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Memory at WorkAn analysis of nostalgia in music through digital technology
Bob Balm & Puck van Sprang
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Digital Music Cultures
MA Nieuwe Media en Digitale Cultuur
Authors: Bob Balm and Puck van Sprang
Student ID: 3218546 and 3253252
Teacher: Isabella van Elferen
Institution: Universiteit Utrecht
January 2011
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Table of Contents
Introduction (Bob & Puck) 2
1. Nostalgia (Bob & Puck) 4
2. Musical Treasures (Puck) 9
3. Victims of Memory (Bob) 17
4. Technogical Nostalgia (Bob & Puck) 25
References 30
Musical References 34
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Introduction
The question of what music is and what it does to its listeners is a very broad one, and a
question that has so far been, and will perhaps forever, remain without a definitive answer.
One strand of sub-questions we may ask when researching musics place in the world has to
do with its relation to peoples memories. We all have that one special song that takes us
back to when we were young and in school, when we met that special someone with whom
we shared a summer, or when we hung out with friends at the local mall. Whenever such a
song is played on the radio we are instantly reminded of exactly how it was in those days.
We recall the people we were with, the environment we are in, perhaps even minor details
such as a particular smell or sound. Such impulses are generally known to evoke a feeling ofnostalgia (Bull 2009: 86). The central theme of this essay will be exactly that: nostalgia in
music. We want to place the emphasis on the way nostalgia emerges through listening to
music.
Michael Bull, in The Auditory Nostalgia of iPod Culture (2009), gives a description of how
iPod users experience nostalgia through the devices typical features such as playlists and
the shuffle function. In his analysis however, he remains rather superficial in dealing with
the concept of nostalgia itself. Our aim in this essay will be to delve deeper into this concept.
We will do so by examining a division that has arisen when considering nostalgia. This
division splits the concept into voluntarily conjured up nostalgia, or voluntary memory on
the one hand, and involuntarily evoked nostalgia, or involuntary memory, on the other. This
division is embodied in this essay by two works. First, Taking Your Favourite Sound Along:
Portable Audio Technologies for Mobile Music Listening (2009) by Heike Weber in which
she introduces sound souvenirs as a metaphor for voluntary auditory memories. Second, in
The Musical Madeleine: Communication, Performance, and Identity in Musical Ringtones
(2010), Imar de Vries and Isabella van Elferen similarly use the madeleine, a type of French
cookie, metaphorically to explain how mmoires involontaires involuntary (auditory)
memories are evoked through musical ringtones on mobile phones. While ringtones
themselves have little relation to this article, the metaphor of the musical madeleine will
prove to be useful in defining nostalgia more specifically.
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In Chapters two and three of this essay, which deal with these two areas of musical
nostalgia, two philosophical approaches will be used to analyze the process of creating and
recalling memories. The second chapter will be devoted to Jacques Derridas view on
archives and will attempt to match it with the concept of voluntary nostalgia and (portable)
music devices. In the third chapter, a similar analysis is given of involuntary nostalgia using
the ideas of Gilles Deleuze surrounding memory and time. It must be stressed that we are
not trying to combine Derrida and Deleuze in order to make a single statement. Rather, the
philosophers offer valuable complements to the suggested sides of nostalgia we discussed
earlier. Finally, in chapter four, we will examine how nostalgia unfolds in an age of digital
music technologies. The core work of this last chapter is the idea of tertiary memory, by
Bernard Stiegler.
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1. Nostalgia
In The Auditory Nostalgia of iPod Culture Michael Bull uses the concept nostalgia to
describe memories, meaning and other connotations related to music, using the iPod as an
example. According to Bull, for the first time in history it is possible - because of
technological improvements - for listeners to create their own private mobile auditory
world wherever they go (Bull 2009: 83). Portable music devices such as the iPod are
symbolic of a culture in which many increasingly use communication technologies to
control and manage their daily experience (Bull 2009: 83). Bull describes the experience of
this culture from the perspective of the iPod users:
[They] often report being in a dream reveries while on the move turned inward from the
world and living in an interiorized an pleasurable world of their own making, away from
the historical contingency of the world, and into the certainty of their own past, real or
imagined, enclosed safely within their own private auditory soundscape. Nostalgia bathes
these experiences in a warm, personalised glow (2009: 83).
Bull claims that the value of individualized forms becomes the opposite of culturally
fabricated forms of auditory nostalgia. We should not look at interrelations between personaland collective memories of popular music as Jos van Dijck states in Audio, Technologies,
Memory and Cultural Practices, instead the iPod users are prone to listen more individ ually
rather than utilizing collective music devices such as radio (Bull 2009: 84). By saying this he
does not mean that we should not take culture into account, but that the practice of listening
is a moment in which iPod users seek out an individualized moment of consumption.
These individualized practices he describes as forming a personal soundtrack to daily
activities. Some of the examples Bull mentions are people listening to personal audio devices
while shopping, being on public transport or working out in the gym. In doing so, these
listeners create their own soundscape, a sort of auditory bubble (Bull 2009: 84 -85). This
allows them to be more connected with their personal memories evoked by the music.
Nostalgia is Bulls central subject in speaking of contemporary urban experience. It helps to
locate the subject in the world, it gives a semblance of coherence, and it warms up the space
of movement in a mobile world in which users increasingly deflect away from the space and
time traversed (2009: 85). He recognizes a shift of the collectivized auditory nostalgia of the
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twentieth-century Western Society to a more recent individualized form: The segmented
nature of contemporary [] nostalgic [musical] reception is superseded in the present
account by the individualized scheduling of music in the most recent of mobile auditory
technologies, the iPod (Bull 2009: 86).
In our view, Bulls work on auditory nostalgia archived in and evoked by the iPod remains
rather superficial. The aim of this essay then is to explore deeper some of the concepts that
Bull addresses, sometimes unknowingly, in his article. To do so, we will look at two ways in
which auditory nostalgia appears in music theory. First, there is the area of voluntary
auditory memory. This term governs those memories that one is explicitly aware of and
willingly accesses through the listening of a certain (collection of) music. An example of this
is Jerome, one of the respondents to Bulls inquiry. Jerome explains how he purposefully
listens to certain music when he is in a particular mood, for example feeling homesick to
Switzerland, his nation of birth (Bull 2009: 88). The second area is that of involuntary
auditory memory. This kind of memory is not purposefully accessed, but is accidentally
recalled through a certain event, such as a song being played on the radio or a playlist on
shuffle, and takes the listener back to a specific period in his or her life. This type of memory
is shown in Bulls description of nostalgia experienced by Swiss soldiers stationed in France.
