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Ans 1 c): A pidgin is a restricted language which arises for the purposes of communication
between two social groups of which one is in a more dominant position than the other. The
less dominant group is the one which develops the pidgin. Historically, pidgins arose in
colonial situations where the representatives of the particular colonial power, officials,
tradesmen, sailors, etc., came in contact with natives. The latter developed a jargon when
communicating with the former. This resulted in a language on the basis of the coloniallanguage in question and the language or languages of the natives. Such a language was
restricted in its range as it served a definite purpose, namely basic communication with the
colonists. In the course of several generations such a reduced form of language can become
more comple, especially if it develops into the mother tongue of a group of spea!ers. This
latter stage is that of creolisation. "reoles are much epanded versions of pidgins and have
arisen in situations in which there was a brea! in the natural linguistic continuity of a
community, for instance on slave planatations in their early years.
There are a number of views on the origin of the term pidgin, none of which has gained soleacceptance by the academic community.
#$ "hinese corruption of the word business. As the word is used for any action or occupation%cf. joss&pidgin 'religion( and chow&chow&pidgin 'coo!ing)$ it should not be surprising that it
be used for a language variety which arose for trading purposes.
*$ +ortuguese ocupaao meaning 'trade, job, occupation(. This suggestion is interesting asthe +ortuguese were among the first traders to travel to the third world and influence
natives with their language. +honetically the shift from the original word to a form -pidgin-
is difficult to eplain.
$ Hebrew word 'pidjom( meaning 'barter(. This suggestion is phonetically and semantically
plausible, hinges however on the distribution of a /ewish word outside of 0urope and itsacceptance as a general term for a trade language.
The term 'creole( There is less controversy on this issue than on the previous one. The termwould seem to derive from 1rench 'creole(, it in its turn coming from +ortuguese 'crioulo(
%rather than from Spanish 'criollo)$ which goes bac! to an Iberian stem meaning 'to nurse,breed, bring up(. The present meaning is 'native to a locality or country(. 2riginally it was
used %#3th century$ to refer to those from 0uropean countries born in the colonies. Theterm then underwent a semantic shift to refer to customs and language of those in the
colonies and later to any language derived from a pidgin based on a 0uropean language,typically 0nglish, 1rench, +ortuguese, Spanish or 4utch. 5ow the term refers to any
language of this type, irrespective of what the input language has been.
Ans 1 d): Infectional morphology is one o the two main branches o morphology,
the other being derivational morphology. In a nutshell, infectional morphologydistinguishes dierent infections o the same leeme, whereas derivational
morphology distinguishes dierent leemes that are related to one another! but
they both use much the same range o morphological resources to do it. "or
eample, the #ing o painting is infectional in $1) and derivational in $%).
$1) &e was painting a picture.
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$%) -e bought a painting.
In $1), painting is ust one o the our distinct orms o the leeme AI/0v $the verb
AI/0), contrasting with paints, painted and paint. In $%) it is a distinct leeme, the
noun AI/0I/, whose two infected orms are painting and paintings.
&ere are the main dierences between infectional and derivational morphology:
Infectional morphology relates orms o the same leeme! derivational
morphology relates distinct leemes.
Infections are distinct word classes with distinct grammar $e.g. there are rules
that mention singular2 and plural2), whereas derivational morphology creates new
leemes which are grammatically indistinguishable rom underived members o the
same word classes $e.g. apart rom their morphology, the grammar does not
distinguish derived nouns li3e AI/0I/ rom simple ones li3e 4556).
Infectional morphemes are always 2outside2 derivational ones! e.g. the plural oAI/0I/ is 7paintings8, not 7paintsing8.
Ans 9: anguage planning is a deliberate eort to infuence the unction, structure,
or ac;uisition o languages or language variety within a speech community. It is
oten associated with government planning, but is also used by a variety o non#
governmental organi<ations, such as grass#roots organi<ations and even individuals.
0he goals o language planning dier depending on the nation or organi<ation, but
generally include ma3ing planning decisions and possibly changes or the bene=t o
communication. lanning or improving eective communication can also lead to
other social changes such as language shit or assimilation, thereby providing
another motivation to plan the structure, unction and ac;uisition o languages.
anguage engineering involves the creation o natural language processing systems
whose cost and outputs are measurable and predictable as well as establishment o
language regulators, such as ormal or inormal agencies, committees, societies or
academies as language regulators to design or develop new structures to meet
contemporary needs. It is a distinct =eld contrasted to natural language processing
and computational linguistics. A recent trend o language engineering is the use o
>emantic -eb technologies or the creation, archival, processing, and retrieval o
machine processable language data.
A ;uestion remained arguable as which social processes and actors were the mostrelevant to ? Anyway, the ollowing issues would be considered by
researchers in the near uture, as:
1. >tate policyma3ers have used to urther isolate already dominated
populations and they ailed to do that. >uch eploitation was typical o in many
contets! hence, it should be a ocus or research.
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%. research seldom considered the legal ramewor3 o plans and policies. 0his
should be researched as well.
@. nderstanding the central role o political processes in could help specialists
understand how was involved in the pursuit and maintenance o power.
+. specialists could develop new methodologies and establish more direct lin3s
to sociologists.
9. A research should be carried out to eamine the role o public political discourse
and the mass media in processes.
