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MEXICAN FOREIGN POLICY:MEXICO AND NAFTA
Jorge A. SchiavonProfessor and Director
International Studies DepartmentCentro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas (CIDE)
Université d’eté sur l’intégration et les relations transfrontalières nord-américanes,
Université de Sherbrooke, August 16-20, 2010
Structure of the PresentationI. A general view of Mexico’s foreign policyII. Transformation of Mexican foreign policy
DomesticCauses
International
III. Special relation with the USIV. NAFTA
ALWAYS COMPARE TO CANADA (VERY SIMILAR)
I. Mexico’s Foreign Policy
Survive (and benefit) from hegemony (U.S.)Leadership in Latin America: area of influence (Central America), balancing (Brasil, in South America), and third border (Caribbean)Multilateral activity (legalistic and variable)Limited relations with Europe, East Asia, Middle East, Central Asia, Africa and South Pacific.
I. Mexico’s Foreign Policy
Mexico in the world (rule of 10s)GDP: +1,000,000 million USDPopulation: + 100,000 millionGDP p.c.: +10,000 USD (unequal)Between 10-15 place worldwide (territory, population, GDP, trade): G-5, G-20Territory: 2,000 million sq. km.US Border: 3,000 k.m.
I. Mexico’s Foreign Policy
North America (geography and economics)Canada, U.S. and MexicoNorth American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP)
Latin America (history, culture, language)Latin-American conceptGRULAC, Ibero-AmericaOAS, FTAA, Rio GroupNAFTA, Mercosur, Andean Pact, CACM, Caricom, G3, bilateral
I. Mexico’s Foreign Policy
Foreign policy definition:
State’s public policy towards the exteriorMain function:
Protect independence Maximize sovereigntyand territorial integrity = (internal, external,
(Dictionary of Diplomacy) absolute, and equality)
In democracy, it must represent and defend theinterest of the majority = welfare (politicalstability and economic development)
I. Mexico’s Foreign PolicyMexico has always understood by sovereignty, the power to maintain its territorial integrity and to define its domestic policies in a free, autonomous and independent way, with no pressure or external interference (especially from the US),
its form of governmentits domestic policiesits foreign policy
I. Mexico’s Foreign PolicyUS is the most important international relation for Mexico.
The rest of the bilateral, regional, hemispheric, multilateral and global relations are tied directly or indirectly to this relation.
To understand Mexican Foreign Policy it is fundamental to understand its bilateral relation with its northern neighbor.
When we talk about relations with Latin America, Europe, or Asia, of participation in international or regional organisms, of the definition co concepts such as sovereignty, nation, principles, interests, of negotiation on topics such as security, trade, investment or immigration, the obliged reference of Mexico’s international relations has always been, and is, with the United States.
I. Mexico’s Foreign Policy• The level of attention to the relation with the US has
always been really high; on the contrary, the relations with other countries, regions, and international organisms are varied, inconsistent and selective, for which one cannot really talk about general policies towards Latin America, Europe, Asia, or regional or global organizations (such as UN, OAS, IMF, or WB).
• Mexico tries to use these relations to balance, diversify, and neutralize the negative effects of the concentration in the relation with the US.
There is a lack of an explicit and sustained will to project Mexico’s power at regional and global level; even in its natural area of influence, Central and Latin America, the Mexican participation has been limited and selective in time and space.
Given its limited relative power in front of other world powers, the participation of Mexico in multilateral organizations tend to have a legal nature, trying to defend the value of international law over the power and use of force in the international system (asymmetry of power vis a vis U.S.).
I. Mexico’s Foreign Policy
History: surviving asymmetry1848, 1898, 1945, 1989, 2008?
