Michigan State University Model United Nations · Crisis Director, Josip Broz Tito’s Federal Executive Council [email protected] Disclaimer This crisis committee may contain

Michigan State University

Model United Nations Session XVIII

April 20-22

Josip Broz Tito’s Federal Executive Council

Background Guide

Chair: James Lunga Assistant Chair: Jessica Stevens

Crisis Director: Bob Brown

Assistant Crisis Directors: Peyton DeRuiter, Beau Garner, Kate Miller

Michigan State University Model United Nations | Session XVIII

MSUMUN XVIII 1

TABLE OF CONTENTS Map of Yugoslavia and its Six Republics 2 Letters from Staff 3 Disclaimer and Maturity Agreement 5 Rules of Procedure 6 Pronunciation Guide 8 Correspondence from the President 9 Domestic Issues 10

Government Structure 10 Centralization of Yugoslav Government 10 Economy 11 Presidential Security 12 Political Opposition 12 Education and Media 13

Relations with the Soviet Union 14

USSR Relations and Involvement 14 Establishment of the Cominform 14

Relations with the West 15

United States and British Involvement and Relations 15 Relations with States in the Balkan Region 16

Slavic Identity and Preparation for the Future 16 The Trieste Conflict 16 Albanian Relations 17

Council Members and Advisors (Alphabetically, last name) 18 Works Cited 24


MSUMUN XVIII 2

Yugoslavia and its Six Republics

Slovenia, capital Ljubljana Croatia, capital Zagreb Bosnia and Herzegovina, capital Sarajevo Serbia, capital Belgrade, autonomous provinces Vojvodina and Kosovo Montenegro, capital Podgorica Macedonia, capital Skopje

http://www.geographicguide.com/europe-maps/yugoslavia.htm


MSUMUN XVIII 3

Kolege drugovi, I am your all MUN things loving, history geeking, fun time appreciating, educating Crisis Chair for MSUMUN XVIII, James Lunga. I am a Sophomore here at Michigan State University majoring in International Relations, minoring in Political Economy, Economics and French. I am the first American born in my family. My parents came from the former communist nation of Romania, from the Transylvanian region of the country (No that’s is not a joke, they’re actually from that region). I grew up in Chicago Illinois where I attended elementary and middle school, until moving to Michigan where I attended International Academy West High School, where I served as President for 1 year. I have attended over 15 Model UN Conferences as staff or delegate, 5 of which have been the MSUMUN conference. My fondness of politics and economics was what spurred me to join Model UN and it is what still pushes me today to be involved in local, regional and world politics. Helping me on the dais is my well experienced Assistant Chair:

Jessica Stevens: Jessica is a freshman who intends to major in Marketing at the Eli Broad College of Business. She is from Troy, Michigan and did not participate in her high school’s MUN team in favor for another high school’s cross-country team. Despite this, she’s always had an interest in MUN as well as Communist regimes. In her spare time Jessica enjoys listening to weird bands no one else has heard of, reading, drawing, painting, going to concerts, and a multitude of other things.

As a member if the Federal Executive Council of Josip Broz Tito you will partake in the history of what is perhaps the strangest Cold-war era communist country. Yugoslavia is rich in political and social complexity ranging from their conflicting international views of different ethnic groups within Yugoslavia, to their unique position as a non-Soviet communist European state. As delegates, we hope to see you grow in communication skills and decision-making abilities throughout the course of the weekend! I have the faith that you fellow Comrades will lead this great nation to beautiful communist glory S poštovanjem, James Lunga Chair, Josip Broz Tito’s Federal Executive Council [email protected]


MSUMUN XVIII 4

Comrade Delegates, My name is Bob Brown and I will be your Crisis Director for the Federal Executive Council of Josip Broz Tito at MSUMUN XVIII. I am a junior in the James Madison College at the fine institution that is Michigan State University. I’m from Howell, MI but attended International Academy West, where I served as the MUN team’s President for two years. This will be my 20th Model UN conference, as a delegate or staff, and I am most excited to see how ours develops as we delve deeper into the issues Yugoslavia faced at the onset of the Cold War. Academically I’m majoring in Political Theory and Constitutional Democracy, and International Relations with a minor in Political Economy. I enjoy Michigan State athletics, following the world of politics, and playing a good game of euchre. This is my third-year staffing MSUMUN; last year, I was the Crisis Director for George Washington’s Cabinet and the year before I was an Assistant Crisis Director (ACD) in the Treaty of Detroit committee dealing with labor negotiations between the Big 3 Automakers and the United Auto Workers. In addition to MSUMUN, I am a member of MSU’s International Relations Organization – our collegiate-level MUN team; I’ve competed in Montreal, Boston, Philadelphia, and Chicago winning Outstanding Delegate as George Washington in the Second Continental Congress and a Verbal Commendation as Paul Ryan in the Article V: Convention of the States. I hope to continue in the tradition of Model UN excellence that MSU has established over the years, and give you your greatest experience as a delegate to date. Helping me direct the committee from the crisis room is a fantastic team of dedicated ACDs:

Peyton DeRuiter: Peyton is a Sophomore in James Madison College studying Comparative Cultures and Politics and Secondary Education with a minor in teaching English. Though this is her first experience with MUN, she is a lover of the world and history, especially when they collide, and has been able to use her passion for this Crisis Committee. Even though Peyton may seem a bit of a history buff (i.e. she has copy of her AP World History textbook in her room), she enjoys many present-day activities such as exploring outside, reading, swimming, and watching movies and hanging out with her friends. Kate Miller: Kate is a sophomore in James Madison College studying International Relations along with Political Theory and Constitutional Democracy and a minor in Political Economy. She graduated from the American School in Japan and has lived in five countries. This is her first experience with Model UN and is very excited to be a part of this community that fosters creative thought, different viewpoints and discussion of current and important issues. Outside of MSUMUN, she enjoys reading about historic or far-off worlds, aggressive card games and long walks on the beach. Beau Garner: Beau is a sophomore in James Madison College studying International Relations with minors in European Studies, Russian, and Spanish. He attended Hartland High School, but did not get involved with MUN until his first year in college, when he staffed MSUMUN XVII’s Survival of the Martian Colonies committee. He is also an active member of MSU’s competitive MUN team, having been on four conferences with them. Beau enjoys quoting Shrek and rewatching Star Wars and Lord of the Rings. On a typical night, Beau can be found procrastinating from his homework in the library with his friends.


