in Sikkim (Sharma, 1970/79). However the early and most extended area concerning this industry corresponds to the Neolithic culture of Yang Shao in northern China. By contrast, in South Asia where settled important protohistoric civilization, similar evidence is lacking.

In an attempt to closely examine the function of the described artefacts, some sholars draw attention to the notches and the holes, and believed that both were used for hafting, in order to fasten the sickle to the hand with strings. According to Anderson, this assumption was sup-ported by the recovery in the Chinese area of some “modern” iron sickles dressed with strings (Anderson,1943).

However, as for the use of the so-called “harvesters”, Chang state that such artefacts could have been employed to perform different tasks, such as for weeding, cutting, harvesting, skin-ning and scraping (Chang, 1986). At any rate, it was also remarked that, apart from systematic micro-wear analysis, any deduction on the possible use of such artefacts is only conjectural.

In Kashmir and in Swat the same lithic assemblage featured by notched and holed sickles, also include polished celts (Fig. 3), stone querns (Stacul, 1994), mortars and hammers, which were recovered from pit-structures.

The pit-structures from Swat consist of circular to oval cavities of different size, while in Kashmir large rectangular features have been also discovered. According to stratigraphical evi-dence, some very large and deep pits have probably been used as dwelling and working places, while some others were probably employed as granaries (Coninghan and Sutherland, 1998), while small cavities including miniature vessels may attest ritual functions.

Looking at pottery associated with the lithic artefacts, it may be remarked that in Kashmir and in Swat the storage jars and some cooking-pots were usually featured by mat- or basket impressions on the base (Thapar, 1985, Fig. 13; Stacul, 1987). They are frequently featured by rippled rims and sometimes by a clay band around the neck.

MIGRATION, TRADE AND PEOPLES, PART 3: ARYANS AND NOMADS, Stone “Harvesters” of Neolithic Tradition from Northern Indo-Paki-stan Valley, 163-166; ISBN 978-0-9553924-5-0

However in Swat, during Period IV in the Ghalegai sequence (c. 1700-1400 B.C.), these types of pottery were associated with other kind of wares, expression of a different tradition. We refer to the black-on-red painted ware and the black-burnished ones, which suggest contacts with surrounding cultural areas (Stacul 1987, fi g. 29-33).

In spite of the small amount of the recovered material, the faunal remains from Swat Period IV suggest a mixed farming economy, according also to a possible transhumant life. Reference to the minimum number of the main identifi ed species, including mainly cattles, sheeps and pigs, support this assumption (Compagnoni, 1987; Jawad, 1998).

As for the cultural links between the northern Indo-Pakistan subcontinent and the Inner Asia, a problem was raised by Xu Chaolong, who stressed the occurrence in a late Neolithic layer of Burzahom, in Kashmir, of a painted vessel suggesting the early Harappan pottery tradition, which included a large set of carnelian beads. “As the cultural links over the Himalayas have been confi rmed” Xu observed, “we have to consider the possible cultural infl uence from the Indus Valley into the Tibetan Plateau, beyond Kashmir, since the Harappan people had travelled as far as Shortugai in Central Asia (Xu Chaolong, 1991).

According to some scholars, Kashmir and Swat represented the western-most limit of dif-fusion of some “northern-Neolithic” traits or traditions peculiar of Inner Asia, including the notched and holed sickles (Van Dreim, 1998). The assumption that such stone artefacts were probably used as “harvesters” or reaping tools,could be supported in Swat by the great variety of cultivated plants, from calcolithic times on, such as wheit, barley, lentils and rice (Costantini, 1987). However, waiting for specifi c analysis, this represents a provisional hypothesis only.

The assumed migration across the Himalaya range by “northern Neolithic” peoples, was probably connected with population movements of the late Yang Shao culture in China (Chang, 1986).

As for linguistic evidence, Parpola observes that the difference between Tibetan and Hima-layan language is considerable, but some distance – he adds – may be an apparent effect of historical change (Parpola, 1994).

It may be supposed that migrations, supported by linguistic evidence, give rise to cultural innovations, according to the traditions of the newly coming peoples. In this regard it is well-known that in large part of northern China, in Neolithic times, the millet was the main agricul-tural product. In Kashmir and in Swat, by contrast, wheat, barley, lentils and rice represented the earliest cultivated plants, while millet was introduced in post-Neolithic times only. It should be added that the ceramic industry here is not comparable with any Chinese neolithic pottery. However, the discovery in Kashmir of dog burials, suggesting costumes of early China, is of special interest (Pande, 1970; Parpola, 1994).

Consequently it may be assumed that the introduction in the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent of “harvesters” and other items peculiar of Inner Asia, was not necessarily related with eth-nic changes, but probably was the result of long-distance contacts and interactions. It may be also supposed that the spread of holed and notched sickles in Kashmir and in Swat, was con-nected with the development of agriculture in these valleys. Infact harvesting tools – if this was the purpose of some described types of sickles or knives – cannot have been required by non-farmers peoples or by peoples where agriculture is scanty. Therefore the introduction of such artefacts in the northern Indo-Pakistani valleys was very probably connected with internal economical factors rather than with external ones. The question, of course, still remains open.

The possible relation of the stone notched and holed sickles with agriculture, may be sup-ported in Swat by the evidence from the excavation at the hilly site of Kalako-deary (Stacul, 1994a). Here a lot of pit-structures dated to Period IV were located. It may be supposed that some pits were used as granaries, as suggested by some scholars. But others, according to

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the nature and the disposal of the items, were employed for domestic activities. At this site, 37 grinding slabs made from local schist, with almost fl at working surface, suggesting plants processing, as well as 11 large stone mortars were recovered (Stacul, 1994b). In addition 13 stone holed sickles, corresponding to the total of similar tools from the Swat Valley, were also found from pits of the same site. Here, large parte of the pottery consisted of storage jars and cooking pots, featured by rippled rims and mat- or basket- impressions on the base. The vegetal remains mostly include barley.