Upon hearing sounds such as a village bell ringing or shepherds driving their herds, the
soldiers were reminded of their home in the Swiss Alps.
It should be noted that these two areas are more or less two sides of the same coin, as we
believe the mnemonic mechanisms the way in which the actual process of recollection can
be theoretically conceptualized that drive them both are similar if not blatantly identical. In
this essay we will nonetheless deal with these two areas separately. The area of voluntary
auditory memory, will be mostly supported by theories around the construction andexperience of archives, such as work of Derrida. The other path, that of involuntary auditory
memory, is made up of works surrounding the actual and virtual, which are two connected
concepts worked out by Deleuze that deal with the perception of time and can be applied to
memory and nostalgia.
We can label these two different areas using two concepts that demonstrate somewhat
metaphorically what the two areas are about. First, labelled onto voluntary auditory memory
is the idea of sound souvenirs, coined by composer Raymond Murray (1977) as a term to
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describe the way recording technologies are capable of rescuing endangered sounds, such
as the sounds of pre-industrial life (Bijsterveld & Van Dijck 2009: 12) and is further
explained by Heike Weber (2009). Weber states that portable audio devices can be
interpreted as mobile sound souvenirs, they help to configure and shape peoples cultural
identities when they travel elsewhere [and enable] users to channel their emotions (2009:
70). But, although it might sound easy, there is not just one way of approaching these
souvenirs; there are four different modes of using sound souvenirs emerge: the rewind and
forward modes, and the modes that fostered group and individual identities (Weber 2009:
70).
By listening to mobile sound souvenirs, any given spot can be domesticated through a self-
selected sound track. Users thus have partially regained control over the spaces they cross,
either by making the unknown territory known through familiar songs, or by turning routine
activities and commuting into exiting, potentially unique experiences through an
accompanying selection of music. In the first practice, users create similarity between the new
territory and home by taking sound souvenirs from a familiar to an unfamiliar situation. They
go back in time to be able to cope with the present the rewind mode of using sound
souvenirs. The second practice, however, can be called the forward mode of taking sound
souvenirs along. By making the routine unique or the familiar unfamiliar with the help of a
self-created sound track, this practice generates future sound souvenirs (Weber 2009: 80).
By giving an historical introduction of portable music devices, Weber stresses the importance
of technologies in our musical experience. Portable electronics have [] become
intertwined with both the increased spatial mobility and growing individualization of
society. They have helped to foster and maintain a sense of emotional and cultural identity,
which appears to have drifted from a group to a more individual basis (Weber 2009: 80-81).
Though, whether used in rewind or forward mode, and whether as group or individual
identity, all these sound souvenirs or mediated memories as Jos van Dijck would call
them (2004) are voluntarily retrieved by people turning on a (portable) music device.
The second label, placed onto involuntary auditory memory, is that of the musical
madeleine. A madeleine is a type of cookie that Marcel Proust (1913-1927) dipped in histea,
the taste of which made him remember his grandmother. A musical madeleine then, is a
sudden feeling that disrupts the current everyday situation, triggered through music. This is
described in the article The Musical Madeleine: Communication, Performance, and Identity
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in Musical Ringtones (2010) by Imar de Vries and Isabella van Elferen. [They] consider
musical cell-phone ringtones as virtual, communicative and cultural performances [and]
argue that the musical ringtone functions as a musical madeleine [] an involuntary
mnemonic trigger of a complex web of individual and collective memories (De Vries & Van
Elferen 2010: 61). Just like Weber they start with a technological introduction with the
emphasis on mobility. Mobilization has a significant influence on how people experience
connections they share with other social beings. By studying the ringtone as a virtual
communicative and cultural performance De Vries and Van Elferen state that the ringtone is
often an overlooked element of mobile telephony and plays an important role in its uses as
symbol of economic, social and cultural society (2010: 62). They describe the ringtone as:
...virtual because it is always silently present and potentially activated; it is a communicative
performance because it works as a sign projected by the callee and interpreted by an audience;
it is a cultural performance because it employs the performative faculty of this communicative
act in order to stage cultural meanings for its potential audience (De Vries & Van Elferen 2010:
62).
The goal of their article then, by approaching the ringtone from these different angles, is to
conceptualize the ringtone and its cultural work as a way in which possible meanings are
generated (2010: 62). This constant silent presence and potential of the ringtone (and thus
its related connotations) will prove to be important later on, when discussing how memories
can suddenly present themselves in our actual lives. When De Vries and Van Elferen
consider musical ringtones as cultural performances on the one hand and as musical
communications on the other, it follows that what is being performed are the cultural
meanings of the music being played (2010: 66). Meaning is attached to a ringtone and
enables users to display a certain message and influence the audience; the latter will hear the
ringtone and possibly recall a related memory. In any case, the hearing of the ringtone itself
will become a memory to be recalled at a later time, when the same song is heard again.
From this follows that music is constantly re-contextualised. Original connotations can be
changed or adjusted. De Vries and Van Elferen consider the ringtone as the involuntary
memory of a song: [T]his seemingly minute medium inevitable stirs strong memories to
which new contexts make additions rather than radical alterations (2010: 68). This feeling,
an unannounced memory without the motivated choice of a person to recall it, can then be
characterized as a musical madeleine.
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Having introduced and explained the motivation behind the structure of this essay, we move
on to the next chapter, in which we will discuss voluntary memories, mainly by approaching
it from Jacques Derridas post-structuralist point of view by analysing portable music
devices as archives. In his book Archive Fever: a Freudian Impression, he states that human
beings have the immanent impulse to save and maintain everything, because we are afraid to
lose memories of knowledge. An archive is not a fixed given and is constantly a subject of
change. These ideas will form the basis of our discussion of voluntary memory.
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2. Musical Treasures
The first time I heard The Highways of my Life (Isley Brothers 1974) it was on the radio just after my first grandfather passed away. Although having a tremendous dislike for
ballads in general at that time, I was very touched by it. A few years later, my other
grandfather passed away and I started playing the song over and over again. On the one
hand it recalled my grief of the time I lost my first grandfather, but on the other hand it gave
me comfort while grieving about my grandfather now passed away. This weird feeling of
melancholy and comfort is what I still experience while listening to this song, but growing
up and beginning to understand the lyrics resulted in yet another connotation.
Moving down the highways of my life
Makin' sure I stay to the right
Moving down the highways of my life
So I shan't be concerned
With the other side of the road
Reading all the signs along the way
Knowing where I am not what they say
My destination's closer day by day
So I can't concern
With the other side of the road
[]
Leaving all the sorrows and the pain
There's no love between us that remains
Although you are the one
You're not the same
So the other side of the road
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Can only take me back home
The song is about a person describing his life as a journey on a highway, on which he makes
sure not to go to the other side of the road. The meaning of the song is ambiguous. On the
one hand it is positive: moving on, coming closer to a certain goal, while staying on the right
path in your life. On the other hand, we dont know what our destination is, we dont even
know if we are going forward or backward. The only way to know this is by sometimes
making mistakes: So the other side of the road, can only take me back home. Now, four
and a half years later, to me this song is no longer just about grief; its also about life and how
to live it. First I did not want to hear it when I was in a good mood, because it immediately
brought me back to these sad memories about my grandfathers. A few years later I have
grown more comfortable listening to this song. It has become part of my life and I will play it
whenever I feel like listening to it. Such feelings are what this chapter will be about: the
voluntary act of conjuring up memories or moods through playing specific songs, the
influence of the first moment of hearing a song, and the way the accumulation of different
events can change personal meaning of a song.
The emergence of digital music, the numerous ways to spread it, and the developed devices
to carry this music along all contribute to a more personalized and individualized way of
listening to music. This expansion allows individuals more than ever before to play a song
that has a certain connotation with a specific memory at will, when- or wherever they are.
Focussing on the iPod as mobile music device, Bull states that in contemporary culture, the
technology of the iPod provides an auditory mnemonic for contemporary nostalgic (2009:
86). In this chapter, by analysing mobile music devices as archives, the emphasis will be on
voluntary memories as form of nostalgia. We will start by looking at the definition of
archives as posited by Derrida in Archive Fever: a Freudian Impression (1995). Although his
book is rather dated given the widespread emergence of digital music devices had yet to
arrive in the 90s and not specifically related to music, his definition is still useful when
considering contemporary music devices approached as archives.
From a post-structuralist and historical (1989) point of view, Derrida states that we will have
to start examining the word archive in order to understand why human beings collect and
save things in the first place. Archive is derived from the Greek word Arkh which has two
meanings. First, it means beginning there where things commence [a] physical, historical,
or ontological principle (Derrida 1995: 1). Second, it means command there where
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authority [and] social order are exercised [a] nomological1principle (1995: 1). Archive as
concept, shelters in its name the memory of the word Arkh, but the archive shelters itself as
well: which comes down to saying that it forgets is own meaning. An archive refers to itself
in terms of the physical, historical or ontological but at the same time cannot catch its own
meaning (1995: 2).
In nomological sense, archive refers also to Arkh as command or order. Arkh and thus
archive is derived from the Greek Arkheion meaning house or residence. Citizens that
owned an Arkheion, were considered to possess political power and influence on law. They
had the power to interpret the Arkheion and therefore the power to construct the law. This
archontic power gathers functions such as unification, identification and classification
(Derrida 1995: 2-3). In terms of digital music devices, users employ their contemporary MP3player as such an Arkheion; they possess this device and have the power to fill it with any
kind of music (or documents, movies and photos). According to Bull:
Sound is a powerful aphrodisiac when it comes to evoking memory. Memories are largely
mediated memories in iPod culture, a mediated life through which to filter ones personal
narrative. This coupling of the personal to the commodity is a hallmark of iPod culture with
users in potentially constant touch with their narrative past. Musical past also becomes
reconfigured and rediscovered in iPod culture. Musical identity is inscribed onto a portable
memory bank giving the user instant access to its contents (Bull 2009: 89).
In Remembering Songs through Telling Stories, Jos van Dijck Media and Culture
teacher at the University of Amsterdam uses the Top 2000 of Radio 2 (an annually created
and played hit list on a Dutch radio station) as example to stress the importance of stories by
remembering songs. Through comments on the website of the Top 2000, we can learn about
how people are emotionally attached and what kind of meaning they ascribe to a song (2009:
109). But connotations change. Memories have the tendency to be altered every time werecollect them (2009: 107); or in Van Dijcks words:
[I]t is improbable that repeated listening over a life time would leave an original emotion (if
there was such a thing) intact. Instead, the original listening experience may be substituted
by a fixed pattern of associations, a pattern that is likely to become more brightly and
intensely colored over the years. A memory changes each time it is recalled, and its content is
determined more by the present than by the past. As much as people believe their original
experiences remain intact, cognitive research confirms that musical remembrance alters with
1 The science of law making.
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age (Van Dijck 2009: 109).
In a similar vein of thought, Jacques Derrida argues that an archived memory is never the
same as the original experience of the event the memory refers to (Derrida 1995: 11). The
technology behind any archive allows for, indeed largely determines a particular type of
construction of these mediated memories (Derrida 1994, Derrida 1995: 16-17). Thus it can be
said that the manner in which individuals retrieve memory from songs on their iPod is
largely determined by the technological properties of the iPod. Bull demonstrates as much in
speaking of the playlists his respondents use to organize their music. Playlists are something
typical of contemporary MP3 players and thus influence how the archival memories behind
the songs in these playlists are experienced. Derrida claims that an archive such as a
musical collection in the case of an iPod will never be finished but continuously adjusted,
changed or replaced:
The question of the archive is not [] a question of the past. It is not the question of a concept
dealing with the past that might already be at our disposal or not at our disposal, an archivable
concept of the archive. It is a question of the future, the question of the future itself, the question
of a response, of a promise and of a responsibility for tomorrow. The archive: if we want to
know what that will have meant, we will only know in times to come. Perhaps (Derrida 1995:
36).
This characteristic of perpetual change of the archive can be traced in the use of MP3 players.