MSUMUN XVIII 5

My fellow senior staffer that I’ve known since high school, James Lunga, and I consider Yugoslavia to be pivotal in the development of Cold War politics and international developments. Not only will this committee test your abilities to absorb yourselves in the characters we have chosen to lead in a turbulent time, but it will greatly help develop your skills at negotiating and persuasion. James and I could not be more excited to meet you all and see how the fate of a renewed Yugoslavia plays out in your hands! S poštovanjem, Bob Brown Crisis Director, Josip Broz Tito’s Federal Executive Council [email protected]

Disclaimer This crisis committee may contain some racially or ethnically sensitive subject debate matters. The opinions expressed in the committee conference may not necessarily reflect the opinions of the delegates or staff members voicing those opinions. Likewise, opinions expressed in this committee may not necessarily reflect the views of Michigan State University Model United Nations (MSUMUN), MSUMUN Secretariat or Staff, Michigan State University and/or its Board of Trustees, or any affiliated organization or person. Active participation in this committee should not be interpreted as a reflection of the disposition of the person expressing those opinions that are considered uncouth in polite modern society.

Maturity Agreement Statement By participating in this committee, you, the delegates, herein agree to censor your speech to refrain from making remarks that are negatively charged whether racially, ethnically, sexually, or relating to nationality or any other venue of personal identification. Delegates found to abuse historical accuracies in such a manner may face repercussions up to expulsion from the conference in addition to any action taken by the delegate’s school.


MSUMUN XVIII 6

Rules of Procedure Article I: General Rules

1. Delegates are expected to adhere to all regular MSUMUN rules and standards of decorum except as otherwise outlined in the MSUMUN Tito’s Federal Executive Council Rules of Procedure.

2. In the event of a dispute over the Rules of Procedure, either those of MSUMUN generally or President Tito’s Council specifically, the MSUMUN Secretary General will be the ultimate authority of appeal.

Article II: Meetings

1. All of President Tito’s Council meetings shall be attended by all specified members of the Council, unless otherwise authorized by the MSUMUN Secretariat.

2. Quorum for discussion and voting will always be 10 Council members, unless otherwise authorized by the Secretariat of MSUMUN or at the Chair’s discretion.

3. Unless otherwise indicated by the Secretariat or President Tito’s Council staff, all meetings of the Council will be held in the specified Tito’s Council chambers.

Article III: Agenda

1. Council members are encouraged to confine their debate to items outlined in the background guide, though they may discuss other issues if the Council determines them to be relevant.

2. Any Council member may make a motion to restrict debate to one topic. If this motion passes, debate shall be limited to the topic specified until such time as another motion is made to either change the topic under consideration or return to general debate.

3. If at any point an imminent crisis should arise, the Council Chair shall immediately declare it as such and limit all debate to the topic of said crisis, upon conclusion of the crisis, debate may or may not return to the previous topic.

Article IV: Conduct of Business

1. Tito’s Council proceedings shall be conducted in the form of a permanent Moderated Caucus until such a time that a Council member makes a motion to change this.

2. Council members may motion for either a Roundtable or a Straw Poll. A Roundtable consists of the Chair recognizing each Council member in turn to speak for a specified amount of time on a specific topic or proposal. A Straw Poll consists of Council members giving their probable, non-binding vote on a specific proposal.

3. Council members may motion at any time, without interruption of speaking time, to be allowed to introduce intelligence or other garnered information that they feel may be of relevance to the Council’s proceedings. The Chair may also invite nations to introduce intelligence. In either case, the speaking time for each introduction must be specified in advance.

4. From time to time, representatives of parties to a crisis who are not necessarily on the Council may become available to meet with the Council members. If this should happen, the Chair will announce their availability and invite them to address the Council. At the conclusion of a representative’s presentation, if they are available to answer questions, the Chair shall call upon members until such time as either there are no more questions, or the representative must depart. Upon a representative’s departure, debate may or may not return to the previous topic.


MSUMUN XVIII 7

Article V: Types of Proposals 1. Directive. A directive requires only one sponsor, though it may have more. The amount of required

signatories is up to the discretion of the Chair. A Council member need only move to introduce a directive in order for it to be considered by the entire Council.

2. Presidential Statements and Press Releases. A presidential statement is usually passed in lieu of a directive if doing so is more likely to make the Council’s intentions clear. A presidential statement is written either in the form of a directive or a press release; it requires the same amount of sponsors and signatories as a directive.

3. Communiqués. A communiqué is an external communication from the entire committee with a non-Council member. Such a communication can include anything from a request of support, to negotiations, to even a threat. Passing this type of document can also result in the person being contacted meeting with the committee if requested.

4. Upon introduction, a directive, presidential statement, or communique is discussed non-exclusively along with all other committee business.

Article VI: Voting

1. Votes may be entered as Yeas, Nays, or Abstentions. 2. Votes on non-substantive proposals or procedural matters will be passed by the affirmative vote of a

simple majority of Council members. Abstentions are allowed on non-substantive proposals, but not procedural matters.

3. Votes on substantive matters will be passed by the affirmative vote of a simple majority of Council members.

4. In all cases, a simple majority constitutes more than half of the Yea and Nay votes.


MSUMUN XVIII 8

Pronunciation Guide The following chart provides a pronunciation guide for the six languages spoken in Yugoslavia. Two (Serbian and Macedonian) use Cyrillic alphabets, while the rest (Croatian, Bosnian, Slovene, and Montenegrin) use Latin alphabets. Examples are also listed. There will be no penalty for mispronouncing names, and the Latin alphabet will be used in all documents. This is just so you know how to pronounce things correctly and is for your academic benefit. The staff will do their best in pronunciation as well.

Latin Cyrillic Pronunciation Examples A a A a [a] like "a" in "father" B b Б б [b] like "b" in "big" C c Ц ц [ʦ] like "ts" in "cats," or "zz" in "pizza," or "ts" in "tsunami" Č č Ч ч [ʧ] like "ch" in "chalk" Ć ć Ћ ћ [ʨ] like "tch" in "gotcha," or like "ch" in "church" D d Д д [d] like "d" in "day"

DZ dz S s [dz] like "ds" in "pods" DŽ dž Џ џ [ʤ] like "j" in "junk," "jack," or "G" in "George" Đ đ DJ dj

Ђ ђ Ѓ ѓ

[ʥ] like "j" in "juice," "joy," "jet" same as Đđ, Ђђ

E e E e [e] like "e" in "bed," or like "ea" in "head" F f Ф ф [f] like "f" in "fast," or like "ph" in "photo" G g Γ г [g] like "g" in "go" H h X x [h/x] like "h" in "hot," or like "ch" in "loch" I i И и [i] like "e" in "he," or like "i" in "police," "fit" J j J j [j] like "y" in "yes," "young"

K k К к [k] like "k" in "key," or like "c" in "cat" KJ kj Ќ ќ [c/tɕ] like "cu" in "cute" L l Л л [l] like "l" in "love," "loop"

LJ lj Љ љ [ʎ] like "ll" in "million," "brilliant," M m M м [m] like "m" In "mother," "milk" N n H н [n] like "n" in "no," or "kn" in "knob"

NJ nj Њ њ [ɲ] like "n" in "onion," "lasagna," "n" followed by short "y" O o O o [o] like "o" in "not," "hot," "spot" P p Π п [p] like "p" in "pot" R r P p [r] like "r" in "berry" S s C c [s] like "s" in "stop," or "ss" in "bless," or like "c" in "cell" Š š Ш ш [ʃ] like "sh" in "shy," "shut," or like "s" in "sure" T t Т т [t] like "t" in "top" U u У у [u] like "oo" in "food," or like "u" in "rule" V v B в [v] like "v" in "vest" Z z З з [z] like "z" in "zeal," or like "s" in "reason" Ž ž Ж ж [ʒ] like "s" in "pleasure," "vision"


MSUMUN XVIII 9

Correspondence from the Office of the President

of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia

Palace of the Federation Belgrade. 2. VIII. 1948.