Penetration of U.S. systemExecutive diplomacyAdministrative diplomacy (Bi-national Commission)Parliamentary diplomacy + lobbyLocal diplomacy (Consulates)Diaspora diplomacy (IME)Regional diplomacy (NAFTA)Societal diplomacy (MNC, NGOs, academia, family)
I. Mexico’s Foreign Policy
II. Changes in Mexican Foreign Policy
International system: globalization and interdependence
Domestic system: economic opening, structural reforms, democratization and decentralization
II. Changes in Mexican Foreign Policy
According to the Constitution, Mexico is a democratic system: presidential, strong bicameralism (symmetric and incongruent chambers), and federal, in other words, in terms of institutional division of powers, it is one of the cases with the highest degree of division
In terms of foreign policy, in the Mexican political system, the sovereign power is shared by the three branches of government (conduction / revision and approval/ application)
II. Changes in Mexican Foreign Policy
70 years of PRI hegemony = one of the most centralized in the worldMerger between federal Executive and Official Party Mexican president = main actor with enormous meta-constitutional powers (presidentialism)
Indisputable leaderWhose party had majority in both legislative chambers and controlled all state governments (until 1989)Highly disciplined party
II. Changes in Mexican Foreign Policy
Executive
Legislativo
1. Constitutional
division of powers
2. L
egis
lativ
e di
visi
on o
f pow
er
6. D
ivis
ion
of p
urpo
se b
etw
een
cham
bers
8. D
ivis
ión
de p
ropó
sito
en p
artid
os
4. Party fragmentation
3. Federal division of
power
7. Division of purpose between
government orders
5. Division of purpose between powers
II. Changes in Mexican Foreign PolicyVariable 1982 Erosion starts 2000
Constitutional division of powers
Presidential No institutional change Presidential
Legislative division of powers
Strong bicameralism (symmetric and incongruent
chambers)
No institutional change Strong bicameralism (symmetric and incongruent chambers)
Federal division of powers
Federalism No institutional change Federalism
Attributions in the conduction of foreign policy
Conduction by the executive (with analysis of foreign
policy, ratification of treaties, ambassadors, and consuls by
the Senate, and absences from national territory by Congress)
No institutional change Conduction by the executive (with analysis of foreign policy,
ratification of treaties, ambassadors, and consuls by the
Senate, and absences from national territory by Congress)
Fragmentation of parties
Low fragmentationNEP Deputies: 1.720NEP Senators: 1.032
Fragmentation increases in elections 1988
Medium fragmentationNEP Deputies: 2.769NEP Senators: 2.786
Division of purpose among
powers
Unified governmentPresidency: PRI
Absolute majority in chambers: PRI
PRI looses presidency in 2000
Divided governmentPresidency: PAN
Absolute majority in chambers: no party
II. Changes in Mexican Foreign PolicyVariable 1982 Erosion starts 2000
Division of purpose among chambers
Legislative unityPRI Deputies: 74.8%PRI Senators: 98.4%
PRI looses majority of deputies in 1997 and of
Senators in 2000
Legislative DivisionPRI Deputies: 42.2%PRI Senators: 46.1%
Division of purpose among levels of
government
Unitary governmentGovernors from PRI: 100%
PRI looses first state government (Baja California) in 1989
Juxtaposed governmentGovernors for PAN: 25.0%
Division of purpose among parties
Total disciplineDiscipline Index:
Nearly 100%
Indiscipline starts in PRI and PAN in Zedillo’s
administration (electoral reform and Fobaproa)
Declining disciplineDiscipline Index:
80-90% approximately
CONDUCTION OF FOREIGN
POLICY PREDICTION
TOTAL CONTROL BY THE EXECUTIVE (WITHOUT QUESTIONING OR THE
PARTICIPATION OF THE LEGISLATIVE OR THE
STATES)
EXECUTIVE CONTROL (WITH QUESTIONINGS AND
INCREASING PARTICIPATION OF THE LEGISLATIVE AND THE
STATES)
Special relation with the US
0.0
10.0
20.0
30.0
40.0
50.0
60.0
70.0
80.0
90.0
100.0
1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2001
Porce
ntaje
Año
EXPORTS AND IMPORTS ACCORDING TO THE REGION OF DESTINY AND ORIGIN, IN TERMS OF TOTAL MEXICAN EXPORTS AND IMPORTS
AMÉRICA DEL NORTE % ImportaciónAMÉRICA DEL NORTE % ExportaciónAMÉRICA LATINA Y EL CARIBE % ImportaciónAMÉRICA LATINA Y EL CARIBE % ExportaciónUNIÓN EUROPEA % Importación
Special relation with the US85% of exports70% of imports2/3 of FDI30 million Mexicans in US
15 million born in Mexico7.5 million illegal
25,000 million USD remittances3,000 k.m. borderTijuana-San Diego: most important international crossing
Special relation with the USPriority in Mexican foreign policy = containment of US hegemony
Priority in US foreign policy towards Mexico = stability and security of southern border
Since the end of World War II, the US-Mexico relations have been characterized as a common interest on minimizing frictions and privilege cooperation for the solution of bilateral affairs.
Special relation with the US
This has resulted in a “special relation” between the two countries that has allowed wide margins of autonomy to Mexico in its management of its internal and external policies in moment of international stability, but at the same time, it has required discrete alignment with the US in moments of crisis.
Special relation with the US
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
1985 1989 1994 1999
Perc
enta
ge
Year
Coincidence in voting with the United States in the United Nations General Assembly
Mexico Canada United Nations
Source: G. González (2001)
23
NAFTA OBJECTIVES
Free trade area (goods, services and capital); no CET or migration
Increase competitiveness
Lock in economic reforms at domestic level (before andafter NAFTA):
% of GDPOil vs manufactures
Regional vs open integration / one vs. many FTAs
24
Huge increase in exports
Mexico is the third most important exporter and importer vis a vis the US:
+ 600 % increase in less than 20 years
44.4
241.7
*Cifras preliminares para 2008 Fuente: Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores con datos de Banco de México
Exportaciones de México a EE.UU. y Canadá1990-2008
(Miles de millones de dólares)
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
*
Exp. Petroleras Exp. No petroleras
25
FDI
Inversión Extranjera Directa (IED) en México(acumulada 1994-2008, miles de millones de dólares)
18 veces desde 1994
15 , 1 2 4 , 73 4 , 8
4 9 , 06 1, 4
7 5 , 29 3 , 2
12 2 , 914 6 , 6
16 2 , 918 6 , 4
2 0 1. 02 2 8 , 8
2 5 5 , 92 7 3 , 5
1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008
* Para el año de 2008 la inversión extranjera directa esta reportada hasta el mes de septiembre
26
Inflación promedio anual (2000=100)
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
35%
40%
1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006
México EE.UU.