Playlists are constantly changing: users delete songs, download new ones and rearrange the
order in which songs are played. Bull gives the example that some people see their iPod as
the diary or soundtrack of their life; an iPod as personalised archive (2009: 86). Nostalgia
cannot be approached separately from its mechanical reproduction in contemporary music
culture. This important aspect of the technology behind recorded music is often overlooked,
yet it plays an intrinsic part in the act of recollection. There are people prefer the cracking
sound of LPs above the clean CD versions released later on (Christiansen 2010). This shows
that the characteristic of the recording and/or equipment defines the experience of the
moment they heard the song for the first time (Van Dijck 2009: 112). Just like they treasure
their amateur recordings, not in spite of, but because oftheir obvious technical shortcomings
(2009: 112). Our personal memories evolve trough the interaction with recent as well as more
traditional technologies. Every new medium makes the older ones authentic
meaning that each time a new audio technology emerges on the scene, the older ones
become treasured as the authentic means of reproduction or as part of the original
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listening experience. In the digital era, scratches, ticks, or noise can be removed from tapes to
make old recordings sound pristine, but they can also be added to make a pristine recording
sound old. [] With the new digital technologies, sonic experiences of the past can be
preserved and reconstructed in the future (2009: 113).
These new digital technologies undeniably have an influence on the process of remembering
through recorded music. True collectors both have physical records as well as digital
updates to be sure not to lose any of their music (Van Dijck 2009: 114). This anxiety to lose
something is inherent to human beings. There would be no archive desire without
forgetfulness. The necessity not to forget anything, and therefore the tendency to archive as
much as possible is what Derrida calls archive fever (1995: 19). Materiality and technology
are often integral to this memory urge and are unlikely to change with the arrival of digital
equipment. As long as listening to music remains a mediated experience, memory will be
enabled and constructed through its material constituents (Van Dijck 2009: 114). This is
what Van Dijck calls mediated memories: these memories involve individuals carving out
their place in history, defining personal remembrance in the face of larger cultural
frameworks (2004: 275).
Van Dijcks work is usually concerned with the study of interrelations between personal and
collective memories, but we are particularly interested in the way she describes howmemories be it collective or individual are constructed by the use of different media.
New digital technologies allow music fans to customize their favourite collections of songs
and use them as a symbolic resource in the construction of identity and community (2009:
116). Owners of contemporary MP3 players use their device as a vehicle for individual
listening and storage of favourite songs, which according to Van Dijck leads to a situation in
which MP3 players figure as agents in the conscious process of building up a (collective)
memory. Although Van Dijcks goal is to explain that the storing of music is a shared or
communal activity (2009: 118), technological developments tend to suggest the opposite
direction: a more individualistic way of memorizing by creating personal music archives on
MP3 players.
Unlike van Dijck, Heike Weber (already introduced in the previous chapter), sees a shift in
the development of audio technologies in which the personal aspect of music listening
becomes increasingly important because of a new design feature of music devices, namely
portability. Both authors use Tia DeNoras (2000) perspective on how music changes the waywe experience time. These musical experiences are what DeNora calls music as a
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technology of the self. Her goal is to ground the various ethnographic studies within a
theoretical/multi-disciplined aggregate of contemporary thought (Magdanz 2002).
Remarkable is the different perspectives from which both Van Dijck and Weber approach
DeNoras book. In order not to stray away too much of the topic voluntary musical
memories, the distinction between individual and collective memories will from now on
only be discussed superficially.
Weber uses both Bulls and DeNoras ideas to argue that users of audio technologies
employ recorded music to create and maintain emotion, to elicit memories and to activate
and relax themselves (2009: 69). The importance of the mobility of new media technologies is
that it reshapes traditional ways of listening to music and normalizes new forms of mobile
listening practices. Initially introduced as travel companion, mobile music devices becamepopular in all kinds of public spaces. Users have played an important role in shaping the
meaning of these mobile technologies (Weber 2009: 69-70). Approaching these devices from a
historical perspective starting with portable radios and traces the development of portable
audio devices up to the Walkman Weber interprets them as mobile sound souvenirs that
help to configure and shape peoples cultural identities when they travel elsewhere (2009:
70). These devices allowed users to channel their emotions and create a personally
controlled auditory sphere (2009: 70).
According to Weber, portable music devices became intertwined with the increase of spatial
mobility and the growing individualization of society (2009: 80). Her core argument is that
the activity of listening to music becomes increasingly individualized. Although writing
about portability, she does not give much attention to the way new geographical locations
influence the construction and evocation of memory in combination with music. Hearing a
song on a specific location has always had an influence on the way memories were
constructed, but portable devices geographically caused an enormous growth of options forwhen and where to listen to individually chosen music. Where personal music used to be
listened to in personal, often domestic locations, and public music was listened to in public
spaces, technological developments made it possible to expand the musical soundscape of
personal music into public locations. We are reminded here of work by Michel de Certeau. In
Walking in the City (1984), De Certeau describes how such practices like walking,
wandering or window shopping are
the [activities] of passers-by, [as] transformed into points that draw a totalizing and
reversible line on the map. They allow us to grasp only a relic set in the nowhen of a surface of
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projection. Itself visible, it has the effect of making invisible the operation that made it
possible. These fixations constitute procedures for forgetting. The trace left behind is
substituted for the practice. It exhibits the (voracious) property that the geographical system
has of being able to transform action into legibility, but in doing so it causes a way of being in
the world to be forgotten (De Certeau 1984: 131).
Although not literally speaking of walking through a city with mobile music devices, De
Certeau provides some useful insights in the way the city can be shaped as a soundscape by
personal connotation. By looking at how digital music devices now shape the way we look at
geographical places from his technical semiotic perspective, we would like to stress the
importance of the portability of music devices in creating new types of auditory memory.
This portable character of contemporary MP3 players caused a change in the perception of
the environment of its users. Walking through a city or in terms of De Certeau, walking in a
city as immersive experience gains an extra dimension when combined with listening to
music. This geographical expansion of music makes new locations a potential memory object
to be evoked the next time the song is being played. Consider for example the testimony of
Jerome in Michael Bulls article, as discussed in the previous chapter. Jerome used his iPod to
remind him of home while being on the move. This example is a clearly voluntary memory;
Jerome can choose whether to play this personal music or not. But what about the case of the
Swiss soldiers stationed in France? With them, bells that sounded like Alpine melodies of
Switzerland triggered a nostalgic memory. They never asked for this feeling, and yet it was
triggered; it was involuntary. But before introducing the involuntary side of nostalgia, let us
briefly summarize the characteristics of voluntary nostalgia.
Memories and moods are constructed, adjusted and evoked by listening to music. By
approaching mobile music devices as archives in terms of Derrida, contemporary MP3
players have become personal archives that can be used by individuals to voluntarily evoke
specific memories. They can fill their MP3 players with anything they want, and can change
the content anytime they want. Archives constantly change and are never finished, just like
the playlist of an MP3 is never complete. The connotation of memories changes every time a
song is played again because the occasion is never exactly the same as the first time. We have
also seen that materiality and technology have a big influence on how these memories are
retrieved. The sound quality of the specific device will in large part determine how a song is
experienced for the first time. People often have physical as well as digital copies of their
songs, to make sure that they will not lose these musical memories. The urge that drives such
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collecting behavior is what Derrida calls Archive Fever. Granting their users the ability to
listen to music anywhere in the world, mobile music devices have caused an expansion of
geographical memories. They influence the way music is perceived: they are personal
archives; backups and help users construct their identity.
As we have stated before, voluntary and involuntary auditory memories are closely related
to each other. In this chapter, by approaching musical memories through contemporary MP3
players as personal archives of memory, we spoke about voluntary memories. In the next
chapter, the focus will be on a sudden, unexpected confrontation with memories. What effect
does this have on the feelings of individuals? What if a song reminds you of a relation that
did not end so well? Or maybe an almost forgotten memory pops into your head because of
a musical tune? The evocation of these involuntary memories will be examined from thepoint of view of Gilles Deleuze, and the emphasis will lie on how the act of remembering
takes place.
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3. Victims of Memory
In 2001, the Finnish power-metal band Sonata Arctica released their sophomore record
Silence. While this bands repertoire has no more meaning to me other than being
generally ok to listen to, the eleventh track on this album, Tallulah, has come to carry a
great deal of significance for me. I first heard it outside a local bar, almost four years ago, on
a rainy Sunday morning at around 6 oclock. It was played to me on a cell phone by the girl I
had just spent the night with dancing and having a great time. We ended up kissing and this
would be the first day of our relationship. The lyrics tell a tale:
Remember when we used to look how sun sets far away?And how you said: "This is never over"
I believed your every word and I guess you did too
But now you're saying : "Hey, let's think this over"
[]
Tallulah, It's easier to live alone than fear the time it's over, oo-ooh...
Tallulah, find the words and talk to me, oh, Tallulah,This could be... heaven
[]
I see you walking hand in hand with long-haired drummer of the band
In love with her or so it seems, he's dancing with my beauty queen
Dont even dare to say you hi, still swallowing the goodbye
But I know the feelings still alive, still alive
Like so many relationships, this one too ended, and like so many songs, this one too tells
exactly how I felt at the time of our breakup, down to the mention of a new love for her and
awkward meetings afterwards. As this song carried such a connection to the time I spent
with this girl, I have found it an eerie combination of beautiful and saddening to listen to
ever since, and tend to stray away from it. Two years ago however, I was at a concert of this
band, and the song happened to be in their set list. As the first notes of the piano struck my
ears, I was immediately reminded of all kinds of things surrounding my relationship with
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this girl. This musical occurrence of involuntary memory and the processes that shape it are
what this chapter is all about.
The above description is not all that different from the example of Proust and the madeleine
from De Vries and Van Elferens work (2010) mentioned in the first chapter. In speaking of
involuntary memory evoked through music, it is interesting to look for a moment at work by
Tia DeNora, an author who writes in a similar fashion to Michael Bull, whose article we
mentioned in the introduction. In Music and Self-Identity (2006), DeNora describes how
she, like Bull, interviewed respondents on their experience with memory and music. One of
her respondents quite clearly describes the idea behind involuntary memory, when she tells
of an experience she had when shopping. The song A Whiter Shade of Pale (Procul
Harum, 1967) was played on the store radio and it reminded her of her time in university
where she spent time with her future husband. The respondent claimed it takes [her] back
(DeNora 2006: 141). DeNora starts her article with the assertion that [m]usic can be used as
a device for the reflexive process of remembering/constructing who one is (2006: 141).
Upon hearing again the music that was present at the time an experience was turned into a
memory, most of the respondents described how they relived the experience. It is
noteworthy how DeNora mentions remembering together with constructing. As we shall see,
the two are very closely related when it comes to the manner in which memory is
experienced.
DeNora, in her analysis, recognizes that there is far more to the combination of music and
memory than just acknowledging that music is often simply present at the occurrence of a
memorable event (2006: 143-144). She goes on to find whatever it is that is more by asking
people what they think it is in certain songs, like particular chords that are used, that makes
these songs so memorable. In other words, DeNora tries to find the answer in music. In this
chapter, we take another route by looking at one interpretation of how mnemonic retrieval
might work on part of the listener. We do this by taking an in-depth look at work of Gilles
Deleuze on memory. In the chapter Memory as Virtual Coexistence in his book Bergsonism
(1988), Deleuze gives his own thoughts on work by Henri Bergson, who has written about
memory in the late 19th century.
Deleuze, in commenting on Bergson, paraphrases the latter in distinguishing two ways in
which memory takes shape. First, there is the distinct presence of the past in the present, like
an ever growing moment in time that contains not only that moment itself but also
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everything that has come before. Second, there is a reference to the past as being behind the
present in terms of locus, not time and not so much contained within the present but
acting as baggage to the individual, dragged along as an external load (Deleuze 1988: 51).
Deleuze explains this further, saying that on one hand, any next moment always contains
within it the remnants left by the current moment. He calls this recollection-memory. On the
other, these two moments are always connected to each other, since the current has not
disappeared when the next arrives. This he names contraction-memory (1988: 51-52). While
this seems highly micro-oriented, operating on the level of moments, in all their brevity, we
can translate it to a bigger picture of musical memory. If we imagine the moment of hearing
a song that reminds us of a period in our past, this moment is in the present, but is also the
past in the present, actualizing in the moment all the connotations we have to the past,
labelling this moment in the now with those connotations. At the same time this moment acts
as a referent to the event in the past that the music reminds us of. It should be noted here
that it is not the music that is being actualized (as can be said for instance when we see a
band perform a previously recorded song), but the memory. Reminiscent of DeNoras
description, the music can be seen as the device, the catalyst of this recollection. Thus, for the
duration of the song we can say that we find ourselves in a movement [] by which the
present that endures divides at each instant into two directions, one oriented and dilated
towards the past, the other contracted, contracting towards the future (1988: 52).