Comrades, drugovi, другови, tovariši, другар, I am pleased to announce that the Assembly of Peoples has approved of you to be an esteemed member of my Federal Executive Council. Given this privilege we expect nothing but the very best from you. It would be a shame if one were to not use such a position towards the benefit the nation, particularly in these turbulent late summer months. I have decided to free Yugoslavia from the noose of the Soviet Union, and it is here that we plan the future of our glorious nations. The scope of the Federal Executive Council will be to not only execute the functions deemed necessary to run the nation’s economy and society but also to deal with the ever-changing landscape of unexpected crises. Our nation finds itself at the beginning of a new era following the Soviet embarrassment in removing us from the Comintern, and therefore we must take this opportunity and create not something acceptable but something historically glorious. A nation that will look to us in awe and wonder because of its strength. I will be happy to greet the Council and I wish you all success in your work, both in your discussions and in the decisions you will take to promote production, for the benefit of the producers themselves and our entire socialist community.

S poštovanjem,

President of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito


MSUMUN XVIII 10

DOMESTIC ISSUES

Government Structure Following the glorious recovery of the Yugoslav state, national leaders passed a new constitution in 1946.

The President of the Government, Marshal Tito, formed the Federal Executive Councils for matters in which consultation from various perspectives are needed. The federal government represents the people in both a direct vote and an indirect fashion through the six Republics: Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia, Slovenia, Montenegro, and Macedonia. Those six Republics, along with autonomous provinces like Kosovo and Vojvodina, form their own Republic-level governments, each with a Prime Minister and subordinate government officials. As each of you come from one of the Republics, you in the Council have a vested interest in promoting the interests of your Republic and culture on the national level.

These descriptions outline the three main positions of all government officials: 1. Federal: Solely at the federal level, primarily internationally focused. 2. Federal-Republican: Federal position, but focused on domestic concerns. 3. Republican: Only working within one of the six Republics.

The large ideological debates in the Party in regard to government are on the location of power: nationally or in the republics. Those wanting centralized control at the national level are called unitarists. Those wanting power to shift to the Republics are republicans.

While we all as party leaders know that all members of the government are loyal communists, it is worth noting the significant overlap of the Yugoslav government and Communist Party leadership. The quinquennial Party Congress is held in Belgrade to vote for the members of the Central Committee, with the latest Congress being held just days ago on July 21-28, 1948. All the members of the Federal Executive Council are also members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia’s (SKJ).

Centralization of Yugoslav Government

After WWII, Yugoslavia was left with the escalation of conflict between the Serbs and the Croats as well as between the Serbian Cetnik organization and the Partisan Communist movement (Walter 69). The Yugoslav Communist party was outlawed in 1921, but it continued to take directives from the Soviet Union. In the 1920s the Soviets endorsed Croat independence, but starting in the 30s it leaned more towards Yugoslav unity. This is also when, in 1937, Josip Broz Tito was named secretary general of the party. The Partisans attracted a lot of support because it included all Yugoslav ethnicities while the Cetnik party remained mostly Serbian. It also attracted people who were tired of the civil wars that had become religious, between Orthodox and Roman Catholics, as well as ethnic fighting.

After Tito and his party took power, on January 30, 1946 a new constitution was written that establishes a central government. This government in Belgrade, has authority over the six newly established republics that were made to represent all and end the civil war. Not only did this end the fighting, but it ended the rule of one single ethnicity in Yugoslavia. The Communist Party draws equally from all the groups, and each republic has representation in the government. It also has instituted a secular rule, diffusing a lot of religious conflict the country has dealt with before.

Since it is a communist economy, there is no private property. Instead of being a wholly centrally planned economy, each firm is worker-managed and independently planned (Walter 239). The government does have


MSUMUN XVIII 11

some say, but mostly with regards to social pressures. Inclusion of the six republics is an issue Yugoslavia deals with, particularly with regards to differing ethnic and religious identities. There is a history of conflict between all of the ethnic groups in Yugoslavia, which is detailed more in Slavic Identity. Economy

Preceding the American Wall Street Crash of 1929, King Alexander’s coup of January 6th, 1929 was a turning point for Yugoslavian politics and economics. King Alexander I after the assassination of Stjepan Radić instituted a personal dictatorship. Along with a politically despotic rule, Yugoslavia’s economy was drastically impacted. The tightened controlled of the King along with the economic depression plunged the country into economic hardship. The country was reliant on the loans of foreign institutions and had no way of substantially providing for themselves through production at this point in their history, seeing as though majority of people worked in agriculture.

While Yugoslavia was still a kingdom majority of its workforce was based in agriculture. Up to around three quarters of the Yugoslav workforce was in fact engaged in agriculture, and although there were some commercial farmers, many were poor peasants who farmed in poor infertile land that made production of commodities and other agricultural goods inefficient. The lack of infrastructure as well as physical capital limited the production in the agrarian sector of the economy.

The manufacturing industry was not that developed prior to Yugoslavia’s rule under Tito. Yugoslavia was an under industrialized nation, the 3rd least industrialized in Eastern Europe. Manufacturing within in Yugoslavia was heavily concentrated in Belgrade, Serbia. This was one of the largest cities within Yugoslavia and it had the best infrastructure of any Yugoslav city and was a metropolitan hub. Other than Belgrade and other metropolitan cities, manufacturing was very underdeveloped and extremely inefficient. In addition to lack of manufacturing the lack of capital and technical knowledge in Yugoslavia’s Adriatic ports crippled Yugoslavia’s potential to have a rich and productive shipping industry. Yugoslavia’s pre-Tito economic woes did not end there since World War II had devastated the nation’s economy.

During WWII Yugoslavia also ran into shifting loyalty to nations as they diverted from borrowing from other nations and became more dependent on Nazi Germany. This reliance on Nazi Germany however did little to develop the nation’s economy. This kept Yugoslavia underdeveloped and did not allow them to fend off the Axis-power invasion. The invasion of the Axis-Powers devastated Belgrade infrastructure since it was the largest target of German air raids. Other than Germany’s part of reparations all other countries had agreed to pay their share which were established in 1947. Italy paid Yugoslavia 125 million US dollars for war reparations, Hungary 50 million and Bulgaria 25 million. Despite reparations working in dollars, the Yugoslav currency is the Dinar.