Such evidence may suggest not only some particular activities performed at this site, as the cultivation of cereals, but also a distribution of the work in the Valley, during the same period, according to the morphology of the country. In this regard, the comparison with another site from Swat, as Bir-kot, settled along the Swat River some few chilometres for Kalako-deray, is signifi cant. At Bir-kot no holed sickles have been found, but in layers of Period IV the pottery was featured by a variety of forms and styles, which may in part suggest Harappa Cemetery H.

In sum, a cultural movement which emerged in northern China and was identifi ed by some scholars as “Northern Neolithic” complex (Fairservis, 1975) spread into the Inner Asia and reached the northern Indo-Pakistani subcontinent around 3000 B.C. or later. Settlement remains and artefacts from Tibet, Sikkim and Butan support these connections.

Beyond the Himalaya Range, the earliest traces of this complex were recorded in Kashmir, while at the beginning of the 2nd millennium they reached the Swat Valley in the present Paki-stan. Here, during Period IV of the Ghalegay sequence (dated from about 1700 to 1400 B.C.), notched and holed sickles formed part of the Swat culture, identifi ed by Parpola, according to linguistic evidence and archaeological connections, as Aryan or Proto-Rgvedic (Parpola, 1995).

In the meantime I remember that the archaeological evidence from Swat Period IV does not include graveyards or single graves. Consequently Period IV cannot be identifi ed with the so-called Gandhara Grave Culture, i.e. a phrase introduced by Dani (Dani, 1967) in spite of the deep cultural differences between periods. Period IV is characterised by some specifi c aspects, including the black-on-red painted pottery with fl oral and animal representations. By contrast, the subsequent periods V, VI and VII represent a deeply different set of association elements, as shown by the occurrence of the face-urns in Period V or the iron metallurgy in Period VII.

However, artefacts types such as the holed sickles or “harvesters” did not reach the area of the great food-producers civilizations. In all likelihood environmental factors and a different agricultural technology marked the limit of their diffusion.

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Stacul, G. 1987. Prehistoric and Protohistoric Swat (c. 3000-1400 B.C.). Rome.

Stacul, G. 1994 a. ‘Querns from Early Swat’. Wisconsin Archaelogical Reports, 3: 235-239. Madison, Wisconsin.

Stacul, G. 1994 b. ‘Neolithic Inner Asian traditions in northern Indo-Pakistani valleys’. South Asian Archaelogy 1993: 707-714. Helsinki.

Thapar, B.K. 1985. Recent archaeological discoveries in India. Unesco, Tokyo.

Van Driem, G. 1998. ‘Ancient Tibeto-Burman Migrations’. Archaeology and Language: 67-102. Lon-don.

Xu Chaolong, 1991. ‘The cultural links over the Himalaya Range in prehistoric period’. Orient 27: 12-35.

166

STONE “HARVESTERS” OF NEOLITHIC TRADITION

The Evolution of Moulding Techniques in the Ceramic Sequence of the Swat Valley

(North-West Pakistan)

EMANUELE MORIGI

Although the pottery sequence of the Swat Valley has been studied for almost 50 years, tech-nological aspects, so far, have been largely neglected. During the examination of the ceramic collection recovered in excavated sites like Ghalegay, Bir-kot-ghwandai, Loebanr III, Aligrama Kalako-deray and in the protohistoric graveyards of Swat (Butkara II, Loebanr I, Katelai I) (Figure 1) (Silvi Antonini and Stacul 1972; Stacul and Tusa 1975, 1977; Stacul 1967, 1969, 1976, 1978, 1980a, 1980b, 1981, 1987, 1993a, 1993b, 1993c, 1995, 1997) we realized that several different techniques (coils, slabs, wheel throwing, moulding, paddle and anvil) were in record and could have been combined, in some cases, in the forming techniques of individual vessels (Rice 1987; Vidale 2000). Complex forming techniques were attested in a preliminary investigation, in the study of historic ceramics picked up in the Kandak Valley (south-west of Bir-kot-ghwandai). Ethnoarchaeological studies carried out in the North-Western Frontier Province of Pakistan, as well, indicate that the tradition of combining different techniques sur-vived in present and recent times (Rye and Evans 1976).

One of these techniques is moulding, i.e. adapting clay into moulds or chucks for obtaining a preliminary clay structure to be modifi ed by further processing. In the Swat sequence, at least

MIGRATIONS, TRADE AND PEOPLES, PART 3: ARYANS AND NOMADS, The Evolution of Moulding Techniques in the Ceramic Sequence of the Swat Valley (North-West pakistan), 167-178; ISBN 978-0-9553924-5-0

FIGURE 1: MAP OF THE SWAT VALLEY, WITH INDICATE SITES EXCAVATED BY ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL MISSION

from the 2nd millennium BC onwards, to the early centuries AD, moulding, usually combined with coils or with the potter’s wheel, continued to represent a primary forming technique.

THE APPLICATION OF MOULDING TECNIQUES IN PROTOHIS-TORIC SWAT

The fi rst ceramics produced with moulding techniques date back to Period IV (ca. 1700-1400 BC) of the Swat sequence. Period IV is characterized by a black-grey or brown pottery generally with a coarse paste, also know in Period III (ca. 1900-1700 BC), associated with a red fi ne pottery in some cases painted with black decorative bands or zoomorphic fi gures (Stacul 1987). Both present a base structure of superimposed coils and a surface later regularized on the potter’s wheel, in red fi ne ware, or by free-hand, in coarse ware (Morigi and Bianchetti 2005). However, some cases of black-grey or brown coarse ware show traces of moulding (in particu-lar, some bowls with mat-impressions on the external base). Mat-impressions are not a form of decoration, but the mark of a fabrication technique that used small woven bases as potter’s bats, aiming at a better manipulation of the object during its forming. For the example, in the vessel in Figure 2a, a grey bowl from Loebanr III, a bottomless mould was placed on a woven bat. Irregular slabs were pressed into the mould until they covered bottom and walls. In the two available sections the order of superimposition of the slabs is different, but the presence of a double clay coating is constant.