In examining how one involuntarily remembers a certain event in ones life through music, it
is interesting to establish a certain process by which memory is accessed. Deleuze gives us
just such a thing. This is a clearly philosophical process, that is not so much (related to) an
organic one, although there are some similarities (for one, Deleuze mentions the brain,
seemingly as a physical organ, in his explanation). According to Deleuze, the process of a
memory being recalled consists of five steps of subjectivity. He has called these steps as
follows (1988: 52-53). The first is named need-subjectivity, or the moment of negation. This is
essentially the moment in which something about an object (in our case the music, for
example a particular song) draws the attention of the subject (the listener). The second step is
brain-subjectivity, or the moment of interval or of indetermination. This step is related quite
closely to the physical organ to which its name refers, in that it is the step where the brain
offers several possible actions that the subject might take in response to the occurrence of the
object. The third step is affection-subjectivity, or the moment of pain. There is a certain
uncertainty on the part of the authors here. Deleuze explains affection as the price paid by
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the brain or by conscious perception (1988: 53). However, our interpretation of the step in
the entire process also encompasses other feelings, such as pleasure or grief. In our view
then, this step acts as the moment of recognition, a certain aha-erlebnis where there is a sense
of familiarity with the object, although it is not necessarily fully defined precisely what is
familiar. The fourth step is recollection-subjectivity, which can be explained as the moment
where the connection to (a) memory that the object induces is discovered by the subject. In
other words, this is the step where the listener suddenly remembers that one summer night,
that time spent in high school as a kid, or their first kiss. Finally, the fifth step is contraction-
subjectivity. This final step completes the experience of the memory, in that the memory is
experienced in its fullest sense. Deleuze describes it as bringing about a contraction of the
experienced excitations from which quality is born (1988: 53).
He goes on to divide these five steps into two categories, namely matter and memory. The
first two steps, need-subjectivity and brain-subjectivity, pertain to the object (matter). In our
case of studying musical memory, this means that need-subjectivity and brain-subjectivity
are instigated by the music, then proceed to trigger something within the listener. The last
two steps, recollection-subjectivity and contraction-subjectivity, are triggered within the
subject (the memory of) the listener itself. The third step, affection-subjectivity, is the
connection between the two areas, described by Deleuze as not yet the presence of a pure
subjectivity that would be opposed to pure objectivity, [but] rather the impurity that
disturbs the latter (1988: 53). In other words, the step of the aha-erlebnis is instigated by
neither the music nor the listener, but rather takes place somewhere between.
As the attentive reader will have noticed, the above suggests a subject/object dichotomy. In
looking for an answer to the question what is music?, such a dichotomy has long been
abandoned. That is to say, looking at music as the object and the listener as subject is a rather
old fashioned and simple method. It should be noted though, that the dichotomy in thedescription above is originally made with reference to memory, not music. Hence we feel we
must add that when speaking of the object of music, we do so fully aware of the
awkwardness of such a definition, yet find it applicable in this particular study of mnemonic
activity.
One question that were prone to ask when dealing with memory, is where is it stored?
Where in the subject can we find these memories that are triggered into experience whenever
we hear a song that takes us back to them? It is tempting here to think of the mind of the
listener as a kind of reservoir or library of memories, and of music as a trigger, like a
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librarian taking out a certain book or a selective bucket taking a specific water sample of the
reservoir. However, Deleuze argues that thinking of memories being contained in such a
place, like the brain for example, is absurd. Rather, he states that recollection [] is preserved
in itself (1988: 54, emphasis in original). This is a somewhat complex notion that requires
elaboration. Deleuze does so by first acknowledging that there is a difference between past
and present. The obvious way to think of this would be that the present is now and the past
is gone. However, Deleuze more or less turns this conception around. He states:
We have great difficulty in understanding a survival of the past in itself because we believe
that the past is no longer, that it has ceased to be. [] Nevertheless, the present is not[] but
it acts. Its proper element is not being but the active or the useful. The past, on the other hand,
has ceased to act or be useful. But it has not ceased to be. [] At the limit, the ordinary
determinations are reversed: of the present, we must say at every instant that it was, and of
the past, that it is, that it is eternally, for all time. (1988: 55)
He adds to this that the past is an entity on its own it exists outside of any individuals, as a
past in general. There are two things to be noted here. First that this past has not passed, but
is always. We need to step away here from the meaning we are accustomed to give to the
word past as something that has occurred before the present but occurs no longer. Rather,
the past is always coexistent with the present. The two always occur together, rather than
following each other, like a present becoming past the moment it has ceased being present.
Deleuze describes it as such:
It is in this sense that there is a pure past, a kind of past in general: The past does not follow
the present, but on the contrary, is presupposed by it as the pure condition without which it
would not pass. In other words, each present goes back to itself as past. (1988: 59)
If we momentarily recall DeNora here, we can see now why music aids not only inremembering who one is, but also in ones construction. As a remembering of the past has
little to do with going back in time, this act of remembering, through music, at the same time
constructs a certain present into the past.
Second, and following from the first notion, the act of recollection exists in stepping into this
being of the past, which exists outside of oneself, and looking for a memory. This leap into
the ontology of the past, as Deleuze explains this act, consists of firstly placing ourselves
into thepast in general, then into a certain region of the past (Bergson in Deleuze, 1988:
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61). These regions are not separate collections of memories but rather always contain all of
the past, just in different levels of contraction. Finding a memory then, is something like the
focussing of a camera. [...] Little by little it comes into view like a condensing cloud; from the
virtual state it passes into the actual.... (1988: 56).
It is this actualizing of a memory that at the same time allows for the remembering, the
reliving of the original experience, and adds to the memory, constructing a new present that
is immediately added to the past. Deleuze states elsewhere that memory is not an actual
image which forms after the object has been perceived, but a virtual image coexisting with
the actual perception of the object (Deleuze : 150). Memories then, when not remembered
by their owner, can be said to be virtual, only being actualized in the act of remembering and
reliving them. Their being virtual however does not mean that memories have no existence
prior to be remembered. They are always there, yet lack actualization. Denying memories an
existence prior to being remembered would be confusing the virtual with the possible. An
explanation of the difference between the possible and the virtual, is given by Pierre Lvy, in
the introduction to his book Becoming Virtual: Reality in a Digital Age (1998). He states that the
possible is opposite to the real, it is all that reality is, only lacking existence (Lvy 1998: 24).
