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Meaningful learning? Gendered
experiences with an NGO-sponsored
literacy program in rural Mali
Addie Fuhriman, Bonnie Ballif-Spanvill, Carol Ward,Yodit Solomon* and Kacey Widdison-JonesBrigham Young University, USA
This paper examines the effectiveness of an NGO-sponsored literacy program in rural Mali. The
study employs ethnographic techniques to examine the type of literacy instruction provided, the
level of participation, the meanings of literacy to participants, and the contextual factors that
influence the social and personal effects of literacy. The analyses reveal that the program has been
more advantageous for men, particularly in terms of opportunities for the use of literacy skills.
Oversight of the cultural context combined with programmatic challenges including failure of the
NGO to meet its own critical literacy goals have limited women’s ability to access and derive
benefits from the literacy program.
Introduction
Although many studies document the benefits of formal schooling, the personal and
social effects of adult literacy have received modest attention. Some scholars (e.g.
Eisemon et al ., 1999; Robinson-Pant, 2000) argue that the mechanisms through
which adult literacy influences economic and social spheres of life are neither well
documented nor adequately understood. This is particularly true for literacy
programs in developing countries where important questions remain about the
effects of literacy programs, especially for women. Implemented by both non-
governmental organizations (NGOs) and state governments, literacy programs have
been promoted as a linchpin of development because they are believed to offer the
same advantages as formal schooling (Stromquist, 1992; Comings et al ., 1996).
Nevertheless, concerns exist due to the dearth of research on the long-term social
impacts of literacy and schooling on individuals and communities (LeVine et al .,
2001). Court and Ghai suggest that ‘Faith in the ability of education to solve
problems of development remains blind unless it can be attached to an empirical
understanding of what kinds of education have what effects under what conditions’
(1974, p. 1).
*Corresponding author. Women’s Research Institute, Brigham Young University, 1063 JFSB,
Provo, UT 84602, USA. Email: [email protected]
ISSN 1745-7823 (print)/ISSN 1745-7831 (online)/06/010103-22
# 2006 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/17457820500512887
Ethnography and EducationVol. 1, No. 1, March 2006, pp. 103�/124
This paper responds to the call (LeVine et al ., 2001) for research that clarifies the
processes by which various types of schooling affect individual, family, and
community development, and it supports recommendations made by Guba and
Lincoln (1996) for naturalistic program assessments that include the views of
program recipients. The research also examines the effectiveness of initiatives of the
Ouelessebougou�Utah Alliance (OUA), an NGO established in 1985 to promote
long-term development in the Koulikoro region of Mali, in particular their
experiences with community literacy projects. A case study employing qualitative
data provides an in-depth consideration of the program, the participants’ responses,
and contextual factors and is particularly useful for accessing the experiences of the
participants rather than relying exclusively on the perspectives and data of the
program personnel and NGO sponsors.
Another important goal was to understand crucial elements of the processes and
outcomes of literacy instruction for women in Mali. Investing in the education of
females is believed by many observers to yield important social and economic gains
for women, their families, and the society at large. Female education has been
associated with several positive outcomes including improved health and nutrition,
declines in fertility rates, increased educational attainment of children, lower infant
and maternal mortality levels, and enhanced agricultural output (Caldwell, 1986;
Brown & Barrett, 1991; United Nations, 1991; Comings et al ., 1994; Ainsworth et
al ., 1995). Education opens up more opportunities for women, empowering them
with choice and advancing their ability to exercise their rights (King & Hill, 1993).
However, other scholars challenge this positive change argument (Robertson, 1986;
Clark, 1992; Diven, 1998; Hollos, 1998). Robertson states, ‘Rather than leading the
way for equality and greater opportunity, then, education for most women in Africa
functions as an instrument of oppression to reinforce subordinate roles’ (1986, p.
92). She argues that the type and quality of education women receive leaves them ill-
prepared to compete successfully in the job market and fails to equip them with
alternative and practical skills. In fact, participation in formal schooling removes
women from the labor force, thereby increasing their reliance on men. In her study of
migrants in Nigeria, Hollos (1998) found that education relieved women from petty
trading and farming activities, but diminished their autonomy and increased their
dependence on men.
Despite the overall benefits that may be realized, women continue to be excluded
from many non-formal and formal schooling opportunities. They still constitute the
majority of illiterate adults in most regions of the world, particularly in sub-Saharan
Africa where the overall literacy rate for women (51.8%) lags behind that of men
(68.2%) (UNESCO, 2005a,b). A similar pattern exists in Mali where in 2001/2002
an estimated 11.9% of women were literate compared to 26.7% of the male
population (UNDP, 2004). Barriers to female education in developing countries
include societal expectations that emphasize marriage and motherhood as the
primary and usually the only appropriate roles for women; traditional practices
rooted in religious and cultural beliefs; women’s lack of control over fertility
decisions; preferences for educating sons over daughters; gender-biased curriculum
104 A. Fuhriman et al.
and learning environment; and higher dropout rates among female students,
especially when school attendance interferes with their contribution to the economic
welfare of the household (Ramdas, 1989; Stromquist, 1990; Carmack, 1992; Etta,
1994; Odago & Heneveld, 1995).
Significant efforts over the past three decades which have narrowed the gender
disparity in literacy rates range from UNESCO’s Education for All to small-scale
regional and gender-based initiatives (UNESCO, 1993). Lind and Johnson (1990)
identify four prominent strategies that have influenced adult literacy trends in the
developing world, including fundamental education, mass campaign, selective-
intensive functional approach, and the conscientization model, also referred to as
critical literacy. The functional approach and critical literacy are of particular import
to this project. The notion of functional literacy is attributed to UNESCO and
resulted from the Teheran Conference of Ministers of Education held in 1965.
Functional literacy is essentially education that is accompanied by skills training
applicable to a specific work environment (UNESCO, 1970). Despite its popularity,
critics maintain that this approach is narrowly conceived, overlooking the varying
political and social contexts of literacy attainment and use (Freire, 1970; Lankshear
& McLaren, 1993; Street, 1995; UNESCO, 2000). With respect to the potential
of functional literacy transforming women’s lives, Egbo asserts it ‘is not adequate to
engender the kind of social change that can empower marginalized groups such as
women in Sub-Saharan Africa’ (2000, p. 24).
Critical literacy emerged in the 1970s and is primarily associated with the ideas
of Paulo Freire. According to Lankshear and McLaren, critical literacy is the ‘extent
to which, and the ways in which, actual and possible social practices and conceptions
of reading and writing enable human subjects to understand and engage the politics
of daily life in the quest for a more truly democratic order’ (1993, p. xviii). Literacy is
not merely the acquisition of technical skills, but serves as an important tool for
reproducing or challenging existing power structures (Freire, 1970; Lankshear,
1987). This model is of particular salience to women because conventional literacy
agendas rarely address issues and conditions that perpetuate traditional gender roles
and power relations (Lind & Johnson, 1990; Stromquist, 1990). The integrative and
learner-centered dimensions of critical literacy have widespread appeal and have
been adopted by a number of NGOs worldwide (Lind & Johnson, 1990).
A related outcome of the shift in the development community toward a more
critical approach to development has been the rapid growth in both the number and
visibility of grassroots NGOs (Roberts, 2000). Considered to be flexible innovators
and able to reach the poor, these NGOs have offered an alternative approach to the
severely criticized top�down institution of development (Markowitz, 2001, p. 40).
Grassroots NGOs have gained widespread acceptance within the development
community because of their reported ability to encourage local participation in the
planning and implementation of a wide range of development initiatives, including
basic and adult education.
This paper focuses on how community members in Mali, particularly women,
perceive, experience, and are impacted by literacy training. We discuss the ability of a
Meaningful learning? 105
specific literacy program to meet critical literacy goals (Friere, 1970; Lankshear &
McLaren, 1993; Rogers, 1994), and respond to the call by scholars to investigate the
impact of NGO-sponsored development activities and their ability to promote local
participation (Roberts, 2000; Markowitz, 2001). Our research also identifies the
meaning that rural residents assign to literacy and education, and details the
contextual factors that influence the personal and social effects of the OUA literacy
project, thus adding to the literature on the effects of adult education programs in
developing societies (Eisemon et al ., 1999; Robinson-Pant, 2000).
Research context and methods
Although most NGOs incorporate some form of evaluation into their projects,
quality longitudinal research on the development efforts of NGOs by outside sources
is scarce, especially that which taps participants and their perceived values. Murtaza
(1995) suggests that collaborations between NGOs and research organizations such
as universities could be utilized to disseminate information about successful
development approaches. Since 1997, the Women’s Research Institute (WRI) has
been independently assessing the outcome and sustainability of development
initiatives sponsored by the OUA. The working relationship between the WRI and
OUA provides precisely the kind of partnership needed for evaluating educational
strategies implemented in rural Mali. As Escobar points out, ‘instead of searching for
grand alternative models or strategies, what is needed is the investigation of
alternative representations and practices in concrete local settings’ (1995, p. 19).
For 20 years, the Ouelessebougou�Utah Alliance has been pursuing community
projects, with an emphasis on education, in rural Mali through locally-based
initiatives and resources. The OUA has been involved in a wide range of sectors
including adult literacy, elementary schools, wells to provide drinking and irrigation
water, market gardening, village health workers linked to a central pharmacy and
training program, and a micro-lending cooperative (OUA, 1997).
Ouelessebougou, located in the region of Koulikoro, lies 100 miles south of the
capital city of Bamako. It is comprised of 72 villages with an estimated population of
60,000. The economy is largely based on agriculture producing millet, rice,
sorghum, and corn for consumption and cotton and green beans for export. In
March 2005, the government inaugurated a cotton processing plant in the town of
Ouelessebougou intended to generate 150 permanent and seasonal jobs (Coulibaly,
2005). The region is served by a hospital with a dispensary and an operating room
both funded and staffed by the government. There are 19 government run
elementary and three junior high schools, two Koranic schools, and 20 commu-
nity-based or NGO-sponsored elementary schools (Cisse, 2000).
A predominantly qualitative approach was adopted to examine the meanings that
village residents in Ouelessebougou attach to literacy and to their experiences with
the OUA literacy program. Qualitative research is especially useful given the recent
conceptual movement away from the ‘autonomous model’ that considers literacy to
106 A. Fuhriman et al.
be a set of technical skills ‘independent of social context’, towards an ideological view
in which literacy is ‘inextricably linked to cultural and power structures’ (Street,
1993, p. 7; 1999). Thus, evaluation of program effectiveness and impact must take
into account the specific context in which the program occurs, the social use of
literacy skills by participants, and their definition of success.
Markowtiz (2001) also points out that ethnographic evaluations of NGOs offer ‘a
way to respond to critiques of hegemonic development discourses by presenting the
points-of-view of actors with different relations to the goals and activities nested
within programs and projects’ (p. 40). Our research design has addressed this
critique by depending on local residents and their knowledge. Field research is
viewed as an integral part of our efforts to learn about the conditions in which people
live and the OUA operates. A purposeful aspect of the design is to restructure the
relationship between knowing and doing and to empower community members to
trust their own knowledge through their involvement in the production of research
data. As Fals-Borda and Rahman point out, ‘the best and most constructive
academic knowledge [will] be subsumed with pertinent and congruent folk science’
(1991, p. 32).
The WRI research team consists of five individuals with diverse backgrounds in the
social sciences. They are involved in formulating the research design, coordinating
data collection procedures, and analyzing and interpreting data. The field research-
ers, including two locally-based Malian and two WRI researchers, were responsible
for all data collection activities in Mali. Ethnographic fieldwork was carried out in six
villages in Mali over a period of three years*/three communities with ongoing OUA
development projects and three without OUA projects. Village selection was based
on: (1) size of the communities*/small (200�300 residents), medium-sized
(700�900 residents), and large (over 1500 residents); (2) exposure*/the six villages
were selected because they had comparable exposure to other NGOs; and (3)
timeframe of the OUA presence in the three villages*/all had been involved with
OUA development projects for approximately the same period of time (six to eight
years).
Focus groups, individual interviews, participant observation, and programmatic
survey were the major data collection tools used. The focus groups provided
discussions with individuals who were knowledgeable about a specific topic and were
encouraged to freely discuss it drawing upon their personal experiences. The group
discussion included dialogue that illuminated multiple dimensions of the topic and
represents the experiences of the participants from their viewpoints (Park et al .,
1993). Individual interviews facilitated the collection of important program data and
provided detailed information about OUA literacy activities and their impact on
individual lives and families. Since village residents are not generally accustomed to
providing others with specific details about their lives, participation observation
gathered crucial data related to the use of the literacy projects. Finally, a
programmatic survey was administered in all 50 villages where the OUA had
implemented an adult education project. The information collected included the
duration and status of programs, degree of local participation and sustainability, and
Meaningful learning? 107
difficulties encountered in program operation. The descriptive information drawn
from this survey helped establish a broad picture of the scope of the OUA’s programs
throughout the region.
Research participants
Research participants were selected using a purposive sampling process*/the
identification of informants having appropriate and useful insights regarding local
development activities. Participants included:
1. Association members : focus groups were conducted with the chief and his council,
and the women’s and men’s associations. Villages in rural Mali are stratified
into associations based on age and gender with specific social and economic
functions. The focus groups were organized along these lines because it
was consistent with cultural norms regarding age and gender segregation
in public forums and gatherings. Six focus group discussions were held with
each of the following: chief and council, women’s association, and men’s
association.
2. Family groups : two to three extended family groups within each village, based
on the type of family structure and ethnic background, were selected to explore
the impact of the various development projects on a more personal level.
Individual members of 14 family groups in six villages were interviewed
separately.
3. Key informants : individuals central to the literacy projects such as teachers and
program participants (students) were interviewed individually. Interviews were
conducted with eight literacy teachers, 13 literacy program students (six male
and seven female), and 14 non-participants (six male and eight women).
4. OUA program staff in Mali : program staff interviewed included the coordinator
for the education sector responsible for overseeing the implementation and
operation of the literacy project in all the communities served by the OUA.
Educational context of Mali
Mali is similar to many ‘developing’ countries in which leaders advocate mass
education as a critical step in moving their country toward important political,
economic, and social development goals. Until recently, results of educational
endeavors since independence have been disappointing, and public schooling has
actually deteriorated in recent years (Brint, 1998).
Reform of the French system of schooling began in Mali with the creation of mass
literacy programs in 1959. The failure of these early strategies was attributed to the
fact that instruction was in French, the language inherited from the colonial era
(Richmond, 1986). In 1962, the government introduced a comprehensive educa-
tional platform designed to meet the development goals of the emerging nation
(CRLP & AJM, 1999). Among the objectives was the provision of mass education
108 A. Fuhriman et al.
that was both of high quality and relevant to everyday life (Belot, 1998; CRLP &
AJM, 1999). Initiatives to promote adult literacy followed with added attention to
vocational training. In 1967, the Experimental World Literacy Program (EWLP) was
launched under the auspices of UNESCO and UNDP. Innovations in this program
included incorporating work-related activities and the use of local languages as the
principal medium of instruction. Although 36 different languages are spoken in Mali,
13 have been identified as official national languages and are utilized in the education
system (Jamana, 1997; Ethnologue, 2005). The EWLP experience was unsuccessful,
but it resulted in the creation of Kibaru , a newspaper published in Bambara, one of
the local languages, intended to provide regional news and foster dialogue between
rural and urban dwellers. UNESCO studies called for the restructuring of the
literacy programs and for community-based organizations to have more control over
the direction of the programs (Richmond, 1986).
In 1979 a national campaign against illiteracy, initiated by the Ministry of
Education and administered by DNAFLA (Direction Nationale de l’Alphabetisation
Fonctionnelle et de la Linguistique Appliquee), led to the establishment of 1500 literacy
centers involving 35,000 learners and a concerted effort to raise women’s participa-
tion (Ouane, 1982; Richmond, 1986). The Literacy Project for Rural Women
implemented in the Mopti region was one of the few programs expressly directed at
rural women. Although short-lived (1985�1987), the program integrated literacy
with the production and marketing of cotton (UNESCO, 1993).
In the early to mid-1990s, concerned with the low levels of school enrollment and
completion rates, the government launched a nation-wide literacy campaign with a
specific focus on female education (CRLP & AJM, 1999). The government utilized
several strategies, including billboards and slogans, to disseminate information about
the importance of educational attainment, particularly for girls and women.
Additionally, broad-based formal education reforms were introduced in Mali starting
with the Nouvelle Ecole Fondamentale (New Primary School) in the mid-1990s.
Although it was never implemented, it formed the basis for a comprehensive
reorganization of the education sector (Charlick et al ., 1998). In 1995, PRODEC
(Programme Decennal de l’Education), Mali’s 10-year educational plan, emerged with
the primary goal of linking schooling to local social and cultural realities, as well
as actively involving communities in schooling processes. Significant components
of this agenda include: (1) broadening access to schooling, particularly for girls;
(2) decentralizing school management; and (3) enhancing the quality of education by
increasing teacher training and adopting pedagogie convergente or bilingual education,
wherein instruction initially begins using local languages, with French gradually
integrated into the curriculum (Charlick et al ., 1998; Traore, 2001; Sangare &
Diarra, 2002).
The government also formed partnerships with community, religious, local NGO
and commercial radio stations to publicize issues surrounding education and other
topics germane to rural communities (Mundy & Sultan, 2001). In the Ouelesse-
bougou region, an example of such an effort involved Radio Djitimou which was
established by the Protestant Church in 1997. The radio broadcast area encompasses
Meaningful learning? 109
a 100 km radius, reaching 150 communities and approximately 10,000 listeners. The
station is staffed by volunteers and overseen by a committee of local residents who
determine the content and scheduling of the various programs. Regular program-
ming includes local and national news, bible lessons, bulletins on environmental and
farming matters, children’s health, and issues specific to women (including
education).
Recent years also saw efforts by UNESCO to improve access to information
through the establishment of multimedia community centers. Combining local
radio broadcast with digital technology, these centers are intended to promote
community empowerment and change (UNESCO, 2005a,b). Similarly, in 2004
USAID launched 13 Community Learning and Information Centers (CLICs)
throughout Mali including one in the Ouelessebougou region. The purpose of the
CLICs is to provide both rural and urban residents development-related information
on education, health, governance, and economic issues through various media
including the internet and CD-ROMs. In addition, CLICs also offer several for-fee
services including photocopying, fax, and internet access (Bilodeau, 2005).
Research findings
It is important to note that there was at least one other non-governmental
organization sponsoring an adult education program concurrently with that of the
OUA in each of the villages targeted in the study. These organizations include
CMDT (Compagnie Malien pour le Developpement des Textiles) and OHVN (Office
Haute Vallee du Niger), which provide basic education in conjunction with training in
agricultural, cotton marketing, and management skills; CFAR (Centre de Formation
Animatrice Rurale), which focuses primarily on women, and combines preventive
health measures with literacy; and ACODEP (Appui aux Collectivites Decentralisees
pour un Developpement Participatif), which links education to income-generating
activities. These same organizations had also implemented literacy programs in the
three villages that were not affiliated with the OUA. However, these programs
operated intermittently and tended to serve a select segment of the population. For
example, CMDT’s literacy program which was tied to a specific economic
activity*/the production and marketing of cotton*/was restricted to male partici-
pants. Given the instability and narrow outreach of these literacy programs, we
expected that the OUA program would have a more significant, positive outcome.
However, despite its relatively greater consistency and more inclusive nature, the
OUA literacy program was similar to the other projects in terms of its limited
success.
Although our original purpose in collecting data from six villages was to discover
possible differences in literacy skills related to the presence or absence of the
OUA program, the findings did not indicate the expected variations. Thus,
the analysis presented in this paper focuses on the experiences of participants in
the OUA program as well as non-participants to better understand the factors that
110 A. Fuhriman et al.
contributed to the program’s ineffectiveness. In presenting the research findings,
participant and non-participant quotes that represent significant patterns and themes
were selected to highlight and give voice to the informants who shared their views
and experiences.
The planning and implementation of the OUA literacy program
Even with the aforementioned actions by the Malian government, problems such as
high attrition rates, lack of schooling materials, irrelevance to rural life, and
ineffective monitoring have persisted with literacy programs as well as with primary
schooling (Hough, 1989). Consequently, many communities in Mali have sought out
the assistance of non-governmental organizations in an effort to increase and
improve educational opportunities (Easton & Hemenway, 1999).
In 1991, the OUA and Laubach Literacy International joined forces to develop an
adult education program in the Ouelessebougou region. An organization dedicated
to a critical literacy approach, Laubach Literacy’s appeal stems from its integrative
and learner-centered vision of literacy programs (Lind & Johnson, 1990). The
basic premise of the Laubach perspective is that literacy and development are
inseparable, and that the most effective instruction reflects the indigenous culture
and language empowering learners with new skills and information applicable to day-
to-day life. The OUA literacy program, using a teaching model Laubach refers to as
‘literacy for social change’, involved the following elements: (1) fundamental skills :
writing, listening, comprehension, and math skills; (2) critical thinking : the capacity
to understand and react to information; learners who develop critical thinking
skills are able to analyze causes of problems they encounter in daily life and
alternatives for action; (3) cultural expression : the ability to appreciate and celebrate
one’s culture through dance, poetry, drama, music, folklore and art; a cultural
dimension allows the learners to feel their worth as individuals and communities;
and (4) action : the fulfillment of learning through action. According to Curtis
(1990, 1994), successful implementation requires certain ‘readiness’ conditions,
including the recognition of a widespread need and demand for literacy, a statement
by leaders and prospective learners indicating their commitment to participate,
evidence that both will contribute high levels of time and energy to the effort
(generally worth more than the amount of any outside funding involved), a
demonstrated capacity and willingness to institute a credible, local action plan,
and access to existing training and materials and/or capacity to develop new materials
and training.
Between 1992 and 1996, the literacy program was implemented in 50 villages.
While the OUA claims that all villages met the Laubach ‘readiness’ indicators prior
to the implementation of the literacy programs, a survey of the 50 villages reveals that
many factors were absent. While most villagers surveyed had a generally positive
conception of literacy, almost half of the villages (48%) stated that the idea for
implementing the adult literacy program was initiated by the OUA. The literacy
Meaningful learning? 111
program was suggested by the community as a whole in 38%, and by certain
individuals in 14% of the villages surveyed. Clearly this falls short of the widespread
demand for literacy that Laubach considers necessary. Overall, nearly two-thirds
(63%) of the programs were discontinued after two to three years of operation, 17%
shut down a year following implementation and 13% after four years. Eight percent
stopped functioning the same year they were initiated. Only 2% of all the villages
reported restarting the project. The lack of demand and community support for the
OUA literacy program are major factors in understanding why literacy programs no
longer function in 78% of the villages.
The program survey data and staff interviews also reveal that community members
and the OUA lacked the capacity to develop new materials, an essential component
for teaching critical literacy skills. While a collaborative book produced by the
field director and individual villagers chronicling daily life in Bambara illustrates
some evidence of the ability of the communities to produce materials, the OUA
ultimately decided not to develop new materials. The reading primers were provided
by DNAFLA because it was deemed too costly and time-consuming for the OUA to
produce its own textbooks. Although these were quality materials, they were not
considered by Laubach and the OUA to be the most effective because they did
not deal with issues and details of life specific to Ouelessebougou. The OUA staff
reported that the use of DNAFLA material helped generate support from the
government that was essential to the success of the literacy program (Diarra, 1998).
Nevertheless, the materials remained unrelated to the village context and were
irrelevant to day-to-day life, thus reducing the literacy program’s capacity to assist
villagers acquire the critical literacy skills necessary to promote social change
(Lankshear & McLaren, 1993). Rogers confirms the problems associated with the
use of predetermined primers, arguing that their use has significant implications in
limiting learners’ ability to acquire sustainable literacy skills that are ‘transferable to
real-life situations’ (2002, p. 1). He suggests an alternative approach he refers to as
‘real literacy’ that builds on participants’ existing and differing knowledge base to
devise primers.
The teachers, a critical component in education, also lacked access to suitable and
reliable training throughout the project. According to the OUA, 28 community
members, including some teachers from eight villages, were given a basic one-day
orientation in the Laubach method (Traore, 1998). The OUA never established a
consistent program for training literacy teachers nor did they adopt universal training
standards. The training for the initial literacy instructors was provided by DNAFLA.
Subsequent training usually occurred once or twice a year, involved a minimal
amount of instruction, and varied greatly by village. Attendance at training meetings
relied heavily on the NGO staff informing all literacy teachers about training
meetings, and in some cases, literacy teachers were not alerted. Limited training of
literacy teachers not only hampered the ability to teach the villagers rudimentary
functional literacy skills, it also eliminated the possibility of literacy teachers
facilitating the development of critical literacy skills.
112 A. Fuhriman et al.
Participation
Since its inception, a total of 132 women and 222 men have attended the OUA
literacy program in three of the villages where fieldwork was conducted. From this
group, only a nominal proportion (3% women and 5% men) are currently
considered by teachers to be functionally literate (defined as possessing basic reading
and writing skills in Bambara).
The literacy program commenced at the start of the dry season in January and
continued until May. Two- to three-hour night classes were held five times a week.
Students received two years of instruction in reading, writing, and math in the local
language of Bambara. Several programmatic oversights reduced the ability of
individuals (and communities as a whole) to participate in the adult literacy project.
(1) Spatial restrictions and the shortage of teachers necessitated putting males and
females as well as students with different comprehension levels in the same class. (2)
All the teachers involved in the adult literacy program were men, and given the
cultural and social context, this might have affected the learning environment for
female students. (3) The program also adopted a traditional instructional style
(authoritarian, teacher-oriented) that involved the teacher imparting knowledge to
the students through repetition and recitation, a practice contrary to the Laubach’s
interactive approach. This instructional style runs counter to principles of critical
literacy that considers both the learners and instructors to be equally knowledgeable
(Freire, 1970). (4) The nature of the relationships between the village and NGO staff
is closely linked to the level of support and resources the village received for the
projects. When the interests of the communities did not coincide with the agenda of
the OUA, little attempt was made by the staff to respond to and address village
needs. Frequently, the communities were forced to accept the directives of the NGO.
Furthermore, when communities acted independently and pursued their own
educational strategies and priorities, they were censured in two ways: the withdrawal
of existing support, and the transfer of teachers to other literacy or elementary school
programs without the consultation of the village. (5) Difficult conditions also
surrounded the logistics of classroom operation. Classes were held in the evenings
either in poorly lighted classrooms or an outdoor area prone to noise and other
distractions. The program lacked sufficient lamps to provide lighting for the entire
classroom. A large proportion of the students did not have access to the primers, so
inadequate lighting further hampered their ability to follow the lessons and perform
their tasks.
Initially the literacy program targeted women because they have had, and continue
to have, fewer opportunities for education. Nevertheless, the representation of
women in the classroom declined significantly over the years. The interview data
reveal reasons for such a decline. Foremost, women’s lack of attendance was due to
their heavy workload and family responsibility. Women take care of all the food
preparation including pounding millet and gathering wood for fuel. They also take
care of the children and engage in income-generating activities such as gardening, the
making of shea butter and charcoal.
Meaningful learning? 113
Well, the reason [for non-attendance] is that we spend the whole day working and at the
night we are so tired that we can’t follow the classes . . . What I can just say is that if we
had less work we could attend the literacy program. (Female non-participant)
Further restricting women’s participation was the need to obtain permission from
their husbands. A number of women cited their husband’s refusal to give
authorization as the main deterrent to their participation. According to the male
respondents, some husbands are reluctant to give their consent because they don’t
trust their wives to be out at night. Women also receive very little support and
encouragement from their husbands in advancing their education because women
are regarded as ‘lazy’ and ‘unintelligent’.
Yes, they [his wives] used to attend literacy classes, but they don’t know anything. They
have forgotten everything. In my opinion, they are not intelligent. If you are not
intelligent, you cannot be educated. Well, it is very easy to know whether someone is
intelligent or not . . . even by talking with him or her. (Husband of female participant)
Such attitudes are a major impediment to women’s accomplishments in the
classroom. The findings reveal that women were perceived, both by their teachers
and male classmates alike, as being passive, shy, slow to learn, and more likely to skip
classes. Women tend to internalize these labels, resulting in low expectations of their
learning aptitude.
They [some female participants] have been selected because they are supposed to be fast
learners, but as far as all women are concerned, we are considered to be slow learners . . .
We regret very much our illiteracy. Even if the medium of communication is Bambara, it
is very difficult for us to learn. For example, we can spend a whole month studying a
lesson and our children or grandchildren can learn it in one or two days. (Member of
women’s association, non-participant)
Male students, on the other hand, were described as capable, more likely to engage in
class discussions, and as having a greater interest in learning.
The reason why it is not easy to teach women is that in the villages, women are more
fickle than men. When they come into the literacy class, they will act in a negative way,
so that upsets the teacher. They show off in the classroom so teachers don’t like this in
general. But men among themselves don’t need to show off because most of the time
men know why they are coming to school . . . Well, women are talkative in the classroom,
and when they gather they talk about many things. They are talkative and they talk
about their boyfriends even though they are married. (Male literacy teacher)
Women’s active involvement in the classroom was further impeded by cultural and
social norms that inhibit them from speaking in public gatherings, particularly in the
presence of men.
It is men who participate more in the classroom than women because basically, women
are embarrassed in the classroom. Because of this embarrassment, they will not raise
their hand or volunteer for the task required of them. The reason for this is that they
might be shy or there may be somebody in the classroom they respect a lot and they are
afraid to fail in the presence of that person. These are some of the reasons. (Male literacy
teacher)
114 A. Fuhriman et al.
We have reviewed the problems surrounding the limited participation in the
literacy program, especially among women. These factors are particularly important
to note in light of the positive meaning and value individuals place on literacy
instruction which are explored in the next section.
Meaning of literacy/education
A Malian adage likens illiteracy to living in complete darkness, and the respondents
had similar views in their overall view of education. The teachers, participants, and
non-participants all regard literacy education as a path to enhancing their lives. The
knowledge and practical skills that result from being literate offer opportunities for
personal and community advancement. The acquisition of knowledge itself is
important, although, for many, literacy has more significance when it is relevant to
their day-to-day reality; the ability to read and write gives people added tools to
function in their social environment.
The foremost importance of literacy identified by all respondents is that it develops
and opens the mind, exposing one to new and diverse perspectives. Thus, the person
is more receptive and quick to comprehend these ideas. Having the abilities to read
and write, literate persons are perceived as more articulate and better at expressing
themselves. These factors tend to elevate an educated person to a higher social status
within the community.
Well, education is very very important. Educated people are different from illiterate
people even in the way they speak. You can easily recognize whether one has gone to
school or not. (Female non-participant)
In pragmatic terms, education is viewed as a means of overcoming poverty and
achieving upward social mobility, and as increasing the possibility of securing
employment with a steady income.
When a girl is educated, she will be useful for her husband’s family and her own family
as well. When she is educated she will find a better job. When she earns a lot of money,
she can support her children and her parents. But when she is not educated, she will be
unable to do all of this. She cannot do this because she will only be farming. (Female
non-participant)
Literacy equips individuals with skills that allow them to compete in the job market
and to perform their daily activities. Those who attain a certain level of education are
in a better position to integrate these proficiencies in conducting their regular
activities.
If there are many educated people in the village, this can ameliorate the farming in the
village. When you’re educated, you know how many acres you have in your farm and you
will know how much fertilizer you need to use for that surface. You will also be able to
know what kind of soil you have and what kind of fertilizer you should use on your farm.
When you’re educated you’re more likely to learn new farming techniques better than if
you’re not educated. (Male teacher)
Meaningful learning? 115
At the collective level, literacy is perceived as fundamental to the general progress
of the community*/an indispensable vehicle through which individuals gain knowl-
edge critical to the economic and social viability of their community.
I should have talked about education first because nowadays whatever you undertake,
you have to take into account education because it is the basis for any development
activity. So in the village association that I’m leading, our main concern is education and
we would like to educate all the kids from this village since we didn’t attend school.
(Member of the men’s association)
On the other hand, illiteracy is associated with dependence and limited control over
community development efforts.
Education is very important. If we were educated, we would have done many things in
the village. We would apply what we have learned and what we’ve seen in the village and
you would have found things here to be different. We would have been developed
without external help. (Chief and council)
The meanings people ascribe to education are not formulated in isolation, but are
a result of multiple influences and interactions. It is evident that the respondents
draw on the national discourse that views education as vital to the development
process. The rhetoric advanced by the numerous NGOs working in these commu-
nities that literacy is generally linked to specific personal and social outcomes also
informs their perceptions about education and literacy. Respondents’ ideas about
education are also shaped by their own experiences with learning, whether it takes
place in formal or non-formal settings.
Personal and social effects
The respondents reported a range of responses regarding the program and the effects
of literacy. As a community, literacy has meant less reliance on outside organizations
to weigh the cotton they produce, increased ability to fill out paperwork necessary for
ordering farming equipment and accessing credit at the local bank as well as the
ability to keep track of rainfall patterns, information helpful in determining when to
begin planting.
The ability to read and write has brought some changes in my life. Now I can note the
last rainfall of the year and I know when exactly to plant my farm. I know the weight of
my cotton and I don’t have to ask anyone to calculate the price for me. (Male
participant)
Another change is that our cotton is weighed and marketed [more] correctly than it was
in the past. In the past, all of this was done by outsiders, so they would often reduce the
actual weight of the cotton. (Male teacher)
On a personal level, the participants no longer have to rely on a few select individuals
to read and write their letters. People can now communicate directly with friends and
family members residing outside the village without having to divulge private and
sometimes sensitive information to intermediaries.
116 A. Fuhriman et al.
For example, when I have to write a letter, if I’m not educated I have to give it to another
person. Even if it is a secret I have to let him know. That’s also the importance of being
educated, you are able to write a letter yourself. You don’t need to ask for the services of
another person. For example, if you tell somebody your secret, he can let the cat out of
the bag. (Member of the men’s association/participant)
Although several women commented that access to literacy has had a minimal
effect on their family life and economic well-being, some reported changes in
childcare practices because of a heightened awareness of the importance of cleanliness
and disease prevention. Some male respondents also observed that women who
attend the literacy program are more likely to send their children to school.
Education is very important for women because they are much more closer to the
children than the fathers. So, if they are educated they will be informed about health
care and ways to better care for their children . . . Education opens one’s mind. If parents
are open-minded, so they’ll be able to be involved in their children’s education. (Male
teacher)
As a result of the literacy program, now women know how to take care of their children
and how to practice hygiene in the family. And those who have attended literacy classes,
they are willing to send their kids to school. That was not the case before. (Male teacher)
It appears that participation in the literacy program did not alter women’s status
within the family nor increase their influence in household decisions. Women
generally agreed that literacy has done little to transform the prevailing social order:
‘We still have to ask our husbands’ permission to do anything; even if we are
educated, it would be so’ (female participant).
Well, you know, it is very difficult to change the custom of the Bambara people. These
traditions have existed for centuries, so even if you are literate you can’t change this. In
short, whether you are literate or illiterate, your husband treats you the same way. But
the only difference is that he can’t take your knowledge away from you. This is your own
property. (Female participant)
A few women belonging to the older generation discussed the adverse con-
sequences of educating women. They found educated women to be more prone to
disrespectful behavior, especially toward their husbands, and were also more likely to
question and break with tradition.
Well, in my childhood we were very respectful, we respected our father’s decision. At
that time all marriages were arranged and there was no divorce. But all of this has
changed today . . . As I told you, since women have started attending school they have
become disrespectful. In our time, marriage was arranged, and you were obliged to stay
with your husband even if you didn’t love him because you didn’t have a choice. If you
refused to stay with your husband, your parents would beat you, and you would be
returned to your family-in-law. But now, if you beat your daughter because she doesn’t
want to stay with her husband, she will go to the authorities and sue you. (Female non-
participant)
More typical of the traditional cultural norms, these women expressed support for
improving literacy among men, but not among women. Other women, on the other
Meaningful learning? 117
hand, while acknowledging that education is indeed important were critical of the
OUA literacy program. These female respondents found the content of the program
had little relevance to the lives of rural women.
Education is important but it cannot help rural women in their daily activities. But I
would like to learn just to open my mind. (Female participant)
On the other hand, some women reported that they no longer forget events or tasks
they need to accomplish because they are able to write them down. They also tend to
be more comfortable dealing with merchants in the marketplace because their
literacy skills afford them increased control over business transactions.
Regardless, women asserted that being literate is more rewarding for men
because they can travel outside the village with relative ease to conduct
informal business activities. Several men have utilized their literacy training in
either initiating or furthering small-scale business activities, while others have
obtained seasonal employment in neighboring towns and cities to supplement their
income.
Men have benefited more from it [literacy] than women. They do commerce from
village to village, so men have more opportunities to practice what they have learned in
the literacy training more so than women. (Female participant)
Others who find very few opportunities to utilize their literacy skills in the village
resettle in the urban areas on a permanent basis. For these learners, the potential for
securing gainful employment is the primary motivating factor for becoming literate.
Some of the respondents maintained that the overall benefits that could be garnered
from the literacy program have been curtailed by the departure of the educated
populace from the village.
There have seen some changes here, but these changes have been slow because
the individuals educated in the literacy program have left the village. Most of them
leave the village. That is a factor that has slowed the changes in the village. (Literacy
teacher)
A frequently cited impact of the program is that the new skills gained through
literacy have offered some individuals opportunities to assume new roles within their
communities. Men who have successfully completed the program serve as village
representatives in political and economic matters, and interactions with non-
governmental organizations, record keepers, and cotton sales agents. Thus, the
literacy program has been influential in shifting the current power base in the village.
Although the chief and his council (all men) represent the key actors in village
decision-making, with the introduction of adult education, literate young men are
being given more of a voice in determining community matters.
Well, as you can notice right now the young men are speaking today due to the education
they’ve had, otherwise they cannot speak in the presence of old people. But they have
been allowed to do so because they are educated. (Chief and council)
118 A. Fuhriman et al.
For women, these new responsibilities tend to be restricted to the confines of their
mutual aid institutions, and entail managing the money generated from gardening
and keeping track of payments related to the operation of the mill.
Well, I will give you an example from my life. I can weigh my karite butter myself. I can
calculate the price and when I go to the market to sell it nobody can cheat me. (Female
participant)
The women who have attended the literacy program now don’t need me to work on their
garden. The literacy program also helps them with their mill . . . For example, they do
everything as far as the mill is concerned. They are able to write down the name of the
person who owes money to the mill without searching for help from men. They can
write the daily income of the income because the women have to pay some amount to
have their karite nuts pressed. It is the same thing as far as the garden is concerned. We
grow peanuts in the garden and at harvest time they weigh and store it. Now, they know
the amount of peanuts they have in storage because they can write it down. (Male
teacher)
Conclusion
After documenting the complex processes involved in educating adults in terms of
the type of literacy instruction provided, the level of participation in the literacy
programs, the meaning and importance of literacy to participants, and the effects of
literacy instruction on participants lives, several observations can be made about
NGOs desiring to offer programs that are innovative, effective, and integrated into
the community.
Indicators that communities are ready to engage in critical literacy cannot be
overlooked. By itself, expression of general support for literacy instruction is not a
sufficient foundation for successful literacy efforts. Community commitment to
literacy must be obtained and accompanied by the development of adequate
instructional materials and teacher training opportunities prior to program im-
plementation. Critical literacy goals must also be pivotal to NGO endeavors if
noticeable changes are to be realized in the lives of the target population, particularly
women. In this case, the program achievements were minimal in relation to
functional literacy and non-existent regarding critical literacy goals. For these
women in rural Mali, the acquisition of literacy skills was not associated with
concrete alterations in their economic and social conditions. Understanding the
implications of literacy within the cultural climate of Ouelessebougou could have
facilitated the use of literacy training by young men as a basis for greater participation
in the local political processes. However, the OUA was unable to take advantage of
this opportunity because it failed to adhere to its own guiding principles to
understand and concentrate on the particular needs of the people they were serving.
NGOs need to work directly and closely with the intended beneficiaries and
empower people within the parameters that the participants themselves have set.
In spite of OUA’s goal for empowering women, the empowerment of men through
literacy training occurred first because of the traditional division of labor and gender
Meaningful learning? 119
roles. The opportunities for improvements in women’s status are likely to occur at a
slower pace as communities develop more inclusive practices and democratic goals.
Thus, despite the good intentions for providing literacy training that makes a
difference, especially for women, ultimately, the OUA program was unsuccessful in
attaining its goals. These findings parallel prior studies (e.g. Bhalalusesa’s research
on Tanzania, 1996) reporting that the capacity of literacy intervention to effect
change in women’s lives tend to be thwarted by the incongruence of the programs to
their social and cultural situations.
The gender inequities pervasive in many societies continue to obstruct full local
participation and must be also be addressed. As long as women are perceived to be
incapable of achieving or benefiting from learning opportunities, they will not have
the access or social support to become literate. Although traditions are not easily
tempered, the critical perspective can provide the means through which conscious-
ness can be raised. Long-term solutions can gradually materialize that foster an
environment which encourages women’s literacy and allows for the meaningful use of
these skills. A starting point is to focus enough attention on accommodating women’s
daily realities. For example, in Ouelessebougou, women’s work patterns tend to be
consistent throughout the year while the work done by men is more seasonal or
cyclical. The dry season, when the literacy classes are held, is a relatively slow time
for the men who are primarily involved in replacing thatch roofing. However, the
shift in women’s workload and schedule is marginal at best. Possible actions that can
be undertaken collaboratively by NGOs and communities to make learning
opportunities realistically available to more women include providing consistent
instruction with viable and flexible schedules, and assimilating the labor resulting
from adjustments in women’s work responsibilities.
While indicating a range of responses in relation to the meaning and importance of
literacy, the majority of the villagers viewed literacy in positive terms. Many consider
literacy as a means of personally overcoming poverty and achieving upward social
mobility, as well as facilitating social and economic development in their commu-
nities. Thus, literacy skills have meaning to some individuals as a way for doing
things they have not been able to do before, reducing their dependence on others, or
improving their lives. These attitudes, however, have been influenced by government
and organizational campaigns and are not necessarily rooted in actual experience.
The challenge for NGOs is to build on these positive views of education and integrate
literacy learning that is locally relevant and will result in tangible gains. The
educational activities of NGOs would also be more constructive if they recognized
and incorporated local learning strategies and carried out programs anchored in the
accumulated and existing indigenous knowledge base.
There is no doubt that some small, but not insignificant, personal benefits are
derived from NGO literacy programs, including the ability to weigh agricultural and
processed products (cotton and butter), read and write correspondence, and
decipher road signs. It is worth noting, however, that these advantages cannot be
attributed exclusively to a single NGO. The effects of the OUA’s literacy activities
must be considered within a wide range of experiences available to individuals,
120 A. Fuhriman et al.
including attending literacy programs sponsored by other organizations, government
efforts as well as local community initiatives. Furthermore, the full effects of literacy
programs must be understood by examining the experiences of men and women
separately. Many women who received literacy training acquired some degree of
literacy, representing small but positive gains in skill levels. Yet, the opportunity
structure limits women’s use of literacy skills to their own work groups. Additionally,
the lack of print resources, coupled with the limited prospect for literacy use outside
their organization, further disadvantages women in successfully maintaining their
skills. In contrast, men were more likely to profit from the program because they
found several practical applications and uses for their skills. For example, being
literate for some men in Ouelessebougou has led to increased roles in community
affairs, improved informal business activities, and the ability to obtain seasonal urban
employment to supplement their income. Literate men were also given new respect
and social status in the community.
As the case of the OUA literacy program illustrates, the provision of meaningful
literacy instruction by NGOs cannot take place without taking into consideration the
cultural and social structures in which learning occurs. Significant progress as a
consequence of literacy participation will be unlikely unless NGOs address the
obstacles constraining women’s attendance and use of literacy. The OUA’s experience
in Mali is similar to other literacy campaigns, such as those implemented in Tanzania,
India, and Iran, which have been unsuccessful because they were conceived and
imposed externally with little regard for local cultures and ideologies surrounding the
processes, implications, and utility of literacy learning (Street, 1984, 1990).
In order for literacy to be an effective tool in breaking the cycle of female
deprivation, some scholars have argued literacy programs must involve some degree
of consciousness-raising. Thus, literacy instruction must not only increase under-
standing of the nature of women’s inferior position in society and the underlying
causes, but must also encourage women to question oppressive practices (Strom-
quist, 1990; Bhalalusesa, 1996). Other scholars (e.g. Rogers, 1994) advocate such
alternatives as the ‘literacy comes second’ approach in which literacy instruction
emerges from existing development activities such as income-generating or agricul-
tural extension programs. Rogers asserts,
It may be more effective then for literacy agencies to work with groups who wish not just
to learn literacy in the abstract but who have a common intention to learn literacy skills
in order to use these skills in real situations which they have already chosen for
themselves. (1994, p. 74)
The OUA’s experience suggests that literacy instruction resulting in substantive
progress must combine the promotion of critical thinking and social action with the
acquisition of skills that have practical application.
This case study utilizes several types of data that facilitated a more detailed and
nuanced understanding of the role of literacy training in women’s and men’s lives in a
developing context. The research documented and assessed the mechanisms through
which adult literacy influences both the economic and social spheres, and permits a
Meaningful learning? 121
participant perspective regarding the OUA program. Although some attempt was
made by the OUA to expand non-formal education in one area of rural Mali, serious
questions remain about whether this program represented a legitimate learning
opportunity. The findings highlight the need for NGOs to situate literacy instruction
within the context of local interests and cultural assumptions about appropriate
learning so that programs can make meaningful contributions to the communities
they serve. If NGOs are to fulfill the promise of local development, they will need to
assure that the target population has ownership over the projects intended to improve
their lives.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to acknowledge Kristi Mostert, Niankoro Samake and
Naman Keıta for valuable assistance with fieldwork in Mali. Support for this research
was provided by the Women’s Research Institute and the Kennedy Center for
International Studies, Brigham Young University.
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