Other examples of this kind of bowl with mat-impression present a different construction: into the mould were pressed only two large slabs, to form walls and bottom. In some cases the clay was fi rst positioned in the bottom and then raised to form the walls (Figure 2b); in other cases the sequence was the reverse (Figure 2c). The slab used to form the walls was applied and shaped against the mould.

All these vases present a mat-impression on the external base, even if the use of mats in ce-ramic construction obviously does not necessarily imply the use of a mould or chuck.

Another example of probable application of moulding in Period IV is a bowl on stand, with a fairly purifi ed paste, compact surface and soapy texture (Figure 3). In this brown ware speci-men one sees that the bowl (upper part) and the foot (lower part), were made separately, most probably within moulds. The upper parts, like the external surface of the foot, were regularized, smoothed and burnished, so the use of moulds and or coils cannot be ascertained.

In Periods V, VI and VII (ca. 1400-300 BC) of the Swat sequence, the moulding process was used for ovoidal or globular jars. These jars, recovered mostly in protohistoric graves or in the excavation of hill settlements, include the famous anthropomorphic urns with face-like features. They were shaped in four different parts (or transversal sections) formed in sequence and assembled one above the other.

Moulds were doubtless used in the fi rst phases of construction. In a fragmentary globular jar found in a tomb pilfered near the village of Dwolasmane-patai in Kandak Valley (Site 38, see Olivieri and Vidale 2005: 135) the forming techniques may be observed in detail (Figure 4). First of all, the potter made the lower body inside a mould; the bottom was covered by one or more clay slabs forms, and adapted to the surface (zone A). In every case the base is circular and slightly raised from the wall. Then followed the application of coils. In this case coils seem to proceed from above, as suggested by the joints visible on fracture and their superimposition. In Figure 4, the application order is D, C and B joining A. The coils were pressed and thinned against the mould by using a kind of anvil. This tool left on their inner surface series of round impressions, averaging in diameter 4-5 cm. As the inner anvil marks in some cases are vis-ible on the exterior as well, we suppose that a fi nal stage of regularization took place after the

168

THE EVOLUTION OF MOULDING TECHNIQUES

169

EMANUELE MORIGI

FIGURE 2 - DIFFERENT SLABS FORMING SEQUENCE RECOGNIZED IN TRUNCATED CONE BOWLS OF PERIOD IV FROM LOEBANR III. PROBABLY SLABS WERE APPLIED

170


FIGURE 3 - BOWL ON STAND OF PERIOD IV, FROM LOEBANR III.

FIGURE 4 - FRAGMENTARY GLOBULAR JAR FOUND IN A TOMB PILFERED NEAR THE VILLAGE OF DWOLASMANE-PATAI (KANDAK VALLEY).

moulded parts had been partially dried and were assembled. The two halves were fi nally joined with a central coil or strip. Vertical marks on the joining strip in the internal surface are due to hand friction or to the use of some tools for pressing the clay onto the mould walls. The external surface of the vase, instead, shows a sand coating applied to prevent sticking to the moulds. The upper part or shoulder was made with the same technique. The only difference is the presence of circular opening on the upper end, where the rim was meant to be added. In this example, the shoulder is only partially preserved (coils G and F), so it is diffi cult to say if the shoulder and the base were made from the same mould or not.

The preliminary structure of the vessel was fi nished by joining the two mould pieces through one or more superimposed coils to form the maximum expansion at the joint. The rim, too, was made with applying one or more coils at the upper opening of the vase and then shaping it on the wheel. In all cases the fi nal phases included fi nishing of the exterior by scraping (for the coarser vessels) slipping, polishing, burnishing (for the fi ner jars).

In others example of assembled jars the asymmetrical profi le and the point of junctions are evident. Most of the unbroken jars show an axial shift among neck, body sections and base. The rim was separately made by wheel-turning before assembling the pieces (Figure 5).

Figure 6 represents a medium-sized ovoidal jar, where two different moulds were used for the base and shoulder, because the two profi les are different and on the shoulder’s exterior there is a relief decoration that had to be present in negative on the mould.

In this light, the distinctive funerary urns of the Swat graveyards appear to have been mass-produced with fast, sequential processes, even if manufacturing resulted in scarcely fi nished and rather fragile vessels (because of the joints) and irregular contours. In the grave furnishings, on the other hand, the quality of individual vessels is highly variable. In future, one should also assess the variations between vessels used in daily life and those specifi cally made for funerals.

From the second half of the 1st millennium BC appear some little or medium wheel-turned bowls, called thali bowls and attested at Bir-kot-ghwandai until Kushana times (Callieri 1990). Some of these bowls, dated to 4th-3rd century BC (Figure 7), found by G. Stacul in the fi nal protohistoric and early historic levels of Aligrama and Bir-kot-ghwandai trenches were studied by the means of x-ray radiography. The lower part of the bowl was built with an opportunely shaped slab of clay pressed into a mould centred on the wheel. Then a coil was positioned on the external edge of the base and turned on the wheel until it reached the required form. During

171

EMANUELE MORIGI

FIGURE 5 - LARGE GLOBULAR JAR SHAPED IN FOUR PARTS WITH ASYMMETRICAL PROFILE AND EVIDENT POINT OF JUNCTION.

172


FIGURE 6 - MEDIUM OVOIDAL JAR WITH RELIEF DECORATION PRODUCED BY MOULD.

FIGURE 7 - DRAWING OF THALI BOWLS DATED TO 4TH-3RD CENTURY BC.

this phase, also the clay pressed into the mould was turned, or at least its internal surface. This hypothesis is confi rmed by x-ray radiographies. In the example of Figure 8 it is possible to see the different orientation of porosity: horizontal, elongated and with parallel orientation in the upper part of the bowl shaped by wheel-throwing, while chaotic orientation is prevalent in the lower part, shaped into a mould.

In only one case the vessel, after being detached from the mould, was positioned on the wheel and turned again in order to smooth the entire external surface.

173

EMANUELE MORIGI

FIGURE 8 - X-RAY IMAGE OF THALI BOWLS DRAWING IN FIGURE 8B (POROSITY IN RED, LITHIC INCLUSIONS IN YELLOW).

MOULDING TECHNIQUES IN EARLY HISTORIC PERIOD

In spring 2004, we completed the survey of the Kandak and adjacent areas in front of the Barikot hill (Figure 1) (Olivieri and Vidale 2005). The study of the Kandak collection provided new details on the manufacturing techniques used in early historic times. Although dating of these surface assemblages is still preliminary, typological comparisons may be established with important sites and sequences of northern Pakistan such as Charsada (Wheeler 1962; Ali 1994), Damkot (Rahman 1968-69), Shaikhan Dheri (Dani 1965-66) and Taxila (Marshall 1951).

Moulding is well attested also in the early historical period. A peculiar sturdy hemispherical bowl from Gul[angaso]-dherai (Site 3, see Olivieri and Vidale 2005: 131), a site whose founda-tion dates back to the 3rd-2nd century BC, was evidently made with a mixed technique very similar to that used for thali bowls (Figure 9): fi rst a truncated cone-shaped mould was centred on the potter’s wheel, and the lower body of the bowl was built inside; later the potter shaped the upper part of the vessel, adding to the piece a large and thick coil and later building the rest with the same technique. After drying, the vessel was easily detached from the mould because of the shrinkage. While the vessel was still in a leather-like state of hardness, it was upturned and re-centred and turned on the wheel in order to reduce the excessive thickness of the lower body.

At Jaur-bandai (late Kushana times and later periods) (Site 49, see Olivieri and Vidale 2005: 137) some of the bowls were probably built with coils and then shaped on the wheel. Other ves-sels were built with a similar technique, but using an open mould spread with sand for detaching the bases. In some samples that preserved part of the bottom, the lower external surface was roughly scraped with a blade-like tool.

In the same site, many fragments of moulded dishes of different chronology were picked up (Figure 10). Potters used large open and slightly concave moulds centred on the potter’s wheel. The surface of these forming tools was spread with a layer of coarse sand, then fl at slabs of clay were applied onto them, with the mould in rotation. On the edge potters built short vertical, irregular rims. The joint was quite coarse. Dishes, fi nally, were slipped only in the interior. Few fragments of jars, as well, demonstrate the use of moulding also for restricted vessels.

A jar base fragment is a unicum, found in layer 12 of Ghalegay (dated to Maurya times),

174


FIGURE 9 - HEMISPHERICAL BOWL FROM GUL[ANGASO]-DHERAI (3RD-2ND CENTURY BC).

because it was built inside a basket impressed on the external surface (Figure 11).

175

EMANUELE MORIGI

FIGURE 10 - DISHES FROM JAUR-BANDAI.

FIGURE 11 - JARS BASE FRAGMENT BUILT INSIDE A BASKET, FROM GHALEGAY (MAU-RYA LEVELS).

CONCLUSIONS

To conclude, the use of moulding is identifi able on the base of different diagnostic indica-tors: (1) Coils or slabs presses into moulds visible in fracture sections, like in the funerary jarsof Figure 4. The order of application may be reconstructed. Joints among the coils or slabs permit to establish the order of application of the clay and determine the cases realized by mould; (2) Relief decoration (not applied) on the external surface, like in the jar of Figure 6; (3) Presence of sand on visible surface or in X-ray radiography. Bands of very small inclusionon a possible indicator of moulding, because the sand was spread between clay and mould tomake easier detachment; (4) Chaotic porosity on a possible indicator of the pressing clay slabsor coils within moulds.

The role of moulding in the ancient ceramics of the Swat valley has been so far overlooked,as well as the continuity of this type of techniques from the early 2nd millennium BC onward . It seems that present potting technologies are fi rmly rooted in a long local evolution.

176


BIBLIOGRAPHY

Ali, I (1994) ‘Settlement History of Charsadda District’, Ancient Pakistan 9

Dani, AH (1965-66) ‘Shaikhan Dheri Excavation (1963 and 1964 season)’, Ancient Pakistan 2, 17-214

Callieri, P. (1990) ‘Archaeological Activities at Bir-kot-ghwandai, Swat: A Contribution to the Study of Pottery of Historic Age from the NWFP’. South Asian Archaeology 1987, ed. M. Taddei, 675-692

Marshall, J (1951) Taxila, Cambridge.

Morigi, E and Bianchetti, P (2005) ‘New evidence on the Pottery Sequence of Ghalegay (Swat, Paki-stan)’, South Asian Archaeology 2003, ed. U. Franke-Vogt and HJ Weisshaar, 223-230

Olivieri, LM and Vidale, M (2005) ‘Beyond Gogdara I. New Evidence of Rock Cravings and Rock Ar-tefacts from the Kandak Valley and Adjacent Areas (Swat, Pakistan)’, East and West 55 (1-2), 121-180

Rahman, A (1968-69) ‘Excavation at Damkot’. Ancient Pakistan 4, 103-250

Rice, P (1987) Pottery Analysis. A Sourcebook, Chicago: University Press

Rye, S and Evans, C (1976) Traditional Pottery Techniques of Pakistan, Washington: Smithsonian In-stitution Press

Silvi Antonini, C and Stacul, G (1972) The Proto-historic Graveyards of Swat (Pakistan), Rome: Is-MEO Press

Stacul, G (1967) ‘Exacavations in a rock shelter near Ghaligai (Swat, West Pakistan)’, East and West 17 (3-4), 185-219

Stacul, G (1969) ‘Excavations near Ghaligai (1968) and Chronological Sequence of Protohistorical Cultures in the Swat Valley (W. Pakistan)’, East and West 19 (1-2), 44-91

Stacul, G (1976) ‘Excavation at Loebanr III (Swat, Pakistan)’, East and West 26 (1-2), 13-30

Stacul, G (1978) ‘Exacvation at Bir-kot-ghundai (Swat, Pakistan)’, East and West 28 (1-4), 137-50

Stacul, G (1980a) ‘Bir-kot-ghundai (Swat, Pakistan): 1978 Excavation Report’, East and West 30 (1-4), 55-65

Stacul, G (1980b) ‘Loebanr III (Swat, Pakistan): 1979 Excavation Report’, East and West 30 (1-4), 67-76

Stacul, G (1981) ‘Bir-kot-ghundai’, East and West 31 (1-4), 175-176

Stacul, G (1987) Prehistoric and Protohistoric Swat, Pakistan (c. 3000-1400 B.C.), Rome: IsMEO Press

Stacul, G (1993a) ‘Exacavation at Kalako-Deray, Swat-1993’, Pakistan Archaeology 28, 117-130

Stacul, G (1993b) ‘Kalako-deray, Swat. 1989-1991 excavation report’, East and West 43 (1-4), 69-94

Stacul, G (1993c) ‘Kalako-deray, Swat: An Archaeological Complex from the Early/Mid 2nd Millen-nium B.C.’, South Asian Archaeology 1991, ed. AJ Adalbert and GJR Mevissen, 265-272

177

EMANUELE MORIGI

Stacul, G (1995) ‘Kalako-deray, Swat: 1992-1993 Exacavation Report’, East and West 45 (1-4), 109-126

Stacul, G (1997) ‘Kalako-deray, Swat: 1994 and 1996 Exacavation Report’, East and West 47 (1-4), 363-378

Stacul, G and Tusa, S (1975) ‘Report on the Excavations at Aligrama. (Swat, Pakistan) 1966, 1972’, East and West 25 (1-2), 291-321

Stacul, G and Tusa, S (1977) ‘Report on the Excavations at Aligrama. (Swat, Pakistan) 1974’, East and West 27 (1-4), 151-205

Vidale, M (2000) The Archaeology of Indus Crafts. Indus Craftpeople and Why We Study Them, Rome: IsIAO Press

Wheeler, M (1962) Charsada. A metropolis of the North-West frontier, Oxford: University Press

178


Relative and Absolute Chronology of FarmingMonuments in the Late Bronze and Early

Iron Age in Northern Bactria(South-West Tajikistan)

N.M. VINOGRADOVA

Archaeological monuments of South-West Tajikistan is part of Bactrian historical cultural region and it is its peripheral north-eastern region. At present only within the limits of “unifi ed Bactria” it is possible to give their historical interpretation.

In the Late Bronze Age (the second half of the 2nd millennium B.C.) this region becomes the zone of contact of three large historical cultural communities which differ as to their prov-enance. Ancient monuments of farming population representing the Sapalli culture as well as monuments of the steppe Bronze of the Beshkent-Vakhsh and Andronovo cultures are indica-tive in this respect. In the late 2nd and early 1st millennium B.C. in the Early Iron Age, some tribes, the bearers of Yaz I culture com from southern regions of Turkmenia and Uzbekistan to South-West Tajikistan. This culture contains features of painted ware. The latest excavations confi rm the conclusion that archaeological complexes of the Late Bronze and Yaz I monuments are partly in coincidence.

Scholars suggest different names for farming monuments of Bactria and Margiana: the Namazga culture (Kohl 1981: VII), the Oxus culture (Frankfort 1984: 174), the Sapalli culture (Askarov 1977), Bactrian-Margiana archaeological complex – BMAC (Sarianidi 1990: 77). Today F.L. Kohl has changed his view point and calls these monuments BMAC emphasizing a great importance of peaceful infi ltration of northern cattle breeders into the local traditional culture of farmers (Kohl 2005: 66-68). V.M. Masson assumes a possible existence of the whole group of local civilization united by the notion “protobactrian centre” (Masson 1988: 536-541). A. Askarov and T. Širinov suggest that we should unite archaeological settled farming complex-es of the south of Central Asia, North-Eastern Iran and Northern Afghanistan and consider them a cultural notion which can be called the Namazga historical cultural community (Askarov, Širinov 1993: 42). In our opinion, the monuments of Northern Bactria can have the same name, i.e. the Namazga culture taking into consideration that it has several local chronological vari-ants, in particular, the north-Bactrian variant, i.e. the Sapalli culture (Vinogradova 2004: 71).

At present due to new archaeological evidence is South-West Tajikistan scholars succeeded in revealing a whole stratum of ancient farming culture of the Late Bronze Age. The early and Middle Bronze monuments have not been discovered yet on the territory of South Tajikistan. The population that left these monument here is not autochthonal . It is genetically connected with bearers of the Sapalli culture revealed in the south of the present Uzbekistan. In later stages of the development of this Sapalli culture (Molali, Bustan phases) in the Late Bronze Age a gradual resettlement of the farming tribes from south-western part of Northern Bactria (South-ern Uzbekistan) to the north-east, on the territory of South Tajikistan is taking place.

MIGRATIONS, TRADE AND PEOPLES, PART 3: ARYANS AND NOMADS, Relative and Absolute Chronology of Farming Monuments in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age in Northern Bactria (South-West Tajikistan), 179-189; ISBN 978-0-9553924-5-0

In South Tajikistan farming tribes settled in oases. The archaeological materials make it pos-sible to single out three of them (Vinogradova 2004:13): 1) The Hissar valley (cemeteries of Tandyriul, Zar-Kamar); 2) valleys in the middle current of the Vakhsh in the area of Nurek sea and in the upper reaches of the river Tairsy (the settlement and necropolis of Kangurttut, the settlements of Dakhana, Teguzak and Nurek graveyards); 3) Parkharo – Kulyabskie valleys – in the basin of the Kyzylsu (the graveyards of Kyzlar-Kala, Khodja Goib, Parkhar).

Among stray fi nds in the region under the study the copper axes from kishlaks of Arakchin and Sharshar, not far from Dushanbe, as well as two burials in the Shakh oasis near the city of Kizlar of Shaartuz region should be mentioned.

The comparative analysis of archaeological material of farming settlements and cemeteries of South-West Tajikistan allows to arrange these monuments according their chronological or-der. The materials of the necropolis Tandyriul and stray fi nds from the burials of Kyzlar-Kala, Parhar can belong to the fi rst earlier group. The second later group includes the settlements and graveyards of Kangurttut, the settlements of Dakhana, Teguzak. The graveyards of Nu-rek occupy an intermediate position between these two groups. This division is confi rmed by comparison of excavations of these monuments with Surkhan Darja fi nds of the Sapalli culture (table 1).

The monuments of the fi rst and second chronological groupes correspond to the Molali and Bustan stage of the Sapalli culture (table 1). At fi rst A. Askarov (Askarov 1977: 60-63) sin-gled out three chronological stages in the Sapalli culture: the Sapalli stage (the lower stratum of Sapalli-tepa, the Djarkutan stage (the upper stratum of Sapalli-tepa, the lower stratum of Djarkutan) and the Molali stage (the upper stratum of Djarkutan). Later on he and co-author B. Abdullaev singled out one more chronological period between the Djarkutan and Molali stages – the so called Kuzali stage (Askarov, Abdullaev 1983: 40). Further excavations of the settlement of Djarkutan and the graveyards of Djarkutan IVb and Bustan IV, V allowed U. Rakhamov to subdivide the Molali stage into two chronological stages: the Molali and Bustan stages proper (Rakhmanov 1987: 13). In a later monograph A. Askarov and T. Širinov suggest dividing the archaeological complexes of Djarkutan into three periods designating them by Roman numerals – Djarkutan I, II, III according to the earlier singled out stages of the Sapalli culture – Djarkutan, Kuzali and Molali-Bustan periods (Askarov, Širinov 1993: 81, 82). On the basis of new researches in the graveyard of Djarkutan 4c T. Širinov and S. Baratov divide Djarkutan III into two stages – Djarkutan IIIa = the Molali period and Djarkutan IIIb = the Bus-tan period (Širinov, Baratov 1997: 88).

The fi nal variant of the division into periods of the Sapalli culture monuments is the follow-ing: the fi rst stage – Sapalli, the second stage- Djarkutan (Djarkutan I), the third stage – Kuzali (Djarkutan II), the fourth stage – Molali (Djarkutan IIIa), the fi fth stage – Bustan (Djarkutan IIIb).

Not long ago young German researchers made an attempt to introduce new terminology and corrections into the relative divisions into periods of the Sapalli culture monuments. The most ancient stages – Sapalli and Dzharkutan stages were called Spätbronzezeit I (SB I) and to call later stages - Kusali, Molali and Bustan Spätbronzezeit II (SB II). The absolute chronology of these stages covers the period from 1950-1450 BC (Kaniuth, Teufer 2001:104). In publications of Uzbek researchers a clear descriptions of settlements stratigraphy and of funeral complexes of the Sapalli culture is lacking. On the basis of typological analysis of pottery and argumentation M. Teufer suggests changing the present relative division into periods. He believes that the monuments of the Kuzali and Bustan stages are more ancient then the settlements and graveyards of Molali (Teufer 2005:205-206). Thus, the monuments of South-West Tajikistan of the Bustan stage

180

CHRONOLOGY OF FARMING MONUMENTS

(for example, Kangurttut) refer to SB IIa, and Kuzali and Molali (the graveyard of Tandyriul) belong to a later SB IIb phase. In our opinion, such a revision of the present divisions into periods of the monuments of the Sapalli culture is not grounded. There is no doubt about succession of the three complexes of Djarlutan I, II, III in the stratigraphic sections of the settlements of Djarkutan (Širinov 2002: 30-33) and funeral complexes of graveyards. In the necropoleis of Djarkutan 4A, Djarkutan 4B and Bustan 6 there are stratigraphic data concern-ing burials which overlays each other. Unfortunately, in most cases this data has not been published by Uzbek archaeologists. In the graveyard of Bustan 6 (Avanesova 1997, fi g. 1) there were established two successive stages – an earlier Molali stage and a later Bustan stage (Avanesova 1997: 148; 2009: 61-89). In our view, the scheme of the relative divisions into periods of the Sapalli culture suggested by German researchers is not confi rmed, and fi rst of all, owing to the stratigraphic data. In this research we will keep to the generally accepted scheme of the relative divisions into periods elaborated by Uzbek archaeologists.

As to the ceramics of graveyards of the fi rst chronological group (Table I) of Tandyriul, Kyzlar-Kala (Vinogradova, Lombardo 2003, fi g. 3, 2-10; 27, 11-14) the most similar its analo-gies are traced in the following monuments of the Molali stage (Djarkutan IIIa) of the Sapalli culture: the graveyard and settlement of Molali (Sagdullaev 1989: 12; Pugachenkova 1972: 88, fi g. 23), the burials of Djarkutan IIIa period, in the graveyard of Djarkutan 4c (Širinov, Baratov 1997: 89), the Molali burials in the graveyards of Djarkutan 4a, Djarkutan 4b (Askarov, Abdul-laev 1983: 25), Bustan 6 (Avanesova 1997, fi g. 9).