The virtual on the other hand is already real, it is very much present, but not actualized. In
this sense it is like the description of the past we have given above, whereas a possible being
realized is like a present becoming and going back into the past. Lvy describes the virtual as
a kind of problematic complex, the knot of tendencies or forces that accompanies a
situation, event, object or entity, and which invokes a process of resolution: actualization
(1998: 24). An example from Lvys work is a seed before it sprouts into a tree.
Accompanying the seed is the problem of the shape the eventual tree will take. The shape is
not predetermined, but is created by the tree along the way, in combination with the
circumstances the growing tree encounters. It should be added then, that a virtual beingactualized is always a positive process of creation, rather than a negative selection of one
among many actuals.
Let us compare this with musical memory. Such memory can never be a possible, which is
predetermined by the real. If we were to give an overly simplified example of the latter, let
us consider a set list announced by a band before a tour as a possible. This set being played
by the band on a show in the tour is the realization of this possible. All the songs on the list
were already there yet not realized. A memory does not function in this way. As we have
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seen, it is constituted through different presents of remembering the memory, all adding
their particular connotations, which are not predetermined in the memory itself, to the
memory. Consider again the example of the song Tallulah from the introduction of this
chapter, and the moment I heard it again at the concert. At this time, hearing the song live
was added to the memory, which already contained the connotations of my former
girlfriend, but this addition was in no way predetermined without realization; it was not a
possible. Rather, it came to be through a negotiation of a problem the construction of the
memory by the memory itself in combination with circumstances the concert at which the
song was played.
One author who has applied the concept of virtuality to the realm of music is William
Echard. In an article titled Sensible Virtual Selves: Bodies, Instruments and the Becoming-
concrete of Music (2006), he applies the concept to the relation between the body and the
(musical) instrument. While this relation is not directly relevant to the issue at hand, his
description of the virtual does have some merits for our case. When looking at the virtuality
of music, he asks how the virtual can be experienced. Considering the explanation the
workings of the virtual and the actual above, it may be tempting to say that the answer to
this question is simply that the virtual makes itself known through an actualization, that the
actual somehow offers a view of the virtual. Deleuze denies this however, stating that the
virtual and actual are at all times separate. That is to say, they cannot be condensed in a
single image (Deleuze 1994: 209).
Echard recognizes this criticism and points to Deleuzes view that certain modes of action
and thought can engender a sensitivity to the virtual (Echard 2006: 9). Echard discerns two
methods one can become sensitive to the virtual. One is through multiplicity. He gives the
example of a musical work being performed on multiple occasions. They all differ from eachother yet point to a virtual object which remains perpetually suggested (2006: 10). Again
we can look at the example of the song Tallulah. Listening to this song in my room or
hearing it in concert, in both cases the same memory of my ex girlfriend is referred to, and is
experienced. In other words, these multiple and different actualizations refer to the same
perpetually suggested virtual. The second method of achieving sensitivity to the virtual is
through affect. Echard states: [A] musical work has an affect insofar as it actualizes certain
capacities. Each work has a distinctive affect because it has its own unique capacities for
affecting... (2006:10). Here we are reminded of the third step of experiencing memory from
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the beginning of this chapter. A human being becomes sensitive to the virtual (step four and
five) through experiencing a certain affect in a song (step one through three).
Here then we seem to come somewhat full circle. Let us recuperate by giving a concrete
overview of what we have established to happen when a memory is triggered by music. It
starts with a song being played. The listener is reminded of a memory by first recognizing
the presence of the song and getting handed several options to respond, which is done by
the song as object. The affective link is made between the song and the listener. Feeling that
there is something about the song, the listener as subject recalls exactly what it is, and then
remembers and relives the memory to the full extent. Zooming in on these last two steps, we
have determined that the act of recollection consists of stepping into a (the?) past that is both
a general past and is in the now. We have defined this recollection as a virtual (the memory)
being actualized into a present, namely the moment of the song. This present fades back into
the past, which we have translated as the memory being added to. Thus we hope to have
given a somewhat clear picture of the process of remembering that occurs when a listener is
exposed involuntarily to a song that is related to an event in his memory.
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4. Technogical Nostalgia
We have initiated a differentiation between voluntary and involuntary auditory memory in
the first chapter, based on the one hand on the work of Weber, who described sound
souvenirs as a way of storing and taking along ones memories, to be voluntarily retrieved at
any time. On the other hand, De Vries and Van Elferen gave the example of Marcel Proust
who was involuntarily struck by the memory of his grandmother after dipping a madeleine
in his tea and taking a bite. Having now looked at two aspects of the experience of memory
that is the organizing of memory in archives and the way in which memory is set in motion
one question that comes to mind after these analyses is whether a distinction between
involuntary and voluntary memory is at all relevant.
After reconsidering voluntary and involuntary memory, the distinction is somewhat void.
That is not to say that it doesnt exist, rather that it is of less importance when considering
the process of recollection. Let us imagine again the examples that we have offered before, at
the start of the second and third chapter. First the example of chapter two in which a
memory, at first evoked by an accidental song on the radio, gained extra meaning because
the person hearing it linked it to an occasion that happened just that day, namely the passing
away of her first grandfather. After the death of her second grandfather, she started playing
this song and the connotation that was stuck to it, because of the first happening, changed to
a new memory. The second pertained to a lost love. The person first heard the song at the
moment he met his future girlfriend. Upon hearing it again in concert, after they had broken
up, he was reminded of all sorts of things about the girl and the relationship.
Consider what happens when the two persons hear their songs in present day. Both will
undoubtedly be reminded of their respective memories. Let us consider where the difference
is located. It doesnt lie in the outcome, which is the same for both examples. You hear a song
and are taken back to the event in the past the passing away of the grandfathers and the
ending of a relationship. We could, like we have suggested at the start of the paper,
differentiate here between these memories being voluntarily and involuntarily evoked. In the
first case, this means that whenever we feel like thinking of the past, be it the grandfathers or
the former girlfriend, we would only have to put up the corresponding song to be taken back
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to that moment. In the latter case, we would be taken back to that moment by the respective
song incidentally being played on the radio, outside of our control.