Fuente: OECD
Convergence
27
Country risk
0
100
200
300
400
500
600
700
800
900
1000
1100
1200
01/0
4/20
08
09/0
6/20
07
05/1
1/20
07
01/1
6/20
07
09/1
8/20
06
05/2
3/20
06
01/2
6/20
06
09/2
7/20
05
06/0
2/20
05
02/0
4/20
05
10/0
7/20
04
06/1
4/20
04
02/1
8/20
04
10/2
0/20
03
06/2
4/20
03
02/2
7/20
03
10/2
9/20
02
07/0
3/20
02
03/0
8/20
02
11/0
7/20
01
07/1
0/20
01
03/1
4/20
01
11/1
4/20
00
07/2
0/20
00
03/2
4/20
00
11/2
9/19
99
08/0
2/19
99
04/0
7/19
99
12/0
8/19
98
08/1
1/19
98
04/1
6/19
98
Pun
tos
base
sob
re U
ST
Méx
ico
(EM
BI+
)
Fuente: JP Morgan
28
Agriculture
COMERCIO AGROALIMENTARIO Y PESQUERO MÉXICO-MUNDO(Millones de dólares)
Exportaciones = XExportaciones = X Importaciones = MImportaciones = MFuente: Banco de México
00
1,0001,0002,0002,0003,0003,000
4,0004,0005,0005,0006,0006,000
7,0007,0008,0008,0009,0009,000
10,00010,000
11,00011,00012,00012,000
13,00013,000
14,00014,00015,00015,000
16,00016,00017,00017,000
19801980 19811981 19821982 19831983 19841984 19851985 19861986 19871987 19881988 19891989 19901990 19911991 19921992 19931993 19941994 19951995 19961996 19971997 19981998 19991999 20002000 20012001 20022002 20032003 20042004 20052005 20062006
Adhesión de México al GATT
TMAC 1980TMAC 1980--19861986X: 4.7%X: 4.7%
M: M: --12.6%12.6%
Acuerdos Bilaterales
TMAC 1986TMAC 1986--19941994X: 5.3%X: 5.3%M: 22.7%M: 22.7%
TMAC 1994TMAC 1994--20082008X: 10.6%X: 10.6%M: 7.1%M: 7.1%
18,00018,00019,00019,000
20072007 20082008
29
Mexico is the second exporter to the US
Fuente: Secretaría de Economía con datos de Banco de México.
Exportaciones de México a la región TLCAN (millones de dólares)
* Agroalimentarios es la suma de los agropecuarios y los agroindustriales. ** Cifras en el año de 2008 acumulado (enero-octubre)
1993-2008**286%
188%
566%
0
2.000
4.000
6.000
8.000
10.000
12.000
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
*
Agroalimentarias Agropecuario Agroindustrial
Agroalimentario
Agropecuario
Agroindustrial
30
Net importer of grains
Balanza comercial agroalimentaria con Estados Unidos y Canadá, 1990 – 2007 1/
(millones de dólares)
-662 -723
-1763-1565
-2571
-413
-1958
-1447
-2021
-1427
-1816
-3068-2963
-2773
-2420
-2045-1884
-678,7
-3500
-3000
-2500
-2000
-1500
-1000
-500
01990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007
Años
Valo
res
1/ Cifras disponibles a junio
Fuente: Secretaría de Economía con datos de Banco de México.
31
Evaluation of NAFTA
Has changed face of Mexican economic model anddevelopment strategy
Lightning rod effect: positive and negative
Trade concentration with US (dangerous)
Macro and microeconomic consequences (growth vsinequality)
Renegotiation impossible: it has already happened
Limited to goods, services and capital; next step?Compatible with other FTAs and global liberalization?
Between Regions and countries• 51% believe more attention to
Latin America is needed
• 24% consider Europe a priority
• Asia does not exist: only 3% think Mexico should give it more attention, and 38% that the economic competition in this region is a big problem for Mexico
• Have more favorable opinion regarding European and Asian countries than for their Latin American neighbors
Mexico and America
• Mexicans do not want to be part of the north or the south, but the bridge between them.
• Believe that there will be further economic and political integration with the North America (67% y 61%) y and with Latin America (72% y 64%)
• Don’t want Mexico to act as a leader n the region, but as equals (59%)
• A minority prefer regional leadership from Mexico (22%)
Jorge A. SchiavonProfessor and Director
International Studies DepartmentCIDE
Contact: