Meet with President-Elects Staff - Central Intelligence AgencySUBJECT: Di Meet in with President-Elects Staff On 13 November the DID met with Messrs. Meese, Casey, and Allen at his

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14 November 1980

MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD

SUBJECT: Di Meet in with President-Elect's Staff

On 13 November the DID met with Messrs. Meese, Casey,and Allen at his EOB office. The DDCI, Bob Gates, and Iwere also present.

1. The DC1 raised the question of providing the PDB. Mr. Meeserequested that we begin to supply the PDB to the President-elect at716 Jackson Place beginning next Tuesday. Governor Reagan will be intown through Friday and will then return to California. We should con-tinue to supply the PDB in California beginning on Saturday. The Gov-ernor will be in Washington for the week of 8 December and possibly foranother week in January. In this connection, we were asked about securecommunications. We told them we had secure communications to an officein Los Angeles, but not to any area near the ranch. They told us theywanted to keep their operations in Los Angeles; and that they would pre-fer that any classified material or communications be handled in ourinstallation. We agreed to look into the questions of secure phonesboth in Washington and Los Angeles. (I subsequently determined thatthe Los Angeles office has a secure phone and that one is availablefor installation at some location in Washington; we have not yet de-termined a location.

2. The DC3 showed our visitor the PDB and described its function,making the point that the PDB is done to the President's specificationsand we would hope to use the period between now and inauguration todetermine how the President-elect would like it done. The only commentmade was that a larger typeface would probably be in order.

3. They asked that in addition to the clearances that we had pro-vided for the three of them we should clear Wineburger, Taft, Ikle, andDeaver. We noted that while they had SI/TK clearances, they did notyet have any of the operational clearances or the security briefingsthat go with them. It was left that we would work this out as well.

4. We then discussed briefings of the President-elect. The DOprovided a proposed agenda (Attachment A). It was agreed that we wouldgive two briefings to Governor Reagan when he is in Washington next week.The first one will consist of a description of the organization andfunctions of the Community and CIA plus the I linthe attachment. We subsequently determined that this will be given

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between 0945 and 1115 on Wednesday. On Thursday at the same times wewill provide a briefing on the first three topics of "II". When GovernorReagan returns in December, we will brief on "V" and the remainder of"II". The specific arrangements for these briefings will be made later.The possibility was also raised that briefings on material in "IV" mightbe briefed to Governor Reagan in California. It is unclear to what ex-tent "III" will be treated in appropriate places in the substantivebriefings and to what extent it will be dealt with under "V". Mr. Caseyalso raised the possibility that the DO might be asked to brief hispolicy committee when it meets in Washington on Friday of next week.

5. There followed an extended discussion on particular legislationand budgetary issues that concerned us in the immediate future. It wasagreed that the DDCI would provide a paper to Allen on our legislationrequirements. We were told that on budget issues the DDCI should dealdirectly with Wineburger and it was made clear that the intelligencesupport of the President-elect and his immediate staff was to be handledthrough Allen and not through the transition team. The link will befrom me to Allen. More generally, Meese asked that we prepare our "wishlist" for the new Administration.

6. The Kla also suggested that they might wish to come out forbreakfast or lunch to meet with the Agency leadership. They expressedan interest in doing it if they had time at some later date.

7. I also provided to them an FBIS memorandum on foreign reactionto the election. (See Attachment B).

Richard LehmanChairman

National Intelligence Council

AttachmentsA& B

Distribution:1 - D/OCO1 - Transition File1 - C/NIC Chrono

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Categories of Possible Intelligence Briefings for President-Elect

I. Current issues with near term policy implications.

PolandIran-Iraq warIran - hostagesAfghanistanNicaragua - El SalvadorMiddle East - Israel, Saudi Arabia

II. Longer term issues fundamental to US foreign policy.

Strategic force balanceNATO-Warsaw Pact military balanceSoviet economyState of NATO AllianceChina - economy, leadership

III. Current operational involvements.

AfghanistanIranChina

IV. Current issues with policy implications in the midterm

ZimbabweKampucheaLebanonWorld energy situationPhilippinesPakistanYemensSomaliaTurkeyMorocco

25X1V. Background on intelligence

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Special Memorandum

FOREIGN MEDIA REACTION

TO THE 1980 U.S. PRESIDEITIAL ELECTION

For Official Use Only

12 NOVEMBER 1980FB 80-10046


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This report is based exclusively on foreign mediamaterials I I without coordination

wrtn other U.S. Government components.

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FOREIGN MEDIA REACTION TO

TO THE 1980 U.S. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

CONTENTS

Highlights 1

Soviet Union 3

West Europe 4

•East Europe 10

Middle East, Iran 12

South Asia 20

China 22

Northeast Asia 25

Southeast Asia, Pacific 27

Latin America 30

Sub-Saharan Africa 32

Annex: Illustrative Texts

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HIGHLIGHTSMoscow's public reaction is designed to hold out prospects foran improvement in U.S.-Soviet relations under the Reagan admin-istration. Characterizing the election outcome as a rejectionof President Carter's policy toward the USSR, Moscow commentatorshave conveyed to the Soviet domestic audience a generallyreassuring view of the probable impact of the Reagan pres.idencyan U.S. international policy.

East European reaction has paralleled Moscow's in discountingthe significance of Governor Reagan's hardline reputation and inaccenting the view that realism and self-interest will steer thenew administration toward policies compatible with constructiveEast-West relations.

West European editorial opinion has divided along traditionalliberal-conservative lines while generally welcoming what is seenas a likelihood of greater consistency in U.S. foreign policy.A number of West German, French, and British commentators havequestioned whether Governor Reagan will be sufficiently sensitiveto the European viewpoint, discerning in some of his past publicpositions on issues like SALT and the Middle East a potentialfor discord between the United States and Europe.

In the Middle East, Egyptian comment has echoed President as-Sadatin coupling praise for President Carter's contributions to thepeace process with assurances of Cairo's desire for continuedcooperation with the United States. Saudi Arabia, Jordan, andseveral of the Gulf states have reaffirmed support for existingties with Washington while calling for a "more objective" U.S.approach to the Arab-Israeli question. Israeli media, registeringguarded optimism about prospects for U.S.-Israeli relations, havespeculated that the Reagan administration may revive the dormant"Jordanian option" in an effort to accelerate the peace process.

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Iranian Prime Minister Raja l i's assertion that "there is nodifference between Reagan and Carter" set the tone for Tehrancomment. Iranian assessments of the outlook for the hostageissue range from claims that the election outcome will have noimpact to a suggestion that 'more time" will be needed to solvethe problem because of the impending change in administrations.

Beijing's low-keyed response to Governor Reagan's election hasreflected cautious hope that the new adminiatration will notallow differences over the Taiwan question to impede progress inthe PRC-U.S. relationship, which the Chinese regard as strate-gically essential. TAIPEI has welcomed the election outcome,foreseeing an improvement in both the atmosphere and the substanceof Taiwan's relations with the United States.

' In Northeast Asia generally optimistic commeht from Japan hasbeen tempered by expressions of concern that divergent views ontrade and defense issues may hinder U.S.-Japanese relations asthe new administration's policies unfold. South Korea has welcomedGovernor Reagan's victory as opening the way for a possiblestrengthening of the U.S.-ROK security relationship, while anabsence of Pyongyang comment squares with earlier signs in NorthKorean media that the regime may be adopting a more flexibleapproach toward the United States.

Southeast Asian reaction features Thai commeat welcoming perceivedprospects of a more vigorous U.S. role in sboring up the region'ssecurity. Hanoi, preoccupied with its hostility toward Beijing,has speculated that the Reagan administratica's Taiwan policy mayset back U.S.-PRC cooperation--a relationship Hanoi propagandadecries as threatening Indochina's security.

African reaction has revolved around an expe:tation that the newadministration will adopt a more sympathetic attitude than itspredecessor toward the regime in Pretoria. South African commen-tary has evinced cautious optimism on this core, while the mediaof a number of the black-ruled regimes have registered apprehensive-ness over a perceived likelihood that the nel administration willfavor South African apartheid and curtail ail to developing countries.

Latin American reaction has run the gamut fxom coolness in Panamaand defiance in Nicaragua to optimism on the part of conservativeregimes of the Southern Cone, which foresee a more sympathetic U.S.attitude toward their internal policies and problems. Relativelyrestrained Cuban commentary, largely avoidir,g the kind of invectivethat marked Havana's propaganda during the campaign, has emphasizedthe difference between campaign rhetoric ane what a U.S. presidentdoes when he takes office.

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SOVIET UNION

Moscow has responded publicly to Governor Reagan's election byholding open the prospect of repairing U.S.-Soviet ties. PremierNikolay Tikhonov's harsh criticism of U.S. policy in a speech twodays after the election suggests that the Soviet leadership has noillusions about immediate improvements. But Soviet media have keptMoscow's options open by characterizing the election as a rejectionof the Carter Administration's policies toward the USSR and byreassuring the domestic audience about the president-elect's probableimpact on U.S. policy. By noting Governor Reagan's professed interestin arms control dialogue in postelection commentary while sayinglittle about SALT II, Moscow appears to be holding out the possibilityof further talks without Senate ratification of the treaty.

The only authoritative reaction to the election beyond PresidentBrezhnev's pro forma congratulatory message came in Tikhonov's6 November address in the Kremlin. Tikhonov professed Soviet interestin cooperating with the United States and expressed the hope thatthe new administration will "exhibit a constructive approach toquestions of relations between our countries." His diplomaticallycorrect remarks on bilateral relations were almost overshadowed,however, by his searing indictment of U.S. foreign policy, includingits ppurported efforts "to solve international problems from positionsof strength."

The image Soviet media have projected thus far of the President-elect'sprobable course in office has demonstrated Moscow's decision towithhold judgment. Soviet commentators have seen a trend towardmoderation in the Governor's statements at the close of the campaign,noted that his policies will be determined more by "objective" factorslike the balance of power than by personal proclivity, and assertedthat election rhetoric is an uncertain guide to the actions of asitting President. Soviet media have further nourished hopes for anormalization of the U.S.-Soviet dialogue by interpreting thepresidential election as in part a rejection by the electorate ofPresident Carter's alleged turn away from detente and cooperation withthe USSR. PRAVDA's New York correspondent Tomas Kolesnichenko on7 November illustrated Moscow's cautious optimism about the electionresults by reporting that Governor Reagan's statements had becomemore "moderate" toward the end of the campaign but adding that only"time and concrete actions" will show whether his statements trulyrepresent a "sober view of the future."

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Moscow's recent public commentary on arms con!]rol has projected awillingness to negotiate with the Reagan administration while leavingundefined the status of SALT II. Premier Tikhonov declared Moscow'scontinued interest in agreements "reducing or prohibiting" strategicarms in his 6 November speech but did not mention the SALT treaty.Soviet commentators have not reiterated since the election Moscow'sstress on the importance of Senate ratification although that positionwas reaffirmed as late as 28 October in a TAU news agency commentary.

Moscow's handling of the President-elect's statements on arms control,both before and after the election, reflects he same flexible posture.Soviet media often reported Governor Reagan's expressions of willingnessto negotiate on arms control before the election while appearing totake in stride his expressed opposition to SALT II. PRAVDA'sKolesnichenko took the same approach in his postelection analysis byreporting that the President-elect had come out "against a nuclearcatastrophe and for talks with the Russians" in the 28 Octobertelevised debate without mentioning his position on SALT II. Moscowso far has conspicuously ignored the Presidert-elect's statementson U.S.-Soviet negotiations since the election, including his expressedsupport for the principle of "linkage" between arms limitation talksand Soviet international behavior.

WEST EUROPE

West European leaders have publicly expressed confidence about theprospect of good relations with President-elect Reagan and his probablecircle of policy advisers. Editorial opinior has divided alongtraditional liberal-conservative lines but has generally welcomedwhat is seen as the probability of greater ccnsistency in U.S. foreignpolicy. Some commentators have voiced concern that the President-elect's image as a forceful leader could fort tell difficulties forrelations within the Western alliance if he fails to appreciateEuropean sensitivities.

On questions of policy direction, commentary in Europe's conservativepress has been generally hopeful that there 'will be vigorous U.S.counteraction to Soviet policy around the world. Other papers, however,have expressed concern that the President-elct's declared positionson such questions as the Arab-Israeli conflict, U.S.-Soviet relations,and SALT II could cause conflict with key European allies. Some havealso seen potential discord over NATO's defense modernization and thetask of apportioning the expense equitably among alliance members. Mosteditorial opinion has tempered such expressions of concern with

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suggestions that Europe will await the President-elect's choice of acabinet and specific foreign policies before offering a definitivejudgment.

GREAT BRITAIN British press reaction to Governor Reagan's victoryranged from cautious enthusiasm to expressions of

grave concern. As on the continent, the common theme of interest wasthe likely effect of a Reagan administration on U.S.-European as wellas East-West relations.

The DAILY TELEGRAPH was unabashedly enthusiastic in its 6 Novembereditorial, hailing the election as a "mandate" for change in Americanpolicy both at home and abroad. The editorial noted approvinglyGovernor Reagan's stance in favor of boosting allied military strengthto "meet the Russian threat" and warned against "any illusions" aboutthe considerable time and effort needed to achieve this goal. The paperdid caution, however, that unless some of America's European allies--notably FRG Chancellor Schmidt--adjust to the Reagan presidency andtake advantage of the opportunities it offers, "disastrous transatlantictensions could occur."

Commentary in THE TIMES was more restrained in welcoming the Reaganvictory and focused on the problems that face the new administration.Its 6 November editorial pointed out that Governor Reagan is on the"same ideological wavelength" as Prime Minister Thatcher, but it addedthat such broad similarities of approach "do not guarantee" agreementon specific issues. The editorial singled out the Middle East andrelations with the Soviet Union as two areas of potential difficultywith the allies but concluded on an optimistic note, maintaining thatwith a "strong team of advisers" Governor Reagan could -create a soundgovernment of "shrewd commonsense." The FINANCIAL TIMES editorialthe same day also stressed the issue of U.S.-Soviet relations and urgedthe President-elect to "urgently" acquaint himself with the "views andpredicaments" of his European allies. Cooperation between Europeand America, the paper said, will be "essential" to the success of anyAmerican foreign policy.

Both THE GUARDIAN and THE OBSERVER offered more pessimistic assessmentsof the President-elect's victory. The 6 November GUARDIAN editorialconcluded that the election victory was "in many senses a negative one"that revealed "chasms of illogic." As for Europe, it asserted, "we canonly watch and wonder," realizing that the "world may shortly be ableaker place." A followup editorial in the same paper on the 10thraised the possibility that U.S.-European differences on such issues aspaying for NATO's military buildup and relations with Moscow could

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further weaken the alliance. The weekly OB9ERVER said on the 9ththat the international consequences of the change in administrationswere "less clear cut" than its domestic impa,:_t but confessed to a "deepdisquiet" about the new administration's Third World policy inclinations.The European allies would do well to remind he new president, thepaper concluded, that when his fellow countrymen elected him, "theydid not also elect a world of Republican deS4n, just for Americans tolive in."

WEST GERMANY West German media initially appeared as surprised byGovernor Reagan's decisive victory as Bonn's America

experts reportedly were. However, the West erman press has offered agenerally optimistic assessment of Governor'Reagan's impact onbilateral relations. Most commentators have held that the United Stateswill be a reliable ally under a Reagan admin .Istration and that thePresident-elect himself will be more "predictable" than his predecessor--a leadership quality publicly associated with FRG Chancellor Schmidt.Hamburg's DER SPIEGEL wrote on the 10th that Bonn has anticipated anarrow Democratic victory but after Governor Reagan's "triumph"wanted to quickly establish contacts with the new President so as notto be "surprised" by U.S. actions "as it was four years ago." A6 November editorial in Bonn's DIE WELT saw:good prospects for GovernorReagan's relations with the allies, saying that "common positions" werepossible if the new President convinced Europe that U.S. policy hadbecome a "respectable, reliable, and predictable quantity."

Some of the skepticism about Governor Reagan voiced in FRG mediabefore the election continued to surface in postelection commentary.Several papers spoke of the President-elect'; perceived lack ofexperience in foreign affairs, a problem sote suggested could beovercome by drawing on the services of former officials like GeorgeSchultz, Henry Kissinger, and Alexander Haig. The director ofDEUTSCHE WELLE maintained that Governor Reagan had "realistic andexperienced" people around him who would not be "easy partners" butwould be "reliable allies." The FRANKFURTER ALLGEMEINE and Munich'sSUEDDEUTSCHE ZEITUNG both agreed that Reagat's choice of advisers wouldbe the first test of his political qualificticions.

Other commentators voiced concern over the President-elect's perceivedpolicy inclinations. A FRANKFURTER RUNDSCHtU editorial on the 6thmaintained that Governor Reagan is "less trtubled by doubts and thusmore predictable" than President Carter but said that U.S. allies shouldbe aware that the "good old America" Governcr Reagan wants to reawakenwas a "rather patriarchal being." The sad thing about this nostalgia forthe "orderly world of yesterday," the editorial concluded, is that

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the trend in the world is in the other direction. Hamburg's DIE ZEIT,in a 7 November editorial, expressed concern over the.President-elect'sintentions regarding issues like arms control and advised theallies to "fasten their seatbelts, because the transition period willnot be free of turbulence." The SUEDDEUTSCHE ZEITUNG was concernedabout the "valuable time" that might elapse before Governor Reaganlearned the "limits" of U.S. power in the world.

FRANCE France, like West Germany, has generally welcomed theelection of Governor Reagan as a precursor of greater

consistency in U.S. foreign policy. Some press comment hassuggested that the election result could also benefit France'sown role in world affairs. LE FIGARO suggested on the 6th thatGovernor Reagan's election had evoked a certain "sympathy" alongwith apprehension and that there was every reason to believe thata Reagan administration would be a more homogeneous, solid, andpredictable team than President Carter's. FRANCE-SOIR's7 November editorial seemed particularly pleased with the election,characterizing the President-elect as a "symbol" of an Americaemerging from a long period of humiliations.

In contrast to a number of other European papers, LE MATIN on the7th found promise even in the Governor's stance on SALT and theMiddle East. The French Government, the paper maintained, "neverapproved" of the SALT negotiations and felt that the President-elect would likely "take another look" at the diplomatic processin the Middle East--thereby opening up the prospect for a Frenchrole in future negotiations.

At the same time, some French comment has shown concern that thePresident-elect's leadership style could also be a source ofpotential U.S.-European discord. The Paris daily LE MONDE hasbeen particularly vocal in this regard, expressing fear in its7 November editorial that the Governor holds a "simplistic" viewof the U.S.-European dialogue that could easily become a "U.S.monologue." An article in LE MONDE on the 6th suggested thatParis was all in favor of the President-elect's perceived inten-tion to reassert leadership, "provided it is leadership over theUnited States."

The weekly L'UNITE expressed concern that the reemergence of menlike Kissinger and Haig into leading positions in a Reaganadministration would "take us several years into the past," whilethe French communist daily L'HUMANITE urged the French Governmentto act to deter the "insane plans" expressed in Governor Reagan'selection speeches.


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ITALY Italian public commentary polarized along party lines,with the warmest comments coming from the right-of-

center parties and cooler reaction coming frcm the left of thepolitical spectrum. Italy's news agency ANSii reported on the 5ththat political leaders had varying but generally cautiousreactions, ranging from neofascist party leader Almirante's praisefor Governor Reagan's "rightwing victory," t1-.rough the guardedhope for closer U.S.-European partnership expressed by ChristianDemocrat official Piccoli, to the concern expressed by ItalianCommunist Party foreign affairs spokesman Paletta that U.S.policy might toughen at a time when detente is "at a low ebb."

As in West Germany and Britain, Italian commcmtators focused onthe effect that President-elect Reagan's views on relations withthe Soviet Union and the role of Europe within the Western alliancewould have on Europe's freedom to maneuver. Some voiced concernthat a return to a "Kissingerian" bipolar world would mean a lossof the European "autonomy" that was seen to have emerged under theprevious administration. LA STAMPA's Arrigo Levi said that Europe"cannot hide certain fears" about the President-elect's views onthe arms race and his "pro-Begin" stance on the Middle East,expressing the hope that as President he wou_A be "more flexibleand moderate" than as a candidate. The communist daily L'UNITAwas less hopeful, with PCI leader Bufalini commenting on the 6ththat the election presaged an "increasing rigidity" in inter-national relations that would work to the diadvantage of theItalian working classes.

GREECE, TURKEY, CYPRUS Greek and Greek Cypriot papers havecited President Carter's "inability"

to deal successfully with domestic and foreign policy problemsas the reason for his defeat and have cautioned that the newadministration is unlikely to alter what the'r view as Washington'spro-Turkish stands on Cyprus and territorial disputes in theAegean. Implying that the President-elect Will not risk upsettingthe tenuous balance in the Aegean by pushing for a resolution ofGreek-Turkish differences, the progovernment Athens paperACROPOLIS on 6 November reported that he had already identifiedTurkey and Greece as "valuable allies" and said that his adminis-tration would like to help reduce tensions batween them. Therightwing, progovernment Nicosia daily 0 AGOA cautioned that itwould be "politically naive" either to celebrate or to mourn theelection and, asserting that President Carter had not kept hispromise to Greek Cypriots, added that "by nov" Cypriots should beconvinced that the change in U.S. administraAons "does not changeto the extent that it affects us."

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The Turkish press has generally viewed Governor Reagan as pressingfor a stronger NATO alliance and for hardening relations with theSoviet Union. The liberal press has viewed this prospect--and thepossible effect of Turkey's forward position in the alliance--withapprehension, while the conservative press has generally reactedfavorably.

OTHER COUNTRIES Spanish reaction was sharply mixed, with con-servatives hailing Governor Reagan's election

and leftwing leaders expressing their dissatisfaction. Barcelona'sLA VANGUARDIA quoted Spanish Foreign Minister Perez-Llorca andPopular Alliance leader Iribarne as assessing the election in verypositive terms, with the foreign minister saying that he feltGovernor Reagan would be a "marvelous president for relations withSpain." The paper also reported that Spanish socialist leaderGonzalez and communist party chief Carrillo were disturbed by theelection result, with Gonzalez stating that detente would be"adversely" affected and Carrillo suggesting that internationaltensions would be "intensified."

Scandanavian reaction was cool and in some cases strongly negative.Danish comment was the most favorable. Copenhagen's BERLINGSKETIDENDE reported Prime Minister Joergensen as saying he thought"close and friendly" ties between Denmark and the United Stateswould continue under the new President. Swedish commentariesreflected general disapproval of the election result and concernfor a deterioration in the international climate, particularly onsecurity issues. Stockholm's DAGENS NYHETER concluded thatGovernor Reagan's victory makes life "less secure." The generallycautious Norwegian official reaction prompted Oslo's ARBEIDERBLADETto maintain that it had "nothing good" to say about the new AmericanPresident and that Norway's politicians should have said likewise.

Austrian comment focused on the scope of Governor Reagan's victoryand generally expressed cautious optimism based on the assumptionthat he would pick advisers well versed in foreign affairs. TheKURIER gave the President-elect good marks for his record asGovernor of California, while the ARBEITER ZEITUNG took consolationfrom the example of former President Nixon, who showed, thepaper said, that a conservative president "need not be harmful toworld politics." The communist VOLKSSTIMME expectedly took a dimview but drew hope from the fact that the strength of the "socialistcamp" meant "imperialists" cannot do as they please, even with "aReagan as figurehead."


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EAST EUROPE

Moscow's East European allies generally have followed the Soviet leadin reacting cautiously and with guarded optimism to the U.S. electionresults. The East Europeans for the most part have expressed confidencethat President-elect Reagan's policies once he is in office will bemore restrained and moderate than some of hiL campaign rhetoric.Romania and Albania, often slow to react to International developments,have not commented on the election thus far, although Bucharest haspublished a greetings message to the President-elect. Yugoslovia,which found in President Carter a firm supporter of its independenceand nonaligned policy, has taken a cautious wait-and-see attitude inassessing the implications of the Reagan presidency.

POLAND Warsaw has been generally optimistic about Governor Reagan'selection, most commentaries indicating that the new

administration would be likely to pursue modcrate policies toward theSoviet bloc. The Warsaw daily ZYCIE WARSZANN on 6 November maintainedthat the President-elect's electoral program should not be considereda forecast of his policies in this regard. The paper added thatdespite President-elect Reagan's "baggage of cold war rhetoric,"it would be difficult to imagine any breaking off of the East-Westdialogue. Similarly, Warsaw radio commentaries on the 8th and 9thforesaw "no violent turnabouts" under President-elect Reagan and saidthat he would probably pursue traditional Republican policies,including negotiations with the Soviet Union. Among the few criticismsfrom Warsaw, PAP on the 5th cited "concern" about Governor Reagan'srejection of SALT II and promises to boost dcfense spending, andWarsaw radio on the 7th called some of his ft reign policy advisers"hardline."

HUNGARY The moderate Hungarians similarl: : took a cautiouslyoptimistic stance toward the Prer:ident-elect. The party

daily NEPSZABADSAG on 6 November, according ro MTI that day, portrayedMr. Reagan's foreign policy aims as being tempered in the White Houseby all kinds of foreign pressures--West European pressures for detente,Third World pressures for independence and n(nintervention, and "openChinese antagonisettoward Mr. Reagan. The same paper the next dayfound reasons for cautious optimism in the P resident-elect's assertionthat world peace is his top priority, his fairly broad array of foreignpolicy advisers, and the fact that other conLarvative Republicansbecame more moderate in office.

EAST GERMANY Limited East German comment ry also expressed acautiously optimistic stanc toward a Reagan

administration, while focusing criticism on •-,utgoing President Carter.A 5 November radio commentary by Washington . :orrespondent Horst Kaeubler



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portrayed the election as a "protest" against President Carter'sdomestic policies and "catastrophe" of a foreign policy and defendedGovernor Reagan against his opponent's charges that he would pursue anadventurous foreign policy, saying in this regard that PresidentCarter himself had "pursued a policy of military adventures." EastBerlin domestic service commentator Albert Reisz on the 10th saidthat "we will have to wait and see" about President-elect Reagan'spolicies. He added that the U.S. allies in West Europe expectWashington to "finally renounce seeking military superiority" becauseit will touch off a new arms race.

BULGARIA Like much of the other East European and Soviet commenton the election, Sofia comment has not professed to see

the prospect of major changes under the new administration. The armypaper NARODNA ARMIYA on the 6th described the election outcome as a"formal change only" and said that the "acute" U.S. foreign anddomestic problems "will not be solved by the personnel changes." Sofiaradio on the 5th portrayed the election results more as reflectingwidespread dislike of President Carter than support for Governor Reagan.A radio commentary the same day maintained that despite the President-elect's call for a "position of strength," U.S. fiscal problems willcompel him to reconsider any big arms buildup.

CZECHOSLOVAKIA Prague, often outspokenly critical of the UnitedStates, has spiced its reporting of the election with

some harsh commentary on the President-elect's alleged hardline policies.For example, Prague radio commentator Tomasek on 9 November cited as"cause for concern" Governor Reagan's "totally unrealistic conditions"for talks with the Soviet Union and his comments on the PLO. Similarly,a Prague foreign radio broadcast on the 9th said that some of thePresident-elect's remarks "leave little room for excessive optimism"and that the names of some of his foreign policy advisers "smell ofcold war." At the same time, the party daily RUDE PRAVO on the 6thexpressed hope that the realities of the White House and moderatingforces in the Republican Party would prompt Mr. Reagan to take a"sober and cautious approach" to the world.

YUGOSLAVIA Belgrade has reacted warily to the change in administrationsbut has expressed hope that the close U.S.-Yugoslav

relations characteristic of the Carter years would continue underGovernor Reagan. A 6 November Zagreb radio report by commentator MilikaSundic noted that bilateral ties under President Carter were "bothcorrect and friendly" and asserted that "Yugoslavia is very interestedin continuing to develop and promote all-round cooperation on the sameprinciples with the new U.S. administration, too." ReflectingYugoslavia's usual sensitivity to any perceived slights, Belgrade radiocorrespondent Goran Milic on the 5th said that while the Republicanplatform contains a standard statement of support for Yugoslav

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independence, "it is perhaps an uncomfortable fact thattthis statementis included in the paragraph on American-Soviet relations." But Milic,like several other Yugoslav commentators, foresaw "no great turns"in foreign policy under a Reagan administration. In another note ofdisapproval on foreign affairs, Zagreb radio commentator Ante Kesicon 8 November called the President-elect's stance on the Palestinians"very rigid" and criticized his "degrading" rl the PLO to aterrorist organization.

MIDDLE EAST, IRAN

EGYPT Initial Egyptian reaction to the election resultsemphasized Cairo's appreciation forl President Carter's

role in the Mideast peace process and Egypt's desire for continuedcooperation with the United States. In a 5 November speechPresident Anwar as-Sadat paid tribute to President Carter forhis "sincere and honest effort" to secure peace and his attitudetoward "bilateral relations," which "flourisi-.ed in a manner whichno one could have imagined." As-Sadat congratulated President-elect Reagan for "his people's confidence in him" and declaredthat the "issue of peace" will always require a "basic U.S. rolein it to produce its fruits." In remarks to Cairo's MIDDLE EASTNEWS AGENCY the same day, Deputy Prime Minister and ForeignMinister Kemal Hasan 'Ali proclaimed Egypt's belief that theCamp David accords will continue as the basis of U.S. policy andrepeatedly stressed the point that the U.S. role as a "fullpartner" in the Middle East peace process is "extremely vital."

Egyptian papers generally followed President as-Sadat's lead byexpressing gratitude for President Carter's efforts to achieve aMiddle East peace while emphasizing that Egypt's relations withthe United States are a matter of policy not based on individuals.For example, Cairo's AL-AKHBAR observed on 6 November that Egypt'spolicy toward President-elect Reagan is one aimed at working forthe sake of peace that does not "accept any reversal or deflectionbecause a certain person has gone and another has come." On7 November AL-AHRAM's chief editor observed cautiously that itis "premature to analyze Reagan's internal and external policies"and that past experience has taught that "statements by presi-dential candidates during the election campaign do not necessarilyrepresent the final policy which that president will carry outwhen he enters the oval office."

Egyptian Vice President Husni Mubarak was que ,:ed on 7 November assaying that the election results had no effect on Egypt's willing-ness to provide temporary military facilities to the United States.

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The 7 November AL-AHRAM favorably highlighted President-electReagan's "clear desire to establish a balance between the twosuperpowers in the Middle East area" and stressed the compati-bility of this desire with Egyptian objectives. "In this areain particular," AL-AHRAM said, "there is common ground betweenthe U.S. President-elect's views and Egypt's declared and clearpolicy."

OTHER NORTH Reaction to the election from Libya, Tunisia,AFRICAN COUNTRIES and Algeria was restrained, although negative

in tone. Commentary focused on U.S. policywith regard to the Palestinian question and other Middle Eastissues. A 5 November Libyan broadcast speculated that PresidentCarter's defeat would be the "beginning of the end" of the CampDavid accords. On 6 November, the Tunisian news agency quotedthe view of the independent Tunisian paper LE TEMPS that as aresult of Governor Reagan's election the Arab world "has to actwithout any vain hope of seeing a change in the U.S. attitude infavor of the Arab cause." The Algerian response was even morepessimistic. The Algerian radio on the 7th asserted that thePresident-elect's position on the Palestinian issue "augurs un-conditional support for Israel and contempt for the Palestinians'right to self-determination." The Algiers daily ASH-SHA T B on the6th concluded that "all U.S. presidents are the same in their hos-tility toward the Palestinian people and all just Arab causes."The Moroccan radio has not been heard to comment on the election,and Moroccan King Hassan's congratulatory message to President-elect Reagan avoided Middle East issues and stressed the "ties offriendship and cooperation" existing between Morocco and the UnitedStates.

ISRAEL Israeli reaction to President-elect Reagan's victory hasbeen cautiously optimistic. Asked whether Governor

Reagan's victory was good for Israel, Prime Minister Menahem Beginsaid that while every Israeli must find his own answer, "we arehoping for the better." Foreign Minister Yitzhaq Shamir expresseda similar hope that there will be "very fruitful cooperation" betweenIsrael and the Reagan administration. Shamir was also cited in the10 November HA'ARETZ as voicing the expectation that the new Presi-dent would adopt the view that Israel was important to the UnitedStates from the strategic viewpoint. Deputy Prime Minister andDemocratic Movement leader Yiga'el Yadin, in a 9 November interviewon Jerusalem radio, noted approvingly that President-elect Reagan'sdeclarations, promises and remarks are often "similar and convenient"to the "national consensus" in Israel. Begin and Shamir were generallynoncommittal when asked to comment on Governor Reagan's campaign state-ments and the prospects for their implementation.

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Suggestions of some Israeli concern over possible differences withthe new administration have included "wary opinions"--expressed,according to a 9 November Israel Defense Forc'es radio report, atthat day's Israeli cabinet meeting--over the 3ossibility that theRepublican administration might base its oppt3ition to the SovietUnion on Egypt and Saudi Arabia instead of on Israel. Earlier,Israeli media had noted speculation that the aew administrationwould make an "effort" to include Jordan's Kilg Husayn in the peaceprocess, and opposition Labor Party leader Shim'on Peres told a5 November press conference that Governor Res4an's election was"likely to advance the Jordanian option." Aczording to the 6 NovemberJERUSALEM POST, Prime Minister Begin declared in the Knesset that the"Jordanian option" does not exist. But on 1C November he told aMA T ARIV interviewer that while Jordan has "st far refused to jointhe peace efforts," if it agrees to do so, "'ye will sit togetheraround the negotiating table."

On the subject of the autonomy talks and possible changes in theirscope or momentum as a result of the U.S. elections, Begin declared,according to a 5 November Jerusalem radio report, that there is "noreason for the talks to stop until 20 Januar1 7 , when the new Presi-dent takes office." He added that he was "ctovinced" that the newPresident and his advisers will work for the implementation of theCamp David agreement. But Foreign Minister SAamir told YEDI'OTAHARONOT on 7 November that he "did not see 6 disaster in the slowingdown or cessation of the autonomy negotiations for several weeks ormonths owing to the reshuffle in the White &Ilse."

PALESTINE LIBERATION The PLO has strongly criticized President-ORGANIZATION elect Reagan's positions on the Palestinian

issue and on the PLO's role in representingthe Palestinians. The PLO's clandestine radd) "Voice of Palestine"initially reported "violent" Palestinian reattion to the electionresults and warned of Governor Reagan's "periLous statements andaggressive campaign platform against the Palestinian people and theArab nation." Subsequent comment claimed satisfaction with theprospect of having now "a sure enemy rather tan a false friend" inthe White House and has called for heightened opposition to President-elect Reagan's PLO stance. A relatively lest strident, albeituncomplimentary, appraisal of President-elect Reagan's views on thePalestine problem appeared in the 8 November issue of the LondonArabic-language newspaper ASH-SHARQ AL-AWSAT, which frontpaged astatement by a PLO representative there. Governor Reagan's charac-terization of the PLO as a terrorist organizttion, the statementsaid, "has shown complete ignorance of the Middle East conflict ingeneral and the Palestine problem in particular." The PLO officialexpressed hope, however, that Governor Reagan will have received

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"better information and advice on U.S. policy regarding the MiddleEast and on U.S. economic interests in the area by the time he isinaugurated." "Closing the door to the PLO now," the officialadded, "means opening another door to war."

LEBANON President Ilyas Sarkis, in a 6 November cable toPresident-elect Reagan, and Foreign Minister Fu'ad

Butrus, in the Lebanese Government's initial 5 November commenton the election, stressed the need for the President-elect todevote attention to Lebanon's struggle to maintain its tern-.tonal integrity and affirmed Lebanon's support for the "legiti-mate rights" of the Palestinian people. Beirut media have beenotherwise reserved in their attention to the election. Therightwing Lebanese Phalangists' clandestine radio "Voice ofLebanon" carried extensive reportage on the election returns buthas not carried significant comment on the election's effect onthe Middle East. The Israeli-backed "Free Lebanon" forces ofMajor Sa'd Haddad, in broadcasts by their clandestine radio,reacted in a decidedly favorable manner to Governor Reagan'selection. In a 6 Nbvember statement, Haddad stated that thenew President could be counted on to "help the free Lebanese topurge their country of the Syrian and Palestinian occupiers."

JORDAN Jordanian media have expressed varying degrees ofcautious optimism about the election, describing it

as a blow to the Camp David approach but voicing concern at whatis perceived as President-elect Reagan's pro-Israeli positions.A hopeful view of a changed U.S. Middle East policy under a Reaganadministration was expressed in the 6 November AD-DUSTUR by Informa-tion Minister 'Adnan Abu 'Awdah, who favorably assessed PresidentCarter's defeat as "the downfall of one of the pillars of CampDavid." The minister went on to express hope that the new Presidentwould maintain a "balanced sense of justice" in his Middle Eastpolicy.

Most editorial comment concentrated on campaign statementsmade by the President-elect, characterizing them as "pro-Israeli."A 6 November editorial in the JORDAN TIMES stated that "Mr. Reaganjoined Mr. Carter in a race to see which of them could adopt themost extreme pro-Israeli (and by implication anti-Arab) positionin the battle for Jewish votes." At the same time, the daily notedthat it detected certain favorable statements amid the campaign"rhetoric," namely that the United States should not impose a solu-tion on the Middle East and that any settlement should take intoconsideration the legitimate concerns of all the people of theregion. The editorial concluded: The President-elect "has a chanceto make a fresh start for America and for all of us." A 9 Novembereditorial in the JORDAN TIMES singled out President-elect Reagan's

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desire for an early imeeting with King Husayn as indicating his"awareness" that the Camp David process is "seriously flawed." Inhis congratulatory cable to President-elect teagan, broadcast byAmman domestic radio on 5 November, King Husayn reaffirmed hiscommitment to the "deep friendship" between :he peoples of Jordanand the United States and asserted that he was "looking forward"to renewing those ties.

SYRIA Syrian media reaction to the U.S. ?residential electionconcentrated almost entirely on Palestinian and Arab-

Israeli issues. In his congratulatory cable to President-electReagan, broadcast by Damascus radio on 9 November, PresidentHafiz al-Asad expressed the hope that the incoming president would"work for international peace based on justice" and that he wouldunderstand "the extent of the injustice done to the PalestianArab people." Media comment evidenced a more pessimistic tonewith regard to the election's effect on Arab issues. A 5 NovemberDamascus domestic radio commentary stated that regardless of whois president, "the pact between Israel and the United States willcontinue and will remain strong." In a strident commentary,reported by SANA on the 6th, the newspaper AL-BA'TH, the officialorgan of the Arab Socialist Ba l th Party of $yria, characterizedthe incoming President as "inflexible" and "clearly hostile on thePalestinian issue." The commentary charged that the United Statesand Israel are merely "permanent faces of one imperialist coin"and that every U.S. administration "adapts itself to the continuousdemands and continued interests of imperialism." It concluded byurging Arabs to use "all available and possible means" to confrontwhat it characterized as U.S.-backed "Zionist aggression."

IRAQ Iraqi reaction to the U.S. presidential election wasuniformly negative. Deputy Prime Minister Tariq 'Aziz

summed up the Iraqi position in an interview with the Paris dailyLE MONDE, published on 7 November, in which he stated: "Thatelection will not alter our relations with the United States,whose leaders, whether Democrat or Republican, support Israel andare hostile to the Arabs. Since that is ths case, we have learnednot to rely on the statements made by the caadidates duringelection campaigns. Therefore we will wait and see what Mr. Reagansays when he takes office and will act accordingly." An editorialfrom the Baghdad daily ATH-THAWRAH, carried, by INA on 6 November,similarly stated: "There is only one imperialist nature" and "achange of presidents does not mean a change in the course adopted."The editorial asserted that the election of 3overnor Reagan meant"little for the world's people" and "nothing to the Arab nation'smasses" and concluded that no good is to be expected from "this orthat U.S. President."

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SAUDI ARABIA A 4 November radio commentary outlined the Saudiposition that whatever the outcome of the election,

the United States should rethink its past understanding of MiddleEast issues and take "positive measures to serve the cause ofpeace and stability in the region." Postelection statements andcommentaries continued these two themes. In his cable of congratu-lations to President-elect Reagan broadcast on 5 November, KingKhalid stated that he is looking forward to the President-elect'sleadership in working toward "the achievement of justice" on theMiddle East issue. The Saudi monarch characterized this processas "the finding of a comprehensive solution which will restoresecurity and stability to the region." A 6 November editorial inthe Saudi daily '13KA2 called the Middle East problem a "toppriority" for the new administration. Stating that "principlesof peace and stability" should take precedence over any othersentiments, the editorial criticized the President-elect's "obvioussympathy with Israel and his attitude toward the PLO." In spiteof reservations, 'UKAZ expressed the hope that after he takesoffice, the new President will "make the necessary changes in someof his ideas in order to maintain Washington's ties with the Arabsand enable the achievement of the minimum Arab demands in theArab-Israeli conflict."

KUWAIT Kuwaiti media reaction to the election of GovernorReagan evidenced concern in two major areas--the Arab-

Israeli and Palestinian problem and the danger of superpowerconfrontation in the Gulf region. A 5 November KUNA commentaryasserted that President-elect Reagan's "landslide victory" wouldhave "major repercussions" in the region, manifested by "greatersupport for Israel and an attempt to resist what the Americansdescribe as efforts of the Soviet Union to control the oil sourcesof the Gulf." The commentary predicted that the first effect ofthe election would be the destruction of the Camp David process.Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Shaykh Sabah al-Ahmadas-Sabah, in a statement carried by KUNA on 5 November, stressedhis concern that the new American President should understand theKuwaiti position on "the question of Palestine." A commentaryfrom the daily AL-ANBA', reported by KUNA on the 6th, called forthe convening of an Arab summit to inform President-elect Reaganthat the return of Jerusalem to Arab control would be "the corner-stone" of relations with Washington. An editorial in the dailyAS-SIYASAH on the 6th warned that Arabs control oil needed by theUnited States and that they will "no longer tolerate U.S. arrogance"with regard to Arab issues. On the question of superpowerconfrontation in the region, the AL-ANBA' commentary expressed thefear that the election of Governor Reagan would lead to more "fleetsand threats of intervention" in the Gulf. Stressing the strategicImportance of the region, the commentary characterized it as thescene of increasing competition between the United States and theSoviet Union and urged Arab leaders to unite in the face of this

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UAE UAE media assessed the result of the J.S. presidentialelection solely in terms of its effect on the Arab-Israeli

issue. Responding negatively to the electior of Governor RonaldReagan, an editorial in the 6 November issue 3f the daily AL-KHALIJasserted that the election was "in the Zionist enemy's favor." Incharacterizing the Reagan presidency, a 7 November editorial inthe daily AL-BAYAN predicted that the President-elect would useIsrael "as a policeman in the region" to attvck "pan-Arab aspirations"and that he would support Israel's annexatior of Arab Jerusalem, theWest Bank, Gaza, and the Golan Heights. The strongest response tothe election came in a 7 November editorial jn AL-KHALIJ. Criticizingthe President-elect's characterization of thc PLO as "a terroristorganization," the editorial charged that he had revealed the"intentions" of the future administration and that the only possibleexplanation was that the President-elect was "telling all Arabsthat he is 'with Israel all the way." The oditorial concluded bycalling on participants in the upcoming Ammar summit conference torespond to this challenge and set out "on th., road to the totalliberation of Palestine."

BAHRAIN Bahrain reacted with cautiom opttmism to the electionof Governor Reagan. In a 7 November statement published

in AKHBAR AL-KHALIJ, Bahraini Foreign Ministr Shaykh Muhammed ibnMubarak Al Khalifah said: "It appears that Reagan will be a strongPresident--stronger than Carter--and will ma'-:e firm and resolutedecisions on many issues." The foreign mini-;ter expressed the hopethat the President-elect would reconsider "uajust promises" such as"the recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital" that he madeduring the campaign. He emphasized the neceisity of "a dialogue"with the President-elect that would "look toward the future ratherthan the past," and called on Arab states to convene a summit todraw up a strategy to deal with stands that •:ould be taken by theU.S. government under the new leadership.

QATAR In the text of a cable carried by :he GULF NEWS AGENCY onthe 6th, Qatari ruler Shaykh KhaliEah ibn Hamad Al Thani

urged the President-elect to work for a "just and comprehensivesolution" to the Palestinian issue which wouLd be based on "therecognition of all the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people."In a more negative vein, an editorial from tie newspaper AR-RAYAH,carried by the agency the same day, warned Arabs "not to pin hopeson the new U.S. President," whom it characterized as "dependent onIsrael." The editorial asserted that the Pr-asident-elect has calledfor Jerusalem to "remain united and the capital of Israel" and thathe has "defended Jewish settlements in the Prab territories."

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IRAN Iranian Prime Minister Mohammed 'Ali Raja'i set the toneof Iranian reaction to the outcome of the U.S. elections

in an interview carried by Tehran radio on 5 November. In anassertion later echoed by Majlis Speaker Rafsanjani and otherMajlis deputies, Raja i i declared that President-elect Reagan'svictory will make "no difference whatsoever" to the independentcountry of Iran. Raja'i also said he believed that Governor Reagan'selection success would have "no effect" on the war with Iraq, butin line with regular Iranian claims of U.S. support for Baghdad, heasserted that the incoming President might provide "greater backing"to Iraq. Regarding the U.S. hostages, he maintained that theconditions for their release have been set and it "makes no differ-ence" who governs in the United States." Majlis Deputy SpeakerKho'ini, in an interview reported by Tehran radio on the same day,offered the view that the resolution of the hostage issue will takelonger because of Governor Reagan's victory. Ayatollah Khomeynihas as yet made no public statement on the election results or theireffect on the U.S.-Iran crisis.

Iranian press comment has picked up the notion that there isno real difference between President Carter and President-electReagan and has harshly castigated both leaders. According to a9 November Tehran broadcast, the Islamic Republican Party organJOMHURI-YE ESLAMI described President-elect Reagan as "one ofthe most intransigent opponents of the policy of flexibility withregard to making peace with Iran and handling international issues."The paper concluded that the election will not change "the barbaricand inhumane nature of imperialism."



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SOUTH ASIA

AFGHANISTAN Kabul has paid little attentlon to the U.S. elec-tion but did report the president-elect's press confer-

ence on 7 November. Claiming that Governor (lessen "overtly expresseshis opposition to the freedom movements and )ther rights of theworld's people," Kabul noted his characterizition of the PLO as a"terrorist organization" and his statement en the Americanhostages that Tehran should have "no hope" cf better conditionsfrom him. On 8 November, Kabul domestic raeio carried an IZVESTIYAcommentary suggesting that the president-ele:t will face greatdifficulties implementing his foreign policy.

An Afghan opponent of the Soviet-backed regime in Kabul, theexiled former head of Radio Afghanistan, Sayed Fazal Aqbar,suggested in an AY? report that Governor Re;:.gan's election wouldbe "a good thing for Afghanistan" if the new president were tosend weapons to the Afghan rebels.

PAKISTAN In his congratulatory message, President GeneralMohammad Ziaul Haq welcomed Governor Reagan's election

and suggested that the "overwhelming support" he received was atribute to his leadership and the achievemepts of his "outstandingpolitical career." Subsequent Karachi comment has stressed thatRaq and President-elect Reagan share a "pragmatic" approach toworld problems and that the two men have a .common position on theSoviet presence in Afghanistan. A 7 Noveml:wr Karachi domesticradio commentary argued that U.S.-Pakistan relations have alwaysbeen better under Republican presidents and noted that PakistaniForeign Minister Agha Shahi is a close frieEd of Vice President-elect George Bush.

INDIA The U.S. election prompted widespread reaction in theIndian press, and Delhi has publizhed both comment and

messages to the president-elect from Prime Yinister Indira Gandhiand President Sanjiva Reddy. Reflecting ge-_eral Indian dissatis-faction with the election, Gandhi observed :hat it made "nodifference" to India who won the election b,t that she hopedGovernor Reagan would show "understanding" toward India's problems.In her message to the president-elect, the prime minister stressedthat India and the United States "share a cmamon tradion of strugglefor independence, dedication to democratic Aeals, and the spiritof tolerance and understanding."

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Most of the Indian press had predicted a Carter victory, andGovernor Reagan's triumph drew expressions of marked disappoint-ment. President Carter had been praised in the Delhi press becausehe had visited India in 1978, because his policy of compromisingwith Moscow was considered compatible with the Soviet-IndianFriendship Treaty, and because he had recently persuaded the U.S.Congress to continue supplying nuclear fuel to India. Commentatorshave expressed concern about Governor Reagan i s "anti-Sovietrhetoric." One Delhi commentator on 5 November pointed out,however, that no one in India knew where President-elect Reaganreally stands on most issues. The commentator went on to specu-late that his public positions would undergo the "sobering"influence of office and he might make some positive moves towardworld peace and cooperation.

OTHER SOUTH ASIAN COUNTRIES Available comment from othercountries on the Indian subcon-

tinent has been limited to reports on the messages sent bynational leaders to the president-elect. Bangladesh PresidentZiaur Rahman sent his "greetings and congratulations" andexpressed his confidence that Governor Reagan's "wise and dynamic"leadership would lead to a further improvement of the already"excellent" relations between the two countries. In his messageto the president-elect, the king of Nepal expressed the hope that"friendly relations" between his country and the United Stateswill continue to expand. And Sri Lankan President J.R. Jayewardenesent President-elect Reagan his "warmest congratulations," statinghis belief that the "very close ties of friendship and cooperation"between the two countries would be further strengthened during theReagan Administration.


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CHINA

PRC Beijing's reaction thus far has reflected in an implicitand low-key fashion its hope that bilateral differences

over the issue of Taiwan will not be allowed to impair a PRC -U.S.relationship that it considers of vital straLegic significance.The essence of this Beijing approach was contained in a PRCForeign Ministry Information Department statement, released toWestern media in Beijing on 5 November and subsequently broadcastinternationally over Beijing radio. Observi qg that PRC -U.S.relations are "very significant to the peace and stability of theworld," the statement recalled that relation; between the twocountries have progressed under both Republislan and Democraticadministrations in the past and expressed hoe that the new U.S.administration will "abide by the principles" incorporated intothe 1972 Shanghai Communique and the 1979 communique normalizingrelations. Identical concerns were conveyed by Premier ZhaoZiyang in his congratulatory greetings to Pr2sident -elect Reaganon 7 November and by Vice Premier Yao Yilin in remarks to Japanesejournalists the same day.

Beijing's emphasis on the necessity of upholding the principlesof the normalization communique goes to the Oeart of persistentPRC concerns that the President-elect has yet to embrace thenormalization accord as the basis for Sino-U.S. relations ratherthan the Taiwan Relations Act, a document wtose legitimacy Beijinghas consistently rejected. Beijing comment last August onGovernor Reagan's campaign statements on tht Taiwan issue sharplyand authoritatively protested the President-elect's views on thispoint and declared that whatever bilateral and strategic advantagesaccrue from PRC-U.S. relations, Beijing will not compromise onissues of principle on territorial sovereigrty. In the onlyreference to Governor Reagan's views on China policy in currentcommentary on his election, a RENMIN RIBAO analysis of the electionresults on 6 November recalled with cautious optimism, as PRCcomment since August has done occasionally, that since the publiccontroversy over his position on the Taiwan issue the President-elect has moderated his views and repeatedly pledged to continuethe development of friendly relatios with tie PRC.

Beijing commentary at the same time has attfibuted GovernorReagan's election to a strong trend toward conservatism amongthe U.S. electorate brought about by "deep frustration anddissatisfaction" over domestic difficulties and the decline ofU.S. power abroad in the face of relentless Soviet expansionism.A XINHUA commentary on 9 November analyzing the causes of the


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President-elect's landslide victory called the election outcome"a tremendous explosion of the American people's sense of frustra-tion" with the country's domestic and international problems.The party paper RENNIN RIBAO on the 6th similarly laid GovernorReagan's victory to his articulation of an ideological and social"trend toward conservative ideas" among the electorate in responseto U.S. domestic and foreign problems.

In attributing Governor Reagan 's victory to the American people'sfrustrations and anxieties, however, Beijing comment has observedthat what the U.S. electorate appears to be hoping for is pragma-tic, consistently executed policies that soundly address the realitiesof U.S. domestic and international problems. In noting thatPresident Carter had eventually come to profess views closelyparalleling those professed consistently by Governor Reagan onmany issues, the 9 November XINEUA commentary suggested that thePresident's change in mind was "neither firm nor timely enough"and that even during the campaign some of his rhetoric impliedthis his administration's position was "still business as usualwhile the Soviet Union continued its aggression and expansion."An earlier XINHUA commentary on the election results, datelined5 November, cited U.S. press opinion that a change in administrationalone will not solve difficulties that require sound, consistentlyimplemented policies. Some PRC comment, in this regard, haspointedly praised President-elect Reagan's ability to be "pragmaticand flexible" in applying his conservative ideological bent,traits that Beijing undoubtedly hopes the new administration willbring to bear not only on U.S. domestic and foreign policies ingeneral but on Sino-U.S. relations in particular.

TAIWAN ROC President Chiang Ching-kuo's congratulatory messageto President-elect Reagan, transmitted by Taipei's

CHINA NEWS AGENCY (CNA) on 5 November, expressed confidence thatunder the President-Elect's leadership the United States will "playa more positive role" in advancing the anticommunist "cause offreedom and justice in the world" and that "traditional bonds offriendship and understanding" between the American and Chinesepeoples will be strengthened. At the same time the news agencycarried on the 6th a statement by Taiwan's governor welcomingGovernor Reagan's election but cautioning the people of Taiwan"not to expect too much" from his election and to continue to"demonstrate the perseverance and self-reliance" they have displayedin recent years.


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A CNA commentary on 5 November speculated on specific steps thenew administration might eventually take to improve relationsbetween Washington and Taipei within the context of continuing U.S.relations with the PRC, including possible U.S. sale of "moresophisticated defensive weapons" and substantive discussionsbetween U.S. officials and ROC representatives to facilitate"directly" cooperation between the two countries. Subsequently,a commentary broadcast by Taipei's international service on the9th ridiculed Beijing's "frosty" reaction to Governor Reagan'selection, noting that Beijing recognizes the President-elect as"an anticommunist and a man of principle" whl in the past hasurged that Washington "give Free China the treatment she deservesas a faithful ally." Beijing's protests over the President-elect'sviews, the commentary advised, are "unjustified" and "can besafely ignored" insofar as it is Beijing that "needs U.S. protec-tion against the Soviets instead of the other way around."


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NORTHEAST ASIA

JAPAN Japanese reaction to the U.S. election results generallyreflected the view that Washington-Tokyo ties are sound

and will not be basically affected by a change in administration.This optimism, however, has been leavened with concern, as it wasat the start of the Carter Administration, that longstandingdifferences between the two sides on trade and defense issues couldagain become sore points in the relationship. Japanese officialshave generally played up the theme that President-elect Reaganbrings special understanding of Japan as a result of his experienceas governor of California, a state with many business ties toJapan. But comment has also reflected a perception that the newadministration may, at least initially, be tougher in its approach

- to Japan than the previous one was. Thus a 6 November ASAHIeditorial mourned the passing of the "flexible, understandingapproach symbolized by the attitude of U.S. Ambassador Mansfield."

Looking beyond bilateral issues, Japanese comment has registereduneasiness over "hawkishness" and "excessive conservatism" inGovernor Reagan's approach to economic and foreign affairs.Editorials in all the major Japanese dailies have worried aloudabout the consequences of the new administration's stance towardthe Soviet Union. The most critical comment, appearing in the6 November ASAHI editorial, asserted that the "principal concern"is the President-elect's "naivete . . . and obvious lack ofknowledge." The conservative SANKEI SHIMBUN, in an editorial onthe 6th, voiced misgivings about Governor Reagan's lack ofexperience in national and international politics. A MAINICHIeditorial on the same day professed "great anxiety" over GovernorReagan's "understanding of current affairs."

SOUTH KOREA South Korea has generally welcomed the U.S.election results as a harbinger of a more

"realistic" American foreign policy that will lead to a strength-ening of the U.S.-ROK alliance and enhancement of South Koreansecurity. South Korean media have cited unidentified ROK ForeignMinistry officials as saying that with the new administration,Seoul's relations with Washington would definitely improve. Thepress has clearly indicated that South Koreans fully expect thatthe Reagan administration will cease "interference" in the internalaffairs of U.S. allies in the name of human rights and willinstead base its policy on a realistic assessment of sharedinterests. However, an 8 November TONG-A ILBO editorial struck acautionary note in this regard, warning that a "power first, humanrights second" approach on Washington's part will eventually be


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influenced by "traditional" American interest: in "moral diplomacy."Favorable comment has also been sprinkled with expressions ofconcern that the conservative philosophy that seeks to rebuildAmerican military and economic strength could have some negativeconsequences for South Korea. A 7 November CHOSON ILBO article,citing "economic experts," noted that U.S. efforts to strengthenthe economy could lead to the adoption of pr-)tectionist tradepolicies that would adversely affect the ROK economy. And aCBUNGANG ILBO editorial speculated that a deterioration of U.S.-USSR and U.S.-PRE relations could have negative implications forthe Korean situation.

NORTH KOREA Pyongyang has not yet originated comment on theelection outcome, confining tts reaction to a

brief, factual report on 7 November. This cautious response isreminiscent of the approach the DPRK adopted following the 1976election, and it contrasts with the previous North Korean practiceof commenting quickly and acidly on U.S. presidential elections.Pyongyang's failure to take a stand on the recent election couldreflect an effort to evaluate the implications of a Reaganadministration for DPRK policy. Continuation of the silence mayreflect North Korea's hopes of encouraging the new administrationto consider contacts with Pyongyang. Such restraint would beconsistent with the signs of a more conciliatory . approach towardthe United States that surfaced at last month's Korean partycongress.

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SOUTHEAST ASIA, PACIFIC

INDOCHINA Vietnamese comment on the election included specu-lation that a Reagan presidency might be beneficial

in lessening cooperation between Beijing and Washington, a rela-tionship Hanoi sees as a major threat to its security. Hanoiradio on 6 November viewed the President-elect's China policy,particularly his position on Taiwan, as a thorn in the side ofBeijing. During the campaign, Hanoi had similarly claimed thatGovernor Reagan's statements on U.S. relations with Taiwan werecausing consternation in Beijing.

Hanoi has not directly commented on the implications of a Reaganadministration for U.S.-Vietnamese relations, but it seemed toimply that the new administration might bring a fresh view to theproblem. In a 6 November article in the party paper NHAN DAN,Hanoi described President Carter's "hostile policy" toward Vietnamand Indochina as one of the "out-of-date" foreign policy conceptswhich contributed to his election defeat. In commenting on theReagan victory, Hanoi has not recalled its criticism last July ofthe Republican Party platform's call for maintaining a state ofconfrontation with Indochina.

Lao media have reported Governor Reagan's victory without comment,the Vientiane domestic radio on the 7th merely quoting Western newssources. Similar treatment was accorded President Carter's electionfour years ago. Phnom Penh media have not been heard to mention theelection results.

THAILAND Thailand's extensive, prominent, and favorable coverageof Governor Reagan's victory has reflected its own security

concerns in the face of the perceived threat from Vietnam. Setting thetone for press comment, Prime Minister Prem Tinsulanon's 5 Novembermessage of congratulations to the President-elect expressed confi-dence that the United States would continue to play a constructiverole in the region for "peace stability and progress." In contrast,the Thai prime minister's message to President Carter four yearsago had only expressed the hope that the United States would continueto play a constructive role in international affairs. A concern forregional security was also reflected in the 5 November remarks ofthe spokesman of the Thai Supreme Command on the election. Henoted Governor Reagan's pledge to strengthen U.S. military mightand expressed the hope that the United States would adopt a 'morepowerful posture" in Asia.



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MALAYSIA Malaysian comment on the election has reflecteduncertainty regarding the impact of the Reagan

victory on U.S. foreign policy. A Kuala Lumpur internationalbroadcast in English on 5 November argued that Governor Reaganwill "be more sober about war and peace" when he is actually inoffice. A Kuala Lumpur international broadcast in English twodays later, however, claimed that it is stilL "too early" todecide whether the presidency will moderate the President-elect's"hawkish tendencies."

SINGAPORE Singapore has welcomed the Reagan victory asheralding the resurgence of a strong and assertive

U.S. role in international affairs, qualities seen lacking underPresident Carter. In a more effusive message than that sent toPresident Carter four years ago, Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew senthis "warmest congratulations," praised the President-elect'sposition on "critical issues of world peace and stability," andassessed the election results as reflecting an American desirefor a "strong, consistent, and practical president." In contrast,the prime minister's message to President Carter had only notedhis confidence that the United States would maintain the balanceof p.mer. in Asia. Foreign Minister Dhanabalan, in assessing theimpact of Governor Reagan's victory on regional affairs, notedthat the new mood in Washington could only result in a greaterU.S. interest in the region.

INDONESIA Indonesian comment on the election has reflectedmixed expectations about any chlnge in U.S.-Indonesian

relations resulting from Governor Reagan's election. IndonesianVice President Adam Malik maintained that tha outcome of theelection did not matter because U.S.-Indonesian relations are"good." Indonesian Foreign Minister Mochtar Kusumaatmadja, however,suggested that on the basis of campaign speeches, Governor Reagan'sdomestic and foreign policies will differ frIm those followed byPresident Carter. He expressed the hope that a Reagan administra-tion would continue to pay attention to the ieveloping countries.Indonesian press comment also reflected uncertainty over thedirection of U.S. foreign policy. Some commentary expressedconcern about the negative consequences of scrapping the SALT IItreaty and a stronger U.S. foreign policy role, while othercommentary noted that President-elect Reagan would continue tofollow the U.S. "strategy of peace" and only the implementationof that policy would differ.

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AUSTRALIA Australian comment on Governor Reagan's electionhas been generally favorable. A radio roundup of

comment in the Australian papers indicated that the press thererejected the campaign image of Reagan as "reckless," portrayinghim instead as moderate, a good administrator, and able to takeadvice. The AUSTRALIAN FINANCIAL REVIEW even suggested that itmight not be a "drawback" to have a man with "hawkish tendencies"in the White House. AFP reported that Deputy Prime Minister andTrade Minister Doug Anthony has affirmed that Australia would bemaintaining the "closest contacts" with the United States regardingthe President-elect's commitment to lift the grain embargoagainst the Soviet Union.


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LATIN AMERICA

MEXICO AND Mexican and most Central American commentatorsCENTRAL AMERICA have viewed the election autcome as presaging

little or no change in the region. ThusMexican President Lopez Portillo was quoted b7 Madrid radio on6 November as remarking that the United States "is still the samecountry" and the issues facing the two countrtes "remain exactlythe same." In a similar vein, the director of Mexico's petroleumindustry saw Mexico's relations with the United States as unaffectedand stated that there will be no change in Mexico's oil programs.Salvadoran junta member Jose Morales Erhlich emphasized that thechange in U.S. administrations will have no effect on Salvadoraninternal developments and expressed his government's hope thatrelations with the United States will remain '"as cordial as ever."

Notably favorable comment on the election out-Iome has appeared inGuatemalan media, which have publicized General Romeo Lucas Garcia'sexpressed belief that U.S. policies toward Guatemala will improveunder the Reagan administration. The election outcome was welcomedin Honduran commentary, with the domestic radio predicting that thenew administration will give U.S. human right3 policies "betterdefinition and a more objective adjustment."

Panamanian reaction, predictably cool, has pckated to GovernorReagan's opposition to the Panama Canal treaties and publicizedPresident Royo's comment that the President-elect's reported pledgeto honor the agreements is "unsufficient." The treaties, Royosaid, not only must be honored but must be "fully respected withoutthe dickering that the U.S. side has shown so far."

Nicaraguan commentary has emphasized the Sandinista regime'sindependent policies. Responding to a reporter's question aboutthe Reagan administration's possible curtailment of U.S. economicaid to Nicaragua if the regime does not change its political guide-lines, Junta member Daniel Ortega retorted that the guidelines are"very clear," it is "very well understood" that Nicaragua "is nolonger a colony of the United States," and "we could care less thatReagan-won." But Nicaraguan Foreign Minister D'Escoto, remarkingthat it is obvious the President-elect is no supporter of theSandinistas, said it would be "deplorable" if the progress madein U.S.-Nicaraguan relations since the Sandirista takeover inJuly 1979 were to be set back.

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-31 -SOUTH AMERICA The politically conservative countries of the

Southern cone have generally welcomed GovernorReagan's victory as'paving the way for a more sympathetic attitudetoward their policies and problems. Thus Argentine media havepublicized cautiously optimistic statements by various officials,including a prediction by the Argentine ambassador to the UnitedNations that the Reagan administration's position on human rightswill be more favorable to Argentina than that of the CarterAdministration. Commentators have echoed Argentine President JorgeRafael Videla's congratulatory message to the President-elect inpointing out that military rule in Argentina derives from theneed to combat terrorism and in asserting the government's intentto restore "an authentic, pluralist, stable, modern democracy."Bolivian media have publicized the congratulatory cable fromPresident Garcia Meza, expressing confidence that the President-elect "will give back to Latin Americans their confidence in theshared destiny of the peoples of the hemisphere."

Brazilian political figures, on the other hand, have reacted withstudied indifference. Leaders of the ruling party have been quotedas stressing that Brazil no longer depends on the United Statesand has nothing to gain or lose from the U.S. election outcome.

CUBA Comment from Havana so far has largely avoided the kindof invective that marked Cuban reaction to Governor Reagan's

speeches during the campaign, when he was reviled for advocating aharder line toward the Castro regime. In the most substantialreaction to date, veteran foreign affairs commentator Carlos MoraHerman, deputy director of the Cuban news agency PRENSA LATINA,ascribed the "dangerous and reactionary" image of Governor Reaganto campaign rhetoric and observed that the President-elect hadmoderated the "belligerent and militaristic tone" which marked hisearly speeches. The campaign wound up, Mora said, "on a mutednote--softer, less ferocious and with apparent caution." Whilenoting that the President-elect's foreign policy positions callfor strengthening the U.S. "blockade" of Cuba, withdrawing "all"aid from Nicaragua, increasing support for the "repressive" regimesin El Salvador and Guatemala, and opposing the Panama Canal treaties,Mora came back to his central theme that there is a differencebetween what a U.S. presidential candidate says during the campaignand what he might do when he takes office.

Other Cuban media commentary has been in the same vein and has alsoechoed Mora in attributing President Carter's defeat to failure ofhis administration to resolve problems of inflation and unemploymentat home.


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SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA

African public reaction has ranged from cautious approbation in theRepublic of South Africa to muted expression: of concern in a numberof black African nations. Editorial comment. ,ry in South Africa hasevinced pleasure at what is seen as the prospect of a stronger, moreanticommunist United States. Official statements from black-ruledAfrican nations have generally been diplomatically correct, expressinghope for good relations with the Reagan administration withoutprejudging it. Some black African commenter; has welcomed the electionas presaging a comeback for flagging American prestige. Most commentarieshave expressed concern, however, that the Reagan administration mayencourage support for South African apartheid, reduce economic assistanceto the Third World, and increase U.S. military involvement in Africa.

SOUTH AFRICA South African commentators ., imputing to Governor Reagana relatively sympathetic attitude toward the regime

in Pretoria, have also found grounds for optimism in his stronglyexpressed views on Soviet foreign involvement. Editorial writers andcommentators have speculated that the President-elect will reversewhat has been termed in South Africa President Carter's "soft" positionon both Soviet and Cuban involvement in the: ,:ontinent. THE CITIZENand other South African papers have discerned a prospect of "greaterstability" for South Africa "under the protective umbrella of theUnited States" but have stopped short of forecasting dramatic changes.The Afrikaans newspaper DIE TRANSVALER typified this caution inobserving that "America's self-interest will come first, and the bestSouth Africa can hope for is a generally better climate toward SouthAfrica in Washington."

OTHER COUNTRIES Official congratulations from black African leadershave expressed hope for the development of cordial

relations with the United States, in some ir.3tances raising such specificAfrican concerns as white minority dominatica in South Africa and Namibiaand the North-South dialogue on restructurirg the world economy. Theseissues have been addressed at greater lengtt in press and radiocommentary.

Some press commentators have found grounds .f. or optimism over the likelydirection of the incoming administration's iDreign policy. Zaire'sprincipal domestic news agency, AZAP, commerted that the United Statesopted for "renewal" in electing Governor ReEigan. The President-elect,AZAP said, is "capable of making a decision and sticking to it" and willwork to restore American prestige in the world. Even in countries wherethe media have been more critical, such as t;enegal, Ghana and Liberia,commentators have suggested that the new Prpsident's foreign policies willprobably be more moderate than his past rhetoric might indicate.

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On balance, however, concern has outweighed satisfaction over theelection outcome in most sub-Saharan Africa commentary, especiallyregarding the President-elect's intentions toward the continent.Apprehensiveness over Governor Reagan's attitude toward the SouthAfrican regime has been registered prominently in comment from Nigeriaand has been evident in media comment from Senegal and Ghana. Atypically,the Monrovia daily NEW LIBERIAN went so far as to call on Africancountries to break diplomatic relations with the United States "ifthere is the least sign that the Reagan administration is encouragingPretoria's obstinate attitude."

African media have also questioned Governor Reagan's sensitivity to theneeds of Third World nations. The Nigerian radio called PresidentCarter's defeat a "setback" for Africa, since the President has"seemed more sympathetic" than Governor Reagan toward the developingworld. Playing a similar theme, the Ivory Coast daily FRATERNITE MATINstated categorically that "Reagan's accession to power will bringnothing at all to the Third World, and to Africa in particular." Senegal'sLE SOLEIL, looking at the Republican platform, concluded: "We must fearfor aid to development."

Observers in a number of other African countries have voiced concernover the President-elect's probable military policies. A Brazzaville,Congo, radio commentator said Governor Reagan is "rightly" consideredby many to be a "warmonger" and is likely to increase U.S. militaryinvolvement in Africa. The GHANAIAN TIMES hoped that the new Presidentwill not "rush the world into settling conflicts on the battlefields."Such comment in most cases has been tempered by a deferral of finaljudgment until the President-elect has had a chance to demonstratehi's policies in practice.

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FOREIGN MEDIA REACTIONTO THE 1980 U.S. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

ANNEX: ILLUSTRATIVE TEXTS

Selected illustrative texts of comment appearing in foreign

media are reproduced on the following pages. They include

authoritative statements by regime spokesmen as well as

media comment. Most of the selections are key passages

drawn from longer public speeches, newspaper articles, or

radio commentaries.


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SOVIET UNION

Premier Nikolay Tikhonov Kremlin address, 6 November Moscow domesticradio

American imperialism and its accomplices are tryingto alter the objective course of world development, toviolate the approximate equality in the military-strategic sphere. They have entered the path ofundermining detente, whipping up international tension,intensifying the arms race, adventurist actions invarious regions of the world, and militant anti-Sovietism. . . .

A year ago the United States and its NATO alliesadopted a decision to deploy in West European countriesnew U.S. medium-range nuclear missile systems aimed attargets on the territory of the USSR anc other countriesof the Warsaw Treaty. This is a very dangerous act. . . .

In the complex current international situation, theCentral Committee of the party and the soviet Govern-ment are consistently pursuing a course of peace anddetente and doing everything necessary to ensure apeaceful life for the Soviet people. I goes withoutsaying that we cannot help drawing the appropriateconclusions for ourselves in connection with thetendencies in the foreign policy of the United States. . . .

As regards our relations with the United States ofAmerica, just as with any other country which belongsto another social system, they can only be built onthe basis of equality, noninterference. -Al internalaffairs, and avoiding harm to the secur-Ay of oneanother. Firmly following the principles of peacefulcoexistence, the Soviet Union has not sought and doesnot seek in its relations with the United States anykind of unilateral advantages, does not aspire tomilitary supremacy. We are in favor of the develop-ment of mutually advantageous cooperati)n with thislargest country in the West, in the int:a-rests ofboth the Soviet and American peoples, 11 the interestsof detente and the preservation of peaca. Such a courseof ours, free from all short-term consilerations,possesses a stable character. In this :he fact is takeninto account that the state of Soviet-American rela-tions exerts a great influence on the ilternational


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situation as a whole. This obliges one always andin everything to manifest a great sense of responsi-bility. In connection with this, I would like toexpress the hope that the new administration in theWhite House will take a constructive approach toquestions of relations between our countries.

PRAVDA article by New York correspondent Kolesnichenko, 7 November

In the heat of the election campaign, many contra-dictory and sometimes even mutually exclusive thingswere said. There were sharp and sometimes bewilderingpronouncements on international questions which laterin the campaign were declared to have been blunders.But the contenders did say some constructive things,especially toward the end of the presidential "race."The Republican Party candidate's statements becamemore moderate as he approached the finish line. Thiswas particularly apparent during the televisiondebate between R. Reagan and J. Carter a few daysbefore the election. Although R. Reagan did notput forward a concrete program during the debate,his statement that as a man who had been through manywars, he was against a nuclear catastrophe and "fortalks with the Russians" made a certain impression(and according to all public opinion polls won extraelectoral support). Time and concrete actions willtell whether this was election rhetoric or a soberview of the future.

Soviet radio and television observer Valentin Zoiin, 5 NovemberMoscow domestic radio

As for the course of the future government ofRonald Reagan, who will arrive in the White House on21 January next year, many conjectures are now beingmade. First and foremost, however, two things arestressed. One is that a big distinction should bemade between the election rhetoric of a presidentialcandidate and the actual policy of the man when heis in the White House. Second, it should be takeninto account that any U.S. president is guided notby any personal ideas and ambitions, but by therealities of the world today and the actual corre-lation of forces in the world today; and this isundoubtedly true, too, of the future government ofPresident Reagan.

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WEST EUROPE

UNITED KINGDOM

London THE TIMES editorial, 6 November

[Mr. Reagan's] Administration ought to be one that willtake particular account of European judgments and sensi-tivities. But such broad similarities cE approach donot guarantee agreement on specific issues. There aretwo principal ones which may cause diffizulty.

Mr. Reagan has up to now taken a very strongly pro-Israeli line, which would not fit easily with the desireof the governments of the European Commvaity that thePLO should be brought into the process cf Middle Eastnegotiation. Then there is the questiot of Mr. Reagan'sattitude towards the Soviet Union. If his foreignpolicy, either in tone or in substance, has the effectof increasing tension between East and West, this willbe a severe embarrassment for his European partners--West Germany in particular.

Much anxiety has been created on this sjde of theAtlantic by Mr. Reagan's insistence that he wouldscrap the SALT II treaty and then seek to build upAmerican nuclear superiority as a means of persuadingthe Soviet Union to negotiate a new agreement.

London THE DAILY TELEGRAPH editorial, 6 November

Mr. Reagan faces a daunting and growing accumulationof problems, but they do not exceed America's enormoushuman and material resources if he can luny mobilizethem and properly deploy them. . . . Neither theAmericans nor their allies should be under any illu-sions about the effort and time that will be necessaryto restore the ravages of detente. Mr. Reagan is nofirebrand for insisting on the renegotiation of theSALT II nuclear arms treaty, which the Senate hasbeen refusing to ratify for over a year.


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Chancellor Helmut Schmidt remarks to Social Democratic group,7 November DPA

At a difficult stage in world politics, the Americannation has, with an unequivocal majority, desired achange of leadership. . . . We have good reasons forlooking forward to cooperation with the new U.S. leader-ship with confidence and hope. . . . German-Americanrelations as well as those between Europe and NorthAmerica are determined in the first place by commonbasic convictions and fundamental interests. . . .This is why a good trustful relationship between Bonnand Washington has existed without interruption sincethe fifties until the present day, regardless ofparties and persons.

Bonn DIE WELT editorial, 6 November

The new president can rely on more expert knowledge inworld matters in the circles around him than Carterever rallied in the White House. Yet nobody in Europewill underrate the difficulties of the dialogue witha man who, in his judgment of detente policy, disarma-ment, and arms control, of security as the preconditionfor a foreign policy that commands respect, deviatesat least in inclination from the judgment of theEuropeans. . . .

Thus the new Atlantic dialogue cannot and will not bedevoid of problems. But common positions are possibleif the president convinces the world at large, Europein particular but above all the Soviet Union, that U.S.policy has become a respectable, reliable, and predict-able quantity.

FRANKFURTER ALLGEMEINE commentary, 6 November

The first test of the political qualifications of thenew president will be his choice of men for the newadministration. To initial expectations can be addedthe following experience: With the exception of thetime that the great President Truman was in office,the Europeans have always gotten along better withRepublican than with Democratic presidents. Theforeign policy of the Republicans is usually lessambitious and less missionary.


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FRANCE

Paris LE MONDE editorial, 7 November

In his election speeches, Mr. Reagan spoke littleabout transatlantic relations. However, he saidenough about them for people to fear tha: he mightcherish some oversimplified views of U.S.-European"dialogue," deliberately reducing it to a U.S.monologue.

Two areas could deteriorate fairly quickly: detenteand the Middle East. In the hard-hitting game whichhe claims to intend to play with Moscow, Mr. Reagancould be inclined to step up the pressur2-on theEuropeans to align unreservedly with his position.In so doing, however, he would merely wilen the gulfand at the same time enable the Soviet Ulion toindulge in one of its favorite occupatioas--exploitingU.S.-European differences. . . .

If Mr. Reagan intends to implement the p3licy on theIsraeli-Arab conflict which he outlined luring hiscampaign, there will also be acute friction betweenthe [European] Nine and Washington. Indaed theEuropeans, who are convinced that the pr3cess laiddown at Camp David cannot lead to an all-embracingsettlement, intend to revive the diplomá:ic offen-sive they began in Venice a few months ago.

Paris LE FIGARO Serge Maffert article, 6 November

What will happen then [under the Reagan kdministra-tion]? This is the question which the eatire worldis asking itself with both a certain app7ehensionand a certain sympathy. Apprehension beause peopleare wondering whether the man will have :he statureneeded and whether his temperament will lot carry himeither too fast or too far. And sympathr because hehas an undeniable radiance and because taere is everyreason to believe a priori that he and his adviserswill constitute a more homogeneous and slid--andconsequently more predictable--team that Carter's.The world needs to be led both in a steadier and amore confident manner.


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EAST EUROPE

GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC

East Berlin radio commentary, 10 November

James Carter signed SALT II together with LeonidBrezhnev, but then he did almost nothing to havethe treaty ratified by the Senate; Carter himselftook the ratification process off the agenda. Itwas only in the last weeks of the election campaignthat he obviously remembered his signature, but asfor the steadfastness of his attitude, the worldhas had its experiences of four years. . . .

Regarding his elected successor, we will have towait and see. Surely there are now significantshifts to the right in the Senate and in the Houseof Representatives, and it cannot be denied thatsome observers are right who said about the electionoutcome that the Vietnam trauma obviously has notyet been digested in the United States. It wouldbe premature, I think, to draw conclusions from allthis with regard to the concrete policy PresidentReagan will pursue.

CZECHOSLOVAKIA

Prague RUDE PRAVO Washington correspondent Milan Jelenik,6 November

If we were to judge President-elect Ronald Reaganaccording to his campaign speeches, particularlythose discussing U.S. foreign policy, we wouldarrive at a grim forecast. He often attackedCarter's policy, not from liberal positions, butfrom positions even further to the right. Never-theless, it is known that the reality of worlddevelopments appears different when viewed fromthe rostrum of campaign demagogy than when seenfrom the presidential chair, in which--no matterwho is sitting in it--it is impossible not torespect the reality of the present world. A soberand cautious approach is also prompted by the factthat the moderates--represented in the past notablyby President Ford's Administration and, in itspractical activity, by President Nixon's Adminis-tration--still dominate in the Republican Party.Approved For Release 2004/07/08: CIA-RDP81B00493R000100090009-5

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POLAND

Warsaw domestic radio commentary, 5 November,

It is . . . difficult to say at this motvnt what willbe the practical activity of the 40th U,;. president.Like all his predecessors, he has been 0...ected to guardand realize American interests. But who._ road will hechoose?

It is not always possible to rely on earAer statementsmade during the heated election campaign. For instance,Reagan announced increased armaments and a policy fromthe position of strength but spoke at tbd same timeabout the need to preserve peace. It en,..!rges from thereports of our New York correspondent tblt there ispressure on Reagan, who represents consfrvative trendsand big business interests, to compel Wm to adopt aposition nearer the center. In any case, there willbe a quest for a new road, at least in Eome spheres ofpolicy.

We must bear in mind, however, that for years relationswith the Soviet Union have enjoyed priority in Americanpolicy, that the Republicans--maybe becy use in view oftheir anticommunism nobody can suspect them of yieldingto liberal influence--have emerged as partners in theEast-West dialogue and even conducted a policy ofdetente. Anyway, foreign policy must hive a continuityof contacts, and this will no doubt fine its expressionin the future relations between the United States andEast Europe, including Poland.

YUGOSLAVIA

Zagreb radio commentator Milika Sundic, 6 No-ember

At the beginning of the election campain, and also alittle later on, many of Reagan's statem.ents on U.S.foreign policy were received as an indiation of aturn to the right in U.S. foreign polic-, but at thattime hardly anyone believed that Reagan would win.But now analysts are going with the greitest attentionthrough everything that Ronald Reagan Aid, and des-pite the fact that in the second part the electioncampaign he was much more cautious, the, cannot findthat he has renounced anything at all. Nor did he doso in the first statement he made after his convincing

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But as president, Reagan still has enough time, depend-ing on the team he selects, to change his mind or atleast to be more cautious in making any of the movesannounced during the election campaign, for the thingshe intends to change are not the work of Jimmy Carterand the Democrats, but--at least with regard to theSoviet Union and China--of Nixon and Ford: in otherwords, of the Republicans. Let us recall that GeraldFord, who met with Leonid Brezhnev in Vladivostok, wasRonald Reagan's right hand during the campaign. Inother words, it is hard to believe that the newlyelected U.S. president, even if he wants to, will findit easy to repudiate the obligations accepted by hispredecessors, regardless of what party they belongedto.

The question that also arises is the extent to whichthe United States' West European allies are preparedto follow a major and sharper change of direction inU.S. foreign policy. They, but not all of them, wereprepared to follow President Carter at the time of theAfghan crisis. After all, the situation in the worldis so dangerous that no one, whoever he happens to be,will lightly decide to make any moves that would leadto further exacerbation. This would be a risky thingto do, even for so great a power as the United States.

A very important question is that of the attitudewhich the United States, headed by Ronald Reagan,will adopt toward the Nonaligned Movement. For thetime being, there is no answer to this, but thenewly elected president may be expected to be morepreoccupied with relations with the United States'strong and rich partners, both allies and adversaries,than with striving to understand and accept theaspirations of the countries which belong to neitherbloc.

Taken as a whole, there is much uncertainty; and forthe time being there is no reason why we should tryto decipher all the unknown quantities, for evenRonald Reagan himself has not yet said all that heis to say.


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EGYPT

President Anwar as-Sadat speech, 5 November Cairo domestic radio

Now that the results of the elections have appearedand the people have elected Reagan president of therepublic, it has become necessary for me, on yourbehalf, on behalf of all our people, and on my ownbehalf, to hail President Carter for our relationshipin two matters: first, the peace proces3; second,bilateral relations. . . .

At the same time, we congratulate Reagan for hispeople's confidence in him. I want to say that theissue of peace will always remain in need of thebasic U.S. role in producing its fruits. I have nodoubt about this. The feelings of the Americanpeople, the Senate, and the Congress an the succes-sive U.S. administrations--I have no doubt at allabout their commitment to peace and the .:ause ofpeace.

Egyptian Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Mlaister Kamal Hasan'Ali, 5 November Cairo MENA

In view of the U.S. role as a full partner in theall-out and just peace process, whose guidelineswere laid down by signing the Camp David accords,we are confident that this full U.S. participationin the peace process is a firm U.S. policy and thatit will consequently continue for the sAce ofachieving the next steps of the Egyptiar-Israelipeace treaty by realizing full autonomy in the WestBank and Gaza in preparation for the time when thePalestinians will determine their fate •and futurein accord with their legitimate rights. . . .

The U.S. role, in accordance with the Qimp Davidaccords, as a full partner in the just peace process,is extremely vital for achieving peace and stabilityin the Middle East and preserving the i:Iterests ofthe West in the area.

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Cairo AL-AHRAM chief editor's article, 7 November

It is premature to analyze Reagan's domestic andforeign policies before we know his choice of advisersand secretaries to help him in his administration.Moreover, past experience of U.S. presidentialelections has taught us that statements by presi-dential candidates during the election campaign donot necessarily represent the final policy thePresident will carry out when he enters the ovaloffice in the White House. . . .

But if we look from the viewpoint of the area inwhich we live, we can observe that the president-electhas stressed several principal points:

1. Continued economic and military aid to Israel. . • •

2. His belief in the need for a comprehensive andlasting peace in the Middle East. . . .

3. Complementary to the previous point, his cleardesire to establish a balance between the two super-powers in the Middle East area. He believes that ifthere is to be detente, it should not be exploitedby one party in its own favor. . . .

Obviously Egypt insists on facing up to the Sovietthreat to the Arab area and will not remain silentover this. Egypt still insists on giving the UnitedStates facilities to use against any sabotage or threatto the Gulf countries or the Islamic countries. . . .Once again we would say that the Egyptian ideas accordwith the U.S. president-elect's ideas on the inevita-bility of establishing an effective balance betweenthe two superpowers in the area around us. Thus Egyptis not biased in favor of the United States againstthe Soviet Union.

ISRAEL

Jerusalem domestic radio commentary, 7 November

The turnover in the United States is also likely tochange the views held until recently regarding waysto solve the Israeli-Arab conflict and mainly the


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views about the autonomy talks. The new adminis-tration will require a lengthy period to learn theproblems. The Reagan Administration may adoptthe Camp David accords as a means for so_ving theconflict. But it is already clear that An effortwill be made to include [King] Husayn in the process.A special effort will no longer be made * ...c) presentthe Palestinian problem as the main issu•requiringa solution in the Middle East labyrinth:

Israeli Prime Minister Menahem Begin interview, Tel Aviv,MA'ARIV, 10 November

[Question] President-elect Reagan belie-res that asolution can be found to the West Bank b 7 cooperatingwith Jordan. . . .

[Begin] We signed the Camp David accord. I amcertain that upon his inauguration Presilent-electReagan will do his best to implement the U.S.commitments included in the Camp David accords andthe appended messages. Jordan so far ha; refusedto join the peace efforts. If it agrees to do sowe will sit down together at the negotiating table.

JORDAN

Amman JORDAN TIMES editorial, 6 November

ill want early)axed to beforcing on us)ur nationalis notind.expansion-)nal interests,le subservience;es of racist3 the voices of:onomy at theat the cost of

Jordanians, Palestinians and all Arabs wassurance from Mr. Reagan that he is preour friend, that he is serious about nota settlement that does not conform withsovereignty and national rights, that hedetermined to serve Israel's aggressiveist ambitions at the expense of our natithat he is prepared to break away from tof previous administrations to the excesZionism, that he is prepared to listen tmoderation and reason who do not want auexpense of self-determination or "peace"occupation and subjugation.

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IRAQ

Baghdad ATH-THAWRAH editorial, 6 November

There is only one imperialist nature. . . . The changeof faces does not mean a change in policy and . . . achange of presidents does not mean a change in thecourse adopted. . . . Calculations made on Carter'sfall and Reagan's victory mean little for the world'speople . . . and nothing to the Arab nation's massesand honorable vanguard elements. . . . The Arab nationand its national, pan-Arab and progressive elements donot expect any good from this or that U.S. President. . . .Reagan will pay the bill of Zionist voices which supportedhim, . . . Reagan's policy on the Arab homeland will notbe less malicious or cunning than that of his predecessorCarter.

SYRIA

Damascus SANA editorial, 6 November

Syria does not side with Carter against Reagan or viceversa. . . . Syria evaluates U.S. policy in light ofthe Arab nation's pan-Arab interest. . . . When a newU.S. administration assumes power in the United States,Syria does not face it with premeditated judgmentsbased on its stands on individuals. Rather, Syria willadopt a stand on the policy that this administrationwill adopt in the Middle East and the practices it willresort to.

SAUDI ARABIA

Jiddah 'UKAZ editorial, 6 November

It must be made clear that the Arab stand, whichinsists on a comprehensive peace and the need toachieve the Palestinian people's legitimate rightsthrough their legitimate representative, the PLO,must become even more solid to thwart any attemptby Israel to benefit from the situation through theZionist lobby. . . . We believe that if Reaganlearns from Carter's mistakes and can change hisviews on the Middle East problem, he will strengthenthe U.S. role in achieving a comprehensive and justpeace based on the principles that the Arab andIslamic nation will never abandon.


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KUWAIT

Kuwait KUNA editorial, 5 November

Reagan will go to the White House with an attitudeof full loyalty to Israel, reflected in promiseshe made during the election campaign, of deephostility toward the PLO, and of an inc:ination toconcentrate American military strength so as tofirmly challenge, as he puts it, the attempts ofSoviet hegemony over the Gulf.

The first tangible result of the unprecedentedvictory over Carter will be, it is expected, thekilling of the Camp David process in the MiddleEast.

Kuwait AS-SIYASAH editorial, 6 November

With regard to the Middle East, the new U.S. Presi-dent will be told that the Arabs are now a realpower and no longer tolerate U.S. arrogance. Theyhave been patient; during the election campaign theytolerated all the nonsense and abuse of the U.S.electoral platforms, but they are in control of thenerve of the U.S. stock exchange and ow the oilthat is important to the United States and itsindustry. They have proved that they are ready todie when it is a matter of their dignit.

UNITED ARAB EMIRATES

Sharjah AL-KHALIJ editorial, 6 November

Reagan's election is in the Zionist enerLy's favor. .With the failure of the "autonomy" talks, the CampDavid accords have become purely an Egyptian-Israeliagreement. This will give Reagan and hls aides agolden opportunity to replace the Camp Lavid "formula"with another formula, either by heating up themilitary situation between Syria and Israel throughLebanon or through Israeli annexation o- the Golanor by diluting the European initiative .-co includethe Camp David formula.


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Prime Minister Mohammed 'Ali Raja'i interview, 5 November Tehrandomestic radio

In reply to the question, What is your opinion aboutthe U.S. elections and the presidency of Reagan? theprime minister said: As we have repeatedly declared,from our viewpoint there is no difference betweenReagan and Carter, for both of them are safeguardingthe interests of U.S. imperialism. . . . There wasa time when this issue [the U.S. presidentialelection] was of particular significance for suchcountries as Iran, since our policy leaned on theU.S. Administration. But the policy of the IslamicRepublic of Iran is an independent one, and for usthere is no difference between the election of Reaganor Carter.

The question was then asked: Would Reagan's electionas president of the United States at all influencethe issue of the hostages, and would Reagan acceptthe conditions for the release of the hostages?

Mr. Raja l i replied: The conditions for the releaseof the hostages are embodied in the law passed byIran's Islamic Consultative Assembly, and this issueconcerns our country. For us it makes no differencewho governs in the United States. These conditionshave been approved by the Majlis, the Imam hassanctioned them, and we will carry them out.

Majlis Deputy Speaker Hojjat ol-Eslam Musavi Kho'ini interview,5 November Tehran domestic radio

Answering a question on the probable effect of thepresidential elections and Reagan's victory on theissue of the hostages and their release, he said:. . . the predominant issues dictate U.S. policies,and then someone is chosen and imposed on thepeople of America. In my opinion, Carter'spolicies were defeated in the United States, andthis does not have any effect on the issue of thehostages. But since Carter was already in power,if he had been reelected, we would have concludedthe matter sooner. But since Reagan has just takenover the position, resolving this issue will takelonger.


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CHINA

PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA

Foreign Ministry Information Department statement, 5 November

To establish and develop friendly relatims betweenChina and the United States not only acc ,rds with thedesire and basic interests of the people of the twocountries but is very significant to the peace andstability of the world.

The normalization of Sino-U.S. relations is a resultof the efforts made by the Republican an.: DemocraticParties in the United States. While a Republicanpresident was in office, top leaders of the twocountries held talks and issued the Shanghai Communi-que, renovating the direction toward normalizing therelations between China and the United States.

While a Democratic president was in offi,7.e, theUnited States and China decided to estabtish diplo-matic relations, opening a new chapter ia the Sino-American relations.

On the occasion of Mr. Reagan's election to the U.S.Presidency, we hope that the new adminis:ration inthe United States will abide by the pritc.iplesmanifested in the Shanghai Communique ari thecommunique on the establishment of the Sino-U.S.diplomatic relations and continue to strengthenand develop bilateral relations.

TAIWAN

CNA news agency commentary, 5 November

The U.S. relationship with the Republic )f China is-not expected to undergo any fundamental zhanges imme-diately after Ronald Reagan assumes the ?residency ofthe United States next January, althougt there may besome improvement in the atmosphere of tLe relationship.

During the early stage of his campaign, Reagan suggestedthat when elected President he would trl to upgrade therelationship with the Republic of China. His remarks


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have caused strong protests from the Chinese communistsand an uproar in the United States. He later clarifiedhis position on the issue and has since avoided anyreference to the Republic of China, or China, in hispublic statements.

According to his own clarification, Reagan would con-tinue to develop a close relationship with Red China.As to the relationship with the Republic of China,Reagan said he would adhere to the provisions of theTaiwan Relations Act.

Whatever Reagan plans to do about relations with theRepublic of China probably would not become known inthe first few months of his administration. Afterall, there are other domestic and foreign issuesthat would require his immediate attention, issueslike inflation, arms limitation talks with theSoviet Union, and the volatile situation in theMiddle East.

Furthermore, before Reagan takes any steps to improverelations with the Republic of China, he is expectedto first seek understanding from the Chinese communiststhat he would not damage the new relationship betweenthe United States and Red China.

Once Reagan gets around to doing something about rela-tions with the Republic of China, there are a numberof things he can do to improve the relationship. Tobegin with, the election of Reagan itself is expectedto restore some sense of mutual trust and mutualfriendship between the two countries, which wasseverely damaged by the Carter Administration becauseof the manner of its move to switch U.S. diplomaticrecognition from Taipei to Peiping. Reagan certainlycan take steps to further encourage the restoration ofsuch mutual trust and mutual friendship.

Furthermore, during the past year the Carter Adminis-tration has been accused of deliberately humiliatingand harassing the Republic of China in order to pleasethe Peiping regime. Such humiliation and harassmentare not expected to happen again under a Reagan Admin-istration.


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On the substance of the U.S. relationship with theRepublic of China, the latter's requests to purchasemore sophisticated defensive weapons from the UnitedStates to improve its defense capabilities against apossible Chinese communist attack are likely to fallinto more sympathetic ears in the Reagan Administration.Actions by the U.S. Government to process these requestsare also expected to be expedited in thi future.

It may also be easier for representatives of the Republicof China to discuss substantive matters between the twocountries directly with officials of the U.S. Government.Currently most of these discussions are conducted throughthe American Institute in Taiwan, the se-called nongovern-mental instrumentality set up by the United States tohandle relations with the Republic of China. Since thestaff of the Institute is limited in number and inadequatein terms of expertise, such discussions tend to drag longerthan necessary, resulting in the delay cf a lot of programsrelating to the substantive relations between the UnitedStates and the Republic of China.


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NORTHEAST ASIA

SOUTH KOREA

SEOUL SINMUN editorial, 8 November

While advocating a position of strength, Reaganhas placed importance on strengthening relationswith U.S. allies. Reagan means to enhance theconfidence of allies in the United States by con-solidating relations with them in order tostrengthen the unity of the free world against theSoviet Union.

This is a very realistic approach. In retrospect,Carter's diplomacy caused unnecessary frictionsbetween the United States and its allies byexcessively meddling in the domestic affairs of thelatter in the name of human rights and morality.Carter's diplomacy has weakened the confidence ofallies in the United States by changing U.S. pledgesmade to them.

It is expected that such realism in Reagan's diplo-macy will greatly contribute to the promotion ofrelations between the ROK and the United States. Duringhis election campaign, Reagan made it clear that hesupported the ROK's superiority in military powerover North Korea. He also hinted he felt that inorder to check the Soviet Union's military power inthe Far East, it is necessary to strengthen thefunctions of the U.S. troops stationed in the ROK.Therefore, it is expected that there will besmoother cooperation between the two countries in thefield of security.

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SOUTHEAST ASIA

THAILAND

Thai Supreme Command official interview, 5 No-ember Bangkok domesticradio

The United States should be stronger mil:farily . . .which should reflect a strong U.S. milit_ry positionfor its allies. . . . U.S. allies in ths regionwill be more confident.

Bangkok SIAM RAT editorial, 6 November

It appears that while Thailand approache:, completedemocracy, its security is under threat from Indo-china. . . . It remains to be seen to wlet extent theUnited States can guarantee the security of itssmaller allies. It is noteworthy that US. interestsin Southeast Asia, particularly in Thaildnd, are hugeand these interests have led the United States toremain in the area for protection. . . . Althoughwar is not expected, we are in the midst of athreatening situation, and Thailand should not be sostupid as to fail to exploit Reagan's neu positiveU.S. policy.


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LATIN AMERICA

PANAMA

Panama City ACAN report, 5 November

Panamanian President Aristides Royo today said that astatement attributed to U.S. President-elect Reagansaying he will "honor" the canal treaties that havebeen in effect for a year is insufficient. ThePanamanian President said that the treaties shouldnot only be "honored" but should also be fullyrespected and implemented according to their letterand spirit without the "dickering" that the U.S. sidehas shown thus far. The Panamanian President saidthat the treaties were not a gift granted to Panamabut the result of a decades-long struggle.

NICARAGUA

Managua Radio Sandino report, 5 November

When reminded that Ronald Reagan said during hiselection campaign that U.S. economic relations withNicaragua would be restricted if the Sandinista-ledgovernment did not change its political guidelines,junta member Daniel Ortega replied: "The NicaraguanGovernment established very clear guidelines on19 July 1979. With these guidelines, it is very wellunderstood that Nicaragua is no longer a colony ofthe United States. Therefore, we could not care lessthat Ronald Reagan won the U.S. election."


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AFRICA

SENEGAL

Dakar LE SOLEIL editorial, 5 November

Ronald Reagan's election as the 40th prcsident of theUnited States, beyond its history-makin aspect,clearly illustrates a profound American reaction--areaction of rejection against the loss cf a worldleadership which was the pride of all America and thewhole new world.

Looking at the Republican campaign program we mustfear for aid to [Third World] developmert and for thefate of Africans still under the yoke of apartheid.But let us leave Reagan to savor his victory beforeasking him questions.

SOUTH AFRICA

Johannesburg DIE TRANSVALER, 7 November Johannesburg radio

From South Africa's point of view it ispolicy directions in the new administrai,_going to matter. Here South Africa sho,America's self-interest will come first,South Africa could hope for is a bettergeneral in Washington toward South Afrik.a broader sense, an America which is prQchallenge Russian expansionism would beSouth Africa. With the Carter Administrcontrol one has gained the impression tndent is making things easy for Moscow.

internationalion that areid be cautious.and the bestclimate ina. . . . Inpared tohelpful toation inat the Presi-


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Documents

Meet with President-Elects Staff - Central Intelligence AgencySUBJECT: Di Meet in with President-Elects Staff On 13 November the DID met with Messrs. Meese, Casey, and Allen at his