B. A research could be conducted to see the importance o social identity.
C. 0he issue o language and globali<ation would re;uire new orms o research.
D. anguage rights could also be a ocus o research.
Ans 6: To learn his or her first language, a child spends quite a while listening, repeating, and
learning by trial and error during the first five years of life. There’s no way to do the sae thing
once children have begun school and are trying to learn a second language in a class held for
only one or two hours per wee!. "o how do the students learn a second language when the
teacher is spea!ing only that language and they understand only perhaps a quarter of the words#
$irst of all, they go by the any clues that help the to decipher the essage, such as the
intonation, which often conveys a spea!er’s intentions, for good or ill, and the conte%t, which in
a classroo ight be the stated sub&ect of the day’s lesson or the photo illustrating the day’s
reading. "econd, the students also learn by eori'ing word lists, graatical rules, verb
con&ugations, and so on.
This way of learning a second language is quite different fro the trial(and(error ethod by
which young children learn their other tongue without even reali'ing it. ne iportantdifference is that with the second language, the child’s desire to counicate is not reotely so
strong, especially in a school setting. *+n contrast, learning a second language is easier when the
learners are iersed in a counity where this language is spo!en, probably because thatgives the ore incentive to use it.) A lesser degree of otivation has also been correlated with
lower dopaine levels, which is what one would e%pect for a neurotransitter associated with
pleasure and desire.
racticing a language in an environent where it is spo!en is what lets us internali'e itsgraar. -hen we are learning our other tongue, it is through repeated e%posure to certain
!inds of sentences that we iplicitly encode the graatical rules involved and eventually coe
to understand and produce our own sentences effortlessly.
ilingualis is divided into three different types. oth co(ordinated bilingualis and copound bilingualis develop in early childhood and are classified as fors of early bilingualis. The
third type is late bilingualis, which develops when a second language is learned after age 1/.
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+n co(ordinated bilingualis, children develop two parallel linguistic systes, so that for any one
word, the child has two signifiers and two signifieds. ne situation in which a child ay develop
co(ordinated bilingualis is when the two parents have different other tongues and each parentspea!s only his or her own other tongue to the child. +n response, the child constructs two
separate linguistic systes and can handle each of the easily. Another such situation is when
relatively young children who have already astered their other tongue are adopted by parentswho spea! a different language. nce again, the distinction between the two languages is crystal(
clear for the child.
+n copound bilingualis, children have only one signified for two signifiers and so cannot
detect the conceptual differences between the two languages. 0opound bilingualis is whatoccurs when both parents are bilingual and both parents spea! to the child in both languages
indiscriinately. The child will grow up to spea! both languages effortlessly and without an
accent, but will never aster all the subtleties of either of the. +n other words, the child will notreally have a other tongue.
There are of course, soe cases of bilingualis that lie between these e%trees, because people’s educational, social, and wor! environents also influence their acquisition of a second
language.
ate bilingualis is defined in contrast to early bilingualis, because late bilingualis isdeveloped after the critical period for language learning. +n such cases, it is thought that when
people acquire their second language through iersion in a counity that spea!s it, iplicit
eory plays ore of a role, whereas when they do so solely through foral classroo studies,e%plicit eory is ore involved.
Ans C: >tylistics is the study and interpretation o tets in regard to their linguistic
and tonal style. As a discipline, it lin3s literary criticism to linguistics. It does notunction as an autonomous domain on its own, and can be applied to an
understanding o literature and ournalism as well as linguistics. >ources o study in
stylistics may range rom canonical wor3s o writing to popular tets, and rom
advertising copy to news, non#=ction, and popular culture, as well as to political and
religious discourse. Indeed, as recent wor3 in Eritical >tylistics, 'ultimodal >tylistics
and 'ediated >tylistics has made clear, non#literary tets may be o ust as much
interest to stylisticians as literary ones. iterariness, in other words, is here
conceived as 2a point on a cline rather than as an absolute2.
>tylistics as a conceptual discipline may attempt to establish principles capable o
eplaining particular choices made by individuals and social groups in their use o language, such as in the literary production and reception o genre, the study o ol3
art, in the study o spo3en dialects and registers, and can be applied to areas such
as discourse analysis as well as literary criticism.
Eommon eatures o style include the use o dialogue, including regional accents
and individual dialects $or ideolects), the use o grammar, such as the observation
o active voice and passive voice, the distribution o sentence lengths, the use o
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particular language registers, and so on. In addition, stylistics is a distinctive term
that may be used to determine the connections between the orm and eects within
a particular variety o language. 0hereore, stylistics loo3s at what is 2going on2
within the language! what the linguistic associations are that the style o language
reveals.
0he analysis o literary style goes bac3 to the study o classical rhetoric, though
modern stylistics has its roots in Fussian "ormalism and the related rague >chool
o the early twentieth century.
In 1G*G, Eharles 4ally2s 0raitH de stylisti;ue ranaise had proposed stylistics as a
distinct academic discipline to complement >aussurean linguistics. "or 4ally,
>aussure2s linguistics by itsel couldn2t ully describe the language o personal
epression. 4ally2s programme =tted well with the aims o the rague >chool.
0a3ing orward the ideas o the Fussian "ormalists, the rague >chool built on theconcept o oregrounding, where it is assumed that poetic language is considered to
stand apart rom non#literary bac3ground language, by means o deviation $rom
the norms o everyday language) or parallelism. According to the rague >chool,
however, this bac3ground language isn2t constant, and the relationship between
poetic and everyday language is thereore always shiting.
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