Following the fall of the German occupation of Yugoslavia and the rise of the communist party under Josip Broz Tito, a large shift occurred in economic reform. With the economy having been largely pre-industrialized and based on exports of foods and raw materials, especially minerals, Yugoslavia began shifting to a Soviet style industrialization. To implement this, economists instituted a Five-Year Plan which is supposed to increase industry production and make the agrarian sector more efficient. They also desire to use the large amount of illiterate working population, and increase the potential of human capital by training them to be efficient communist workers.

In addition, the institution of the Five-Year Plan has also nationalized many industries, particularly the ones heavily based in the productive capital; the nationalized sectors were mining, transport and banking all of


MSUMUN XVIII 12

which were nationalized in 1946. The scope of the nationalization is to not only to increase production but also to achieve the Marxist goal of communism.

Another issue facing the economy of Yugoslavia is with whom they should trade, explained more in foreign relations sections. The new economic relations that this committee discusses can have enormous and long-lasting impacts on the course of the rest of the nation’s politics, power, and survival. Seeing as though a large reason for unrest under King Alexander I was due to poor living standards and economic situations, a significant portion of the stability of Tito’s Yugoslavia rests on the country’s success in local and global markets. Presidential Security

Now that President Tito has signaled his intention to stop following hardline Stalinism, there is an increased chance of conflict between the two leaders.

Stalin’s tendency towards violence raises many red flags for his opponents. For one, Leon Trotsky, a former colleague and political opponent, was exiled from Russia and was then assassinated in Mexico in 1940 by an agent of the NKVD. Should Tito continue down this path against Stalin, it is very possible that Stalin might choose to attempt to replace Tito with someone who is more apt to listening to Soviet orders. In the event this happens, it is likely that Tito’s well-being would be threatened, as Stalin’s NKVD is very experienced and ruthless when it comes to assassinations. When he no longer saw it fit to allow people to live, Stalin often turned to SMERSH (СМЕРШ in Russian), which was a component of the NKVD that specialized in political assassinations.

In response, Tito instituted the formation of the UDBA, which was the Yugoslav state security apparatus. Similar to the NKVD and CIA, the UDBA was made up of spies that had received training in languages, combat, and military and diplomacy courses. Political Opposition

The Yugoslav government has performed excellently in getting rid of his opposition. Dealing with ethnic opposition and those who were loyal to the old royal government, these minority voices were silenced along with the political opposition from those who opposed the adoption of communism in Yugoslavia.

Tito rejects Western disdain of the force by declaring that he finds it an “advantage if the UDBA strikes fear into those who do not like the new Yugoslavia” (Beloff 132). Other times he outright killed them (West 201-2). One extremely prominent leader killed by Tito’s administration was Draža Mihailović, a leader in the royalist movement.

Tito also imprisons his opponents or sends them to work prison camps. Archbishop Stepinac, also a prominent opponent, was imprisoned and forced to work at Lepoglava, a work camp, for five years because he declared his disbelief in communism and his belief in the importance of faith (West 213). One of the most infamous prison camps is known as Goli Otok, or Naked Island. It is a desolate rock quarry on an island in the northern Adriatic Sea on the Croatian coast. The island is horrific and those who released are sworn, under the pain of returning, never to speak of their experience. Through this secrecy, the horrific nature of the camp is not truly known by many in the party, and even Tito does not fully understand the weight of his decisions to send people to the dreaded island (West 237). He very much desires to get rid of anyone who did not agree with the form of government he wants to run.


MSUMUN XVIII 13

Education and Media Since the 1920s, education has been required for young Yugoslavs, and the current statute mandates kids

aged 7-15 years shall be in school. Because of the new constitution of 1946, national ethnicities have the right to educate and learn in their own language, which has given rise to varying education systems across the republics. Though, the primary issue nationally are the high illiteracy rates. This issue pervades in everyday life, affecting people’s ability in the types of jobs they can acquire, and the media they can consume. Though, for some Councilmembers, this may be beneficial for the public to not be as educated and instead focused on menial industrial or agricultural efforts.

The means by which the people learn of news is important. The national newspaper that is published by the Party is the Borba (Борба). It is published simultaneously in Belgrade and Zagreb and is distributed nationally. Easily the most widespread news source for an evening read, the two most popular sections are titled “A Worker’s Fail,” which tells humorously relatable stories of a mistake made in industrial work, and “You-go-Slav,” uplifting stories of good deeds by loyal partisans and citizens alike.


MSUMUN XVIII 14

RELATIONS WITH THE SOVIET UNION USSR Relations and Involvement

Relations weren’t always so bad between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. The Communist Party of Yugoslavia followed Leninist directives of communist revolution by being “well-disciplined and tightly organized” when Tito became General Secretary (Hoffman 71). Under him, the Partisan army grew tenfold from 80,000 in 1941 to 800,000 in 1944 (Hoffman 73). After WWII Stalin’s efforts to be involved with Yugoslavia seemed beneficial for both parties. Much of Yugoslavia’s economic Five-Year Plan following the war relied on heavy industry supported by raw materials from the Soviet Union (89). However, at the same time Stalin refused to support Tito’s communist Partisan party, strongly disapproved of the formation of the AVNOJ (Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Yugoslavia), and was furious when the National Committee of Liberation was created as a provisional government (78). Stalin seemed averse to supporting Communist revolutions that weren’t backed by the Soviet Union. Stalin felt that Yugoslavia wasn’t ready for communism after the war, along with China and Greece, since the Soviet Red Army had not been involved.

Later in 1944, Stalin turned the tides and saw Tito as a potential ally in Yugoslavia. He acknowledged the National Liberation Army, but still questioned Tito’s every move and underestimated Yugoslav military might (Hoffman 79). Tito absolutely recognized this distrust and resented it. Still, during the war Tito and his Yugoslav counterparts were devoted to Moscow and Soviet communism. Then, Tito’s party and army won over Yugoslavia, denounced the King and became the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia. All this, without Soviet assistance: a fact that Tito keeps reminding his countrymen of. There have been many attempts on the Soviet Union’s part to exploit Yugoslavia economically, such as for natural resources (Hoffman 117). The Soviet model of banking and state-owned ventures directly conflict with Tito’s Five-Year Plans, causing further tension and animosity.

Stalin sees Yugoslavia as just another Soviet satellite, even though the Communists came to power on their own terms. Tito is seen as a man of power even without Soviet support and the country is developing faster than other Soviet-run states (112). Tito himself said in 1945, in response to Stalin’s antagonistic stance on the issue of Yugoslav occupation of Trieste, “We do not want to pay other people’s bills. We do not want to get involved in any spheres of influence. Never again will we be dependent on anybody” (116).

