Michael Maier — Alchemy

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Michael Maier —Nine Newly

Discovered Letters

Nils Lenke,1 Nicolas Roudet2 and Hereward Tilton3

1 Rheinbach2 Université de Strasbourg 3 University of Exeter

The authors provide a transcription, translation, and evaluation of nine newly

discovered letters from the alchemist Michael Maier (1568–1622) to Gebhardt

Johann von Alvensleben (1576–1631), a noble landholder in the vicinity of Mag-

deburg. Stemming from the final year of his life, this correspondence casts

new light on Maier’s biography, detailing his efforts to secure patronage

amid the financial crisis of the early Thirty Years’ War. While his ill-fated

quest to perfect potable gold continued to form the central focus of his patron-

age suits, Maier also offered his services in several arts that he had con-

demned in his printed works, namely astrology and “supernatural” magic.Remarks concerning his previously unknown acquaintance with Heinrich

Khunrath call for a re-evaluation of Maier’s negotiation of the discursive

boundaries between Lutheran orthodoxy and Paracelsianism. The letters

also reveal Maier’s substantial contribution to a work previously ascribed

solely to the English alchemist Francis Anthony.

Introduction

The Holy Roman Empire at the turn of the seventeenth century witnessed an

immense upsurge in interest in the occult sciences,1 and one author who has long

attracted interest from historians of this period is the alchemist Michael Maier

(1569–1622), court medicus of Emperor Rudolf II.2 Nine newly discovered letters

1 See the definition of the term by André-Jean Festugière, La Révélation d ’Hermès Trismégiste. Tome 1, L’astrologie et les sciences occultes (Paris: Gabalda, 1944), VIII [=new ed. in 1 vol. by Nicolas Roudet (Paris: les Belles Lettres,

2014), 8]: “Dans la première [partie de la “Révélation d’Hermès Trismégiste”], qui paraît ici, je considère les

écrits, nombreux et dispersés, où Hermès traite de l’astrologie et des sciences occultes, c’est-à-dire de l’alchimie, de

la magie et de cette thérapeutique, fondée sur les sympathies et antipathies secrètes entre les êtres de la nature,

dont les Kyranides hermétiques sont l’un des plus curieux témoins.”2 To date the most important texts dealing with Maier are: James B. Craven, Count Michael Maier: Doctor of Medi-cine, Alchemist, Rosicrucian, and Mystic, 1568 – 1622 (Kirkwall: Peace, 1910); Bruce T. Moran, The Alchemical

ambix, Vol. 61 No. 1, February, 2014, 1–47

© Society for the History of Alchemy and Chemistry 2014 DOI 10.1179/0002698013Z.00000000043



from Maier to one of his patrons offer us important insights into the struggle for

patronage at the height of the financial crisis known as the Kipper- und Wipperzeit in the early years of the Thirty Years’ War — a time in which rampant inflation and

the rapid devaluation of currency accelerated Germany’s descent into chaos, but also

offered new opportunities for a chrysopoetic alchemist skilled in the manipulation of precious metals. This correspondence not only more than doubles the number of

letters known to be written by Maier,3 it significantly alters our picture of him.

While Maier’s printed works give the impression of an author reluctant to stray

from the fold of Lutheran orthodoxy, the letters offer us a glimpse into Maier ’s

hitherto hidden activities as a talismanic magician, astrologer, and geomancer. In

consequence, we must substantially revise our understanding of the position of

Maier’s medical practise vis-à-vis Paracelsianism and the harnessing of supernatural

agencies, taking into account the significant currency possessed by the privileged —

and often legally or theologically equivocal— knowledge transmitted in manuscript

and oral form within the broader economy of scientific patronage. The letters dis-

cussed here lend greater depth to our understanding of both Maier’s practice and

his character; what is more, they supply us with new biographical details, and

even suggest that a work previously ascribed to the English physician and iatroche-

mist Francis Anthony (1550–1623)4 should in fact be at least partly ascribed to

Maier. Finally, they offer us the opportunity to re-evaluate Maier’s place in intellec-

tual history.

In recent years, significant light has been shed upon Maier’s previously murky bio-

graphy,5 but many questions still remain and little is known about his final years in

Magdeburg, where he had moved from Frankfurt around 1620, and where he died

in the summer of 1622. Previously, it was thought that he served Christian Wilhelm

of Brandenburg (1587–1665), before later practising as a doctor while travelling at

frequent intervals.6

2 Continued World of the German Court: Occult Philosophy and Chemical Medicine in the Circle of Moritz of Hesse (Stuttgart:F. Steiner, 1991), 103ff.; Karin Figala and Ulrich Neumann, “Ein früher Brief Michael Maiers an Heinrich Rantzau,”Archives internationale d ’histoire des sciences 35 (1985): 303–29; Karin Figala and Ulrich Neumann, “Michael

Maier (1569–1622): New Bio-bibliographical Material,” in Alchemy Revisited: Proceedings of the International Conference on the History of Alchemy at the University of Groningen, 17 – 19 April 1989, ed. Zweder R. W. M.

von Martels (Leiden: Brill, 1990), 34–50; Karin Figala and Ulrich Neumann, “‘Author Cui Nomen Hermes Mala-

vici’: New Light on the Bio-bibliography of Michael Maier (1569–1622),” in Alchemy and Chemistry in the 16thand 17th Centuries, ed. Piyo Rattansi and Antonio Clericuzio (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1994), 121–47; Erik Leibenguth,

Hermetische Poesie des Frühbarock: Die ‘ Cantilenae intellectuales’ Michael Maiers, Edition mit Übersetzung, Kom-mentar und Bio-Bibliographie (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 2002); Hereward Tilton, The Quest for the Phoenix: Spiritual Alchemy and Rosicrucianism in the Work of Count Michael Maier (1569 – 1622) (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2003); George-

Florin Calian, Spiritual Alchemy and the Function of Image: Coincidentia Oppositorum in Michael Maier’s AtalantaFugiens (Budapest: CEU, Budapest College, 2009).

3 Leibenguth, Hermetische Poesie des Frühbarock, 3, observed that few of Maier’s letters had survived; those known to

him are listed within his comprehensive bibliography (477–82).4 Cf. Allan G. Debus, The English Paracelsians (London: Oldbourne, 1965), especially 142ff.5 Figala and Neumann, “New Bio-bibliographical Material,” 34f.; Figala and Neumann, “Author Cui Nomen Hermes

Malavici,” 121ff.; Leibenguth, Hermetische Poesie des Frühbarock, 24–64; Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, passim.6 Figala and Neumann, “New Bio-bibliographical Material,” 46; Figala and Neumann, “Author Cui Nomen Hermes

Malavici,” 135f.

2 NILS LENKE ET AL.



Serendipitous circumstances now afford us a clearer picture of this period. During

one of his journeys in the autumn of 1621, Maier visited Lübeck, where he met the

composer and alchemist Johann Staricius (ca. 1580 to after 1624),7 who had lived in

Magdeburg some years previously.8 Evidently, Staricius spoke to Maier about one of

his old acquaintances there: the nobleman Gebhardt Johann von Alvensleben(1576–1631). The von Alvensleben family, split into several lines, lived in Erxleben,

Eichenbarleben, and other country estates not far from Magdeburg. Gebhardt

Johann, who was the head of the Eichenbarleben line at that time, is best remem-

bered for his interest in astronomy, astrology, and alchemy. Local history has it

that he built an observatory and collected a huge library of books on the occult

sciences, an interest that brought him into conflict with the local Lutheran pastor,

who even refused him Mass.9

The von Alvensleben family still exists today,10 and has always dutifully complied

with the directive of Joachim I von Alvensleben (1514–1588), who urged his heirs to

enlarge and never disperse the extensive library he had established. However, as a

consequence of World War II and the fact that all the family estates were located

in East Germany, the content of the family archives and libraries was mostly evac-

uated to West Germany and distributed across several institutions. Only recently

has a large part been re-united at one of the old family estates near Magdeburg:

Schloss Hundisburg. One family archive, which is not yet part of this re-unified col-

lection, was given to the State Archive of Lower Saxony in Hanover during the

1950s and 60s, where it is still housed.11 Item No. B 228 of this archive is a collec-

tion of letters to and from Gebhardt Johann von Alvensleben concerning alchemy. It

consists of documents and drafts of letters by Gebhardt Johann as well as letters to

him from several authors, including the alchemist (and then mayor of Erxleben)

Sebastian Alstein,12 Paul Jöstel,13 and Johann Staricius — as well as nine letters

from Michael Maier. While the present authors would love to tell a tale of

7 The most comprehensive work on Staricius’ biography and works is Helmut Möller, Staricius und sein Heldenschatz:Episoden eines Akademikerlebens (Göttingen: Basta, 2003). Staricius’ published works cover a wide range of topics:a collections of songs, German translations of Rosicrucian manuscripts as well as anthologies of the writings of Para-

celsus and the spiritualist Valentin Weigel (1533–1588). In 1615 he published his most famous book, the Hel-denschatz, a collection of alchemical recipes which plagiarised a manuscript by Conrad Khunrath, brother of the

more famous Heinrich Khunrath. He spent time in Magdeburg (1618) and Lübeck (starting in 1620), from

whence he was expelled for the possession of alchemical books and for the theologically suspect company he was

keeping.8 Möller, Staricius und sein Heldenschatz, 137.9 Siegmund Wilhelm Wohlbrück, Geschichtliche Nachrichten von dem Geschlecht von Alvensleben und dessen Besit-

zungen (Berlin: Zu finden bei dem Verfasser, 1829), vol. 3, 56–63; clearly Gebhardt Johann and his interest in the

occult sciences deserve more detailed study. Cf. below for more details on the conflict with the priest.10 “Familie v. Alvensleben e.V.”: http://www.familie-von-alvensleben.de/ (accessed November 12, 2013).11 Nieder. Hauptstaatsarchiv Hannover (NHStA H), Dep. 83 A and B.12 Peter Wilhelm Behrends, Neuhaldenslebische Kreis-Chronik oder Geschichte aller Oerter des landräthlichen Kreises

Neuhaldensleben im Magdeburgischen (Neuhaldensleben: C. A. Eyraud, 1824), vol. 1, 154.13 A Paul Jöstel from Dresden opened a pharmacy in Freiberg (Saxony) in 1582 but had to close it down a few year later;

see Andreas Möller, Theatrum Fribergense (Freiberg: Georg Beuther, 1653), 149. The Paul Jöstel who wrote to Geb-

hardt Johann may be identical with his Dresden namesake; alternatively, he may be related to him and/or to the well-known mathematician and physician MelchiorJöstel (1559–1611) from Dresden. See Heinz Kathe, Die WittenbergerPhilosophische Fakultät, 1502–1817 (Köln: Böhlau, 2002), 228.

MICHAEL MAIER —NINE NEWLY DISCOVERED LETTERS 3

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roaming dimly lit basements to stumble upon the discovery in a dusty cardboard box

untouched for decades, the true story is rather more prosaic. The State Archive has

created an excellent catalogue of Dep. 83 B, which is even available online.14 Not

only is item No. 228 correctly described as a collection of alchemical letters, it actu-

ally mentions Michael Maier as an author.So what does this find look like? The total set of documents is not sorted in any

obvious order, and the Maier letters are dispersed throughout it. The nine letters

were written between November 1621 and July 1622; the last dated 18 July,

which means that it was written only weeks before Maier’s death. Evidently, Stari-

cius had not only mentioned von Alvensleben to Maier but had also asked him to

deliver a parcel and a letter to him, and spoken of the nobleman ’s interest in the

English aurum potabile (potable gold). Maier took the opportunity to address

letters to von Alvensleben in an attempt to attract his patronage.15 Written replies

from von Alvensleben are also referred to in the letters, but unfortunately these

are not part of Dep. 83 B No. 228, and neither are a number of attachments that

Maier mentions, including several tracts written by him.16 Printed books were

also sent to Maier (and later returned) so that he could voice his opinion on

them. It seems that the servants of Gebhardt Johann served as couriers in most

cases, and it is not clear whether Maier and Gebhardt Johann ever met in person.

The letters vary in length from a little over one page to eight pages (on four double-

sided sheets), and are generally well preserved, with occasional small losses of text

due to the degradation of the paper at the borders. Maier’s handwriting is generally

clear and resembles the sample from a letter to the emperor printed by Tilton, 17

albeit not quite as meticulously written.

A “new” alchemical work by Maier

The letters offers some fascinating new information concerning Maier’s career as an

alchemist, including the fact that he met Heinrich Khunrath (“the author of the

Amphiteatrum”) in 1600/1601 (“approximately twenty-one years ago”18) while

he was practising as a doctor in Danzig. In another letter19 he tells us that it was

in Danzig that he “obtained a strong love and desire for that part of Medicine

14 “Suche in den Online-Findbüchern des Niedersächsischen Landesarchivs”: http://aidaonline.niedersachsen.de/

(accessed 12 November 2013).15 Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 59, 68; cf. also Figala and Neumann, “New Bio-bibliographical Material,” 47f.16 When Gebhardt Johann died in 1631 an inventory of his possessions was created, including his books. This inventory

has survived (NHStA H Dep. 83 B, Nr. 90 [1]) and deserves a more detailed description and analysis in a future pub-

lication. It lists two books by Maier, but none of the manuscripts referenced in the letters are explicitly mentioned.

However, they may well have still been in the possession of Gebhardt Johann at the time ofhis death, as the inventory

refers to several unnamed manuscripts and also hints at the existence of other documents of a chemical and math-ematical nature beyond the listed documents (e.g. the list of furniture mentions an iron strongbox placed in the

bed chamber of Gebhardt Johann containing “chemical and mathematical things, and nativities”). The collections

now at Hundisburg do contain alchemical documents attributed to Gebhardt Johann, so there is hope that a

thorough search will uncover further Maier documents there.17

Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 297.18 Letter 4, dated 15 April 1622.19 Letter 3, dated 14 January 1622.

4 NILS LENKE ET AL.

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that is effected by the chemical art”; again, that was “approximately twenty years

ago.”20 These statements accord with Hubicki’s earlier assertion that Maier was

to be found in December 1601 prescribing dried frogs in vinegar to patients at the

White Horse Inn in Danzig.21 The image of Maier as an itinerant vendor of

Plinian simplicia is reinforced by the fact that his correspondence with Gebhardt Johann mentions three cities in which he practised as a doctor in 1595/1596

(“twenty-five years ago”), namely Prague, Danzig, and Hamburg. The latter city

has not previously been identified as a residence of Maier.

However, perhaps the most important fact concerning Maier’s alchemical endea-

vours that may be gleaned from the letters is his (co-)composition of an alchemical

work not previously identified as his own. Figala and Neumann have already noted

that Maier contributed certain poems to Francis Anthony’s Apologia veritatis illu-cescentis, pro auro potabili (1616) under the pseudonym “Hermes Malavici.”22

Anthony (1550–1623) was of a similar artisanal background and social class to

Maier: the educated son of a gold-worker, he turned to alchemy for a living, and

became infamous for an acrimonious dispute with the College of Physicians con-

cerning his aurum potabile.23 Maier’s own interest in this medicine may have

been one of his reasons for travelling to London in the first place, as both Leibenguth

and Tilton speculate.24 Maier mentions Anthony and his controversial medicine in

no fewer than four of his letters25— his close relationship with the Englishman is

one of his “selling points.” It is also his pretext for writing to von Alvensleben for

the first time, as it seems that he brought a package from Johann Staricius in

Lübeck back to Magdeburg and handed it over to one of von Alvensleben’s servants.

On this occasion, Staricius mentioned that von Alvensleben was especially interested

in the aurum potabile. From some of Staricius’ earlier letters we learn that in 1618 he

had organised an import of aurum potabile from Francis Anthony in London to

selected German customers, including Gebhardt Johann, and again in 1622 with

the help of Joachim Morsius (1593–1644).26

20 Based on a brief allusion made by Maier in another letter (“that much-visited trading centre near the Baltic coast”),

Figala and Neumann (“Author Cui Nomen Hermes Malavici,” 127) concluded that Maier’s first initiation into the

art of alchemy took place at Königsberg, or possibly also another town east of it; Leibenguth (Hermetische Poesie desFrühbarock, 36, n.65) and Tilton (Quest for the Phoenix, 61–62, n.114) independently concluded that this town was

in fact Danzig to the east.21 Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 65.22 See Figala and Neumann, “Author Cui Nomen Hermes Malavici,” passim; Leibenguth, Hermetische Poesie des

Frühbarock, 51–53; Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 102–107.23 Leibenguth, Hermetische Poesie des Frühbarock, 38, suggests that Maier may already have come across Anthony ’s

aurum potabile during his stay in Königsberg.24 Leibenguth, Hermetische Poesie des Frühbarock, 48; Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 62.25 Letter 1, dated 4 November 1621; Letter 2, dated 26 November 1621; Letter 3, dated 14 January 1622; and Letter 8,

dated 13 March 1622.26 Richard Hoche, “Morsius, Joachim,” Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (online edition), http://www.deutsche-

biographie.de/pnd116930241 (accessed 12 November, 2013); Heinrich Schneider, Joachim Morsius und seinKreis: Zur Geistesgeschichte des 17. Jahrhunderts (Lübeck: O. Quitzow, 1929); NHStA H, Dep. 83 B Nr. 228,

letters from Johann Staricius to Gebhardt Johann dated 25 June 1618, 14 October 1618, and the Friday before Pen-tecost, 1622. These business relationships confirm Leibenguth’s assertion that, at the time of his move to Magdeburg,

Maier was a member of a circle centred upon Morsius: see Leibenguth, Hermetische Poesie des Frühbarock, 62, 65.

MICHAEL MAIER — NINE NEWLY DISCOVERED LETTERS 5

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Maier tells Gebhardt Johann that he and Anthony visited one another almost

daily— they were “like brothers” and “good friends,” and there were no secrets

between them. Maier not only mentions the poems he contributed to the Apologia:

he also claims that the Latin edition of the book was written rather than merely

translated by him. His language in this regard is unmistakable: the Latin Apologiais his own “writing” (Schreibung ), it was “published under [Anthony’s] name,

although entirely written by myself,”27 and it “came substantially from my own

pen.”28 As motivation, Maier cites his intention to help Anthony against his

enemies, the college physicians — an effort that he avers was successful and led to

huge profits on Anthony’s side.29

Considering the context in which they are made— a desperate plea for patronage

— we have good reason to be sceptical of these assertions of Maier’s. Nevertheless,

textual analysis of the English and Latin editions of the Apologia reveals a kernel of

truth to his claims. These editions were evidently created in close temporal proxi-

mity, and both were published in London in 1616. Comparison of the language

of the Latin edition with Anthony’s earlier Medicinae chymicae et veri potabilisauri assertio (1610) suggests that it is indeed the work of Maier as either translator

or substantial author. In contrast to the uncomplicated syntax and vocabulary of the

Assertio, the Latin Apologia is composed in the elegant, learned, and slightly bom-

bastic humanist style so typical of Maier’s Latin works. Thus the question as to why

Anthony would turn to Maier rather than composing the Latin of the Apologia himself

is easily answered: as Johann Hartmann Beyer recalled, Maier helped Anthony because

his friend was “unskilled in Latin.”30 Indeed, the simple prose of the Assertio had

previously been mocked by the Galenochymicus Matthew Gwynne in his far more

eloquent response, In assertorem chymicae, sed verae medicinae desertorem, Fra.Anthonium (1611), which bristles with Greek quotations and specifically ridicules

Anthony’s Latin skills.31 How gratifying, then, that Anthony counted a Poet Laureate

among his friends and business partners, who could apply a “vinegared sponge” to

wipe away the “swollen and horrid spiders” who had assailed him in print.32

When we turn from matters of style to content, it is clear that the “sponge” that

Maier was offering his friend was not a straightforward Latin translation of an

English work authored by Anthony, but rather a Latin tract with substantial inde-

pendent intellectual input from Maier. A similarity has already been noted

27 Letter 3, 28, 30 (German); 31 (English).28 Letter 2, 24. In Letter 1 (24) Maier seems to suggest Anthony is the work ’s “author”; later he merely becomes the

“author” of the aurum potabile (Letter 2, 24; Letter 3, 28).29 Letter 3, 28, 30 (German); 29, 31 (English).30 Leibenguth, Hermetische Poesie des Frühbarock, 472–73. Leibenguth argues that Beyer’s claim that Maier was

responsible for the Latin text of the Panacea aurea “must rest on a misunderstanding” (Hermetische Poesie des Früh-barock, 52, n.140). However, in his letter Beyer only states that Maier claimed to have translated the Apologia into

Latin. Here Leibenguth conflates Beyer’s assertion that Maier translated the Apologia into Latin with Maier’s stated

intention to translate the Apologia into German; see Leibenguth, Hermetische Poesie des Frühbarock, 473, n.84.31 Matthew Gwynne, In assertorem chymicae, sed verae medicinae desertorem, Fra. Anthonium (London: Richard

Field, 1611), 234; Gwynne (163) even employs an Italian adage to pillory Anthony as an ass.32 Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 104–106; the spiders in question were Gwynne and Thomas Rawlin, author of the

Admonitio Pseudo-chymicis (London: Allde, 1612).