The second group of monuments (Table II) fi rst of all those containing ceramics can be com-pared with the Bustan stage (Djarkutan IIIb) of the Sapalli culture – the settlement of Djarkutan (hills 7, 9, “the citadel” – the layers of Djarkutan III period, the closed complex in well 5, the palace – the late layers of Djarkutan III period (Širinov 2002, fi g. 43, 1-12, B; fi g. 44, A.C; fi g. 63, c; fi g. 64; fi g. 65), Bustan 4 (Rakhamanov 1979: 35-42), Buirachi I (Sagdullaev 1989: 20), Djarkutan III graveyards in Djarkutan 4c, Djarkutan 4a graveyards (Širinov, Baratov 1997: 105, 117), the Bustan burials in Bustan 6 graveyard (Avanesova 1997, fi g. 10, 14).

In comparison with the fi rst group of monuments quantitave changes regarding the main types of ware (Table I-II) are taking place in the second chronological group: there occur more “goblets”, pot – like vessels, bowls. Ceramics become coarser, the angob covers only the up-per part of the object. Shapes of vessels undergo some modifi cations: the size of reservoir of bowls decreases, a stem of bowls is larger in height; a jug neck is less marked out, shapes with slightly raised shoulders disappear; “goblets” have a maximum diameter in the lower part of the vessel; crater-shaped objects are rare; there appear deep bowls instead; shapes of glasses and jars appear.

Some chronological distinctions are traced on metal objects. The fi nds of copper axes from Arakchin and Sharshar (fi g.1,4,5) are the earliest in the fi rst chronological group. The imple-ments which are similar in type to Sharshar axes (fi g. 1,4) are found in Sarazm (Isakov 1991, fi g. 78, 2) in Dashly 3 (Sarianidi 1977, fi g. 32 – a casting form), in Sapalli-tepe (Askarov 1977: 196, table XXXII,2). The axe from Arakchin (fi g.1,5) has a wide range of analogies (Kuzmina 1966: 8,9). E.E. Kuzmina attributes these fi nds to the late 3rd – the early 2nd millennium B.C. Silver bracelets from the cemetery of Parkhar (fi g. 1,7,8) can be early metal objects of this group of monuments. There were also found fragments of ceramics which can be placed into the Molali period of the Sapalli culture. The analogies for four-petal rosettes represented on Parkhar bracelets can be found in southern settled farming complexes: a four-leaf ornament is often depicted on seals and amulets in Bactria and Margiana in the Late Bronze Age (Askarov, Širinov 1993, fi g. 24. 4, 3) as well as on some chlorite bottles from plundered graveyards of Bactria (Amiet 1986, fi g. 159).

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There are no chronological distinctions among the metal objects of the fi rst and second group. Alloys with a high content of tin are typical of them. Tin alloys are typical of metal of Molali-Bustan monuments of the Sapalli culture (Askarov, Ruzanov 1990: 6). In the previous stages of this culture and in Murgab, Northern Afghanistan mainly arsenious bronzes occur (Terekhova 1990: 201; Sarianidi 1976: 82). In the Late Bronze Epoch the north-eastern re-gions of steppe cultures become the principal source of metal in Northern Bactria. Shapes of metal objects revealed in graveyards and settlements of South Tajikistan have a wide range of analogies among monuments of both the farming and steppe culture (Vinogradova 1991: 77; Vinogradova 1994: 40; Vinogradova 1996: 183; Ravich 2004: 200).

Of interest is the fact that forms of objects in the burials and graveyards of Tandyriul (fi g. 2,1-18), Kangurttut (fi g. 3) have parallels, fi rst of all, in the circle of monuments of the farming culture. Miniature knife-shaped plates, razors, small spades, bowls are similar to funeral inven-tory of the archaeological complexes of Molali-Bustan in Southern Uzbekistan (Ionesov 1990: 16, 17). Other metal objects from the graveyard of Kangurttut have parallels among original objects used in everyday life and on armament: pitchforks are among the plundered graves in Northern Afghanistan (Sarianidi 1977:78,fi g.37), in North-Western Iran – Hissar III (Schmidt 1933, T. CXV, H I66, H775); a mirror with a handle – the Molali graveyard (Belyaeva 1973: 40), Karapichok (Vinogradova 1987, fi g. 4, 3), Dashly 3 (Sarianidi 1977: 81, fi g. 40, 1, 2); leaf-shaped ear-rings or temporal pendants with a handle – some analogies in Sapalli-tepe (Askarov 1977, t. XXXIX: 1–3).

Decorations and day spindle whorls from Tandyriul (the fi rst chronological group) are also similar to some corresponding objects of farming culture. Two-and-three composite disc-shaped paste beach occur in the graveyard of Parkhai I in Southern Turkmenia (Khlopin 1983, t. III: 10). Axe-shaped beads made of lazurite, paste and other stone rocks from Tandyriul have a specifi c form (fi g.3,21-23). Precise parallels to them are uncovered in Molali complexes of Djarkutan 4c and Bustan 6 graveyard (Širinov, Baratov 1997: 95). As to other beads such as biconical, paste tubular and fl at paste disc-shaped beads, clay biconical-shaped spindle whorls there are many analogies among monuments of Central Asian farming culture. The presence of original decorations made of paste and semiprecious stones, clay spindle whorls and heads is a characteristic feature of the fi rst chronological group.

The analysis of materials from settlements and graveyards of South-Western Tajikistan makes it possible to conclude that single fi nds of copper axes in the Hisar Valley could appear as far back as in the Middle Bronze period – Namazga V, i.e. at the very end of the IIIrd – the beginning of the IInd millennium B.C. A wide spread of monuments of the Sapalli culture be-gins in the Late Bronze Age at the Molali stage and continues in the Bustan period. This period includes the second half of the IInd millennium B.C.

The dating of Namazga VI monuments according to a radiocarbon method (C14) is still de-batable among representatives of Russian archaeological school on one hand, and West-Euro-pean and American scholars on the other. The former place these fi nds in the middle and second half of the IInd millennium B.C. (Sarianidi 1990: 74; Askarov, Širinov 1993: 81; P’jankova 1986: 56-58; Vinogradova 1994: 42; Khlopin 1983: 57) which corresponds to the traditional chronology of Eurasian steppe cultures (Itina 1977: 139; Kuzmina 1985: 24; Zdanovich 1988: 8). West-European and American schools which in their reseach are based on calibrated dates C 14 (Lyonnet 1993: 195; Hiebert 1994: 77; Francfort 1989: 242; Götzelt 1996) consider these monuments to be more ancient and refer them to the fi rst half of the IInd millennium B.C. these dates in their turn correspond to the calibrated dates for steppe cultures (Görsdorf and all. 1998). According to E.E. Kuzmina, at present, in the interests of scientifi c accuracy either a traditional method of sycronization with cultures of Europe, Ancient East and China or a radio-

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carbon method should be used. A few dates (C14):1500+60 B.C. (Tigrovaya Balka) and three dates from the settlement of Kangurttut are suggested for the lated Bronze monuments in South-West Tajikistan. The Latter are in a chronological interval between 1976/1756 and 1594/1291 B.C. (Vinogradova 2004:106). The radiocarbon dates from the settlement of Djarkutan (hill VI – temple excavations) have been recently published by German scholars. The time of the temple functioning is approximately determined between 1800 and 1600-1450 B.C. (Görsdorf, Huff 2001: 85). It should be taken into consideration that for South-West Tajikistan monuments the “effect” of delay (Masson 1982: 13) is possible, so they can belong to the second half of the IInd millennium B.C.

In the lated IInd millennium B.C. and at the turn of the IInd-Ist millennium B.C. in Central Asian southern regions there spread a new archaeological complex represented by Yaz I period. The distinctive feature of the complex is the presence of painted ware. The latest archaeological evidence does not exclude a partial coexistence of the archaeological complexes of Namazga VI and Yaz I (Shaidullaev 2000: 98). The time of the beginning of the Early Iron Age on the territory of Central Asia is still a subject for discussion. In 1959 V.M. Masson attributed the beginning of the Early Iron Age to Yaz I period, i.e. 900-650 B.C. (Masson 1959: 108). The most ancient fi nds of iron objects on the territory of Central Asia disvovered at the settlement of Anau A.S. Sagdullaev refers to the IXth-VIIth centuries B.C. (Sagdullaev 1982: 233). Of special interest is a recent fi nd revealed by Sh. B. Shaidullaev in the citadel of Djarkutan. It is a fragment of a knife haft with iron rivets. Judging by ceramics it can belong to the Djarkutan period of the Sapalli culture, the XIIIth century B.C. (Shaidullaev 1998: 39-41).

In the south of Tajikistan Yaz I type ceramics was found in the upper layers of the settle-ment of Kangurttut and Teguzak. In the basin of the Kyzylsu river of Vosseisky region there was discovered a farming settlement of this culture – Karim Berdy (Vinogradova 1986: 80-86; P’yankova 1996: 195). Among all the complexes of Yaz I the ceramic material of Karim Berdy has the closest analogies in Northern Bactrian monuments – at Kuchuk tepe (Kuchuk IA and IB) (Shaidullaev 2000: 80-87). Of interest is the fact that in the fi rst phase (Kuchuk IA) the whell-made pottery make up 28%, and in the second phase (Kuchuk IB) painted ware are lacking, but a percentage of whell-made pottery greatly increases and equals 70%. A. Askarov and L.I. Albaum attribute Kuchuk I period to the fi rst half of the VIIIth century B.C. (Askarov, Albaum 1979: 67), i.e. it is possible to approximate the upper limit of Bronze Age monuments to the very end of the IInd – the early Ist millennium B.C. The beginning of the Early Iron Age in South-West Tajikistan can be dated from the same period.

The chronology of Yaz I type monuments in South Tajikistan is connected with the division into periods of the Late Bronze monuments which as we can see seem to disappear soon and for some time they coexist with settlements of Yaz I culture. At present the settlement of Karim-Berdy is the only one in south Tajikistan, but a further search of such intermediate monuments from the Late Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age is very signifi cant in solving problems of dating and provenance of cultures containing painted pottery.

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TABLE 1RELATIVE CHRONOLOGY OF THE MONUMENTS IN THE LATE

BRONZE AND EARLY IRON IN N.BACTRIA

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THE LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AMI – Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran, Berlin

AMIT – Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran und Turan, Berlin

ART – Arkheologicheskije raboty v Tadzhikistane, Dušanbe

MAIKTS – Mezhdunarodnaja assotsiatsija po izucheniju kul’tur Tsentral’noj Azii. Informat-sionnyj bjulleten, Moskva.

MIA – Materialy po istorii I arkheologii SSSR, Moskva–Leningrad.

VDI – Vestnik drevnej istorii, Moskva

SA – Sovetskaja arkheologija, Moskva

RA – Rossiiskaja arkheologija, Moskva

SSA – South Asian Archaeology

EW – East and West, Rom

IMKU – istoria materyalnoi rultury Uzbekistana, Tashkent

SAI – Svod archeologičeskych istochnikov, Moskva

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