Establishment of the Cominform

The Cominform is a bureau set up by the Kremlin under Stalin to keep the Eastern European satellite countries in line. It replaces Lenin’s Comintern, which included 57 countries, including the US and the UK, by the time it was disbanded. The Comintern was criticized for selfishly promoting Russian foreign policy, interfering in the internal affairs of sovereign states and ruling through terrorist tactics and brute force (Fay 2). Both of them advocate for world communism and give directives to communist parties in foreign countries to help them overthrow capitalist regimes (Fay 2). The center of the Comintern was in Moscow, while the Cominform is to be based in Belgrade. But with the recent split of Yugoslavia, the new location of the headquarters will most likely be moved.

The Cominform isn’t just a revival of the Comintern, as Stalin appears to be taking a less direct approach and focusing on promoting communist values in places like Italy and France. Cominform is more focused on strikes and communist party unity rather than top-down foreign policy and seizing power through “legal means” (Fay 3). Tito from the get-go has taken an offensive stance to the Cominform. As it was announced, Tito made a


MSUMUN XVIII 15

speech that criticized the other communist countries for not uniting the people after WWII. Tito wants a united people’s front that crossed country borders, not just a country by country revolution.

RELATIONS WITH THE WEST United States and British Involvement and Relations

During the war, Tito found himself supported by the British government. His rise to power had been portrayed favorably by a Western journalist whose reports depicted Tito and his accomplishments approvingly and discrediting the Chetniks, a key opposition force against Tito’s claim to the government. Though these reports caused some in Britain to worry, mainly those who desired the old Royalist government to return to Yugoslavia, Churchill himself seemed to want to pursue a relationship with Tito, especially during the late war years (West 166-170).

Though on the good side of the British in the mid to later years of the war, the U.S. and President Roosevelt did not throw their support behind Tito, instead they announced in 1943 that they supported King Peter (West 177). Churchill and the British government didn’t want to forget about the old royalist government however. Near the end of the war, when the future of Yugoslavia was beginning to be questioned, Churchill kept pressuring Tito to meet with and create a compromise with King Peter and his government in exile; however, Tito refused. Churchill even met with Tito in person in Italy to try to convince him (West 185). This meeting brought up a lot of tensions, including Tito’s desire to claim contested areas that Churchill warned him he might not receive. They also discussed how to recognize both the government in exile and the Partisans, but Tito didn’t make any promises of reconciliation (West 186). Churchill warned Tito that if his Partisans started killing or warring against the Chetniks instead of the Germans, the Allies would not be happy and would most likely drop support (West 187-188). These constant tensions led to Tito considering dropping his British allies by 1944 and he instead pursued a deeper relationship with the Soviet Union, further alienating the Western powers.

1945 was a tumultuous year, filled with multiple confrontations between the Allies and the Yugoslavian Partisan armies. But finally, in 1945 at Yalta, the Big Three (Soviet Union, Britain, USA) decided the future of Yugoslavia. They agreed that the country should create a coalition government between the previous monarchy and the present Tito Partisans with free elections (Beloff 129-130). Churchill was in full support of this and even spoke to King Peter to convince him to give up his power and join the coalition, stating that the deal could be relied on because it had been approved by Stalin, someone Churchill saw as a man of his word. This agreement seemed to warm up relations slightly, and even after nationalistic terrorism and violence tore through Belgrade, the British shifted blame away from Tito, claiming “Tito as relatively moderate, open to reason, and anxious to preserve some ties with the West, increasingly bypassed by more militant subordinates who might end up manipulating him altogether. In our opinion Tito puts Yugoslavia first and his subordinates put communism first” (Beloff 132-133). Even a US ambassador “had fallen under Tito’s celebrated charm” (Beloff 133). Though they didn’t see eye to eye on political issues, the ambassador respected him and saw him as intelligent—and even requested permission to bring him back to the US for a “month of indoctrination” (Beloff 133).


MSUMUN XVIII 16

RELATIONS WITH STATES IN THE BALKAN REGION

Slavic Identity and Preparation for the Future Yugoslavia is made up of a multitude of ethnic groups that have a long history of conflict. Most of the

major conflict occurred during the interwar period (between the signing of the Treaty of Versailles and the start of WWII). The four main ethnic groups are the Serbs, the Croats, the Slovenes, and the Bosnians. Others included Montenegrins and Macedonians, as well as smaller non-Slavic groups, such as the Albanians.

While the Serbs and Croats are originally and linguistically the same for the most part, they are different groups and consider themselves so. There was conflict in the 1200s that broke them apart. The two groups are considered to be the elite of Yugoslavia – the Serbs more so than the Croats purely based on population. During the interwar period, many Serbs were discontent with how non-Serbs were not adhering to the Yugoslav ideals set by the government, and discrimination based on these ideals came from and went toward Serbs. In response, the Serbs rallied together but could not decide what their ultimate goal would be – a united Yugoslavia or a separate Serbian state. This divisive sentiment was widespread in Yugoslavia. Nationalist beliefs were perpetuated by tales, much like those of the Brothers Grimm, being taught as history in schools. The tales were gruesome and promoted negative sentiment towards each of the other ethnic groups. Nationalism was also promoted by the various nationalist and terror groups in the different nations of Yugoslavia, like the Ustaše, a fascist Croat underground terror group.

Religion had a role in this as well, with each ethnicity having a major religion associated with it. Bosnians are mostly Muslim, Croats and Slovenes are Roman Catholic, Serbs and Montenegrins are Orthodox Christian, Macedonians are majority Orthodox and a minority Muslim.

Serbia contained two autonomous regions: Kosovo and Vojvodina. Kosovo is predominantly Albanian being mostly Muslim. During WWII the Italians restored Kosovo to Albania, but in 1945 the Yugoslav army fought the Albanian resistance for Kosovo. The resistance fought underground for two years but later developed into terror groups after 1948, following the break with the USSR. Serbians also had history in Kosovo as they held against the advance of Islam in 1389. In consequence, the Serbian Orthodox Church has all of its monasteries in Kosovo. In Vojvodina, approximately ⅔ of the population was German, with most of them being killed or deported after the Nazi defeat under the pretext of eliminating war criminals and collaborators. In addition to the Germans, the Tito wanted to rid Yugoslavia of the Vojvodina Magyars, a Hungarian nationalist group. The Trieste Conflict

Trieste is a small region between Slovenia and Italy. After WWII, it was considered a free state, however due to its status of being a port city, both Italy and Yugoslavia wanted it – so it remains under military occupation. Under occupation, the region was divided into two zones - Zone A and Zone B. Zone A was controlled by the US and the UK, while Zone B was controlled by Yugoslavia. A lack of secretary on the Security Council causes for the treaty to be vague and have little enforcement power. This disputed territory creates issues in regard to which currency should be used, whose commerce laws to follow, and other important administrative tasks. This is a major territorial concern for Slovenia, and as a broader geopolitical power struggle with a “western” nation.


MSUMUN XVIII 17

Albanian Relations Albania is a primarily Muslim country, with the next biggest religion being Christianity. It was colonized

during WWII by the Italians, and ended up as a Yugoslavian colony after the war was over (White 161). Yugoslav emissaries, known as “Mladin” and “Dushan,” were largely responsible for a communist uprising during the Second World War. They promoted a Liberation Front that was unified, which brought together the three different groups of communists existing in Albania as the time. “Mladin” was actually later identified as General Svetozar “Tempo” Vukmanović. During the war, Tito thought that a communist revolution in Albania would be vital to the survival of communism in Yugoslavia. If Yugoslavia didn’t ensure a communist regime, Tito thought that either the Greeks would cut it up and make it their own or Americans would take over, promote capitalism and use it as a springboard to fight against the countries on the east of the Iron Curtain (White 165). During the war, then, Albanian activists who were trained by Yugoslavian communists fought back against the Germans and promoted communist propaganda.

At the end of Italian occupation, the country was in a civil war between the Communists in the south, the Ballists in central Albania, the Zogist mountaineers in the north, and the Kosmet by the “Radical Republicans” (White 167). The Communists, backed by Tito and recognized by Churchill after a period of fighting, joined with Yugoslav armies and burned down dissenting villages. Hodja, the head of the Albanian communist party, appointed himself the leader of the new communist government, held an election, and rigged it to vote for Albania to be a “people’s republic.” Albania has become fully influenced by Yugoslavia, not the Soviets. The Yugoslavian government required a customs union and currency equalization, taking away Albania’s economic freedom. Tito forgave half of Albanian wartime debt, giving Yugoslavia a massive share in Albania. In addition, Tito basically controls the military having supplied it with supplies and weapons (Swain).


MSUMUN XVIII 18

FEDERAL EXECUTIVE COUNCIL MEMBERS AND ADVISORS TO PRESIDENT JOSIP BROZ TITO

Minister of Agriculture Vera Aceva

Aceva could not receive a high education due to financial issues, and consequently had to work in the tobacco industry. A labor activist since her teenage years, she led her city’s Local Committee at the age of 21. During the war she served as party and political commissioner for various brigades, and consistently fought for Macedonian independence. She most recently served as the Mayor of Skopje, the capital and largest city in Macedonia.

Aceva, following election to the Yugoslav Central Committee, she accepted the position of Minister of Agriculture on Tito’s Federal Executive Council. In this role she oversees the country’s agricultural production, establishing quotas, and furthering collectivization of farms. She believes in the centralization of power, but ensuring those decisions are by the elected officials. Despite their common culture she has clashed with Lazar Koliševski in the past, and she often questions Aleksander Ranković due to his subversive methods.

Minister of Labor and Health Spasenija Babović

Spasenija Cana Babović was born in Lazarevac, Serbia and got somewhat of an education from a textile high school in her hometown, allowing her to work in textile factories. Becoming a leader in the League of Communist Youth of Yugoslavia and eventually with Communist Party, this was where she first met and worked with Ranković . She first met Tito at the International Lenin School in Moscow. During the war she was strongly for women fighting in battle, not only being in health care for the wounded. She is one of a few women in the Central Committee, along with Vida Tomšič and Vera Aceva.

She was elected to the position of Minister of Labor and Health for her history in labor movements. In this position she has lots of decision making power in how labor is distributed and regulated and also in the creation of health care. She oversees hospitals and labor unions and is able to deal with workers and doctors directly. Finally, she feels strongly about women being active in government and having just as much impact as men. She is loyal to Tito, yet also feels a strong connection to her Serbian roots. Prime Minister of Croatia Vladimir Bakarić

Dr. Vladimir Bakarić was a Croatian member of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. He was instrumental in the organization of anti-Fascist forces during World War II. While Edvard Kardelj focused his efforts in Slovenia, Bakarić was his Croat counterpart with similar ideology. Often working toward the same goals, each was successful in drumming up support of the Communist government and opposition to the Fascist invaders.

After the war, Bakarić was appointed the Chairman of the Croatian League of Communists, making him a key advisor of President Tito. Bakarić is one of the more liberal members of the Council, along with Edvard Kardelj. He is a strong advocate of the federalist system with Republics gaining more power. He was also a careful man who didn’t act brashly and acted wisely in knowing which fights were worth picking.

Ambassador to the Soviet Union Peko Dapčević


MSUMUN XVIII 19

Dapčević has been a Montenegrin activist for nearly all his life, getting arrested as early as eighth grade. He fought in the Spanish Civil War against the Franco fascists as part of the International Brigade. Following the defeat of the Republican Army, Dapčević was captured and held in a French concentration camp for one and a half years until he and other Yugoslavs escaped. During WWII, Dapčević became the commander of the First Army of Yugoslavia and had considerable success in defeating the Nazis.

As a recent graduate of the Military Academy Voroshilov in Moscow, the highest Soviet military academy, Dapčević was appointed as Ambassador to the Soviet Union due to the significant military support the Soviets provided. Since the break in relations between Tito and Stalin, the duties of Dapčević have become more difficult, but he still fights for stronger relations with the Soviets. Because of the assistance Soviets gave in forming Yugoslav governance and economics, even with strained relations he advocates for a translation of the Soviet style systems into Yugoslavia. Ambassador to the United Nations Vladimir Dedijer

Born in Belgrade to the son of a Croatian university professor and a social worker, Dedijer studied law at Belgrade University. He came to know Tito in 1939 when the Communist Party was still an illegal underground organization, and he concealed Tito several times in his Belgrade home. Dedijer's wife Vera Krizman, a fierce soldier in WWII, is currently a famous actress in Yugoslavia.

After the war, in 1946, he was sent to the UN to be Yugoslavia’s delegation. He is very concerned with the compromising situation Yugoslavia is entering without the support of the Soviets. He shares concerns of Kardelj, but sees the solution more in line with assistance from the United States. After the expulsion, he does not trust the Soviets nor their extremely authoritarian policies. Dedijer is a close confidant of Tito, and sees Đilas as a possible friend if policy agreements are made. Minister of Propaganda Milovan Đilas

Đilas said himself that he’d "traveled the entire road of Communism." As a Partisan guerrilla fighter against Nazi occupiers of Yugoslavia and ardent believer in Stalinism, he then moved on to disillusionment and revulsion at the "all-powerful exploiters and masters" it had brought to power. He is commonly credited with differentiating between Montenegrins and Serbs as differing ethnic groups. Đilas is the closest lieutenant to Tito in the resistance to the Serbian monarchy, in the Partisan struggle against German and Italian occupiers and in the creation of a Yugoslav Communist state.

It was he whom Tito sent to Moscow in January 1948 to tell Stalin that Yugoslavia intended to pursue its own national developments, independent of Moscow. He controls the Yugoslav press, radio, and writes articles in the state sponsored newspaper, the Borba. He’s a democratic socialist who firmly believes in the independence of Yugoslavia from Russia. Minister of Justice Frane Frol

Frane Frol was born on March 9, 1899 in a town in the Austro-Hungarian empire. He studied law in Zagreb and joined the People's Liberation movement in Croatia as part of the Croatian Peasant Party.

After the war, he was appointed Minister of Justice, a position that gives him power over the judicial system throughout the country. He feels strongly about the execution of justice and worked to create a criminal code that defined criminality in Yugoslavia under the new constitution. He saw crime as the thing capable of


MSUMUN XVIII 20

tearing apart the country and delegitimizing the executive and judicial branches. As the Minister of Justice, he has considerable influence over litigation and the courts in Yugoslavia. Minister of the People’s Defense Ivan Gošnjak

Ivan Gošnjak grew up a carpenter by trade but eventually joined the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in Croatia. After joining the party, Gošnjak was sent to Moscow and enrolled in a year at the Lenin School. At this official training school, he received instruction in both academics as well as political techniques. He even sat through lectures given by Tito himself. After the school, he joined the military and was sent as a volunteer to aid in the Spanish Civil War. When he returned he quickly joined Tito's Partisans.

After the war he was appointed to Tito's Executive Federal Council in the role of Minister of the People's Defense. As the civilian lead of the military, he has much power over the defense of the country, though this power is often shared between a few other members of the council. Gošnjak mostly holds power over the defense against outside forces and coordinates with foreign military powers. In this role, he tries brings communist politics into the military. He feels connected to Tito because of their shared ethnic heritage and this loyalty influences his decisions. Foreign Minister Edvard Kardelj

From an early age, Kardelj was a loyal Slovene communist, joining the Communist Party of Yugoslavia at 16. A young journalist named Vlado Kozak soon took him under his wing and guided him during his early years in the Communist party. Kardelj was arrested in 1930 for being a communist, and later returned to the Party as a senior member, due to most members being removed by Stalin’s purges.

In 1935, Kardelj traveled to Moscow, where he worked as a member of the Comintern. After Stalin appointed Josip Broz Tito as the leader of the party, Kardelj returned to Yugoslavia in 1937 to enact his policy of anti-fascism, alongside Tito and Aleksandar Ranković. In WWII he led a force of only Slovenes, and following the war Kardelj became a close advisor to Tito and a rival of Ranković. He is primarily concerned with the economic situation, and more specifically how the Yugoslav government will form new economic policy as it deals with expulsion from the Comintern. He also favors regional solutions to issues, and sees economic opportunities in neighboring countries. Minister of Finance Boris Kidrič

Boris Kidrič was born in Vienna, Austria to Slovene parents. He was also arrested seventeen times before the war. He was the first Commander of the Main Command of the Slovenian Partisan Army and head of the Slovenian delegation at the second session of the National Liberation Council. He is the President of the Economic Council and the primary economic strategist of socialist self-management.

In the Ministerial position of Finance, he advocates for a Stalinist economic model. This includes rapid industrialization, nationalization of companies, and agricultural collectivization. Despite wanting to model Yugoslavia on the Soviets, he found the Soviet foreign policy repulsive and did not want economic help from them. Prime Minister of Macedonia Lazar Koliševski

Koliševski has been organizing communists since the early 1930s. He was arrested and sentenced to death by a Bulgarian military court, then it was commuted to life imprisonment for being a part of the Communist Party


MSUMUN XVIII 21

of Yugoslavia in Macedonia’s plot to organize an uprising. He spent WWII in a Bulgarian prison, and has been crucial in turning Macedonian support from Bulgarian communism to Yugoslavian communism.

After the war he has served on various important functions in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia. He used to support independence for Macedonia, particularly because of the history of Bulgarian control, but strongly believes in Yugoslav policies with regards to industrial reform and economic growth. Minister for Industry Franc Leskošek

Franc Leskošek was born into the Slovene working class and spent much of his early life working odd jobs in factories, but eventually settling as a metalworker. He became the secretary of the Federation of Metalworkers for Slovenia. He used this position to fight for the radicalization of workers’ movements in an inconspicuous manner, as he could have been arrested had the authorities known about his Communist ideology.

During World War II, he worked closely with Edvard Kardelj in fighting against the Germans, as Kardelj appointed him to the position of Commander of the Main Staff of the Partisan Detachments of Slovenia. He was affiliated with the Liberation Front of the Slovenian People, after previously having worked with Kardelj in Moscow when they were appointed to the Comintern together in 1935. Leskošek’s primary concern as Minister of Industry lies in the industrialization of Yugoslavia, as well as post-Comintern planning.

Prime Minister of Slovenia Miha Marinko

Miha Marinko was born into the working class, working jobs in a glass factory and in a mine. He went to the Soviet Union for college, attending the Communist University of the National Minorities of the West for two years. In World War II, Marinko volunteered for the Yugoslav Army, and later he became the first political Commissar of the Slovenian Partisan Army.

He succeeded Boris Kidrič as the Secretary of the Communist Party of Slovenia after Kidrič traveled to Belgrade and took a position there. Marinko remains an advocate for the people because of his humble upbringings and remains a hero to many people. As the Socialist Republic that borders Italy, Marinko has a strong interest in Trieste.

President of the People’s Assembly Moša Pijade

A Serb born in Belgrade and of Jewish heritage, he studied fine arts in Germany and France but eventually felt called to political journalism and he wrote the first trade union journal in Yugoslavia. While in prison for his ideology, Pijade met and mentored Josip Broz Tito in communist policies. Truly, he was the first to get Tito to really understand and appreciate the communist ideology. After the war ended, Pijade continues to be a mentor and valuable asset whose opinion Tito valued.

He is loyal to Tito and frequently accompanies Tito on international trips and peace conferences, but is fiercely loyal to Marxism, leaning very far left. In this, he feels deep connections to the Soviet Union because of its founding role in championing Communism. Pijade is also loyal to his Serbian roots, mainly because he fears the intolerance of the Croatian Catholic Church. He is hailed as a great orator, and is known for his witty attacks on different people, particularly in his contentious history with Đilas. As the President of the People’s Assembly, the Yugoslav legislature, he leads in garnering support for measures with Party officials.


MSUMUN XVIII 22

Chief of the General Staff Konstantin Popović Konstantin “Koča” Popović came from an extremely rich Serbian family, had access to high education.

After serving for a few years in the military, Koča studied philosophy in Paris and was drawn toward the Surrealist poetry movement. He was a great and brilliant military leader and was chosen by Tito to conduct a secret operation to exchange prisoners with Germany. As a British official once observed of Koča's personality, he had "a touch of military genius and a hatred of war."

After the war found Koča appointed Chief of the General Staff. In this position, he has great military power and deep connections to the military and militaries of foreign powers. He also is deeply involved in negotiations and relations with the western world. Though slightly more moderate than others on the Council, Koča is loyal to Tito and seeks Tito's policies in regard to international relations by seeking to connect Yugoslavia with the world as well as the Soviet Union. He is known for his sharp sarcasm and wit, though he lets few people into his personal life. He often accompanies Tito on foreign travel and interacts with other state officials. Prime Minister of Bosnia and Herzegovina Đuro Pucar

Đuro "Stari" Pucar was born December 13, 1899 in a village in the territory of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Nicknamed Stari, he did not get much of an education, but became active in trade union organizations early on. He was a charismatic and popular person and his people loved him. He was one of the main organizing forces of the popular uprising in Bosnia and Herzegovina, using the devotion of his people to rally around him. He was also a strong and devoted party organizer and spent much of his time before the war recruiting and strengthening organizations and defining policy.

As Prime Minister of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Pucar is the liaison between his people and Tito's Federal Executive Council. Pucar is a people person and deeply loyal to his own people, meaning he is well liked by his own people.

Minister of Internal Affairs Aleksandar Ranković

Aleksander Ranković was born to Serbian peasants and when he was young he joined the Communist movement, though it was illegal at the time. In 1928, he was made the secretary of the League of Young Communists of Serbia and was later caught for his involvement in the organization and served six years in prison. After release, he was the aide-de-camp to Tito and was later captured by the Gestapo and tortured for information.

Upon his rescue, he was the chief of Tito’s intelligence and became a member of the General Staff of the National Liberation Army. Once the Communists took over after the partisan war, Ranković became the head of the security forces. In this role, he was key in the creation of the secret police force, the UDBA. Politically he took a more reform stance of Titoism opposing Edvard Kardelj’s orthodoxy within the party. President of the Presidium Ivan Ribar

Ivan Ribar was born in Vukmanić, Croatia and was well educated, becoming a lawyer and studying in Zagreb, Prague and Vienna. During the war, Ribar became the President of the first Anti-Fascist Council of National Liberation of Yugoslavia, and was a close ally and confidant to Tito. He lost both of his sons and his wife during the war.

In 1946, he became the President of the Presidium of the National Assembly and is essentially the Vice President of government. He can fill in for Tito and the government in delegations abroad, and is able to move


MSUMUN XVIII 23

support among the federal party members. As a party elder, he holds significant sway with Tito and the Communist leadership nationwide. He is close with many of the City Secretaries nationwide. Prime Minister of Serbia Petar Stambolić

Stambolić was born in Ivanjica, Serbia and went to school at the Faculty of Agriculture and Forestry. He began organizing for communist movements while at Belgrade University. Over the course of WWII, he worked in the Communist Party of Yugoslavia’s organizing offices, gaining significant ground in influence within the party.

After the war he served in higher government positions, and eventually entered his position today as the Prime Minister of Serbia. As the head of state for the most populous Republic of Yugoslavia and the national seat of government, he holds considerable sway in the national party. Though, he is still contending with Montenegrins over them claiming ethnic differences, because he believes they are Serb. He also leads the easternmost Republic, and therefore holds the wall against the Soviet-led Eastern Bloc. Prime Minister of Montenegro Svetozar Vukmanović Svetozar Vukmanović was born in Podgor, Montenegro in 1912, and studied law in Belgrade. He uses the pseudonym “Tempo” in the Central Committee. In 1941, he was made the commander of the General Staff of Tito’s Partisans in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In 1945, Vukmanović was made the Deputy Minister of National Defense and later became the Minister of Mining.

As the Prime Minister of Montenegro, he is the chief executive of southern Yugoslav Socialist Republic. His primary concerns are the advancement of Montenegrin interests on the federal level of Yugoslavia. As one of the republics dwarfed by Croatia, Slovenia and Serbia, he represents minority interests in the Federal Executive Council along with fellow Montenegrins Peko Dapčević and Milovan Đilas.


MSUMUN XVIII 24

WORKS CITED Beloff, Nora. Tito’s Flawed Legacy: Yugoslavia & the West: 1939-84. Victor Gollancz Ltd., 1985. Bose, Sumantra. “Yugoslavia: Crisis of the Titoist State.” Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 27, no. 18, 1992. Bulatović, Marko. “STRUGGLING WITH YUGOSLAVISM: Dilemmas of Interwar Serb Political Thought.”

Ideologies and National Identities (PDF) , edited by JOHN R. LAMPE and MARK MAZOWER, Central European University Press, 2004.

Fay, Sidney B. "THE COMINFORM." Current History 14.77 (1948): 1. ProQuest. Web. 14 Nov. 2017. Hoffman, George Walter, and Fred Warner Neal. Yugoslavia and the New Communism. Twentieth Century

Fund, 1969. Job, Cvijeto. “Yugoslavia's Ethnic Furies.” Foreign Policy, no. 92, 1993, pp. 52–74. JSTOR. Jović, Dejan. “COMMUNIST YUGOSLAVIA AND ITS ‘OTHERS.’” Ideologies and National Identities

(PDF) , edited by JOHN R. LAMPE and MARK MAZOWER, Central European University Press, 2004, pp. 277–302. JSTOR.

Ludanyi, Andrew. “Titoist Integration of Yugoslavia: The Partisan Myth & the Hungarians of the Vojvodina, 1945-1975.” Polity, vol. 12, no. 2, 1979, pp. 225–252. JSTOR.

Maclean, Fitzroy. Josip Broz Tito: A Pictorial Biography. McGraw-Hill Book Company (UK) Limited, 1980. M. K. G. “Trieste: Background to a Deadlock.” The World Today, vol. 8, no. 10, 1952. M. K. G. “The Trieste Dispute.” The World Today, vol. 10, no. 1, 1954. Pundeff, Marin. “The Balkan Entente Treaties.” The American Journal of International Law, vol. 48, no. 4,

1954. Ramet, Sabrina P. “The Albanians of Kosovo: The Potential for Destabilization.” The Brown Journal of World

Affairs, vol. 3, no. 1, 1996. Schwelb, Egon. “The Trieste Settlement and Human Rights.” The American Journal of International Law, vol.

49, no. 2, 1955. Sekulic, Dusko, et al. “Who Were the Yugoslavs? Failed Sources of a Common Identity in the Former

Yugoslavia.” American Sociological Review, vol. 59, no. 1, 1994. Swain, Geoff. Tito: A Biography. I.B. Tauris, 2011. Tchoukarine, Igor. “The Yugoslav Road to International Tourism: Opening, Decentralization, and Propaganda

in the Early 1950s.” Yugoslavia's Sunny Side: A History of Tourism in Socialism (1950s–1980s), edited by Hannes Grandits and Karin Taylor, NED - New edition, 1 ed., Central European University Press, 2010.

“Vanishing Vojvodina.” The Economist, The Economist Newspaper, 18 May 2010, www.economist.com/node/16155218.

West, Richard. Tito and the Rise and Fall of Yugoslavia. Sinclair-Stevenson, 1994. White, Leigh. Balkan Caesar: Tito versus Stalin. C. Scribner's Sons, 1951.

Documents

Michigan State University Model United Nations · Crisis Director, Josip Broz Tito’s Federal Executive Council [email protected] Disclaimer This crisis committee may contain