In the end however, these differences may be of less importance when considering the actual
process of remembering. The effect of being taken back, the process of recollection, is
arguably exactly the same, with perhaps a difference in severity: We hear the music, we think
of the event. The distinction between voluntary and involuntary is ultimately one of
instigation. Proust dipped his madeleine cookie into his tea and was incidentally reminded
of his grandmother. After this moment, he can always dip his cookie in the tea whenever he
wants to be reminded of his grandmother, thus voluntarily instigating the same memory that
De Vries and Van Elferen labelled as involuntary. Likewise, if the owners of sound souvenirs
in Webers example were to incidentally hear whatever song on a radio somewhere, rather
than purposefully hear it on the portable audio device they carried, the effect of
remembering would be the same.
The preliminary conclusion then, is that there may indeed be a difference in voluntary and
involuntary recollection through music, but that the question remains whether this
difference is at all relevant in the bigger picture. Outside of the acknowledgement that this
difference is there, what does it really matter if the access to the memory was voluntary or
not, when what we should really be looking at is the experience of the memory itself,
through the music?
Let us now take the two approaches of nostalgia that we have used so far, and place them in
a frame of new music media and digital technologies. With the rise of these new
technologies, we can say that new possibilities to experience such nostalgia are emerging. We
have already mentioned De Certeau in the second chapter. When considering his analysis of
street names in cities, he writes how such names lose over time their original meaning and
connotations are added by all those who pass through these streets:
Disposed in constellations that hierarchize and semantically order the surface of the city,
operating chronological arrangements and historical justifications, these words (Borrgo,
Botzaris, Bougainville...) slowly lose, like worn coins, the value engraved on them, but their
ability to signify outlives its first definition. [T]hese names make themselves available to the
diverse meanings given them by passers-by (De Certeau 1984: 132).
We can imagine the role of a portable MP3 player in expanding meanings given to (urban)
landscapes. A user walking through the city wearing headphones will be given a decisively
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different view if view is the correct word when adding audio to the mix of the experience
of his surroundings than without being plugged into his portable audio device. An entirely
different set of impulses can be imagined while on the move when listening to music. These
impulses may affect the memories an individual constructs around these locations that he
visits.
This kind of an outsourcing of memory experience construction, maintenance, and
recollection is one of the merits of the development of new technologies. One philosopher
who has explored the notion of memory expanded into technology is Bernard Stiegler,
whose best known work on the subject is Technics and Time, 1: The Fault of Epimetheus (1998).
In a recent interview, Stiegler gave the example of a wave-power generating factory on the
north-west coast of France. This device was conceptualised by Simondon as the first time amachine was built that directly employed its environment to perform a specific function in
just being itself, in this case the natural flow of waves generating electrical power (1989).
Stiegler suggests that a similar conceptualization is possible when speaking of humans and
technology. He states that:
we had developed this idea of a human techno-geographical milieu, according to which it
would no longer be sea water that informed the process. Instead the issue becomes that of the
participation of human geography in the process of associated technical milieux (Venn et al.2007: 334-335).
A participation of human geography would in our case be the memory that is being
constructed and experienced through the associated technical milieu, the emerging
technologies of portable audio devices. These devices allow for more and more ways to store
and organize memory through increased functionality, such as the creation of playlists and
the shuffle feature. Similar to the waves of the sea in the example of Simondon, it is likely
that we will not consciously change the way we interact with memories, but that instead, this
process is a more or less natural one. In other words, we will not have to act differently in
order to experience these changes.
Stiegler expands on the idea of technology as being able to fulfil an exteriorizing role for
memory in his book Technics and Time, 1. He states that through freeing itself from genetic
inscription (Stiegler 1998: 169) memory pursues a process of liberation. He mentions
examples of objects that are inscribed with memory, such as books and machines, but also
and noticeably the madeleine and, with a look at the future, holographic memories
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(1998: 169). Through these objects, memories can be diffused and at the same time
reorganized and stored. Stiegler defines these objects as tertiary memory. Anything that
allows for the recording in the broadest sense of the word of memory outside an
individual falls under this category. The act of inscribing memory through technology into
an object Stiegler too uses the term out-sourcing he calls grammatization (Barker,
2009).
Coming full circle, this grammatization is exactly what is referred to in the works that have
form the basis of this essay. We see it with Jerome, the respondent whose story Bull used to
point out the way in which nostalgia is evoked through the iPod. We come across it in the
portable radios as sound souvenirs, which Weber explained were used by tourists to take
abroad memories of home. It is also present in Prousts madeleine that De Vries and VanElferen refer to, albeit unknown to Proust at first. The idea of archiving, which can be said to
be exactly this, grammatization, formed the core of the second chapter. Recollecting memory
outside oneself stored in an MP3 player? was the basis of the third part. And now we
come upon it again.
Finally, if we look at the way technology for music listening is developing, this
grammatization will keep increasing in presence. We already see cloud computing, which
has been hailed as the 5thutility, next to water, electricity, gas and telephony (Buyya et al.
2008: 599) as an emerging trend in the music industry. Services such as Spotify or Pandora,
allow for the streaming of music from an online database, removing the need for users to put
copies of the music files on their portable devices. Where first the physical carrier of music
was removed through the process of digitalization, the music is now not even carried with us
as code on a hard disk anymore, but stored somewhere out there. This is at the same time
an increase of grammatization in the sense that there is a bigger distance between the
listener and the locus of their memories and a decrease, as the need for storage is removed.But these services add more. Consider for instance the sharing of music through public and
collaborative playlists. This notion carries along a host of new conditions and meanings to
musical memory.
We live in an age where the evocation of memories through sounds especially music
becomes more and more acknowledged. We want to be able to recreate the music that we
cherish, and technology plays a big part in how we can retrieve and maintain these musical
treasures. Sound and memory are deeply intertwined, not just trough the commercially
exploited nostalgia on oldies radio stations, but through the exchange of valued songs by
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means of pristine recordings and cultural practices such as collecting, archiving and listening
(Bijsterveld & Van Dijck 2009: 219). What will new technological conditions mean for our
future musical memories?
[W]e will only know in times to come. Perhaps (Derrida 1995: 36).
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Bijsterveld, Karin and Van Dijck, Jos. 2009. Introduction. Sound Souvenirs: Audio
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