6 NILS LENKE ET AL.



between Maier’s own “mercurial medicine” and Anthony’s aurum potabile,33 and

the terms in which the latter is described in the Apologia are essentially identical

to the descriptions of Maier’s medicine in his other works. Created through the irre-

versible “destruction” of gold, aurum potabile is the temperate medicine par excel-

lence, de-obstructing the course of spiritus in the human body and fortifying theheart’s calor innatus with the virtues of gold.34 Yet the emphasis in the Latin Apol-ogia on humoural medicine and gold as the most temperate of medicines35 is lacking

in Anthony’s earlier Assertio, in which a host of prominent Paracelsians such as

Quercetanus, Penotus, Ruland, Severinus, Croll, and the “Luther of medicine”

himself are arrayed against Erastus and the Galenochymici. This is in stark contrast

not only to Maier’s relative lack of reliance upon Paracelsian sources, but also to his

stated support for Erastus and the Galenic paradigm he advanced.36

A similar though more subtle reflection of Maier’s and Anthony’s differing intel-

lectual frameworks appears from a close comparison of the Latin Apologia with the

English Apologie. These are, in fact, quite separate works with substantial variations

in content. As noted by Figala and Neumann, Maier composed not only the prefa-

tory poems but also the epigram directed to Anthony by “M.M.C.P.M.D.E.E.P.

C.”;37 while the tract’s prefatory testimony from Alexander Gill (1565–1635) con-

cerning the curing of his son and daughter through Anthony’s aurum potabile is

directed to Maier rather than Anthony.38 Yet this prefatory material is absent

from the English Apologie, raising the question of whether it was omitted by

Anthony from a tract substantially authored by Maier, or added by Maier to his

translation of a tract originally authored by Anthony. Furthermore, the Latin Apol-

ogia continues with the analogy of flowers from the garden of chymia developed in

the preface by “Hermes Malavici,” which is absent from the English Apologie39; as

is the phrase “Hippocrates Imperator, Galenus Rex, Avicenna Princeps nobis

omnibus placeat,”40 and the Erasmian allusion to Mimus (imitation) and Momus

(criticism) given in the third part of the Latin tract.41 Finally, the English Apologiecontains an explanatory appendix written by Anthony which relates the attempts

33 Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 105.34 On aurum potabile, see Chiara Crisciani and Michela Pereira, “Black Death and Golden Remedies: Some Remarks

on Alchemy and the Plague,” in The Regulation of Evil: Social and Cultural Attitudes to Epidemics in the LateMiddle Ages, ed. Agostino Paravicini Bagliani and Francesco Santi (Florence: Sismel, 1998), 7–39; Hereward

Tilton, “Of Ether, Entheogens and Colloidal Gold,” in Alchemical Traditions: From Antiquity to the Avant-Garde,

ed. Aaron Cheak (Melbourne: Numen Books, 2013), 355–420.35 Francis Anthony and Michael Maier, Apologia veritatis illucescentis, pro auro potabili (London: Johann Legatt,

1616), 4: “Praeterea, cum fons quasi et scaturigo plerorumque Morborum sit una intemperies, quid obstat cur

non eorundem propulsandorum statui possit unicum auxilium, atque hoc temperatissimum, quale est Aurum?

Ipsum licet elementatum sit ex quaternario numero, aequali tamen lance librata sunt omnia sua Elementa: Nulla

est unius redundantia; nullus defectus alterius; nulla repugnantia in omnibus.” This is pure Maier.36 Leibenguth, Hermetische Poesie des Frühbarock, 71–72.37

“Michael Maier, Comes Palatinus, Philosophiae [et] Medicinae Doctor, Eques Exemtus [et] Poeta Coronatus”; cf.

Figala and Neumann, “Author Cui Nomen Hermes Malavici,” 122.38 Anthony and Maier, Apologia, sigs. ¶¶4 recto-¶¶4 verso.39

Anthony and Maier, Apologia, 2.40 Anthony and Maier, Apologia, 99.41 Anthony and Maier, Apologia, 100.




by Gwynne and the College of Physicians to have his aurum potabile banned by

King James I; this is not included in the Latin Apologia.42

In short, Maier’s claim to principal authorship of the Latin edition of the Apologiaopens up a number of different possibilities as to how the two texts relate to one

another. The Latin edition contains more of Maier’s original work than does theEnglish Apologie, both with regard to the prefatory material and the main texts;

likewise, the Latin Apologia is missing material by Anthony from the corresponding

passages in the English Apologie.43 As there seems little reason for Maier to have

omitted such material from a faithful translation of Anthony’s work, credence

must be given to Maier’s claims in his letters to Gebhardt Johann to have

co-authored both the tracts. This contention is also supported by the patient testimo-

nies that take up a large portion of both tracts: while the domestic testimonies were

“verbally set down” by Anthony, the“transmarine” testimonies gathered in support

of the aurum potabile include figures — real and imaginary — from the courts of

Moritz the Learned of Hessen-Kassel and Emperor Rudolf II, and may include the

testimony of Maier himself.44 Given that both tracts are a hotchpotch of shorter

texts, it is well-nigh impossible to determine their compositional priority, and we

deem it most likely that the two men created the English and Latin editions in

parallel.

Maier’s claimed authorship also explains why he “even took a copy of the Apol-ogia back to Germany, with the promise of translating it into his native language.”45

And there was more that Maier took home from England. According to his corre-

spondence with Gebhardt Johann he received aurum potabile valued at 200

Königsthaler from Anthony in order to make it known in Germany; he also tested

it on several patients. The plan was for Anthony to send more aurum potabile in

the future, to be sold at the half-yearly Frankfurt Fair (which encompassed the

book fair at which Maier’s works were sold). Maier was supposed to receive a

third of all profits, but apparently the plan failed due to the “envious physicians.”

Maier does not give any details or say exactly who these physicians were, so we

cannot know if they included the man responsible for licencing the imported reme-

dies sold at the fair: the Stadtarzt of Frankfurt, Johann Hartmann Beyer, to whom

Maier wrote a letter in October 1617 asking for support, and to whom he dedicated

his Tripus aureus (1618). Whatever their purpose, Maier’s overtures came tonought, and we also know that Beyer was unimpressed with his physic: in a letter

42 Francis Anthony and Michael Maier, The Apologie, or Defence of a Verity heretofore published concerning a Medi-cine called Aurum Potabile (London: John Legatt, 1616), 124–26.

43 Anthony and Maier, Apologie, 2–3, 106–107, 102 (mis-numbered between pages 109 and 110).44 Anthony and Maier, Apologia, 20–23; while the physician Jacob Mosanus was an actual acquaintance of Maier, the

testimony of “ Jo. Athmestett in Pubenheimb et Weyer, Med. Dr. Sacrae Caesareae Maiestati à Cura” (20) appears to

be fictional. Indeed, the fact that the patient in question is suffering from the quartan — like the reference to a phys-ician at the imperial court — is reminiscent of Maier’s own biography.45 Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 105.

8 NILS LENKE ET AL.



dated 20 March 1624, Beyer recalls Maier’s prescription of Anthony’s aurum pota-bile for a nobleman suffering from a cancerous tumour of the bladder, and states that

Maier also used it himself in the hope of curing his own quartan fever — in both

cases without success.46

Maier as astrologer and geomancer

Maier’s letters to von Alvensleben also demonstrate that, in the increasingly dire

economic environment of the early Thirty Years’ War, and like other alchemists in

similar circumstances,47 he was willing to conform to his patron’s tastes and try

his hand at whatever task was requested of him — including practising astrology,

which he had condemned as folly in his Septimana philosophica (1620) just two

years previously. Indeed, at the time of his death, Maier was in the midst of compos-

ing an astrological work, written in response to von Alvensleben’s request thatMaier give his opinion of an unspecified number of astrological tracts he had sent

Maier, written by a certain “M. Heringius.”48 We can probably identify “Herin-

gius” with the Lutheran priest Andreas Heiringius in the hamlet of Groß Lübs,

some fifteen miles southeast of Magdeburg, as he is mentioned as a practitioner of

astrology in documents written by Gebhardt Johann.49

In any case, in his response to Gebhardt Johann we learn some additional details

concerning Maier’s academic training, particularly in the areas of astronomy and

astrology. Maier explains that he was a deep admirer of “true astronomy” in the

past, but has spent little time on it recently, and even less on astrology.50 He explainsthat this was due to lack of time, not lack of knowledge. Whatever the truth of these

words, Maier then lists the quite impressive credentials he has in the field. While

sitting for his Masters exam at Frankfurt an der Oder,51 he was examined on this

subject by David Origanus (1558–1628), a professor of mathematics who issued

astrological almanacs or ephemerides calculating the positions of the heavenly

46 For the letter of Beyer in question, see Leibenguth, Hermetische Poesie des Frühbarock, 472–73.47 Daniel Jütte, Das Zeitalter des Geheimnisses: Juden, Christen und die Ökonomie des Geheimen (1400 –1800) (Göt-

tingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2012), 206, describes the case of Abraham Colorni (ca. 1544–1599), who was

asked by his patron to write a book about chiromancy — a task he felt he could not reject despite his distaste for

the art.48 There are no published astrological works from this time under the name of Heringius, and as the tracts in question

contain a nativity horoscope for von Alvensleben’s son, we appear to be dealing here with manuscripts written

specifically for him.49 In this case the manuscripts sent to Maier may also have included an unfinished manuscript by Heiringius which was

written at the request of Gebhardt Johann to refute an anti-astrological booklet produced by the local priest with

whom von Alvensleben was in conflict. See 3, 12ff. Gebhardt Johann also describes “Heiringius” as “ein treflicher

orthodoxus Theologus vnd darneben auch im Edlen studio astrologico hoch erfaren.” The manuscript remained

unfinished because of the death of Heiringius some time before the date of the concept (1623), but Gebhardt Johann claims to own a copy of it at that time.

50 Letter 3, 26, 28 (German); 27, 29 (English).51 See Ernst Friedländer (ed.), Ältere Universitäts-Matrikeln: Universität Frankfurt an der Oder, 3 vols. (Leipzig: Hirzel,

1887–1891), vol. 1, 376b: [1592]. [Nr. 37]. Micael [sic] Meyerus Holsatus; M.A. am 17.6.1592, Theses Summam

doctrinae de Temperamentis Corporis humani breviter complexae, ad disputandum publice; Propositae a M .Iohanne Fersio Strelensis, de quibus iuvante Deo respondebit Michael Meierus Holsatus (Frankfurt am Main: Sciur-

ianis, 1592). On the theses see Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 48–54.




bodies for the years between 1595 and 1630.52 Maier continues by mentioning that

he personally knew Tycho Brahe, whom he met twice in Rostock and Hamburg.53

In the first book of his Septimana philosophica, Maier had extolled the virtues of

astronomy while subjecting astrology to his rationalising “chymical” interpretation

of Greek and Egyptian myth. According to that interpretation, the symbols of theZodiac and the planets are the “sidereal hieroglyphs” of the ancients, disclosing

alchemical secrets to the adepts while simultaneously concealing them from the

unworthy and ignorant.54 Among the latter Maier counted the horoscopic astrolo-

gers, who with their literal understanding of these symbols foolishly imagined that

the heavenly bodies transmit particular virtues at the time of birth that determine an

individual’s entire course of life.55 Yet, in his letter to von Alvensleben, Maier refers

to his patron’s “noble work” on astrologia genethlialogica (i.e. horoscopic

astrology). The exigencies of his dire economic circumstances now requiring some-

thing of an intellectual volte-face, Maier states that he is so enthused by the subject

that he even wishes to cast a horoscope for his two-year-old son (see below). Here he

employs a familiar esoteric rhetorical strategy: there is a true astrology that has

nothing to do with the “common astrology” employed by the writers of calendars

(i.e. popular tables of astronomical data), commonly complemented by prognostica-

tions for the coming year. Although this distinction had not been made in the Septi-mana philosophica, in his letters Maier implies that it was this common astrology

alone that he had intended to impugn there.56

It is significant that Maier counts among the practitioners of a genuine art of

astrology not only Heringius/Heiringius but also Paul Nagel (†1624), whom he

states he recently met in Torgau. Nagel was a Paracelsian chiliast who moved in

the circles of both Jacob Böhme and the early Rosicrucians.57 His inspirationist

52 Cf. Günter Mühlpfordt, Die Oderuniversität Frankfurt (1506–1811) (Frankfurt an der Oder: Bezirksmuseum Via-

drina, 1981), 27; Leibenguth, Hermetische Poesie des Frühbarock, 30, only mentions that Maier was promotedto “Magister” by Mattheus Zeysius. Maier mentions showing to Origanus the “great work” of Magnus Pegel

(1547–1619), who had been his teacher during his four years at the University of Rostock. “Matrikelportal Rostock

—Datenbankedition der Immatrikulationen an der Universität Rostock 1419–1945,” http://matrikel.uni-rostock.de/

(accessed 12 November 2013): Michael Meierus “Chilionensis” [=from Kiel], WS 1586/1587, Nr. 38. On Pegelius,see Otto Krabbe, Die Universität Rostock im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert (Rostock: Stiller, 1854), 736–37. Pegelius was

in contact with Emperor Rudolf II and published a book on inventions that included flying machines and diving

devices. That Maier was taught astronomy by Pegelius contrasts with Tilton ’s assumption that Maier’s teacher

there had been Heinrich Bruchaeus (Quest for the Phoenix, 44).53 Both Maier and Brahe were patronised by the German humanist and governor of Holstein, Heinrich Rantzau (1526–

1598); Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 46.54 Michael Maier, Septimana philosophica (Frankfurt: Lucas Jennis, 1620), 62: “Totum enim coelum antiquis Aegyptiis

huius artis peritissimis visum fuit instar tabulae rasae, aut codicis explicati, in quo stellae sint literae, seu sydera hier-oglyphica, quae praecipua Philosophorum arcana ipsis involuta teneant et conservent, prae vulgo autem aliisque

ignaris abscondant et celent.”55 Maier, Septimana philosophica, 64–65.56 The approach is reminiscent of Kepler’s compromise attempt to defend a true astrology against critics of the art like

Philipp Feselius as well as against the simplistic astrology of calendar makers: see Nicolas Roudet, “Le Tertius inter-

veniens (1610), réponse de l’astrologue Kepler au médecin Feselius,” in Kepler: La physique céleste, ed. Edouard

Mehl and Nicolas Roudet (Paris: les Belles Lettres, 2011), 165–205, on 167–70.57 On Nagel, see Leigh Penman, “Climbing Jacob’s Ladder: Crisis, Chiliasm and Transcendence in the Thought of Paul

Nagel (†1624), a Lutheran Dissident during the Time of the Thirty Years ’ War,” Intellectual History Review 20(2010): 201–26. Nagel’s 1613 manuscript of the Fama fraternitatis is held by the Wellcome Library in London:

Carlos Gilly, Cimelia Rhodostaurotica: Die Rosenkreuzer im Spiegel der zwischen 1610 und 1660 entstandenen

10 NILS LENKE ET AL.

http://matrikel.uni-rostock.de/








doctrine closely resembled those of Sperber and Weigel before him; spurning

rational metaphysics and Scholastic theology, Nagel relied upon the Book of Revel-ation and the Holy Spirit itself for his astrological predictions of an imminent apoc-

alypse, which would coincide with the great conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in the

fiery trigon of Leo, Aries, and Sagittarius in 1623.

58

According to Maier, Nagel “hasdemonstrated well enough, in his talk as well as in his tracts, that he does not deal

with the common astrology.”59 This positive evaluation of Nagel and his work

suggests that Maier’s own religious sympathies were less orthodox than he had por-

trayed them to be in print, and confirm Leibenguth’s suspicion that his staunch

Lutheranism was increasingly integrated with a spiritualist (i.e. inspirationist) orien-

tation in later years.60 Indeed, Nagel was a marginalised figure at the time of Maier’s

association with him — he had been investigated and fined by the Lutheran auth-

orities, who banned trade in his books and allegedly forbade his burial in a church-

yard.61 In 1622, Staricius mentioned to Gebhardt Johann that Nagel had offered

him copies of all his secrets and Cabalistic writings,62 although we do not know

whether von Alvensleben accepted this covert offer and obtained these copies, nor

if he made them available to Maier.

Nevertheless, Maier’s own astrological tract was of a very different order to those

of Nagel. It consisted of a number of astrological tables pertaining to the houses,

Zodiac signs and planets, together with a commentary in Latin of undisclosed

length. Its purpose was merely to help von Alvensleben interpret the horoscope of

his son cast by Heringius/Heiringius, as well as to aid in the casting of the horoscope

of Maier’s own son. As preparatory reading, Maier notes, “I have Robert Fludd’s

first volume on astrology”63— probably Fludd’s Utriusque cosmi maioris, the

first volume of which (1617) deals with the divisions of the heavenly bodies and

their influence upon the earth.64

Nevertheless, as he lacks an ephemeris such as that of Origanus, Maier reports

that he has had to postpone his astrological work, and instead offers von

57 Continued Handschriften und Drucke. Ausstellung der Bibliotheca Philosophica Hermetica Amsterdam und der Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel (Amsterdam: In de Pelikaan, 1995), 27.

58 Penman, “Climbing Jacob’s Ladder,” 202.59 Letter 3, 32 (German), 33 (English).60 Leibenguth, Hermetische Poesie des Frühbarock, 23–24.61 Penman, “Climbing Jacob’s Ladder,” 216.62 NHStA H, Dep. 83 B, 228, Letter from Staricius to G.J.v.A, dated the Friday before Pentecost, 1622: “sonsten hatt

mir Nagelius zuentboten, das er vmb eine pillige ergözung er mir alle seine secreta vndt cabalistica sampt vndt

sonderß abzuschreiben lassen vndt zuschicken wolle.”63 Letter 4, dated 11 February 1622, 32 (German), 33 (English).64 Robert Fludd, Utriusque cosmi maioris scilicet et minoris metaphysica, physica atque technica historia , vol. 1, part 1

(Oppenheim: De Bry, 1617). Maier does not mention a closer relationship with Fludd. As he does so for several others

(Brahe, Nagel, Anthony, Khunrath) in these letters and is generally eager to mention such relationships as credentials

for his knowledge, we can probably conclude ex silentio that he had no closer relationship to Fludd: cf. Figala andNeumann, “Author Cui Nomen Hermes Malavici,” 133; Leibenguth, Hermetische Poesie des Frühbarock, 54;

Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 27, n.109.




Alvensleben a small unfinished tract on geomancy.65 This constitutes a type of “ter-

restrial astrology,” Maier tells his patron, which can be practised without the use of

an almanac. He tells von Alvensleben that all sorts of facts can be revealed through

this art, and if he finds it conforms with the laws of nature Maier promises to con-

tinue with his work on the requisite geomantic tables.It is conceivable that Maier derived this newfound interest from Fludd, as the first

volume of the Utriusque cosmi maioris also contains his De geomantia.66 In any

case, Maier’s efforts in the divinatory arts are further evidence that he had embarked

on an intellectual course that might incur the wrath of religious orthodoxy — a

danger succinctly illustrated by the dispute between his patron Gebhardt Johann

and the aforementioned Lutheran pastor, Albinus Nietzsch. In the concepts of the

letters by Gebhardt Johann that deal with this dispute, he writes that Nietzsch

had been attacking him for some time because of his interest in astrology, especially

the art of creating nativities.67

Finally, there is one curious detail in Maier’s comments on these matters: when he

lists the planets in an astrological context, he speaks of the sun “cum suis satellitibus

♀. et ” (“with its satellites, [Venus] and [Mercury]”). This could be read as a refer-

ence to a cosmological model in which only Venus and Mercury circle around the

sun (and the others around the Earth), i.e. the Capellan geo-heliocentrism developed

by Paul Wittich (ca.1546–1586).68 As Maier had made use of the model of Chris-

toph Rothmann (a variant of Tycho Brahe’s model) in the Septimana philosophicasome two years earlier,69 his apparent reversion here to the proto-Tychonic model

indicates a certain vacillation in astronomical matters. Again, this is perhaps explic-

able in terms of the intellectual preferences of his patrons.

Maier as “Paracelsian” physician

Maier’s letters to von Alvensleben provide us with an opportunity to reassess Maier’s

position within intellectual history, specifically with regard to the tension and inter-

action between Galenic and Paracelsian medical paradigms.70 Indeed, contrary to

65 Geomancy is a form of divination achieved by creating random patterns of dots, which are then used to form figures

corresponding to the astrological houses, Zodiac signs and planets in their various aspects. See Thérèse Charmasson,

Recherches sur une technique divinatoire: la géomancie dans l ’occident medieval (Genève: Droz, 1980).66 C. H. Josten, “Robert Fludd’s Theory of Geomancy and his Experience at Avignon in the Winter of 1601 to 1602,”

Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 27 (1964): 327–35, on 328; Robert Fludd, Utriusque cosmi maiorisscilicet et minoris metaphysica, physica atque technica historia (Oppenheim: De Bry, 1618), vol. 1, part 2, 715–83.

67 Concept dated 16 May 1623: “verworffen vnd verdammet, vnd demnach kein Christ mit gutem gewissen sich auff das nativitet stellen befleissigen könte.”

68 For a manuscript representation of this cosmology, see Owen Gingerich and Robert Westman, The Wittich Connec-tion: Conflict and Priority in Late 16th Century Cosmology (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1988),

51.69 Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 84f.70 In recent years this topic has been the subject of a lively scholarly discussion: while earlier writers [e.g. R. J. W. Evans,

Rudolf II and his World : A Study in Intellectual History, 1576–1612 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973), 205;

W. Hubicki, “Maier, Michael,” in Dictionary of Scientific Biography, ed. Charles C. Gillispie (New York: Scribner,

1974), vol. 9, 23] had concluded from Maier ’s praise of Paracelsus that he was himself a Paracelsian, Stiehle[“Michael Maierus Holsatus (1569–1622): Ein Beitrag zur naturphilosophischen Medizin in seinen Schriften und

zu seinem wissenschaftlichen Qualifikationsprofil,” PhD. diss., Zentralinstitut für Geschichte der Technik der




Leibenguth, this correspondence indicates that it is precisely on the question of

magic that Maier’s practice converges with that of Paracelsus and his followers.71

While Maier’s printed works follow late antique and medieval Christian tradition

in advocating a licit natural magic dealing with the astral virtues inhering in both

herbal and alchemical remedies, in his letters Maier goes further in offering hispatron knowledge of the supernatural, white magical remedies operating by virtue

of the vis imaginativa.

The letters suggest that Maier’s willingness to countenance theologically suspect

remedies was — like his turn to astrology and geomancy— tailored to the procliv-

ities of potential patrons and patients in increasingly desperate socio-economic

times, thus confirming Stiehle’s estimation of Maier as something of an opportunist.

We may infer that Gebhardt Johann (who operated his own iatrochemical labora-

tory) had an anti-Galenic attitude, as Staricius, who had a close business relationship

with him, also attacks Galenic medicine in his letters.72 In any case, Maier’s letters

tell us something of the economic factors impinging upon the negotiation of discur-

sive boundaries between the Galenic and Paracelsian medical paradigms in the early

modern period; specifically, they reveal the considerable currency of privileged eso-

teric knowledge, which might cause more trouble with the secular and ecclesiastical

authorities than it was worth in printed form, but could nevertheless be profitably

offered to patrons in manuscript and/or oral form.73 In a sense, Maier performs

the role of an “entrepreneurial alchemist,”74 or more specifically a participant in

the “economy of secrets,” as Jütte describes it.75

Once again, his patron’s conflict with the local pastor can illuminate this point

further. In addition to their conflict on nativities, Nietzsch also attacked Gebhardt

Johann for trading letters concerning “hidden secrets” with Staricius, as had been

70 Continued Technischen Universität München, 1991] demonstrated the overwhelmingly Galenic orientation of Maier’s medical

practice. For his part, Leibenguth (Hermetische Poesie des Frühbarock, 73) argued that Maier was a “conciliarist,”

i.e. one of a number of physicians in the generation of Sennert who attempted to unite the Galenic and Paracelsianparadigms (cf. Joachim Telle, “Paracelsus in Deutschland: Bemerkungen zum Paracelsusbild des 16. und 17. Jahr-

hunderts,” in Paracelse et les siens. Colloque des 15 et 16 décembre 1994 à la Sorbonne , Aries, old series, No. 19

(Paris: La table d’e’meraude, 1995), 35–50, on 40).71 While Leibenguth (Hermetische Poesie des Frühbarock, 71–72) depicted Maier’s chief divergence from Paracelsian

theory as a rejection of natural magic and the operation of a vis imaginativa, Tilton [“Review of Erik Leibenguth,

Hermetische Poesie des Frühbarock: Die ‘ Cantilenae intellectuales’ Michael Maiers, Edition mit Übersetzung, Kom-mentar und Bio-Bibliographie (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 2002),” Aries 4 (2004): 232–37] demonstrated this was a mis-

reading of the relevant passage in Maier’s Themis aurea, hoc est, de legibusFraternitatis R. C. tractatus (Frankfurt amMain: Lucas Jennis, 1618), 124–25.

72 In a letter from Staricius to Gebhardt Johann dated 25 June 1618 he says with respect to Francis Anthony that he was

“von den Galenischen Medicis nuhn in die 15. Jhar vff eußriste|getrucket vndt verfolget worden.”73 Today there is an extensive and ever-growing scholarly literature on the history of esoteric traditions in Europe;

eschewing its loose contemporary usage, here we use the term ‘esoteric’ in accordance with its etymology, following

William Eamon, Science and the Secrets of Nature: Books of Secrets in Medieval and Early Modern Culture (Prin-

ceton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 46.74 Cf. Tara Nummedal, Alchemy and Authority in the Holy Roman Empire (Chicago: University Press, 2007), 12;

Nummedal describes such entrepreneurs as the peddlers of “practical books, secrets, techniques, and labour in avibrant market for alchemical goods and services.”75 Jütte, Zeitalter des Geheimnisses.




reported to him by two unnamed witnesses.76 Gebhardt Johann defended himself

against the attack by denying that he had exchanged any secrets with the “famous

chymist” Staricius, other than, perhaps, some “medical recipes” which they

needed to preserve their health.77 However, he also asserted that it could not be

against Holy Scripture to preserve “good” secrets.

78

On this point, he quoted“the philosophers,” who not only described the secret of the Philosophers’ Stone

in “dark words,” but also made it clear that anybody who tried to publish such a

secret would be punished with a cruel death in order to protect the arcana against

the “godless” world that abuses every good thing.79

Whether or not he knew of this incident, Maier would have known that any

written evidence of recourse to the supernatural agencies in magical practice might

expose him to similar accusations. However, dire circumstances made that risk

worth taking, and of course Maier knew well how to attract patrons by cannily

employing esoteric tropes and the lure of secrets in his correspondence. Thus, in

two letters,80 Maier mentions a medical work that he has written but not yet pub-

lished or printed. The title is given as Strategemata medica triaria (Three Medical Strategies) and the work is described as being written in Latin and split into

“approximately” ten parts (or “books”), of which the first is called“De generalibus”

(Concerning General Matters) and the second “De Capite” (Concerning the Head).

The work covers all parts of the body from the head to the “soles of the feet,” describ-

ing their diseases and how to cure them.81 Maier explains that, after organising the

book to contain all the medical secrets he could find, from other authors as well as

from his own praxis, he began to doubt whether it was suitable to be revealed to

the “common man.”82 However, he offers to dedicate one or all of the books to

von Alvensleben privately “et quasi in secreto” and to translate them into German.

In his correspondence, Maier confirms the receipt of goods valued at one hundred

Thaler as advance payment for the books to be delivered by him.83 However, it is

76 NHStA H, Dep. 83 B, 228, undated and incomplete manuscript (missing beginning and conclusion), not by Gebhardt

Johann: “Ihr Gest. hette heimliche Secreta, vnd wechselte briefe mit einem der hieß Staritius …”77 The same manuscript quotes Gebhardt Johann: “Sie hetten keine Secreta, hetten Sie aber Secreta, so wehrens Med-

icinische Recepta, welche Sie zu erhaltung Ihrer gesundheit ia nothwendig haben musten …”; and a little later

“ Johannem Staritium, welcher ein vortreflicher gelerter Man vnd ein berühmter Chÿmicus ist …”78 NHStA H, Dep. 83 B, 228: “es auch wieder die Heÿlige Schrift vnd das gewissen, löbliche geheimnüssen ohne

vnterscheit zustraffen vnd zu offenbahren …”79 NHStA H, Dep. 83 B, 228: “das hohe Secretum naturæ Lapidis philosophici nicht allein dermassen mit verdunck-

elten worten beschreiben, sondern auch klerlich anzeigen, das alle, so die kunst publiciren, eines Bösen todes

sterben werden, damit es ia der gottlosen welt, so alles gute misbrauchet, verborgen sein vnd bleiben möge.” Thistopos — ubiquitous in the literature — of an ethical or even contractual duty of the alchemist to keep certain

arcana secret is succinctly expressed by Paul Jöstel in a letter dated 23 May 1616, where he states that setting

down all steps of the alchemical process leading to the Philosophers’ Stone “ist die höchste verfluchte verdamnuß,

nach aller philosophen meinung vnd göttlichem gebott.”80 Letters 2 and 3.81 This had been a standard model for organising medical practicae since the Middle Ages: see, for instance, Luke

E. Demaitre, Medieval Medicine: The Art of Healing, from Head to Toe (Santa Barbara, Denver, and Oxford:

Praegar, 2013).82

A statement reminiscent of Maier’s description of the Rosicrucian order’s policy of not ‘prostituting’ knowledge bysharing it with unworthy people: Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 164.83 Letter 4, 32 (German); 33 (English).




unclear how much of this work, and of the astrological work that von Alvensleben

also ordered, was actually created and/or translated by Maier — and what, if any-

thing, ever reached the hands of the patron. In March 1622, Maier acknowledges

that he still needs to deliver nine medical books, and in his very last letter dated

18 July he promises to send the works that he still owes soon. It is unclearwhether this refers to the medical or the astrological books or both, but Maier

had at least sent samples or chapter drafts of the astrological work to elicit feedback

from von Alvensleben.

Whether the medical book was written or not, Maier’s short summary at least

offers a glimpse of its content, and thus of Maier’s medical practice at this late

point in his life. From the summary it seems to have been more Paracelsian and

less Galenic in nature than Maier’s other known medical writings. The process of

curing diseases is described in two stages: in the first, which is covered in the first

volume, a universal medicine is to be applied which is directed against the causes

of all diseases alike. This will cure those diseases which are not yet deeply rooted.

If a disease is already rooted or “implanted,” in the second step a specific medicine

targeted at the specific disease of the specific body part is to be applied. These Spe-cifica remedia are again divided into three different types. First, the Antipathica have

an occult, specific power of a “magnetic” nature against the disease. Second, the

Transplantativa are all taken from animals or their parts. They attract the occult

power of the disease and transplant it from the human body to the animal part

“as has been proven in several hundred examples.”84 And third, the Hyperphysicaor “supernatural”85 remedies operate via the imagination and include characters,

rings, pendants, periapts, and pentacles.86 This class of remedies is also referred

to by Maier as “white physica,” presumably to distinguish them from the illegiti-

mate black magical practices he had attacked in his printed works.87

In sum, if the unmistakeably Paracelsian and supernatural elements in the Strate- gemata medica triaria are evidence of “conciliarism,” then it seems to be first and

foremost a conciliarism of practice rather than theory, driven by opportunist

motives in the harsh economic circumstances imposed not only by a society in

decline but also by Maier’s ultimately tragic vocation.

84 The concept expressed here is clearly Paracelsian in nature: Eduard Stemplinger, “Die Transplantation in der antiken

Medizin: Ein Beitrag zur vergleichenden Volksmedizin,” Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 12 (1920): 33–49.85 It is not clear whether Maier himself coined the term “hyperphysica” as a synonym for “supernatural” or if he refers

to the term as defined by Johannes Magirus in the late sixteenth century. Cf. Sachiko Kusukawa, “Nature’s Regu-larity in Some Protestant Natural Philosophy Textbooks, 1530–1630,” in Natural Law and Laws of Nature inEarly Modern Europe, ed. Lorraine Daston and Michael Stolleis (Farnham: Ashgate, 2008), 105–22, on 118.

86 This apparent reference to the imagination as a gateway to supernatural forces contrasts not only with Leibenguth

(see n. 71) but also with Volkhard Wels, “Poetischer Hermetismus: Michael Maiers Atalanta fugiens (1617/18),” in

Konzepte des Hermetismus in der Literatur der Frühen Neuzeit , ed. Peter-André Alt and Volkhard Wels (Göttingen:Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 2010), 153.87 Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 163–64.




The proper theosophia

Despite Maier’s apparent willingness to try his hand at talismanic magic, in his

letters to Gebhardt Johann he nevertheless retains an orthodox Lutheran hostility

towards those practitioners of chymia who foolishly conflate their art with theolo-

gical matters. Heinrich Khunrath (1560–1605) is the object of his criticism in thisregard, and in his words concerning his older contemporary we also receive a

clear impression of Maier’s views on the proper methods of gaining knowledge.

The role that empirical studies played for Maier has been debated in the past;88

on the one hand he shows a dislike for “empiricists” without a university education,

and on the other he refers to extensive empirical work of his own while criticising

purely speculative or abstract reasoning.89 These inclinations reflect the aforemen-

tioned negotiation between Scholastic “book-learning” and empirical Paracelsian

paradigms, and express what we might describe as a theoretically founded empiri-

cism. It is an approach exemplified in one of the current letters90 responding to arequest by Gebhardt Johann for Maier’s judgment upon two “Cabalistic”91

books, which are unnamed in Maier’s letter, except that Maier refers to the

second as “Amphiteatrum.” This allows us to identify it (together with other

clues92) as Khunrath’s Amphitheatrum Sapientiae Aeternae (1609).93

Maier begins by mentioning that he met Khunrath in 1601. Next we learn that in

1609 a nobleman secretly revealed to him how he had been betrayed by Khunrath,

whom he had paid two hundred Reichsthaler (a servant told Maier that it was actu-

ally two thousand) to receive Khunrath’s secret theory of the lapis philosophorum.

He called this Philosophers’ Stone “Magnesiam Philosophorum” (“Magnesia of thePhilosophers”), but the whole theory, as it turned out, was based upon Silex (flint-

stone). According to Maier this is erroneous: the propagation of animals occurs

through animal semen, just as terrestrial plants are propagated through plant

seeds, and metals through a metallic seed. Since Silex belongs to the mineral

kingdom, how can it be used to create metals? This is only possible because Khun-

rath claims that Silex is “Catholic” (in the sense of “universal”), i.e. it is a fundamen-

tal principle underlying the whole world. However, Maier argues, in that case

Khunrath is also necessarily including the domain of religion, and hence his

theory does not belong to the categories of Theosophy, Chymia, or Physica (revealed

88 Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 70f., 146; Calian, Spiritual Alchemy, 4, 18.89 Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 44.90 Letter 7, 38ff. (German); 30ff. (English).91 In Letter 7, Maier contrasts “Cabalistic” communication with print publication, thus referring to esoteric, oral com-

munication in the manner of the Jewish and Christian Cabalists. He continues with a standard Christian Cabalistic

definition of the term Cabala as “the working of miracles through divine revelation and the invocation of the names

of God,” and states that the best path to a true and divine Cabala is provided by the “true ground and well of Israel.”92 Maier’s quotes from the book match Khunrath’s Amphitheatrum, while the inventory of Gebhardt Johann’s books

lists “Amphitheatrum Henrici Kuhnrath.”93 Heinrich Khunrath, Amphitheatrum Sapientiae Aeternae, Solius, Verae, Christiano-Kabalisticum, Divino-Magicum,Physico-Chymicum, Tertriunum-Catholicon (Hanau: n.p., 1609).




through the Light of Nature). Rather, it belongs to theology (and a theology that is in

conflict with true religion).

While Maier concedes that the Cabala enables “great miracles” to be effected

through divine revelation and the invocation of the names of God, this is the

domain of the Light of Grace and not that of the Light of Nature. As Forshawnotes, Khunrath was in fact careful to distinguish between the natural and the super-

natural realms, and possessed a finely developed sense of the disparate exegetical

levels on which Scripture and the Book of Nature may be read.94 Nevertheless,

among the examples Maier gives of the “godforsaken, shameless manner” in which

Khunrath conflates the sacred with the profane, none seems to provoke his ire more

than the lapis-Christ parallel for which Khunrath is so well known. Referring to

page 214 of the Amphitheatrum (1609 edition), Maier fumes that there one can see

“the Silex with the letters IHESV, Daniel 2.34 and 45, Filius mundi maioris. Such con-

ceits do not belong to Theosophy, and much less to natural science or chymia, for they

contradict God, Nature, reason and experience!”95 Maier states that if he had ever

held an opinion that was only the hundredth part as wrong as Khunrath’s, he

would be ashamed — and that despite the fact that he himself has had three

hundred opinions in his career which, one after the other, were proven wrong by

further investigations and experience. However, at least these had been in accordance

with nature: what should one make of a theory on creating metals that leaves the realm

of the metals altogether and moves into the realm of stones and minerals?

This expression of Maier’s theoretically founded empiricism is reminiscent of the

posthumously published Ulysses, in which he describes himself as a “practical phys-

ical philosopher” who learned from “many waves of errors”; this is in contrast to

those who built their works on abstract ideas, i.e. the “purely speculative philoso-

pher[s].”96 Such a philosopher was Khunrath, whose “self-invented Stone was not

the Stone of the Philosophers but rather that of the imagination.”97 This enthusiast’s

reliance on speculative fancy has led Khunrath to interpret the articles of Christian

faith in the light of his silex, and it is this fact that outrages Maier most: “Neither I

nor any good Christian can interpret this in a positive way, and as a consequence he

has been horribly ridiculed in many tracts, as he well deserves.”98

Maier ’s private life

Despite the inroads that have been made into Maier’s biography in recent decades,

few facts concerning his family life have been uncovered. Although it is known that

94 Peter J. Forshaw, “‘Paradoxes, Absurdities, and Madness’: Conflict over Alchemy, Magic and Medicine in the Works

of Andreas Libavius and Heinrich Khunrath,” Early Science and Medicine 13 (2008): 53–81, on 77; Peter J. Forshaw,

“Vitriolic Reactions: Orthodox Responses to the Alchemical Exegesis of Genesis,” in The Word and the World: Bib-lical Exegesis and Early Modern Science, ed. Kevin Killeen and Peter J. Forshaw (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan,

2007), 111–36, on 117–18.95 Letter 7, 40 (German); 41 (English).96

Michael Maier, Tractatus posthumus, sive Ulysses (Frankfurt am Main: Lucas Jennis, 1624), 29.97 Letter 7, 40 (German); 41 (English).98 Letter 7, 40 (German); 41 (English).




he married in Frankfurt, and that his wife was pregnant in April 1618, no sources

have been available to tell us of the result of that pregnancy, or if there were any

other children.99 Now in letter 6 we learn that as of 1621/1622 Maier was still

married and had multiple children, among whom he mentions his (only?) son

Petrus Aurelius,

100

born in Magdeburg on 28 December 1619 at 3:30 PM.

101

Star-icius mentions Maier’s widow in 1623, so she was obviously still alive then; an

assistant or famulus is also mentioned in the same context.102

The correspondence with Gebhardt Johann also demonstrates the Maier family’s

declining fortunes amid the early years of the Thirty Years’ War. Maier tells his

patron that he was not very successful as a doctor in Magdeburg, partly because

he was little known there, and partly because the people were not willing to pay

for medical treatment due to the circumstances of the war — and, as Maier

claims, because customers were more interested in inheriting from their sick relatives

than paying money to heal them.103 In March, he reports that the city gates have

been closed for the last two weeks and few supplies have come in. Those who

have nothing to trade or sell (and this includes all learned people) are having a

hard time sustaining themselves.104 Maier also claims to have made losses on his

printed books.105 While he was paid twenty-one Batzen106 per sheet by his distribu-

tors, his own costs for the production of his Emblemata (probably the Atalantafugiens, 1618) already came to twenty-five Batzen per sheet.

Although Maier was surely trying to gain the sympathy of his patron, he had good

reason to complain. Billon (copper and silver alloy) Batzen were undergoing a

drastic devaluation at this time, as the market was flooded with adulterated

coinage containing increasingly higher percentages of base metal,107 thus com-

pounding Maier’s losses. The extent of Maier’s hardship is demonstrated by his

report a little later in March that he is afraid to lose some items (his wife ’s silver

girdle and a few golden bracelets) which he had pawned six months earlier to

obtain some money; with interest the total sum needed to repay the loan and

recover the items is now around 140 common Thaler or twenty Reichsthaler.108

Maier’s health also seems to have been affected at this time: in letter 9, when describ-

ing a trip to Lübeck planned for after the Easter of 1622, he states that he will not go

if he can avoid it due to his weakness.109 This confirms Tilton’s assertion that Maier

was “shipwrecked in health” around the time he finished his Ulysses (which

99 Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 181–82.100 I.e. “Golden Stone,” clearly a fitting name for the son of an alchemist. The authors would like to thank Peter Forshaw

for pointing this out.101 Letter 4, 32 (German); 33 (English).102 NHStA H, Dep. 83 B, 228, Letter from Staricius to Gebhardt Johann dated 30 August 1623.103 Letter 3, 31 (German); 31 (English).104 Letter 7, 34 (German); 35 (English).105 Letter 3, 30 (German); 31 (English).106 1 Reichsthaler = 23 Batzen.107 Max Donebauer, “Münzverkehr in der Kipper-Periode während der Jahre 1621 bis 1623,” Numismatische Zeits-

chrift 18 (1886): 359–68, on 361.108 Letter 6, 36f. (German); 37f. (English).109 Letter 7, 42 (German); 43 (English).




appeared in 1624, two years after his death),110 and also resonates with the themes

of frustration and melancholy that were discovered in Maier’s life and works by the

same author.111

Maier ’s final projects

Yet Maier was still actively working on his alchemical experiments in the last months

of his life, and continuing to devise strategies to persuade his patrons to part with

their money. Indeed, in one letter112 he even claims to have finally produced a

small sample of the medicine he has worked so hard to procure for twenty long

years. This is an aurum potabile far excelling in efficacy Anthony’s similar medicine,

which we learn he had promised to “a noble person in Holstein”: probably Duke

Friedrich of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorf (1597–1659), to whom he dedicated a

book shortly thereafter.113

Nevertheless, here as elsewhere in his pleas for financialsupport, we may justly suspect another ruse to loosen his patron’s purse strings. The

principle materials are exceedingly expensive, Maier continues, and not only has he

been obliged to pawn the abovementioned jewellery, he has also been severely

affected by the recent devaluation of the Schreckenberger (a heavily debased silver

coin that contributed substantially to inflation during the Kipper- und Wipperzeit ).

“Everything that cost one Schreckenberger yesterday costs two today,” Maier

laments. Owing to his dwindling finances, Maier claims he cannot acquire the

necessary gold to make more aurum potabile, and to this end he pleads with Geb-

hardt Johann for his agent Johann Wenckenbach to buy back the pawned goods.The details of this transaction supply intriguing information concerning the role

played by both Maier’s writing and his laboratory work in relation to his personal

financial affairs. Wenckenbach is to deliver one of the gold bracelets directly to

Maier, which he will use to manufacture the aurum potabile (gold being the medi-

cine’s chief ingredient). The rest of the jewellery is to be retained by Wenckenbach

as collateral until Maier fulfils his book contract and delivers the “nine medical

books” he has promised. In the absence of the required gold, Maier tells von Alven-

sleben that he has also been working on a Luna potabile (i.e. potable silver).114

Thus, in letters 8 and 9, Maier alludes to the possibility of using debased, decircu-

lated coinage as a source for his silver medicine.

Maier was still working on his Luna potabile in July 1622. In his last letter, dated

18 July, just a few weeks before his death, Maier also mentions two small works that

he has attached for von Alvensleben, one in German and one in Latin. The former is

said to have been written for his noble client to explain the difference between good

110 Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 206.111 Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 43.112 Letter 6, 36 (German); 37 (English).113 Figala and Neumann, “Author Cui Nomen Hermes Malavici,” 136.114

The production of aurum and argentum potabile went hand-in-hand in the early modern alchemical laboratory, andmay have involved colloidal forms of the precious metals used as both internal medicines and gilding tinctures: see

Tilton, “Of Ether, Entheogens and Colloidal Gold.”




and bad aurum potabile, and is not worthy of being published. However, Maier says

the other is worth publishing. As Maier refers to this tract as his “carminibus”(songs), perhaps it can be identified with the Cantilenae intellectuales de phoeniceredivivo, the dedication of which, to Duke Friedrich, is dated 25 August 1622.115

In any case, Maier declares his intention to write no more chymical books afterthis one, and instead to focus on praxis, “if God so wills it.” As we know, this

wish was not granted to Maier, as he died only a few weeks later.

It seems that Gebhardt Johann passed Maier’s works on to his favourite alchemical

advisor at the time, Sebastian Alstein (1558–1641). Alstein was a brother of Jacob

Alstein, court medicus to King Henry IV of France; he was the mayor of his home-

town and actively pursued alchemical interests. Maier’s manuscripts do not fare

well in his review, however. In December 1622 (by which time Maier was already

dead), he comments in a letter that he cannot share Maier’s enthusiasm about “the

red extract of the Aurum Vulgi,” stating that Maier must have been a fool if he

had proceeded so far in the process without then completing the last step, which

was easy in comparison, in order to produce the full aurum potabile. He then com-

pares Maier to other “quacks” who point to letters of reference instead of proving

their art by their products.116 In Alstein’s opinion, the printed works, too, have

little merit. Thus, in a letter from February 1623, he has some harsh words for

Maier’s Septimana philosophica, which is full of “horrible absurdities.”117

However, Maier found praise in another quarter. In his letter from August 1623,

Staricius reports that he had been absent from home for several months, travelling to

Livonia, and found upon his return that his dear friend Michael Maier was dead. He

could not therefore report the good news to him, that he carried with him a letter

from the Swedish King (Gustav II Adolf, the “Lion of the North”) promising to

Maier not only free housing, food, and wood, but also a salary of 2000 Reichsthalerannually.118 We cannot know whether this was true, although we may note that

115 Tilton, Quest for the Phoenix, 203; Leibenguth, Hermetische Poesie des Frühbarock, 63.116 NHStA H, Dep. 83 B, 228, Letter dated 8 December1622: “dis ist dß rechte Aurum potabile philiosophorum welches

auch Lapramvnd ander morbos, vulgaribus Medicis incurandibus, heilet, das ander so Ein auszugk der Röte das Auri

Vulgi, ist sophistisch vnd kan bey weitem nicht testiren [?] was der Autor der byden schriften davon ruhmett …Vnd

zwar wan D. Mayer dß Aurum potabile veram hatte, muste er ein gross Narr sein, dß er dasselbe also liederlich solte

distialiren, vnd es nicht viel mehr vollend zur Tincture machen, weil als den die schwerste vnd gefehrlichste arbeith

vollbracht vnd deren man nicht so viel haben kan in andert halben Jahren, dß man 2 oder 2 viel weniger mehrem zu

communiciren … diss ist aber fast lacherlich von dem gutten D. Mayer, dass er seinen vermeinten Auro potabili selber

nicht trawet, Er habe sich dan mit ander Brieffen vnd gezeugnissen wie die quackselber pflegen vervaren, da einblinder den andern leite da es doch sonsten heisset das werck lobet den meister.”

117 NHStA H, Dep. 83 B, 228, Letter dated 12 February 1623: “Hiervon ist dem Michael Meyer noch nie etwas in Sinn

kommen ob er sich gleich fur ein philosophum vermessentlich ausgeben durfen in seiner Septimana philosophica

darin greuliche absurda handgreiflich zu finden …”118 NHStA H, Dep. 83 B, 228, Letter from Staricius to Gebhardt Johann, dated 30 August 1623: “sehr schmerzlich fellt

mirß zuerfahren, dß mein treuer gesell D. Majerus |: welchß ich wohl besorget :| zur vnzeit mit tode verblichen aber

Gott nimpt die seinigen vndt besten hin weg; ich hatte, weiß Gott, seine sach dahinn gebracht, daß jhme vber alle

victualien, holzung wohnung, 2000. Reichßtaler jhärlich salarium vom König in Schweden kraft vndt inhalt

seiner majstet noch diesen augenplick bey mir ligendem handt vndt sigel versprochen vndt von gantzen Reich Schwe-den verwilliget waren, dß also ich zweifle, ob er der guten pottschafft würde frölicher worden sein denn ich gewesen

bin selbige ihme zu pringen; aber Gott vndt das glück haben also anderß providiret, dessen wille geschehe immerdar.”




Gustav was active in a war campaign in Livonia at the time.119 However, if it was

true, it seems that Maier was really close to securing the kind of lucrative patronage

for which he had so long striven without success.

Conclusion

The nine letters described here not only supply us with important new details con-

cerning Maier’s life and work, they also offer important insights into certain

aspects of the patronage of the occult sciences in early modern Germany. It is appar-

ent that Maier’s activities and their associated paradigms belonged to two parallel

domains of patronage, the one readily accessible via his printed works and the

other less visible to historians due to its transmission in oral and manuscript

form. Times of economic hardship in particular might encourage greater recourse

to restricted realms of knowledge and practice, the properly esoteric pursuits thatcould be privately practised and publicly disowned by one and the same practitioner

in the name of political and theological expediency. Nevertheless, even if Maier was

prepared to countenance the talismanic magic of certain “supernatural” remedies

himself, we have also seen that the Paracelsian blurring of the boundaries between

the natural and the divine worlds remained a sensitive issue for him even within

his private correspondence, and he could not consent to what he viewed as Khun-

rath’s complete conflation of these two realms.

The letters also provide further insight into the role of the “economy of secrets” in

courtly patronage in the early modern German lands. They nurture the hope of similar finds in the future, particularly given the fact that electronic access to

German archives is constantly improving. On this count, it is clear from the nine

letters that Gebhardt Johann von Alvensleben received a number of manuscript

works from Maier, several of which are otherwise unknown to scholarship. These

may yet survive in some other portion of the von Alvensleben archives, while

Danzig and Hamburg are possible locations of interest with regard to further undis-

covered manuscripts and correspondence.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank Jennifer Rampling, Erik Leibenguth, Tillmann

Taape, and the anonymous reviewers for their invaluable comments and help.

Notes on contributors

Nils Lenke holds a Ph.D. in Computational Linguistics and works in the area of

Human-Computer Interaction. In his free time, he enjoys researching the history

119 Allgemeine deutsche Real-Encyklopädie für die gebildeten Stände (Conversations-Lexikon) , 8th ed. (Leipzig: Broc-

khaus, 1836), vol. 9, 310.




of early modern science. Address: Waldblick 33, 53359 Rheinbach, Germany;

E-mail: [email protected].

Nicolas Roudet holds a Ph.D. from the University of Lille 3 (2001). He has been a

librarian at the University of Strasbourg since 2005. Address: 26, rue de la Lam-proie, 67000 Strasbourg, France; E-mail: [email protected].

Hereward Tilton teaches on early modern German history at the University of

Exeter. He holds degrees in the history of Western esotericism and the psychology

of religion, and has published work on Rosicrucianism, alchemy, and magic, most

notably his book The Quest for the Phoenix: Spiritual Alchemy and Rosicrucianismin the Work of Count Michael Maier (1569–1622). Address: Department of History,

University of Exeter, Amory Building, Rennes Drive, Exeter, Devon EX4 4RJ;

E-mail: [email protected].


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Appendix: The Letters of Michael Maier

Apart from an inventory of the belongings, which is NHStA H Dep. 83 B, Nr. 90 [1],

all the manuscripts cited are to be found in NHStA H Dep. 83 B, Nr. 228. Unfortu-

nately, there is no numbering of documents or pagination in this item, hence manu-

scripts and letters, including those by Maier, have been quoted by author, addressee,and date throughout this article.

In preparing this edition we have used the following transcription conventions:

• Latin characters are represented by italics.• Missing text (due to textual lacunae) is represented by square brackets: by

“[<text>]” for speculative interpolations, and “…” if no such speculation was

possible. The square brackets also indicate the expansion of abbreviated text.• Uncertain transcriptions are marked as [<text>?] or [?] for passages for which the

authors could not guess a reasonable reading.

• Maier’s original spelling and punctuation have been retained, including the use of “j” for “i,” and “v” for “u” (and vice versa).

• Page breaks are indicated by “|.”

An English translation is provided for the sake of readers not fluent in early

modern German. In preparing the translation we have used the following guidelines:

• Where Maier uses Latin expressions, or Germanised equivalents in Latin charac-

ters, we have retained the italics in the English translation. In some cases, e.g.

where an English translation does not adequately convey the sense of the original,

the Latin translation has been retained and an explanation provided in the foot-

notes. Modern English does not lend itself well to translating the very long sen-

tences used by Maier (quite in keeping with the habit of his time). We have

sought a middle ground between mimicking Maier’s syntax in order to facilitate

comparison with the German original, and breaking up sentences in accordance

with English syntax.• Rather than seeking to reproduce Maier’s early modern style by choosing archaic

English expressions, we have generally adopted modern English terms.• Where the German text is in doubt, as indicated above, in the English translation

we have either glossed passages or else opted for the most likely reading.




German text

Letter 1: Michael Maier to a servant of Gebhard Johann vonAlvensleben; Magdeburg, 4 November 1621

Mein freundtliche dienste befor Ehrsamer, guter, wie wol vnbekanter herr vnd freundt, jch kannicht vmbgen de[m] herren freundtlicher meinunge zu vorstendigen, wie jch newlicher tagenzu Lubeck angelanget, vnd vnter anderen jn eines meiner guter freunde, mit namen JohannesStaricius, Juris & Med [icinae]: Licentiatus, gesprech geraten, Darein Eures Gestrengen Junck-ern, wie er ein besonderer liebhaber der Natur geheimnuss vnd tief gegrunden Medicinalienerfunden werde gedacht: Nachdem dan vorgedachter her[r] Staricius angedeutet, daß erbeÿ ihm ein schachtlein sambt einem briefe habe, so er ganß gerne wolte das es durch euchjhrer gestrenge selbst behendiget würde, so habe jch mich gudtwilig anbotten, wie er danauch an mir begereret, euch solcheß schachtlein, mit der offerirung daß jch jhrer G[estrenge].mit allen muglichen diensten ohn daß zu wilfertigen geflißen; Deweil dann Jhr G[estrenge].vnter anderen daß Englische Aurum Potabile hat abholen laßen vnd auch solches zu jhrs

leibeß gesundheit angewendet, so kan jch nicht vmbghen, wiewol ohn rumhen meinerPerson, oder deß authoris Francisci Antonÿ nachteil, zu bekennen, daß jch daß gantze Latei-nische buch Apologia genandt, davon geschrieben | jn die feder gefaßet, vnd damit demAuthori auff die fuße geholfen, deweil er teglich beÿ mir, und ich hinwider beÿ jhm, wiebrüder geweßen; waß sonsten anlanget deßelbem bereitung, nutz vnd gebrauch, wie auchandere vnterschiedtliche Medicinalien konte davon zu gelegener zeit einem deßen begirig gen-ugsamer vnterrichtung geschen; Solcheß wolle der herr jhr G[estrenge]. andeuten, vnd ihrmeine stetz willige dienste, deßen dießes der geringste, vormelden; Bin Euch mit aller gebürwiderumb zu vilfertigem erbietigg, Dabam Magdeburgi 4. Novemb[ris]: Anno 1621.

E[uer].g[uter].f[reund].Michael Majer Med [icinae]:

Doctor &c: Com[es]: Pal [atinus]:

Letter 2: Michael Maier to Gebhard Johann von Alvensleben;Magdeburg, 26 November 1621

Woll Edler, Gestrenger vnd Ehrenvester Juncker, nach erbietung meiner gans willigen vnd stetsbereiten dienste kan jch nicht vnterlassen, auf gistrige ansuchung vnd beÿ dero diener freundt-liche erforschung, von wegen eines meiner bucher, so in der Medicin zustande gebracht, jedognoch nicht gedrucket oder publiciret, dessen ohn zweifel mein sehr guter freundt JohannesStaricius [?] newlig in seinem schreibende gedacht, welches inhaltes es seÿ, vnd ob zutrucken, oder E[urer].G[estrenge]. dediciret sey, mich so wol schriftlich alse zufor mundelich,erkleren vnd an zuweisen, das vnlangst wie jch fur einem monath zu lubeck beÿ forgedachtemH. Staricio gewesen, er mich gefraget, ob jch nicht E[urer].G[estrenge]. kundschaft hatte,welche sonsten ein besonder liebhaber vnd befurderer were der geheimen Medicinalischensachen, darauf ich geantwortet, das E[urer].G[estrenge]. amptman wol ehemahl beÿ mirgewesen, aber das jch noch niemals in der zeit, da jch hier wonete, anlass gehabt beÿ derselbenmich zu jnsinueren, Er aber nachdem er E[urer].G[estrenge]. wolthaten vberflussig ihm bewie-sen hochlig gerumet, hat mir vorsprochen bene… vbersendung des schachtleines beÿ E[urer].G[estrenge]. … kundig zu machen, jnsonderheit deweil ich | wol wuste das E[uer].G[estrenge].das Englische Aurum potabile geliebet, dessen Authori jch dan die vier jarlang, die jch inengellandt gewonet, bin familiarissimus gewesen, auch so sehr, das solches buch, Apologiagenandt, so davon in Engellandt ausgangen, meines Stÿli genugsam ersthende, welches

auch die Epigrammata vnd Epistolae fur her anzeigen, auch dabeneben, das E[uer].G[estrenge]. vnter meinen bucheren ein kleines tractatlein, THemis Aurea genandt, wol




English translation

Letter 1: Michael Maier to a servant of Gebhard Johann vonAlvensleben; Magdeburg, 4 November 1621

Cordially at your service;Honourable, good, although unknown gentleman and friend: I cannot neglect to inform the

gentleman, with kind intention, that when I recently arrived in Lübeck, and among otherthings happened to speak to one of my good friends named Johannes Staricius, Licentiateof Medicine and the Law, that he mentioned your noble lord as being recognised as aspecial lover of the secrets of nature and profoundly rooted medicines. When the aforemen-tioned Mr. Staricius indicated that he was in possession of a little box and a letter which hewould like to have delivered to His Lordship by yourself, I eagerly offered my services. Con-sequently, he asked me [to bring] you the parcel and suggested that I might diligently offer allpossible services to His Lordship. Since His Lordship has sent for the English Aurum Potabileand has used it for the health of his body, I cannot help admitting — but without boasting or

detracting from the author Francis Anthony— that I myself wrote the entire Latin book calledApologia on this subject, put pen to paper and thereby helped the author to his feet, as he sawme every day and I him, for we were like brothers. With regard to its preparation, use andapplication, as well as that of other different medicines, I could at a convenient time instructanyone who so desires. The gentleman might kindly indicate this to His Lordship and let himknow that I am eager to offer my services, of which this would be the least. I am in return dulyobliged to you. Given Magdeburg the 4th of November in the year 1621.

Your good friend,Michael Majer Doctor of Medicine etc. and Count Palatine

Letter 2: Michael Maier to Gebhard Johann von Alvensleben;Magdeburg, 26 November 1621

Noble, valiant, and honourable Lord, after offering my eager and ever-ready services, and inresponse to yesterday’s friendly enquiry by your servant as to the content of the book I haveaccomplished in the area of medicine but not yet printed or published, which without doubthad been mentioned by my good friend Johannes Staricius in his recent letter, and as towhether it might be printed or dedicated to Your Lordship, I cannot omit to declare inwriting as well as speech that recently, when I was in Lübeck visiting the aforementionedMr Staricius one month ago, he asked me if I was acquainted with Your Lordship, whomhe called a special lover and patron of medical secrets. To which I answered that YourLordship’s steward had visited me before but that I had not had the opportunity during thetime I had lived here to approach Your Lordship. He, after highly praising Your Lordship ’sseveral favours towards him, promised to make me known to Your Lordship on the occasionof sending the small parcel, especially since I knew that Your Lordship loved the EnglishAurum potabile, the creator of which I was very familiar with during the four years I livedin England, so much so that the book on this subject, entitled Apologia, which was publishedin England, came substantially from my own pen, as is demonstrated by the precedingepigrams and epistles. Besides, [he mentioned] that Your Lordship may have seen at onetime a small tract entitled THemis Aurea [sic] among my books; whereupon, I warmly

thanked Mr Staricius and thought of one of my works which I have not yet published, as I




ehemals gesehen, darauf ich mich gegen dem H. Staricio freundlig bedancket, vnd vnter anderenmeiner operum, so jch noch nicht ausghen lassen, sunderen wol ein willens gewesen, jedog daranein bedencken getragen, eines Medicinalischen werckes gedacht, diesses titels StrategemataMedica Triaria etc: welches durch langer zeit gebrauch und erfarung von mir zusammen getragenso wol aus anderen authoribus alse meiner pracktick, vnd handelt auf eine andere bequemlichere

weisse alle kranckheiten des menschlichen leibes zu curiren, alse nemblig erstlig durch RemediaUniuersalia, gegen die vrsachen der kranckheiten gerichtet, welche sonsten pflegen, zerstrewet injeder krankcheit tractiret zu werden, dem waren Methodo entgegen, zum anderen durch SpecificaRemedia, eines jeden morbi specici zu wider; also das jch vom heubt an bis auf die fussolen desmenschen leib vnd dero kranckheiten theile vngefer in 10. bucher, vnd gans keine, so mercklig anihrem orte auslasse; Einer jeden [kr]anckheit aber seze jch dreierleÿ besondere [sp]ecificaRemedia, als erstlig Antipathica, | dahin gehoren alle vorneme vnd wolerfarne stucke, so ein son-derliche antipatheiam magnetischer weisse vnd aus vorborgener Specifischer kraft gegen denmorbum haben; Darnegest Transplantatiua, welche alle von thieren vnd ihren gliederen genom-men, die vorborgene kraft der kranckheit an sich ziehen vnd gleich wie transplantieren, wie danmit viel hundert exempeln hin vnd wider genugsten beweisset werdt, zum dritte seint Hyperphÿ-sica oder vbernaturliche, welche geschen durch die imagination mehrer theiles, als in characteren,ringen, anhengen, periapta, pentacula, oder weißen physica genandt; Mit diessen dreierleÿRemedÿs fure jch einen jeden morbum [?] aus [?] also wan einer solte s[ich?] dieses Methodicurandi gebrauchen, wurde er die nicht tief eingewurzelten morbos allein durch die UniversaliaRemedia, welche in einem besonderen buche fur her ghen, genugsam weg nehmen, die aber so tief eingewurzelt vnd gleich ein speciem eingepflanzet, muss man nach gebrauch der Universaliummit den specificis entweder Antipathicis oder Transplantatiuis, oder Hÿperphysicis aus demgrunde ziehen, deweil dan diesses werck fur sich ziemlig grosse, vnd die grossesten geheimnissender gansen Medicin, so viel muglich mir zu erforschen gewesen, ein sich begreiffet, so habe jchnicht vnbillig ein bedencken getragen solches zu publiciren, damit auch nicht die gans wirdigender gaben gottes vnd geheimnissen missbrauchten, jch bin aber in willen s[o]ferne es E[urer].G[estrenge]. nicht unannemlig solche derselben in latein, darein es iez ist, od[er] in deutsch,

darin es kan gesezet werden, | priuatim et quasi in secreto zuzuschreiben, deweile die selbevnter anderen von Godt sehr vberflussig entfangene gaben, auch die edle gabe der Medicin inihrem werde haltet; solches habe ich fur dismhal E[urer].G[estrenge]. mit aller dienstbarheitwollen schriftlig zu wissen fugen, hochlig bittende mir solches zum besten anzudeuten, vndmein grossgunstiger Juncker vnd patron zu sein vnd bleiben; dieselbe Gottes gnedigem schuzetrewlig empfelende, Datum Magdeburg, 26. Nov[embr]i A[nn]o .1621.

E[urer].G[estrenge].DienstwilligerMichaël Maierus D[octor]. Com[es]: Pal [atinus]:

Letter 3: Michael Maier to Gebhard Johann von Alvensleben;Magdeburg, 14 January 1622

Meine gans willige vnd stets geflissene dienste, sambt wundschung aller geluckseligkeit vonGodt dem almechtigen zu jeder zeit befor, WolEdler, Gestrenger, Ehrenvester Juncker, Gross-gunstiger herr vnd patron so wol als vielgeliebter herr Gefatter, jch thue mich fur lestmahligeubergesendete wolmeinende Geschencke zum hogsten bedancken, wie dan auch das E[uer].G[estrenge]. mir seine hochsinnige labores von der Astrologia Genethlialogica hat communi-ciret vnd sehen lassen, das aber mein Iudicium darvber begeret werde, ist solches zu diesserzeit von meinen Studÿs abgewende, dan ob wol jch ein besonder liebhaber der waren Astro-nomiæ seÿ, darein jch dan ezliche obseruationes Instrumentis, auch Calculationes aus dem

tabulis prutenicis vnd Schönen der Eclypsium, auch themata figurarum coeli ehemals tractiretvnd vorrichtet, so habe ich dennoch ad iudicium astrologicum zu ergrunden mich niemals




had initially intended to do so but then had second thoughts. It is entitled StrategemataMedica Triaria etc., which I have compiled based upon extensive practice and experience,both from the other authors as well as my own praxis. It is concerned with the cure of allthe diseases of the human body in a different, more convenient manner. That is to say,firstly by universal remedies directed at the causes of the diseases, which are otherwise

usually treated differently for each disease, contrary to the true method . Secondly, by specificremedies against the specifics of each disease. Thus, I partition the parts of the human bodyfrom the head to the soles of the feet, along with their diseases, into approximately ten books,and do not omit any [diseases] which can be observed in those locations. Against every diseaseI set three specific remedies: firstly Antipathica, which comprise all noble and tested items witha special antipathy against the disease, [acting] in a magnetic manner from a hidden specificforce; secondly, Transplantativa, which are all taken from animals and their body parts anddraw the hidden force of the disease to themselves, as if transplanting it, as is sufficientlyproven from time to time in several hundred examples. Thirdly, Hyperphÿsica, or super-naturals, which mostly work via the imagination,120 such as sigils, rings, amulets, periapts,

pentacles, or so-called white physica. With these three remedies I drive out every disease.Hence, if someone were to use this method of curing , he would take out the diseases thatare not so deeply rooted by the universal remedies alone, which are covered in a specialbook preceding the others. After treatment with the universals, those [diseases] that aredeeply rooted and implanted like a species must be extracted from the ground by the specifics,either Antipathica, or Transplantativa, or Hyperphÿsica. As this work includes fairly great,[indeed] the greatest secrets of the whole of medicine, as far as I have been able to investigate,I had reservations about publishing it, and not without good reason, since people who are notentirely worthy might abuse the secrets and gifts of God. However, I would be willing to ded-icate it to Your Lordship privatim et quasi in secreto,121 either in Latin as it is now, or inGerman, into which it could be translated, if it were agreeable to Your Lordship, becauseYour Lordship also values the noble gift of Medicine among those other gifts received fromGod in abundance. For now, this is what I eagerly wanted to let Your Lordship know in

writing, with the sincere request [that you] receive it as a token of my best intentions, andremain my favourably inclined lord and patron whom I faithfully commend to God’s graciousprotection. Given Magdeburg, the 26th of November in the year 1621.

Your Lordship’s willing servant,Michael Maierus, Doctor, Count Palatine

Letter 3: Michael Maier to Gebhard Johann von Alvensleben;Magdeburg, 14 January 1622

Full willingly and always eagerly at your service, also wishing you the bliss of God theAlmighty; noble, valiant, honourable Lord, most gracious master and patron, likewise much-beloved benefactor: I am highly grateful for the kind gifts recently sent, and also for YourLordship’s communication and disclosure of his sophisticated work on the Astrologia Geneth-lialogica. However, that my judgement upon this matter is sought lies somewhat distant frommy studies at this time. For although I am a special lover of the true Astronomy, on whichsubject I have in the past worked and written on several instrumental observations,

120 On the operation of remedies via the power of the imagination, see Maier, Themis aurea (1618 edition), 73–74.121“Privately and as if in secret.”




bequemen können, aus vielen vrsachen, davon dan die vornemesten das jch kein zeit oder weildarauf wenden konten, deweil jch von anderen studÿs alse nemblig der Medicin davon abge-zogen vnd gehalten, solte ich aber solchen grossen vnd vornemen liebhaber sehen, der miretwas vrsache vnd anreizung dazu gebe, were jch nicht gans alienus davon; Jedog musteman auf die Ephemerides ietziger zeit viel wenden; Es ist zwar der | her Origanus zu franckfurt

an der Oder mein preceptor vnd Examinator gewesen, fur 30. jaren, wie jch alda in magistrumpromovirte (welcher die Ephemerides hat lassen ausghen vnd continuiret ) deme jch damals inexamine geantwortet, das jch gansse Astronomiam fundamentaliter cum omnibus requisitisgehoret und geleret, darvber er vorsturzet, jedog nachdeme jch jhme das grosse werk des Doc-toris Magnii Pegelÿ, so ich 4. Jare zu Rostock in astronomicis gehoret, gezeiget, hat er es nichtgering geachtet, vnd es sich in den newen Inventionibus wol gefallen lassen; Hernach hab jchmit Tychone Brahe grosse kundschaft zu Rostock vnd hamburg gekrigt; bin auch newlicherzeit zu Torga bey dem Nagelio gewessen, welcher doch jn seinem gesprech so wol, als tracta-ten genugsam anzeiget, das er nicht die gemeine Astrologiam tractire, dessen sich die Calen-derschreiber anmassen; das man zweierley art habe, die Domicilia cœli zu diuidiren, alsenemblig iuxta Meridianum, vnd auch Æquatorem, solches hat mir ehemahl einen grossenScrupulum gemacht; was meine meinung aber seÿ von der gemeinen Astrologia habe jch inmeinem tractatu Septimana Philosophica genandt, jm ersten tag angezogen; konte jch einesbesseren berichtet werden, neme jch gans gerne an; jch sehe zwar alhie in dem Themata diedomicilia wol an, das nemblig in 1. domo seÿ ♂, in 2da, . in 3tia caput Draconis, in 8. .In 9. cum suis satellitibus | ♀. et . welche mit Ihr fast coniugiret vnd also combustionemleiden; In 12. . vnd der geleichen, also auch in anderen themat a die 46. reuolutionesannuos etc: aber davon wol zu judiciren, achte jch beschwerlichen; jedog konte man einmhalsjn gegenwerdt hie von weitleuftig discuriren; das aber jeziger zeit vnd nun fast ein 30. oder 20.jar her meine studia sein, vnd was fur eine Astronomiam oder astrologiam jch getractiret,wolle mir E[uer].G[estrenge]. gunstiglig zu gute halten, wan jch hievon auf gegebene gelegen-heit ein wenig [distederire?]; das jch aller anderen philosophischen Scientien vnd kunsten,denen jch ehrmahl nachgetrachtet, nicht gedencke, habe jch mir erwelet erstlig die Medicinam

corporis humani zu lehrnen vnd zu erforschen; darumb dan jch ohn Rhum zu melden vielehohe schulen in jtalien vnd deutschlandt durch gezogen vnd mit gelerten Medicis, etwasvon jhnen zu vornemen vnd lehren, kundschaft gemacht; Habe auch fur 25 Jaren angefangendieselbe zu practiciren in volckreichen steten, alse nemblig zu hamburg, danzig vnd prag: Jchhabe aber vngefer fur 20 jaren wie jch zu danzig jn preussen gewesen, grosse lust vnd liebegekrigt zu dem theil der Medicin, wecher durch die geheime chimische kunst zu wege gebrachtwerdt, was jch nun fur muhe, sorge, wachen[?], vnkostung, reisse, zeit vnd weile hir aufgewen-det, kan jch alhir nicht kurzlichen anzeigen; jedog nach vieler jar arbeidt, habe jch endlig einesonderbare Medicin bekommen, obwol nicht die, so jch gesuchet, sunderen eine ander, welcheauch | nicht zu vorachten, vnd ein anfang scheinete der so jch gesucht, hir auf bin ich zu IhrKay[serlichen]: May[estät]: Rudolfo gefurdert, welcher meine labores zu recompensiren zuge-

sagt, jedog hab jch, der anderen promissorum nicht zu gedencken, kayserliche priuilegien desPalatinatus erlanget, welche etwas nuzber sein, vnd bin zu ihr May[estäts]: Medicum bestellet,davon jch dan zwemahl des Reiches sigel bekommen, dessen copien, deweil sie jn der formnicht gemein, thu jch E[urer].G[estrenge]. hirneben senden, solche in otio eins durchzulaufen;Hernach hab jch wol von ezlichen fursten wegen gedachter Medicin ziemliche belonungbekommen, auch von theiles in bestallung angenommen; wie solches solche brieffe noch vor-handen sein; Hernach habe jch mich in Engellandt vngefer fur 12. Jaren begeben, Aldar mitDoctore Francisco Antonio Londinense, der ein Author ist des Auri Potabilis, kunstschaf gekrigt, auch also, das wir wie bruder gewesen, vnd er mir nichtes vorborgen hat, jch auchjhm gegen seine feinde die Medicos alda vorthediget mit schreibung eines lateinischenbuches welches vnter seinem namen alda ausgegangen, jch aber alles gemacht, was darein

ist, dadurch er gegen seine feinde abgeligem, vnd einen grossen nutz hat wegen des Auri pot-abilis, wie jch auch weg gereisset, hat er mir fur 200. konigsthaler werde dess Auri potabilis,




calculations from the Prussian tables and [Schönen] of the eclipses, as well as the themes of thecelestial figures, yet I have never brought myself to investigate judicial astrology. This is formany reasons, of which the foremost is that I have not found the time to do so, as I havebeen distracted and kept from it by other studies such as Medicine. However, I would notbe a total stranger to the subject if I were to meet a great and noble enthusiast who would

give me some reason and motivation to occupy myself with it. Nevertheless, one wouldhave to rely heavily on the ephemerides for this time. True, my teacher and examiner at Frank-furt on the Oder when I was promoted to magister thirty years ago was Mr Origanus, who haspublished the ephemerides and has continued [working] on them; [it was he] to whom I thenanswered in the examination, that I had heard and learnt the whole Astronomiam fundamen-taliter cum omnibus requisites,122 which perplexed him. However, after I showed him thelarge work by Dr Magnus Pegelius, whom I had heard [lecture] on astronomy in Rostockfor four years, he did not dismiss it, and was pleased to learn of the new discoveries. After-wards, I became a close acquaintance of Tycho Brahe in Rostock and Hamburg; morerecently I have also been to Torgau to see Nagelius, who has demonstrated well enough, inhis talk as well as in his tracts, that he does not deal with the common astrology which thecalendar writers arrogate to themselves. I had great doubts at the time that there should betwo ways to divide the celestial houses, namely by proximity to the meridian and also tothe equator; but concerning the common astrology I have set [this] out in my tract entitledSeptimana Philosophica, under the first day. If I were proven wrong, I would gladly acceptit. I agree with the houses presented in the Themata, namely that ♂ [i.e. Mars] is in thefirst house, [i.e. the Moon] in the second, in the third the head of the dragon, in theeighth [i.e. Saturn], in the ninth [i.e. the Sun] with its satellites ♀. [i.e. Venus], and [i.e. Mercury], which are nearly conjugated with it and hence suffer fiery heat ; in the twelfth

[i.e. Saturn] and so forth; and also in other themata, the forty-six annual revolutions etc.;but, I regard it a difficult task to form a proper judgement from this, although this couldbe discussed extensively in person at some time. For given that at this time my studies dateback twenty or thirty years, and given the type of astronomy or astrology I worked on,

may Your Lordship count this in my favour if I postpone this [subject] a little until somebetter opportunity. If I think little about all the other philosophical sciences and arts whichI researched in the past, it is because I chose to learn and investigate first and foremost themedicine of the human body. That is why, without wishing to boast, I have visited many uni-versities in Italy and Germany and made the acquaintance of many learned doctors, in orderto hear and learn something from them. What is more, twenty-five years ago, I began to prac-tice the same [medicine] in populous cities, namely Hamburg, Danzig, and Prague; butapproximately twenty years ago, when I was in Danzig in Prussia, I learnt to love that partof medicine which works through the secret chemical art. It is not possible to describe herebriefly the efforts, worries, lack of sleep, costs, travels, and tim I have expended upon it.Yet after many years’ work I finally managed to obtain a remarkable medicine — not the

one I had searched for, but another one, also not to be scorned, and which seemed like afirst step towards the one I had searched for. Subsequently, I was called upon by His ImperialMajesty Rudolph, who promised to reward my labours; for, all other promises aside, Ireceived the imperial privileges of the Palatinate, which are rather useful, and was madeHis Majesty’s medicus; hence I received the seal of the empire twice, copies of which Ihereby send to your Lordship to inspect at your leisure, as their form is not common. After-wards I received significant remuneration for the aforementioned medicine from severalprinces, and I was on occasion accepted into their service, as demonstrated by letters still inexistence today. Approximately twelve years ago I then moved to England, where I becameacquainted with Dr Francis Anthony of London, who is an author of the Aurum potabile.Such was our acquaintance that we were like brothers, and he did not hide anything from

122“Astronomy in a fundamental way with all requisites.”




vnd seiner Essentiae mitgegeben; dagegen jch jhm gelobet, solches jn deutschelande bekandtzu machen, damit er es alle messe ghen franckfurt schicken solte zu vorkaufen; dafur mir zuge-sagt den dritten pfenning des gewinnes; wie dan solches bezeuget erstlig das buch des Fran-ciscij | Antonij, da mein name fornen sthet in allen carminibus vnd prefationibus; danegst2. schriften mit Doctors Antonij eigen handt geschrieben vnd mir vbergeben; welches vmb

nachrichtung willen jch hier neben gesendet; das aber das Aurum potabile alhir nicht istfortgesezet, hat der Medicinum invidia vorhindert; das jch nun jn den 5. jaren, die jchwider aus Engellandt bin gekommen, fur bucher habe zu franckfurt drucken lassen, lassejch andere Iudiciren; von welchen jch ezliche E[urer]. G[estrenge]. hette gerne gesendet,aber jch habe keine Exemplar mher derselben, welche meistestheiles beÿ francken alhirzu bekommen; jedog sende jch E.G. eins, so jch beÿ henden, wiewol es etwas alt, vngezwei-felt es werde E.G. das zu perlustriren sich die zeit nicht vordriessen lassen; Es ist aber meineIntention vnd meinung, mich nicht zu ruhe zu geben, durch Gottes segen, jch habe dan einwarhaftes Aurum potabile, welches des D. Antonÿ weit vber ghet, dahin gereichen meinebucher, so geschrieben, auf meine nicht geringe vnkost vnd tegliche Arbeit, jedog ohn[jeninges?] anderen beschwerung, sunderen mit nuz vieler anderen, so solches genissensolten; jn mittler weile, bis jch dasselbe Chimisch werck vorrichte, habe jch das Medicinal werk fur henden, wofon jch das erste buch De generalibus, wie auch die Nachfolgenden9. bucher E[urer].G[estrenge]. der es nit unangenem erscheinet, angetragen; deweil danE.G. nun zum often mhal begeret, was jch dafur gedachte zu heben, zu wissen, so habejch doch solches nicht thun mugen, deweil es einer kremereÿ ehnlig scheinte; jedog,damit jch in diesser beschwerlichen | zeit, (da alles theur, vnd die Medicin beÿ dem gemei-nen manne geizeshalber vorseumet werdt, keiner begeret den kranken geholfen zu sein,damit den geizigen ein erbtheils gefallen muge; vnd jch hir jn frembden örteren fast vnbe-kandt), nicht allein mich zu erhalten, sunderen auch die lang gesuchte Medicin, Auri pot-abilis, (deren jch durch gottes gabe nun ein erfarung bekommen) mit eigenen kostenbereiten muge, so werdt jch genotiget fur mein Arbeidt, nemblig dasselbe werk derMedicin ein messiges anzunemen, da hergegen, wan mich nicht solche hohe vrsachen

trieben, jch es gerne vmb sonst [we?]rde hergeben; jch muss bekennen, das jch zuformeiner ausgegangener bucher ein wenig genossen habe, Also das der buchvorleger mir,wie gewonlig, nach bogenzal gezalet; vnd mir fur einen gedruckten bogen des Exemplaresgegeben hat 21. pazen, da die Reichsthaler 23. pazen gegolten; in die Emblemata habe jchfur 25. pazen den bogen gegeben; Also habe jch erstmhel jm sinne gehabt, diesses werck,ehe es noch in diesse ordnung vnd weisse gebracht dem buch vorlegger Lucas Jennis Zufranckfurt zu vber geben, vnd von jhme fur einen bogen ein reichsthaler, schon fur2. jaren gefurdert, darauf er mir damals 1 1/2 Gulden, (waren ein ort [geringer?], als einreichs thaler) offeriret, wie dan in beygefugtem brieffe von Jennis an mir gethan zu vorne-men; Hernach aber alse jch das werk recht angeordnet, vnd das es alle geheimnissen derganzen Medicinal kunst so viel die von mir konten zu wege gebracht werden, begreifen

betrachtet; habe jch solches dem gemeinen manne zu offenbaren ein bedencken getragen,jnsonderheit deweil | eine newe ardt zu curirung durch die dreÿ genera remedionumeingefuhret werdt; Hierauf bin jch dienstlig geneiget, das negstfolgende buch De Capitezu vorfertigen vnd zu deutsch vberzusetzen; welches von den grossesten buchern einesein werdt, vnd jn sich begreiffet dieselben krankheiten, welche in beygefugter lateinischertabel zuvor nemen; Wan nun E[uer].G[estrenge]. wolte mir mit deme ersten so viel jhm gudtdeuchte auf dis buch De Capite, lassen zukommen, wolte jch es alsobaldt vorfertigen vnd E[uer]. Ehr[en]. zukommen lassen, vnd dis darumb, das jch, wie gedacht, die hohe Medicin,so jch jn henden, welche zu erforschen mir vnglaublig viel gekostet, mochte nun alsobaldtvortsezen vnd fullen bringen, daran kemandt schaden sunderen wol nit wenige nuzenhaben werden; Es werde zwar ein wenig sein, damit mir konte fur dissmhal gedienet

werden; welches ehrmahl wol zwefeltig auf nit so wirtige sachen gewandt; Herauf wolleE[uer].G[estrenge]. mir ein trostliche Antwordt zukommen lassen, wo nicht schriftlig,




me, and I also defended him against his enemies — the doctors — by writing a Latin bookwhich was published under his name, although entirely written by myself, so that he prevailedagainst his enemies and made a great profit from the Aurum potabile. When I departed, hegave me two hundred king’s Thaler worth of Aurum potabile and of his Essence, and inreturn I promised to make it known in Germany so that he could send some to be sold at

every fair at Frankfurt. He promised me the third penny of any profits. These facts areborne out firstly by the book of Francis Anthony, in which my name is mentioned at the begin-ning in all poems and prefaces, and secondly by two documents written in Dr Anthony’s ownhand and entrusted to me, which I include here for your information.123 The fact that theAurum potabile did not do well in these parts is due to the envy of the doctors. I will leaveit to others to judge the books which I have had printed in Frankfurt in the five years sinceI returned from England. Of these, I would have loved to send several to your Lordship,but I do not have any copies of these anymore, and most of them can be obtained fromFrancken124 here. However, I am sending Your Lordship one which is at hand, although itis rather old; without doubt Your Lordship will find it worthwhile to take the time toperuse it. It is my intention and belief that I will not rest until I have, through the blessingof God, a real Aurum potabile that is much better than that of Dr Anthony. My books areall directed towards this goal; they are written with significant cost and daily labour, neverthe-less without depending on anybody else, but rather for the sake of many others who will enjoythem. In the meantime, until I accomplish the chemical work, I have the medical work in myhands, of which I have offered the first book, De generalibus, as well as the subsequent ninebooks to Your Lordship, who did not find it displeasing. Your Lordship has often desired toknow what I might charge, but I have been reluctant to comply, as it seemed like bargaining.However, in these difficult times (when everything is expensive and medicine is ignored by thecommon man out of miserliness, and nobody wants to help the sick so that the misers inheriteverything, and I am nearly unknown in these foreign places), I am forced to accept somemoderate amount for my work — namely the aforementioned work of medicine — in ordernot only to sustain myself but also so that I can prepare at my own cost the long-sought medi-

cine, Aurum potabile (of which I have now received knowledge through a gift of God). Iwould gladly give it away for free if I were not compelled by such pressing circumstances.And I must admit that I enjoyed little profit from my previous books. The publisher paidme, as usual, by the number of sheets, and gave me twenty-one Batzen for each printedsheet of the exemplars, when the Reichsthaler was worth twenty-three Batzen. Each sheetfor the Emblemata125 earned me twenty-five Batzen per sheet. Hence my initial plan wasto hand over this work, before it was brought into this order and arrangement, to the pub-lisher Lucas Jennis in Frankfurt, and to ask him for one Reichsthaler per sheet (this wasalready my demand two years ago). Back then he offered me one and a half Gulden inreply (that was one Ort 126 less than a Reichsthaler), as can be seen in the attached letterfrom Jennis to me. But after that, when I had properly ordered the work and realised that

it dealt with all the secrets of the entire medical art , as far as I had managed to discoverthem, I had doubts about unveiling it to the common man, especially as it introduces a newway of curing by the three kinds of remedies. After this, I am eager to complete the subsequentbook, De Capite, and translate it into German, which will be one of the greatest books, com-prising the same diseases as [those] listed in the attached Latin table. If now Your Lordshipwished to send me such advance on this book De Capite as he deems adequate, I would assoon finish it and send it to Your Honour. And this is in order that, as I have mentioned, Imay soon continue and finish that high medicine, which I have in my hands, and the

123 These documents have not yet been located in the archive.124 The name of a publisher and bookshop.125

Probably Maier’s Atalanta fugiens.126“Ort” is an early expression for a quarter of a Thaler: see Thomas Wozniak, Quedlinburg im 14. und 16. Jahrhun-dert: Ein sozialtopographischer Vergleich (Berlin: Akademie, 2013), 105.




jedog mundlig, vnd solches nicht anders alse im besten aufnemen vnd ausdeuten; vnd jchbin es mit meinen diensten hinwider zuvorderst so wol willig als schuldig: jch mochtewol gerne wissen, ob E[uer].G[estrenge]. auch belieben trugen zu der Geomantia,welches ist wie Astrologia terrestris, dadurch geschwinde allerleÿ particularia könnenerforschet werden; so konnte davon wol ein bericht geschen; anderer sachen alhir nicht

zu gedencken, welche eins konten in augenschein gebracht werden, wormit jch vns alle-sambt Godtlichem schuze trewlig thu empfelen, Datum Magdeburg A[nn]o 1622. den 14 Januarij

E.G. dienstwilligerMichael Maierus.

Letter 4: Michael Maier to Gebhard Johann von Alvensleben;Magdeburg, 11 February 1622

Gestrenger, Ehrenvester, WolEdler Juncker, nach wundschung aller gelucklichen wolfart vonGodt dem Almechtigen, habe jch nit vmbgang haben können E.G. schriftlig so wol alsemundlig zuvornemen zu geben, wie ich die bewuste sachen, welches sich auf hundert thalermunze erstrecket, nun genuglig entfangen, vnd thu dafür E[urer].G[estrenge]. hochligdancken mit dem vorsprechen, das jch der bekanten zusage wil ernstlig nachkommen vndalles mit grossem danck vnd stetigem dienste, wie billig, ersthaten, jch habe auch E[urer].G[estrenge]. buchern von den Astrologischen sachen nun ein zeitlang beÿ mir gehabt vndmal durch geschlagen, vnd daraus wol vorstanden, das der Author derselben, nembligM. Heringius ein treflicher practicus darein gewesen seÿ, vnd das er an E[urer].G[estrenge].einen solchen discipel habe, dessen er sich, wan erlebte, mit nichten zu schemen, sunderensehr zu ruhmen hette; dan ich es gensslig dafur halte, das jn dem grossen ganzen deutschenlande vnter soviel teusent vom Adel, kaum 4. sein, welche E[urer].G[estrenge]. hirein können

vorglichet werden; eben so wenig wie auch zu den | anderen, nit gemeinen, vorbogenenkunsten vnd erfindungen; jch muss bekennen, das jch bis anhero der astrologiæ kein sondererliebhaber seÿ gewessen, obwol jch Astronomiam alle zeit sehr werdt gehalten vnd mich darinoftmhal belustiget, jedog habe jch solchen lust vnd liebe dazu bekommen, das jch schon fur8. tagen wollte meiner kinder, jnsonderheit meines sohnlins, (mit namen Petrus Aurelius,alhir zu Magedeburg A[nno]. 1619. den 28. Decemb[ris]: hora 3. pomerid: 30. min:geboren) Themata natalitia, woferne jch nur des Origani oder anderer Ephemerideskönnen zur hand haben, aufgerichtet vnd gestellet haben, dan jch habe des Robert de Fluc-tibus ersten Tomum, von der der Astrologeÿ, daraus ich, wie vorhoflig, das Iudicium gener-ale wol wollte formirett haben, dazu mir dan in Specie sonderliche nachrichtung gethan hettedes herren Heringÿ tractat , darein er Exempels weisse e.G. sones Nativitet tractiret vnd aus-

furet. Aber jch habe solches bis auf einen andere gelegenheit mussen aufschieben; Mittle-rweile habe jch Ein Geomantisch wercklein also jn tausch fur E[ure].G[estrenge].beschrieben, das die selbe auch ohn anweissent ferner von sich selbest dasselbe werdtfassen, vorsthen vnd practiciren können; hiermit bittende das erste theil des opusculi durch-zulessen, vnd so E.G. die kunst beduncket in der natur grundt zu haben, auch den anderentheil vornemen vnd fortsezen; den | dritten theil habe jch in eine grosse tabel getheilet,dazudie anderen tabellen gehören, darumb das so ein weitleuftige sache nicht besser kan practi-ciret werden, also wan man sie primo aspectu zu tabellen gewar nimbt; die tabellen seintnicht gans aus geschrieben, damit jch erst erforschete E[uer].G[estrenge]. vrtheil, ob diesolche dinge auch gerne zu solchen tabellen haben mochte, als dan kann jch auch baldtdarnach richten; zu lesten oder 4. theile werde jch noch viele mher exempel setzen: jedog

auf E[uer].G[estrenge]. begeren, wan sie mir die tabellen vnd den 4. theil widerzusendenwerden, welches auf das es mit dem ersten geschege, mochte jch wol sehen; so balde jch




investigation of which has cost me incredibly dearly; it will harm nobody,127 but benefit morethan a few. Just a little would help me at this time; twice as much is often spent on less worthythings. May Your Lordship send me a comforting response, if not in writing then by word of mouth, and receive and interpret this favourably. And I will respond in turn with my services,both eagerly and by duty bound. I would like to know if Your Lordship also has an interest in

geomancy, which is like astrologia terrestris (terrestrial astrology),

128

by which it is possible toinvestigate all kinds of particulars. If so, a report could be made on this, not to mention theother things which could be inspected at another time. Faithfully commending us all toGod’s true protection, Given Magdeburg in the year 1622, the 14th of January,

Your Lordship’s willing servant,Michael Maierus.

Letter 4: Michael Maier to Gebhard Johann von Alvensleben;Magdeburg, 11 February 1622

Valiant, honourable, andnoble Lord, after wishing youevery happinessandgood healthfrom GodtheAlmighty,IcouldnotpossiblyneglecttoreporttoYourLordshipinwritingaswellasbywordof mouth how I have now fully received certain things, which amount to a hundred Thaler in coins,and I sincerely thank Your Lordship for it and promise in return that I will earnestly fulfil the saidpledge with the greatest gratitude and constant service, as is appropriate. I have now also spentsome time with Your Lordship’s books on astrological topics and leafed through them, andlearnt that their author, namely M. Heringius, was a great practitioner in this [art] and had inYour Lordship such a disciple that, if he were alive, he would have no reason to be ashamed butrather to congratulate himself. I believe that in the entire great German land among so many thou-sands of noble birth, four could hardly be found who could be compared to Your Lordship in thisrespect. The same is true for the other uncommon and hidden arts and inventions. I have to admitthat so far I have not been a particular lover of astrology, although I have always been fond of astronomy and have often enjoyed it. However, now I have developed such a love and passionfor it that already eight days ago I wanted to create natal horoscopes for my children, especiallymy little son (named Petrus Aurelius, born here in Magdeburg in the year 1619, 28 December,at 3:30 PM), if only I had had to hand the ephemerides of Origanus or others; for I have Robert Fludd ’s first volume on astrology, from which I was hoping to form the general judgement ,adding to it the specifics I could learn from the tract of M. Heringius, in which he describes andelaborates upon the nativity for Your Lordship’s son as an example. However, I have had to post-pone this until another occasion. In the meantime, I have instead composed a little work on geo-mancy for Your Lordship, who will thus be able, without further instructions, to grasp,understand and practice it. Herewith I beg Your Lordship to read through the first part of thelittle work, and if Your Lordship deems the art to be well-founded in nature, to also take up the

other part and continue on with it. The third part I have divided into a large table, to which theother tables belong; this is because such an extensive topic cannot be practised better than whenit is perceived at a glance in the form of tables. The tables are not fully filled out, in order that Imay first know Your Lordship’s judgement as to whether you wish to have these things in theform of such tables; if so I would be able to implement this soon. In the last or fourth part I willadd many more examples, but according to Your Lordship’s wishes, when you will send thetables and the fourth part back to me, which I would like to see so that the same may be donewith the first [part]. As soon as I can get hold of the ephemerides, I will bring the astrological

127 Maier writes “kemandt,” which is Low German (Niederdeutsch) for “niemand” (nobody): see Gottlieb Mohnike,

Ernst Heinrich Zober, and Johann Berckmanns, Stralsundische Chronik und die noch vorhandenen Auszüge aus

alten verloren gegangenen Stralsundischen Chroniken (Stralsund: Löffler, 1833), 386.128 Cf. Robert Fludd, De Naturae Simia seu Technica macrocosmi historia (Oppenheim, 1618; Frankfurt, 1624), 717:

“De principio interno Astrologiæ terrestrae seu Geomantiæ.”




die Ephemerides kann mechtig werden, will jch das Iudicium Astrologiæ in besondere tabel-len bringen, als nemblig erst die Domicilia, zum anderen die 12. Signa Zodiaci; zum drittendie 7. Planetas, sambt jhrer fortitudinibus vnd debilitudibus, vnd testimonÿs signitatum,daraus man alsobaldt das Iudicium astrologicum, das sonsten sehr weitleuftig, formirenkonnte, vnd solches desto lieber, wan auch E[ure].G[estrenge]. mit diesser arbeidt konnte

bedienet werden; jch sende E.G. hieneben ein Exempel von Saturno, da doch die effectusnicht sein, sunder folgen wurden; solche tabelle wurde noch sein 6. von den planeten vnd12. von den signis zodiaci, auch noch 13. wegen der Domuum cœli; solche vnterwerfe jchE[uer].G[estrenge]. Iudicio, [felichte?] hat die viel besser tabellen darein; jch vbersende E.G. die bucher hirmit wider, solte jch aber alhir eins die Ephemerides bekommen (dan Jez |der frank nur ein Exemplar hat, da schon geldt von einem gegeben) so wollte ich umb dasbuch Heringij E[uer].G[estrenge]. sohns Natiuiteth betreffendt ein wenig wider gebetenhaben; hiermit thu ich Godt den Almechtigen E[ure].G[estrenge]. befelen, vnd mich derselbendienste zuvorflichten, Actum Magdeburg den 11. Feb[ruarii]. A[nno]. 1622.

E[uer].G[estrenge].gudtwilligerMichael Maierus D[octor].

Letter 5: Michael Maier to Gebhard Johann von Alvensleben;Magdeburg, 2 March 1622

Edler, Gestrenger, Ehrnvester grossgunstiger Juncker, nach erbietung meiner stets geflissenendiensten, vnd wundschung aller geluckseligkeit von Godt dem Almechtigen, kan ich nichtvnterlassen, nachdeme ich zufellige bodtschaft bekommen, E.G. hiemit auf vorige schreibendtzu antworten, das ich nemblig so willig alse schuldig mich befunden, das Astrologische werckmit grosser emsigkeit vnd fleis zusamen zu tragen, jns teutsche vbersetzen, vnd es also anord-nen das es einem vorstendigen daraus das Iudicium zu formiren werde ersprieslig vnd ange-

neme sein, Dan ob wol E[ure].G[estrenge]. in demselben Studio so wol erfaren, das siekeines anderen vielweniger eines bis anhero unerfarenen vormanunge vnd vorschreibendenötig habe; jedog deweil dieselbe mit anderen geschäften ohn zweifel sehr beladen vnd es[ke?]mande muglig ist, jn der memorien alle hiezu notige requisita zu behalten ohn eineorden[?] vorzeichnisse, so habe jch gerne solche arbeidt der zusammenbringung vnd aufs-chreibung der excerpten des Iudicÿ in gewisse tabellen auf mich genommen, vngezweifelt eswerde die nichts anders als trewlig vnd wolmeinentlig von [mir?] vorstanden vnd aufgenom-men werden; Jch zweiffele nicht, sundern es werden solche tabellen E[urer].G[estrenge]. zu derIntention nicht vnnutzlig fallen wie jch dan kan bezeugen, das jch sie sehr fleissig vnd nichtohn arbeidt zusamen bracht, das auch keins so ich dienstlig befunden, ausgelassen, oder sovberflussig gesezet; Sed res, me tacentê, loquatur ipsa: Ob wol wenig Exempla seint hindenangesezet, so werde doch E[ure].G[estreng]. besser wissen die regulas vnd precepta denselbenzu appliciren, alse jch derselben vorzuschreiben habe; Was sonsten das vbrige von dem IudicioGeomantico anlanget, ist das auch baldt vorfertiget, diesses vber sende jch zu diesser zeitdamit E[ure].G[estreng]. sich darin in otio belustigen vnd alles perlustriren könne; Jn was zus-tande wir alhir [?]| in deme nun die thore baldt 14. tage vorschlossen vnd wir wenig odernichts, was sunsten noch von aussen herein zu kommen pflegt, geniessen konnen, werdt E[ure].G[estreng]. nun schon wol erfaren haben; der nun nichts auszuhökeren oder zu vorkauf-fen, oder sunsten von groben handierungen zumachen hat, (wie dan alle gelerte) die seindtzum vbelsten daran; jedog hoffe jch, es werde noch ein besser zeit hirauf folgen, wormit E.G. ich godt dem Almechtigen trewlig thu empfelen. Dat[um]. Magdeburg, den 2. Mart[ii].A[nn]o 1622.

E.G. dienstwilliger

Michael Maier D[octor],C [omes].




judgement into the form of special tables, namely first the houses and then the twelve signs of theZodiac, thirdlythe seven planets together with their virtuesandweaknesses,andthe testimonials of their significance, fromwhichonecouldthenformtheastrological judgement ,whichotherwisecanbe very complex. And I would be all the more eager to do this if Your Lordship could be assisted bythis work; I attach an example of Saturn, because the effects will not [just] be, but rather ensue. Of

such tables there would be six more for the planets and twelve for the signs of the Zodiac, also thir-teen for the celestial houses. These I subject to the judgement of Your Lordship, who perhaps hasmuch better tables. I also return Your Lordship’s books, but if I should be able to obtain the ephe-merides (because right now Frank [the bookseller] only has one copy, for which he has alreadyreceived money from somebody) I would like to ask for the book of Heringius again, on thesubject of the nativity of Your Lordship’s son. With this I recommend your Lordship to God theAlmighty, and offer my dutiful services. Given Magdeburg, the 11th of February in the year 1622.

Your Lordship’s well willing [servant],Michael Maierus, Doctor.


Noble, valiant, honourable, and generous lord, after offering my ever-diligent services andwishes for all blessings from God the Almighty, I cannot omit (after coincidentally receivinga message) to answer Your Lordship’s previous letters, namely that I am both willing anddutybound to compile the astrological work with great diligence and application, to translateit into German, and to arrange it in such a way that it will be pleasant and easy for someoneknowledgeable to form a judgement from it. For although Your Lordship is so well versed in

these studies that you do not need prescription or advice from anybody else, much less so fromsomeone hitherto inexperienced, nevertheless because Your Lordship without doubt is bur-dened with other business and nobody can keep the necessary requisites in mind withoutan ordered list, I have been very happy to take on this work of compiling and writing outexcerpts of the judgement into certain tables; no doubt these will be received and understoodas well-intentioned and faithful. I have no doubt that such tables will be of use to your Lord-ship for this intention, and I can testify that I have collected them with diligence and notwithout labour, and that I left out nothing that I felt was useful, nor inserted anything thatwas superfluous. Sed res, me tacentê, loquatur ipsa:129 although a few examples have beenadded, Your Lordship will know better how to apply the regularities and the precepts thanI know how to describe them. With respect to the rest of the geomantic judgement , thiswill also be ready soon; I send what I have now so that Your Lordship can amuse yourself with it at your leisure and browse through it all. Your Lordship will already have heardabout the state we find ourselves in here, now that the gates have been closed for nearly four-teen days and we can enjoy little or nothing of what usually comes in from the outside. Thosewho have nothing to sell or trade, nor a plain craft to engage in (like all the learned people),are suffering the most. However, I hope that better times will come and I truly commend YourLordship to God the Almighty. Given Magdeburg, the 2nd of March in the year 1622.

Your Lordship’s willing servant,Michael Maier D[octor].Count

129“But if I am silent, the things will speak for themselves”; cf. Cicero, Orations, ed. and trans. Nevile Watts (Harvard:

Harvard University Press, 1972), 80.





Meine freundwillige vnd stetsgeflissene dienste sambt wundschung aller Geluckseligkeit vonGodt dem Almechtigen zu jeder zeit befor; Gestrenger, WolEdler, Ehrnvester, grossgunstiger

Juncker vielgeliebter vnd werdter Patron so woll als H. Gefatter, Obwol es nicht meine Natur,[ge?]brauch oder eigenschaft, mich beÿ jemande, der sonsten mit hochwichtigen gescheftenbeladen, zu jnsinueren, so hab jch doch solches zu diesser zeit jn respect E[urer].G[estrenge].aus wolbedachten vrsachen gethan, alse nemblig fur ersten, das jch mit so einem hochbegabtenvnd weitberumdten vnter andern vom Adel einen sehr eiferigen Liebhaber vnd befurderer allergelarten vnd sonderlicher freien kunsten mochte zum theil jn gudtvortrauwen vnd kundschaftgeraten, vnd zum anderen, das jch jn diesser gans sehr beschwerlichen zeit, da alle grobe vndvnlobliche schinderei, vnthrew vnd handthierung dem studirende vnd der feder weit vorgezogen,vnd dieselbe zu vndertrukken hoch erhobet werden, mochte solchen patronum Mecænatem vndfurderer antreffen, welcher seiner natur nach zu plozlichen des vnglucks anstoss mir mochte diehulfliche handt bieten; da jch dan nach vornunftlicher betrachtung jn keinem theil zu schelten,deweil beides die Natur, gute gewonheit vnd vernunft sambt der noturft lehret vnd forschreibet:

Wegen der ersten vrsachen habe jch nicht genugsam zuvorwunderen vnd zu gratuliren das jchsolchen jn der Medicinal ischen, Astrologischen vnd anderen dergeleichen kunsten an E.G. ange-troffen, dafur dan ich denselben so mich zu diesser notitiam erstlig ursache gegeben fur de…erzeit, wie billig, grossen danck gesaget: der andre vrs[ache] belangende hab jch auch meine hoff-nung nicht berr … oder vorgeblig gefunden, sunderen das patrocinium E. … bis anhero genug-sam vnd mildiglig gespuret, dafur … dan E.G. gans freundlichen danck sage vnd auch mi…r |dacht alles danckbarlig zu vorgeben vorspreche, Was nun mein dienst jn einem oder anderensein mochte, sol der zu keiner zeit hinderstellig bleiben; Jch kan aber aus vorgesezter zuversichtnicht vnterlassen, E.G. wie meinen grossgunstigen gunner, patrono vnd h. gefatteren zu vormel-den vnd anzudeuten, das jch fur vngefer einem halben jar darvnter zu Hamburg gewessen, da danjch einer vornemen Adelsperson, jn holstein, vorsprochen vnd zugesagt Ein hohe vnd sonderbare

Medicin ex auro, welche des D. Francisci Antonÿ in engellandt meines guten freundes Aurum potabile, so jch in ziemlicher copia mit aus Engellandt gebracht vnd zu vielen krancken vorsu-chet, weit vbertriffe, jn betrachtung das jch nun gans 20. jar mit solcher erforschung, wietheiles meine bucher anzeigen, zugbracht, zu machen vnd præpariren, Ob nun woll durchGottes sonderbare erleuchtung vnd gnade nach vnaussprechlicher vnd unglaublicher arbeidt,vnkost, fleiss, muhe, wachendt, jrrung vnd widerholung jch so weit gekommen, das jch einkleine probe der lang gesuchten Medicin gefunden vnd angetroffen, so habe jch doch indiesser theuren zeit wegen anderer dinge notwendigkeit nicht können dahin mich bemuhen,das jch es mit eigener vnkost hette jm grossern mochten vor nemen; Dan die principal materialienseint so theuer bis anhero gewesen, das jch der selben ein vnze, (die jch dan mher dan funfzigmhal schon fur vielen jaren hiran gesezet vnd wegen lehrgeldes entrathen) jn diesser zeit vnd

orte nicht habe zu wegebringen konnen, derweil dan jch gedacht nur mit eigener vnkost meineMedicinalia zu treiben vnd nicht mit jemandes anderen, (der sich hiedurch mochte angesezetzu werden gedencken) so habe jch nodwendiglig nun diesse 6. monat mussen stille sizen vndauf fugliche mittel dazu vorharren; kun auch nicht anderer wege gesinnet gewesen, hirzu |jemandes ander zu sollicitiren oder bemuhen; So hat sich vnvorhofflig zugetragen das alhir eingrosse vorenderung in der munze offentlig angeschlagen, alse nemblig den schreckenberger fur6 zu entfangen vnd auszugeben, daher dan alle ding das gesteren einen schreckenberger gegolten,heut 2. gelten muss, dadurch dan mir ein ziemlicher schade ensthen mochte, wofern jch nicht beÿzeite dem befor keme, dan Jch habe alhie auf dem wechsel vnd anderswo ez[l]iche gulden vndsilberen sachen vorsezet, alse nemblig ein par gulden armbande von 24. kronen, darauf Jchetwas geldes entfangen, fur einem halben jar, aber ist es mit aller zinsse vnd aufgelde auf 77.

gemeine thaler gerechnet, dazu ein silberen weibes leibgurtel von 26. lothen, darauf 40.gemeine thaler entfangen; zusamen mit rente vnd alles vngefer 140. thaler, welche machen beÿ





My amicable and ever-diligent services and wishes for all blessings from God theAlmighty at all times: valiant, noble, honourable, and generous lord, much beloved

and valued patron and benefactor, although it is not my nature, habit, or character toinsinuate myself with someone who is occupied with highly important business, I havedone so at this time with Your Lordship for carefully considered reasons. Namely,that first of all I wanted to obtain the acquaintance and the trust of such a highlygifted admirer and patron of all learned and in particular liberal arts, famed amonghis noble peers. Secondly, because in these very difficult times, in which brutal and sha-meful torture, treason and conflict are much preferred to studies and the pen, and theformer are encouraged to suppress the latter, I desired to meet such a patron and bene-factor who according to his nature would offer me his helping hand after sudden disasterhad befallen me. Looking at it reasonably, I cannot be blamed for either reason, sinceboth are dictated and prescribed by nature, good custom and reason, as well as by neces-sity. With respect to the first reason, I cannot rejoice and congratulate myself enough

that I have met in the person of Your Lordship someone so well versed in medical , astro-logical , and other arts, for which I duly and greatly thank that same person who firstgave me cause to write this note. With respect to the other reason, I have also notfound my hopes disappointed; instead I have experienced Your Lordship’s abundantand gentle patronage, for which I express my very amiable gratitude to Your Lordshipand promise to return the favour in whatever form my service might take, which Iwill always make a priority. However, I cannot neglect to mention and report to yourLordship as my protector, patron, and benefactor that roughly half a year ago I wasin Hamburg, where I promised and committed to a nobleman from Holstein to makeand prepare a high and special medicine from gold , which surpasses by far the Aurum

potabile of my good friend Dr Francis Anthony that I brought back from England in

rather copious amounts and tested upon many sick people; for I have spent a fulltwenty years researching how to make and prepare [it], as can partly be seen from mybooks. Although through God’s special enlightenment and grace, after inexpressibleand unbelievable labour, cost, diligence, effort, lack of sleep, error, and repetition, Ihave come so far that I have found and discovered a small sample of the long-soughtmedicine; nevertheless in these expensive times I have not been able to start workingon it on a large scale at my own cost due to other necessities. This is because thus farthe principal materials have been so expensive that I have not been able to obtain anounce of them here and now (and for many years I have employed [this amount]more than fifty times only to lose it due to error). However, as I thought of practisingmy medicine only at my own cost and not that of anybody else (who might thereby

have felt imposed upon), I have been forced to sit still for the last six months, waitingfor suitable funds. I was also not able to think of other ways to solicit or ask for some-body else’s help. An unexpected major change in the currency has been announced here,namely to exchange a Schreckenberger for six Groschen, so that all the things that costone Schreckenberger yesterday must cost two Schreckenberger today. This will cause mesignificant harm unless I can prevent it in time. Half a year ago I pawned several goldenand silver items at the money exchange and elsewhere, namely a few twenty-four-caratgolden bracelet for which I received little money, but with all the interest and the feesit now amounts to seventy-seven common Thaler; in addition a woman’s girdle madefrom silver and weighing twenty-six Lothen [thirteen ounces], for which I receivedforty common Thaler. Together with the interest and everything else it amounts to

approximately one hundred and forty Thaler, which is equal to around twenty Reich-sthaler. Everybody who has such pawns due is thinking of means and ways to redeem




20. Reichsthaler; diweil dan ein jeder der dergeleichen pfande hat austehn, auf mittel vnd wegegedencket, die jezo wider einzulösen, damit nicht ein grossere weitleufigkeit daraus entsthenmochte, oder die pfande gans [bestecken?] bleiben; So kan jch nicht vnterlassen E[ure].G[estrenge]. dienstwillig zu besuchen vnd bitten; das die wolle nur, so ferne es jmmer geschenkönne, dem johan wenckenbach, wie E[urer].G[estrenge]. diener, gunstiglig befelch thun,

deweil er ohn das leichtlig zu so vielen gelderen rathen kan, das er solche zweierley pfande furgenaues geldt einlösen vnd bey sich behalten mochten, auf diesse condition; das einer von denarmbenden mir [mo]chte fur erste zugestellet werden, welchen ich zu forigem [ge]brauch der vor-habendenen Medicin alsbaldt gedachte anzuw[en]den, das ander aber, nemblig den ermbandevnd gu[rtel], dieweiles nach Jhrer werte dem ausgelegten gel[de] gleich, oder noch genugdarvber sein wurde, solte …her Wenckenbach bey sich trewlig behalten bis das jch… | dem con-tract vnd vorsprechung nach die 9. Medicinalische bucher E[urer].G[estrenge]. vollenfurte vndzustellete; Durch diesses mittel mochte kemandt sich befurchten, das Jch gegen alle warheiteines andern zuthun zu meiner Medicin begerte, damit jch ohn das einem jedlichem, so ihrernotig zu dienen mich vorspreche; Dazu were jch meines vorsthenden schadens enthoben, vndkeiner theil davon, wie jch hoffe, vorlezet; vngezweifelt, Es werde E[ure].G[estrenge]. diessemeine freundliche anmuthung, nicht meiner vnbescheidenheit, sunder der jezigen sachen noturf-tigkeit, vnd dem guten vortrawen, so jch zu E[urer].G[estrenge]. trage, zuschreiben, vnd meingrossgunstiger Juncker, patron vnd h. gefatter zu sein vnd bleiben; Dan es mir gans wolbekandt, das E[ure].G[estrenge]. auf das Englische Aurum potabile wol 5. mhal so viel ehrmahlesgewendet, alse ich nur begere; Das fur zufor gedachte pfande von jemande erlegt werden; wasauch fur ein vnderscheidt zwischen jenem vnd diessem sein werde, werde solches wol erkandtwerden; Andere nuzbarkeit, so hiraus vnd aus anderen meinen diensten folgen konten, nichtzu gedencken; solte hier auf E.G. einen weiteren bericht begeren, kan dieselbe von seinemdiener, wol mundlig entfangen, wormit E[ure].G[estrenge]. jch gottes almechtigem schutztrewlig thu empfehlen; Dat [um]. Magdeburg 13. Mart[ii]: A[nn]o 1622.

E.G. dienstwillgerMichaël Maierus Doctor:

Letter 7: Michael Maier to Gebhard Johann von Alvensleben;Magdeburg, 15 April 1622

Woledler, Gestrenger, Ehrenvester Juncker, Nach wundschung aller gluckseligkeit von Godtdem almechtigen vnd erbietung meiner stets bereiten dienste, kan jch nicht vnterlassen,deweil E[uer].G[estrenge]. diener jn meinem abweßende ezliche wilde vogel mir zu einempresent vnd vorehrung gebracht, dafur E[urer].G[estrenge]. zum aller freundlichsten zudancken, vnd derselben wider mit allen meinen nutzlichen fleis zu wilferen vnd dienen zu vor-sprechen, Was angelanget die beide beÿ forfugte cabalistische bucher, ist zwar das grosse mirzufor, wie auch dessen Author, wol bekandt, das kleine aber nicht zufor for kommen; Dasselbedeweil aus dem waren grunde vnd brunnen Israelis herfur geflossen, bedunket mir der besteweg zu sein zu der waren vnd godlichen cabala; Ob aber der Author mher dergeleichen opera,wie er jn der praefation ad lectorem vorspricht, habe ausghen lassen, oder anderen cabalisticècommuniciret , ist mir vnbewust, jch zweifele nicht, das er grosse wunder, wie er daselbstschreibt, durch godliche offenbarung vnd anruffung seines namens, habe erlanget, jedoghalte jch solches fur die warhafte Theologiam, vnd Lumen Gratiæ, vnd nicht die Theoso-

phiam, vnd Lumen Naturæ, dessen jch zufor gedacht vnd darvnter ein vnterscheidtgemacht habe; Des Amphitheatri Author ist mir fur ungefer 21. jaren zu dantzig jn preussen,da jch damals Medicus, bekandt gewessen; Hernach auch A[nn]o 1609. hat mir ein furstlicheperson jn geheim endecket, wie er bey derselben gewesen, vnd jhr die materiam des Lapidis

philosophici zu offenbaren vorsprochen, soferne sie ihme ein würdige belonung dafurgeben wolte, auf dieselbige Materiam ist disses des Authoris, wie auch alle andere teutsche




them, to avoid the costs getting out of hand or the pawns being lost entirely. That is whyI cannot neglect to humbly entreat Your Lordship that you might, if at all possible, orderyour servant Johann Wenckenbach — as he can easily command such sums — to redeemthese two pawns for the exact sum due and keep them, with one condition: that one of the bracelets be given to me for now, which I intend to immediately use for the above-

mentioned intended medicine. The others, i.e. the bracelet and the girdle, which areequal in value to the money advanced to me, or even more than that, Mr Wenckenbachshould faithfully keep until I have finished and delivered the nine medical books accord-ing to my promise and contract . In this way nobody need worry that I deceitfully wishsomebody to contribute to my medicine and thereby avoid serving everyone I have prom-ised [to serve]. Also, I would be saved from the harm described above and in no wayaffected by it, as I hope. May Your Lordship attribute my friendly request not to mylack of modesty but rather to the necessity of the current affairs, and to the goodtrust I have in Your Lordship; and remain my generous lord, patron, and benefactor,for I know very well that Your Lordship in the past spent probably five times asmuch on the English Aurum potabile compared with what I am asking for. Whatsome will pay for the abovementioned pawn, and what the difference will be betweenthis and that — such things will be clearly recognised, not to mention the other benefitsresulting from this and my other services. Should Your Lordship wish to receive anotherreport on this matter, a verbal account can be obtained from his servant. With this I trulycommend Your Lordship to the protection of God the Almighty. Given Magdeburg, the13th of March in the year 1622.

Your Lordship’s willing servant,Michael Maierus, Doctor

Letter 7: Michael Maier to Gebhard Johann von Alvensleben;Magdeburg, 15 April 1622

Noble, valiant, and honourable lord, after wishing you all bliss from God the Almighty andoffering my ever-ready services, I must not neglect to thank Your Lordship very much forsending a servant with several wild fowl as a present during my absence, and to promise inreturn to comply and serve with all useful diligence. With respect to the enclosed two Caba-listic books, the large one was well known to me before, as was its author, but I had not yetseen the smaller one. It seems to me to be the best path to the true divine Cabala as it flowedfrom the true foundation and the fountainhead of Israel . However, I do not know whether theauthor has published more such works, as he announces in the preface to the reader orwhether he communicated them to others in a Cabalistic way. I have no doubt that he attainedgreat miracles, as he writes in the same place, through divine revelation and the invocation of His name, but I judge this to be the true theology and light of grace rather than the theosophyand light of nature, which I have previously considered and distinguished from one another. Ibecame acquainted with the author of the Amphiteatre130 approximately twenty-one yearsago in Danzig in Prussia, where I was a physician at the time. Subsequently, in 1609, a princelyperson informed me in private that the same man had sought them out, promising to reveal thematter of the Philosophers’ Stone if they were willing to give him a worthy reward for it. This

130 Heinrich Khunrath’s Amphiteatrum sapientiae aeternae.




bucher gegrundet, welche er nennet alhir pag : 216. Magnesiam Philosophorum, einen sohn dergrossen weldt; Der gedachte furste bekennete, jedog mit grosser schamhaftigkeit, das er jhm 200Reichsthaler vorehret, sein diener sagte, das er ihm 2000. thaler vorehret hette, vnd sagte freÿheraus, das es were Silex, davon er so viel papir fulgeschrieben, vnd tausenderleÿ gleichnissenvnd spruche eingefuren hette; Aber hierein ist der gute man sehr weit aus den grenssen der

Natur vnd warheit gewichen, welches ein [Eyn?] vnd … | nicht allein jn der Chymia sunderenauch physica vnd gansse philosophia wol besser vorsthet; dan wie der thiere vormehrung vndfortbringung geschicht durch den thierischen samen, so einem jeden geschlechte zugeeignetist, also auch der planten vnd erdgewechse, durch einen samen der planten, vnd der metallen,durch einen metallischen; Nur ist ja Silex, ein kiselsthein nicht metallisch, sunderen gehöretvnter die lapides, Ob aber man wol weiss, das er einen schwefel, vnd den samen oder anfangdes feuers in sich hat, daraus kan doch nichtes folgen, das er zu dem grossen werck gehöre; der-selbe Author aber hat ein geringschezige materie genommen, welche sich oben die vegetabilia,animalia vnd Mineralia erstreckt, darumb nennet er sie auch Catholicam, als wan er damitalles was auf erden ist, gedachte zu vorenderen; darin er doch sich nur mher belustiget, vndseinen gedancken nach gegangen, dan der warheit: Er hat nicht allein wollen, das sein Silexsich erstrecke vber alles was weldtlig ist, das ist Elemente, Mineralien, planten, vnd thiere, sun-deren auch was geistlig, darumb er dan in besunderen tractatlein alle artickel vnsers warenChristlichen glaubens auf seinen Silicem vnd erdichteten Lapidem nicht p[hilosoph]orum sunde-ren imaginarium, godloser vnd vnvorschemten weisse gedeutet hat, welches jch vnd kein guterChrist ihn konnen im besten ausdeuten, wie er dan von vielen deswegen in schriften grewlig aus-gemacht werdt, wie er nicht vnwirdig; Das er nun alhir die spruche Salomonis ausliget, lass jch inseinem werte beruhen; so fern er nicht aus den schrancken der waren Theologia sich begibt; dasist gewiss, wan er seine applicationes machet wegen des Lapidis philosophia vnd seiner Mate-rien, das er den einigen silicem dadurch vorsthe; Dan er hat vormeint, es stehe in dem steinealler welde weissheit, welches doch keins weissen vrtheil ist; Jch glaube, wan man wolte

physiæ vnd polytiae von dem selben geringen vorachteten steine schreiben, solte man wol einziemliches buch davon zu wege bringen, deweil es ist ein stucklein von den geschopfen gottes,

Aber gegen die sachen, dahin er es deutet, ist es zu rechnen wie nichtes, vnd so weit davon,alse der himmel von der erden; Die figuren desselben Amphiteatrj seint sehr wunderbar, alsdes authoris imagination erdichtet; welche doch alle ghen auf den silicem; welcher ist alles inallem; Auf denselben deutet er die Spruche aus Danielis | im 2. Cap.: vers: 34. vnd 45. dasthet, das es ein stein herabgerissen wardt ohn hende, der schlug das bilde an seine fusse, dieeissen vnd thon waren vnd zermalmet sei; wie er sezet jn der grossen figur nehest nach dem214. bladt, da sthet der Silex mit den buchstaben IHESV, Dan:2. vers: 34. vnd 45. Filiusmundi maioris. Solche einbildung aber seint nicht Theosophicae, viel weniger Physicae oderChymicae, den sie seint godt, der natur, vornunft vnd erfarenheit entgegen; Sonsten lass jcheinen jeden beÿ seiner meinung bleiben, es mach einer hievon viel halten oder nicht; Jch habein der chymia mher dan dreihunderterleÿ opiniones, eine nach der ander gehabt, welche doch

durch die folgende erfarenheit widerlegt vnd fur jrrig erkandt, auch die vrsache expositionibusgenugsam befunden, jedog wan ich jemals hette nur den geringsten gedancken den hunderstentheil solcher absurden opinion erlanget, muste ich mich des wegen schemen vnd jez darvberlachen; Die erste opinion, die jch geffaset, die habe jch aus den authoren geschopfet, ein gans

Jar ste… betrachtet, darnach in die berg stede bis in vngeren, auf mher dan 24. Berckwerck vor-reisset, alles erforschet beÿ bergleuten vnd gelerten; Darnach wie jch zu haus gekommen, vnd eingross theil des erzes mit gebracht, daraus das silber vnd goldt durch die natur herfur gewachsen,habe jch 5 gansse jar darein gearbeitet also das das feuer nacht und tag gehalten, ohn vnterlass,das jch mher dan 15. hundert nachte continuè, nicht fur eins jn die nacht mich zu bette gelegt,vnd vmb 4. wider herfur; Jedog sage Ich, ist diesse meine opinion die aller weiteste von derwarheit, ob sie wol der natur gemess; was wolte dan einer sagen, der auch die metal vorliesse

vnd giebe sich zu dem flindstein den zubearbeiten, davon fur dis mhal genug: Wegen derbucher, so nach lubeck sollen, thu jch bericht, das ob godt wil, baldt nach den osterfeiertagen




[book] by the author, as well as all the other German books, is founded on this matter, whichhe calls here, on page 216, Magnesia of the Philosophers, a son of the macrocosm. Althoughvery much ashamed, the aforementioned prince admitted that he had given [him] two hundredReichsthaler; his servant said that he had [in fact] given him two thousand Thaler, and freelyadmitted that it was silex of which he had written and filled so much paper, and upon which

he based thousands of allegories and sayings. Yet hereby the good man has strayed very farbeyond the borders of nature and truth, which can be understood in a better manner bysomeone well versed not only in chymia but also in physica and the whole philosophy, forsince the breeding and propagation of animals occurs through animal semen suitable toeach species, so also plants [are propagated] through plant seeds, and metals through a met-allic seed. But silex, a flintstone, is not a metal but rather classed with the stones. Although it isknown that it contains sulphur and the seed or beginning of fire, in no way does it follow fromthis that it belongs to the great work. Yet the same author takes an inferior material encompass-ing vegetables, animals, and minerals—which is why he calls it catholic— as if he wanted totransform everything on earth with it. However, in this matter he was only amusing himself and followed his own thoughts rather than the truth: not only did he want his silex to encompasseverything which is of this world, i.e. elements, minerals, plants, and animals, but also spiritualthings. Thus in particular tracts he godlessly and insolently interpreted all articles of our trueChristian faith in light of his silex and self-invented Stone, not [the Stone] of the Philosophersbut rather of the imagination. Neither I nor any good Christian can interpret this in hisfavour, and as a consequence he has been horribly ridiculed in many tracts, as well he deserves.He may interpret the sayings of Solomon as he wishes, as long as he does not go beyond the limitsof true theology. However, the latter is certainly the case when he makes his associations concern-ing the Philosophers’ Stone and its materials, which he identifies solely with the silex. For he sup-poses that the wisdom of the entire world is contained in this stone, which is not the judgement of a wise man. I think that if one wanted to describe the physica and the polytiae of this sameinferior, despised stone, one would be able to make quite a substantial book, because it is alittle piece of God’s creation. But in comparison with this his interpretation counts for

nothing, and is as far removed from it as the sky is from the earth. The figures of the aforemen-tioned Amphitheatre are very wonderful, since they were invented by the author’s imagination:they all point to the silex, which is everything in all things. He interprets the sayings of Daniel2.34 and 2.45 as allusions to it [the silex], where it is mentioned that a stone was cut outwithout hands which broke the feet of the statue, which were made from iron and clay, andcrushed them. He also inserts it into the large figure after page 214: there you can see the silexwith the letters IHESV, Dan. 2.34 and 2.35, Filius mundi maioris.131 However, such fanciesdo not belong to Theosophica, and much less to Physica or Chymica, as they are againstGod, nature, reason, and experience. Usually I let everyone adhere to their own opinion,whether one thinks highly of it or not. I have had more than three hundred opinions in thefield of chemistry, one after the other, which were then rejected and recognised as erroneous

through subsequent experience; I even thought the cause in these explanations was sufficient.However, had I ever had the slightest thought which was only one hundredth as absurd assuch an opinion, I would have been ashamed of it at the time, and [would] now laugh aboutit. The first opinion I ever conceived I took from the authors; I thought about it for a year,then I travelled into the mountain towns all the way to Hungary, to twenty-four mines, investi-gating all that I could among the miners and the learned people. After returning home, when Ihad brought with me a large quantity of the ores from which nature grows silver and gold, Iworked for a full five years on it, keeping the fire going day and night without pause, so thatfor more than fifteen hundred consecutive nights I did not go to bed before one and awokeagain at four. Nevertheless, I declare that this opinion of mine was the very farthest from thetruth, even if it was in accordance with nature. So what can one say who leaves the metals to

131“Son of the greater world.”




jch selbst dahin gedenck zu vorreissen; zu welcher reisse jch dan, ob wol schwachheit halben iches sonsten, et re familiari non poscente, nicht thete, das vorsprechen, so E[ure].G[estrenge]. furdiessen mhal durch gegenwertigen seinen diener mir anerboten, (hoc est, ad huc aliquid in rem

promissam, et quid ulterius, zu senden vnd zuzustellen zulassen) zu allem danck anneme, vorhof-fende nach [alle, gebethe demselben?] genug zu [?], | wormit E.G. jch gottlichem schuze trewlig

thu empfelen; Dab: Magdeburg, den 15. April A[nno]. 1622.E.G.dienstwilligerMichael Maierus C [omes],

Letter 8: Michael Maier to Gebhard Johann von Alvensleben;Magdeburg, 9 July 1622

Gestrenger, Woll Edler, Ehrenvester Grossgunstiger Juncker, Es seint E[urer].G[estrenge]. meinewillige dienste zu jeder zeit bereidt, mit wundschung aller gluckseligkeit von Godt dem Almechti-

gen, vnd kan E[ure].G[estrenge]. mit diessem schreibende, beÿ jeziger gelegenheit zu besuchen nitvnterlassen, Erstlig der vrsachen, das jch nit fur vndanckbar wegen vbersendung der besten gefu-gell, vnd nun der 3. steine guter wolle, so meiner frawen zu ihrer hausshaltung vber alles vor-dienst vorehret, so ferne jch deswegen mit den Gratys nicht solte auf den Geber zu ruckesehen vnd ihm schriftlig dafur dancken, mochte geachtet werden, Derowegen dan E.G. hiefor,wie auch fur alles ander, jch höchligen vnd dienstlichen danck weiss, der hoffnung es mochteGodt alles dahin fugen mit meinen sachen, das jch mit der daht vnd warheit, wer es nicht angeldt oder gude, jedog an anderen nuzbaren vnd E[urer].G[estrenge]. gefalligen sachen,mochte hinwider danckbarlig gespuret werden, Zum anderen derweil jch vortrewlicher weissean E.G. diener johan wenckenbach geschrieben, wegen noch ezlicher sorten der abgeseztenmunzen mir zu wege zu bringen den… ich in diesser beschwerlichen zeit einen nuzen da …

hette machen konnen, welchen sunsten die abwei… weg nemen, vnd er, wie jch vorstanden, esE[urer].G[estrenge]. angedeutet, so mag E[ure].G[estrenge]. darauf wissen, das jch es darumbgethan, das jch mochte durch mittel dessen was sunderbares vnd hohes, davon jch so oft ges-chrien, in der Medicin vorrichte[n] vnd das darumb, das jch nicht angesehen mochte werden,das ich ander, so nicht lust da zu haben, mochte hin zu ziehen vnd in vnkostvng [brin] | gen,welches niemals godt weis, mein sinn vnd gemudt gewesen, auch nicht sein soll, vnd dem nachsolche sorten nicht mher vorhanden, spure jch wol, das mir hierein kein sonderbar nuze entstehnkan; Jch habe auch genugsten aus des wenckenbachs worten, alse vbergesendeten gaben vorstan-den, das E[uer].G[estrenge]. gemuthe gegen mir geneiget vnd nichts abgenommen, Darumb jchfast mir gedancken mache, Es wurde E[ure].G[estrenge]. mher meine grosse nodtwendigkeit zuden sachen, dafür ich es zu gebrauchen gedencke, ansehen, dan meine vnvorschamenheit odervberaus dieses anmuthent, ja viel mher aus seiner angeboren milde gewonheit, dan ausmeinen vordienst, oder hofnung desselben, vnd so viel Jhr G[estrenge]. geliebet, darzu liehnenvnd zu kommen zu lassen, damit jch einmahl muge sehen vnd vorsthen, was jch zu der muehsa-men Medicin nach so viel Jare mit grossen vnkosten vnd irrdumb getrieben, ob da warheit oderfalscheit seÿ, solte jch solche ein vorhofte Medicin eins zu henden kriegen, zweifel Jch nicht, manwurde viel apothekerschische sachen damit zu kaufen vberhaben sein; Zu diess[en] vrsachenkumpt hin zu, das jezo die Medicin… hier nichtes geldt, vnd dadurch nicht das geringste zuerwerben; Wan jch aber solte ein tag oder ezliche hiemit haben for gehabt, wolte Jch vorweissenvnd wol sehen, ob jch damit meinen nuzen schaffen konte; Warheit sol allezeit beÿ mir sein, vndaufrichtigkeit, daran E[ure].G[estrenge]. nicht zu zweifelen; wormit E[ure].G[estrenge]. jchgothes gnedigem schuze trewlig thu empfelen, 9. Juijy A[nn]o 1622. zu Magdeburg

E.G.

WilligerMichael Maier D[octor]:




work on flintstone? Enough on this matter for now. In relation to the books which need to bebrought to Lübeck, I should report that I intend to go there myself, soon after the Easter celebra-tions, if God wills it, although I would not otherwise make the journey because of my weakness;and because I am not needed there on family business, I would like to gratefully accept the offerYour Lordship made via your servant (namely, to send and have delivered hither some of the

promised things, and something more). Hoping, [….]. With which I truly commend Your Lord-ship to God’s protection. Given Magdeburg, the 15th of April in the year 1622.Your Lordship’s willing servantMichael Maierus Count .


Valiant, noble, honourable, and generous lord, I am eagerly at Your Lordship’s service at alltimes, and I wish you all blessings from God the Almighty; and I cannot omit to visit your

Lordship on this occasion with this letter. Firstly, because I did not want to appear ungratefulby failing to respond to the donor and thanking him in writing after you honoured us aboveanything we have deserved by sending the best fowl and three stones of good wool to my wifefor her household. Hence, I want to thank Your Lordship very much and in all servitude forthis and everything else, hoping that God may direct my fortunes, so that I will in return beseen as thankful in deeds and wisdom, if not with money and goods then with other useful andpleasant things. Secondly, because I wrote to your servant Johann Wenckenbach with respectto his bringing me several sorts of discontinued coin which could have been of use to me inthese difficult times, and which the [?] would otherwise take away. I understand that he men-tioned this to Your Lordship, and I would like Your Lordship to know that I did this so that Imight by such means achieve something noble and exceptional in medicine, of which I have

cried [written?] so often. And the reason for this is that I do not want to be seen as someonewho drags others, who have no interest in the matter, into great expense, which, as Godknows, has never been nor ever shall be my meaning or intention; and because such sorts[of coinage] are no longer available I feel that no special benefit will come to me from this.I have also understood from Wenckenbach’s words and from the gifts sent to me that YourLordship’s opinion of me is well-disposed and has not lessened, so that I have dared toimagine that Your Lordship would take heed of my great need for the things for which Iintend to use it [the coinage] rather than of my impertinence or whatever else this mayappear to be, and that Your Lordship might, more due to your mild nature than to mymerit or hope thereof, send me a loan, as much as it pleases Your Lordship, so that I mayonce and for all see and understand where I have come to with this toilsome medicine,after so many years with great cost and error, [and see] if there is truth or falsehood there.If I were able to get my hands on the medicine I am hoping for, then I have no doubt thatone would no longer have to buy many things from the apothecary. In addition to thesereasons, at the moment the medicine is worth nothing and one cannot earn anything withit. However, if I could set aside a few days, I would like to present it and see if I could generateprofit from it. Truth and sincerity will always be with me, Your Lordship should not doubtthat. With which I faithfully commend Your Lordship to God’s merciful protection. 9th of

July in the year 1622 in Magdeburg.Your Lordship’s willing [servant]Michael Maier Doctor.





Gestrenger, Wol Edler, Ehrenvester Juncker, Nach wundschung aller geluckseligen wolfardtvon Godt dem Almechtigen vnd erbietung meiner willigen dienste, habe jch nicht vnterlassen

können E.G. hirmit zu vor stendigen, das ich mich wegen meines lesten gethanen schreibendes,vnd darauf ergangener antwordt, vmmerzu gedancken gemacht vnd gefurchtet, alse mansolches nicht jm besten vnd etwas harter auf meiner seiten aufgenommen, Alse nemblig, diejch mit vberflussigen gaben vnd geschencken wider vordienst von E.G. miltiglig vorsehen,dennoch darauf ein summa geldes begeret, Nun weis Godt das solches mein vornemenniemals gewesen, vnd das jch wol ein jedes in meiner gedechtnuss behalte, was nur gutesvnd fur wolthaten nun ein gute zeit her von E.G. widerfaren, vnd erkenne solches erst furein sonderbare schenkung Gottes, der mich alhir gleich wie in einer wusten respectu medicinae

practicae, solchen patronen gezeiget vnd sein herz dahin bewogen hat, das er mir so mildigligdie handt bis anhero geboten, darwegest dancke E[urer].G[estrenge]. jch von grundt meinesherzen, gensslichen der zuvorsicht, wie mir godt den willen gegeben, solches nach högstemfleis zu vorschulden, so werde er mir auch in kurzem die macht vorlehen; zwar die vorspro-

chene werke auszuschreiben vnd E[urer].G[estrenge]. zu offeriren, were wol ein arbeidt,damit jch dennoch keine sonderbare danckbarkeit konte anzeigen, Habe demnach mitallem fleis auf ein anderen weg getrachtet, alse nemblig das jch eins mochte die lang gesuchteMedicin zu gutem ende bringen, welche jch umb sondere vrsache willen, wie auch andereAuthores, das Aurum potabile nenne; vnd deweil dan jch durch Gottes geschenck vnd gabenun jn der | selben Medicin so wol praxi alse Theoria so weit gekommen, das jch wol gedenckewas fruchtbarliches darein ohn je[nwi?]ges jrrens, (welches jch nun diesse 20. jar vber 300.mhal getrieben) zu vorrichten, so habe jch doch auf gute gelegenheit gewartet, damit jchein mhal In diesser vnerhorten teurung die haussorge ein wenig mochte beÿ seiten legen,vnd ein kleines erober[n] damit solches hohes werck, (welches mir, Godt sey zeuge, jn vorsu-chung ezliche tausent thaler gekostet) von mir mochte vorgenommen; getrieben vnd volendet

werden; Es ist aber mitlerweile ein gudt theil des sommers weg gegangen, deweil dan jchsolches mit der Luna potabili eben so wol, alse der sole konte vorrichten, habe jch gedachtauf das mittel der abgesezten munze, darumb jch zu h. wenckenbach geschrieben, vormei-nende nicht solches vmb sunst zu entfahren, sunderen dafur genug zu thun; Darauf hatman mir berichtet, das der gattung nicht mher vorhanden, Nun muss jch bekennen, were esvber die mass zu viel von mir gethan, das jch die wulle damals entfangen, vnd noch dervber solte etwas mher begeren; Aber jch bin eingenommen durch gewissheit meiner sachen,so jch gedachte zu vorrichten, vnd als dan mich gegen E[ure].G[estrenge]. danckbarlig zu erk-leren, mher alse das jch solte solches aus vormessenheit, geiz, oder vnmugligkeit gethan haben;Daneben ist auch ein andere vrsache, welche jch fur dissmhal nicht kan entdecken, sunderenwol zu seiner zeit geschen soll; Mein begeren auch ist wol nicht definieret gewesen, der vrsa-

chen, nicht das es magni numeri oder pretÿ sein solte, sunderen, das jch gedachte, es were sogeringe es wolle, konte es mir dienstlig zu neuen vorhabenden sachen fallen; Jst derowegenmein dienst vnd freundlig bitten solches mein anmuthen nicht anders alse im besten aufzune-men, vorhoffende E[ure].G[estrenge]. werde es vnlang | wol spuren, wohin jch mein zielgesezet, vnd das jch kein vndanckbarer werde gefunden werden; Das mir der H. Staritiusgesaget, hat er nicht aus bösem affectu[m] gethan, sunderen aus gutem vortrawen, so es zumir getragen; darin jch mich auch wol weis geburlig zu halten; Jch solte nun wol ezlichebucher von dem vorsprochenen werk E[urer].G[estrenge]. hirmit senden, (sollen auch nichtlange ausbleiben), Aber jch bin vnverhoflig daran vorhindert, Sende in mittels E[urer].G[estrenge]. alhir zwie tractatlein, eines lateinisch, das ander deutsch, beide E[urer].G[estrenge].namen dediciret, vnter welches das lateinische nunmhal, so es E[urer].G[estrenge]. geliebet,

kan in offentlichem druck kommen, dessen jch kein exemplar mher habe, das ander istnicht der wirdigkeit, auch nur E[urer].G[estrenge]. zu gute vorfasset, damit sie nur kurzlig,





Valiant, noble, and honourable lord, after wishing you every bliss and good health from Godthe Almighty and offering you my eager service, I could not neglect to let Your Lordship

hereby know that my thoughts have constantly been upon my last letter and the subsequentreply, and that I have been worried that it may not have placed me in the best light; namelythat I, who had been kindly provided by Your Lordship with many more gifts and presentsthan I deserve, should nevertheless have asked for a sum of money as well. God knowsthat this was never my intent and that I keep in mind those good things and benefactions Ihave been receiving from Your Lordship for some time now, and I recognise this as aspecial gift from God who showed to me — in this place, which is like a desert with respect to the practice of medicine — such a patron, and who thus far has moved his heart to offera benevolent helping hand. For this I thank Your Lordship from the bottom of my heart, infull confidence that, as God gave me the will to diligently make good this debt, He willsoon grant me the power to do so as well. To write out the promised works and offer themto Your Lordship would involve considerable work, yet it still would not demonstrate any par-

ticular gratitude. Hence I have diligently thought of another way, namely that I might at lastcomplete the long-sought medicine, which I for special reasons call the Aurum potabile as theother authors do; and as I have now through God’s gift made such progress on this medicine inboth practice and theory that I believe I will accomplish something fruitful with it withoutfurther errors (of which I have made more than three hundred in these twenty years). Ihave been waiting for a good opportunity to put the management of household affairs toone side during this unheard-of inflation, and win a little time so that I might take up,advance, and accomplish such noble work (which has cost me, as God is my witness,several thousand Thaler on experiments). But a good part of the summer is now over, andas I would be able to achieve this with the Luna potabile [potable silver] just as well aswith the sole [sun, i.e. Aurum potabile], I thought of using the discontinued coins, and so I

wrote to Mr Wenckenbach, not with the intent of receiving these things for free but for ade-quate recompense, whereupon I was informed that the type [of coinage] is no longer available.I have to admit that it would be far too much for me to have received the wool back then andstill ask for more beyond that but I was driven by the certainty of the things that I planned toaccomplish and [by the wish] to express my gratitude to Your Lordship, rather than havingdone such a thing out of impudence, avarice, or iniquity. In addition, there is anotherreason which for now cannot be revealed, but will be in good time. My request was alsopoorly defined: it was not meant to be for a large number or precious [coins], but rather Ithought that however little it might be, it would be of service for my new plans. Hence it ismy dutiful and amicable plea that my request be received in nothing but the best spirit, inthe hope that Your Lordship will soon understand what my purpose is, and that I will not

be considered ungrateful. Mr Staritius told me [that] what he did was not out of spite butrather because he trusted me with the matter; I also know how to behave with proprietyregarding these things. Now I should really also send several books of the promised workto Your Lordship with this letter (which will not tarry much longer), but I have been unexpect-edly hindered in that matter. Instead, I hereby send Your Lordship two little tracts, one inLatin, the other in German, both dedicated to Your Lordship; the Latin tract (of which Ihave no other copy) could be published if it pleases Your Lordship. The other tract is notworth the trouble, and is written for the benefit of Your Lordship alone, so that you canbriefly see, as in a mirror, what a true and a false Aurum potabile is, and for what reasonsI have spent so many years pursuing it. Concerning the poems132 others may judge later, asI do not plan to write more [poems] about chymia after them; instead I plan to restrict

132 Probably Maier’s Cantilenae intellectuales de phoenice redivivo.




wi in einem spiegel sehen mugen, was ein rechtes oder falsches Aurum potabile seÿ, vnd auswas vrsachen jch deme nun so viel jar lang nachgestrebet; Von den Carminibus mugen anderehernach vrtheilen, Dan Jch In Chymia, aussen diessen, nun nicht mher gedencke zu schreiben,vnd wil mich, geliebet es godt, mit der praxi begnugen lassen; Wie nun diesses nicht ausfalschem, sunderen waren gemuthe zu E[urer].G[estrenge]. werde gesandt vnd ihr dienstwillig

offeriret, so wolle sie diss, wie auch das forige schreiben in allem besten aufnemen vnd ausdeu-ten; vnd mein grossgunstiger Juncker, patron, freunde, h. gefatter vnd befurderer sein vndbleiben, Womit jch vns allesambt Gottes gnedigem schutze trewlig thu empfelen, Datum Mag-deburg, den 18. Julij A[nn]o 1622.

E[urer]. G[estrenge]. willigerMichael Maiër D[octor].




myself, if it pleases God, to the praxis. As this is being sent to Your Lordship with good ratherthan bad intentions, and offered to you eagerly, may this letter, as well as the last, be favour-ably received and understood. May Your Lordship be and remain my generous lord, patron,friend, benefactor, and sponsor, with which I truly commend us all to God ’s grace and protec-tion. Given Magdeburg, the 18th of July in the year 1622.

Your Lordship’s willing [servant]Michael Maier Doctor.


Documents

Michael Maier — Alchemy