Meaningful learning? Gendered experiences with an NGO-sponsored literacy program in rural Mali

Meaningful learning? Gendered

experiences with an NGO-sponsored

literacy program in rural Mali

Addie Fuhriman, Bonnie Ballif-Spanvill, Carol Ward,Yodit Solomon* and Kacey Widdison-JonesBrigham Young University, USA

This paper examines the effectiveness of an NGO-sponsored literacy program in rural Mali. The

study employs ethnographic techniques to examine the type of literacy instruction provided, the

level of participation, the meanings of literacy to participants, and the contextual factors that

influence the social and personal effects of literacy. The analyses reveal that the program has been

more advantageous for men, particularly in terms of opportunities for the use of literacy skills.

Oversight of the cultural context combined with programmatic challenges including failure of the

NGO to meet its own critical literacy goals have limited women’s ability to access and derive

benefits from the literacy program.

Introduction

Although many studies document the benefits of formal schooling, the personal and

social effects of adult literacy have received modest attention. Some scholars (e.g.

Eisemon et al ., 1999; Robinson-Pant, 2000) argue that the mechanisms through

which adult literacy influences economic and social spheres of life are neither well

documented nor adequately understood. This is particularly true for literacy

programs in developing countries where important questions remain about the

effects of literacy programs, especially for women. Implemented by both non-

governmental organizations (NGOs) and state governments, literacy programs have

been promoted as a linchpin of development because they are believed to offer the

same advantages as formal schooling (Stromquist, 1992; Comings et al ., 1996).

Nevertheless, concerns exist due to the dearth of research on the long-term social

impacts of literacy and schooling on individuals and communities (LeVine et al .,

2001). Court and Ghai suggest that ‘Faith in the ability of education to solve

problems of development remains blind unless it can be attached to an empirical

understanding of what kinds of education have what effects under what conditions’

(1974, p. 1).

*Corresponding author. Women’s Research Institute, Brigham Young University, 1063 JFSB,

Provo, UT 84602, USA. Email: [email protected]

ISSN 1745-7823 (print)/ISSN 1745-7831 (online)/06/010103-22

# 2006 Taylor & Francis

DOI: 10.1080/17457820500512887

Ethnography and EducationVol. 1, No. 1, March 2006, pp. 103�/124

This paper responds to the call (LeVine et al ., 2001) for research that clarifies the

processes by which various types of schooling affect individual, family, and

community development, and it supports recommendations made by Guba and

Lincoln (1996) for naturalistic program assessments that include the views of

program recipients. The research also examines the effectiveness of initiatives of the

Ouelessebougou�Utah Alliance (OUA), an NGO established in 1985 to promote

long-term development in the Koulikoro region of Mali, in particular their

experiences with community literacy projects. A case study employing qualitative

data provides an in-depth consideration of the program, the participants’ responses,

and contextual factors and is particularly useful for accessing the experiences of the

participants rather than relying exclusively on the perspectives and data of the

program personnel and NGO sponsors.

Another important goal was to understand crucial elements of the processes and

outcomes of literacy instruction for women in Mali. Investing in the education of

females is believed by many observers to yield important social and economic gains

for women, their families, and the society at large. Female education has been

associated with several positive outcomes including improved health and nutrition,

declines in fertility rates, increased educational attainment of children, lower infant

and maternal mortality levels, and enhanced agricultural output (Caldwell, 1986;

Brown & Barrett, 1991; United Nations, 1991; Comings et al ., 1994; Ainsworth et

al ., 1995). Education opens up more opportunities for women, empowering them

with choice and advancing their ability to exercise their rights (King & Hill, 1993).

However, other scholars challenge this positive change argument (Robertson, 1986;

Clark, 1992; Diven, 1998; Hollos, 1998). Robertson states, ‘Rather than leading the

way for equality and greater opportunity, then, education for most women in Africa

functions as an instrument of oppression to reinforce subordinate roles’ (1986, p.

92). She argues that the type and quality of education women receive leaves them ill-

prepared to compete successfully in the job market and fails to equip them with

alternative and practical skills. In fact, participation in formal schooling removes

women from the labor force, thereby increasing their reliance on men. In her study of

migrants in Nigeria, Hollos (1998) found that education relieved women from petty

trading and farming activities, but diminished their autonomy and increased their

dependence on men.

Despite the overall benefits that may be realized, women continue to be excluded

from many non-formal and formal schooling opportunities. They still constitute the

majority of illiterate adults in most regions of the world, particularly in sub-Saharan

Africa where the overall literacy rate for women (51.8%) lags behind that of men

(68.2%) (UNESCO, 2005a,b). A similar pattern exists in Mali where in 2001/2002

an estimated 11.9% of women were literate compared to 26.7% of the male

population (UNDP, 2004). Barriers to female education in developing countries

include societal expectations that emphasize marriage and motherhood as the

primary and usually the only appropriate roles for women; traditional practices

rooted in religious and cultural beliefs; women’s lack of control over fertility

decisions; preferences for educating sons over daughters; gender-biased curriculum

104 A. Fuhriman et al.

and learning environment; and higher dropout rates among female students,

especially when school attendance interferes with their contribution to the economic

welfare of the household (Ramdas, 1989; Stromquist, 1990; Carmack, 1992; Etta,

1994; Odago & Heneveld, 1995).

Significant efforts over the past three decades which have narrowed the gender

disparity in literacy rates range from UNESCO’s Education for All to small-scale

regional and gender-based initiatives (UNESCO, 1993). Lind and Johnson (1990)

identify four prominent strategies that have influenced adult literacy trends in the

developing world, including fundamental education, mass campaign, selective-

intensive functional approach, and the conscientization model, also referred to as

critical literacy. The functional approach and critical literacy are of particular import

to this project. The notion of functional literacy is attributed to UNESCO and

resulted from the Teheran Conference of Ministers of Education held in 1965.

Functional literacy is essentially education that is accompanied by skills training

applicable to a specific work environment (UNESCO, 1970). Despite its popularity,

critics maintain that this approach is narrowly conceived, overlooking the varying

political and social contexts of literacy attainment and use (Freire, 1970; Lankshear

& McLaren, 1993; Street, 1995; UNESCO, 2000). With respect to the potential

of functional literacy transforming women’s lives, Egbo asserts it ‘is not adequate to

engender the kind of social change that can empower marginalized groups such as

women in Sub-Saharan Africa’ (2000, p. 24).

Critical literacy emerged in the 1970s and is primarily associated with the ideas

of Paulo Freire. According to Lankshear and McLaren, critical literacy is the ‘extent

to which, and the ways in which, actual and possible social practices and conceptions

of reading and writing enable human subjects to understand and engage the politics

of daily life in the quest for a more truly democratic order’ (1993, p. xviii). Literacy is

not merely the acquisition of technical skills, but serves as an important tool for

reproducing or challenging existing power structures (Freire, 1970; Lankshear,

1987). This model is of particular salience to women because conventional literacy

agendas rarely address issues and conditions that perpetuate traditional gender roles

and power relations (Lind & Johnson, 1990; Stromquist, 1990). The integrative and

learner-centered dimensions of critical literacy have widespread appeal and have

been adopted by a number of NGOs worldwide (Lind & Johnson, 1990).

A related outcome of the shift in the development community toward a more

critical approach to development has been the rapid growth in both the number and

visibility of grassroots NGOs (Roberts, 2000). Considered to be flexible innovators

and able to reach the poor, these NGOs have offered an alternative approach to the

severely criticized top�down institution of development (Markowitz, 2001, p. 40).

Grassroots NGOs have gained widespread acceptance within the development

community because of their reported ability to encourage local participation in the

planning and implementation of a wide range of development initiatives, including

basic and adult education.

This paper focuses on how community members in Mali, particularly women,

perceive, experience, and are impacted by literacy training. We discuss the ability of a

Meaningful learning? 105

specific literacy program to meet critical literacy goals (Friere, 1970; Lankshear &

McLaren, 1993; Rogers, 1994), and respond to the call by scholars to investigate the

impact of NGO-sponsored development activities and their ability to promote local

participation (Roberts, 2000; Markowitz, 2001). Our research also identifies the

meaning that rural residents assign to literacy and education, and details the

contextual factors that influence the personal and social effects of the OUA literacy

project, thus adding to the literature on the effects of adult education programs in

developing societies (Eisemon et al ., 1999; Robinson-Pant, 2000).

Research context and methods

Although most NGOs incorporate some form of evaluation into their projects,

quality longitudinal research on the development efforts of NGOs by outside sources

is scarce, especially that which taps participants and their perceived values. Murtaza

(1995) suggests that collaborations between NGOs and research organizations such

as universities could be utilized to disseminate information about successful

development approaches. Since 1997, the Women’s Research Institute (WRI) has

been independently assessing the outcome and sustainability of development

initiatives sponsored by the OUA. The working relationship between the WRI and

OUA provides precisely the kind of partnership needed for evaluating educational

strategies implemented in rural Mali. As Escobar points out, ‘instead of searching for

grand alternative models or strategies, what is needed is the investigation of

alternative representations and practices in concrete local settings’ (1995, p. 19).

For 20 years, the Ouelessebougou�Utah Alliance has been pursuing community

projects, with an emphasis on education, in rural Mali through locally-based

initiatives and resources. The OUA has been involved in a wide range of sectors

including adult literacy, elementary schools, wells to provide drinking and irrigation

water, market gardening, village health workers linked to a central pharmacy and

training program, and a micro-lending cooperative (OUA, 1997).

Ouelessebougou, located in the region of Koulikoro, lies 100 miles south of the

capital city of Bamako. It is comprised of 72 villages with an estimated population of

60,000. The economy is largely based on agriculture producing millet, rice,

sorghum, and corn for consumption and cotton and green beans for export. In

March 2005, the government inaugurated a cotton processing plant in the town of

Ouelessebougou intended to generate 150 permanent and seasonal jobs (Coulibaly,

2005). The region is served by a hospital with a dispensary and an operating room

both funded and staffed by the government. There are 19 government run

elementary and three junior high schools, two Koranic schools, and 20 commu-

nity-based or NGO-sponsored elementary schools (Cisse, 2000).

A predominantly qualitative approach was adopted to examine the meanings that

village residents in Ouelessebougou attach to literacy and to their experiences with

the OUA literacy program. Qualitative research is especially useful given the recent

conceptual movement away from the ‘autonomous model’ that considers literacy to


be a set of technical skills ‘independent of social context’, towards an ideological view

in which literacy is ‘inextricably linked to cultural and power structures’ (Street,

1993, p. 7; 1999). Thus, evaluation of program effectiveness and impact must take

into account the specific context in which the program occurs, the social use of

literacy skills by participants, and their definition of success.

Markowtiz (2001) also points out that ethnographic evaluations of NGOs offer ‘a

way to respond to critiques of hegemonic development discourses by presenting the

points-of-view of actors with different relations to the goals and activities nested

within programs and projects’ (p. 40). Our research design has addressed this

critique by depending on local residents and their knowledge. Field research is

viewed as an integral part of our efforts to learn about the conditions in which people

live and the OUA operates. A purposeful aspect of the design is to restructure the

relationship between knowing and doing and to empower community members to

trust their own knowledge through their involvement in the production of research

data. As Fals-Borda and Rahman point out, ‘the best and most constructive

academic knowledge [will] be subsumed with pertinent and congruent folk science’

(1991, p. 32).

The WRI research team consists of five individuals with diverse backgrounds in the

social sciences. They are involved in formulating the research design, coordinating

data collection procedures, and analyzing and interpreting data. The field research-

ers, including two locally-based Malian and two WRI researchers, were responsible

for all data collection activities in Mali. Ethnographic fieldwork was carried out in six

villages in Mali over a period of three years*/three communities with ongoing OUA

development projects and three without OUA projects. Village selection was based

on: (1) size of the communities*/small (200�300 residents), medium-sized

(700�900 residents), and large (over 1500 residents); (2) exposure*/the six villages

were selected because they had comparable exposure to other NGOs; and (3)

timeframe of the OUA presence in the three villages*/all had been involved with

OUA development projects for approximately the same period of time (six to eight

years).

Focus groups, individual interviews, participant observation, and programmatic

survey were the major data collection tools used. The focus groups provided

discussions with individuals who were knowledgeable about a specific topic and were

encouraged to freely discuss it drawing upon their personal experiences. The group

discussion included dialogue that illuminated multiple dimensions of the topic and

represents the experiences of the participants from their viewpoints (Park et al .,

1993). Individual interviews facilitated the collection of important program data and

provided detailed information about OUA literacy activities and their impact on

individual lives and families. Since village residents are not generally accustomed to

providing others with specific details about their lives, participation observation

gathered crucial data related to the use of the literacy projects. Finally, a

programmatic survey was administered in all 50 villages where the OUA had

implemented an adult education project. The information collected included the

duration and status of programs, degree of local participation and sustainability, and


difficulties encountered in program operation. The descriptive information drawn

from this survey helped establish a broad picture of the scope of the OUA’s programs

throughout the region.

Research participants

Research participants were selected using a purposive sampling process*/the

identification of informants having appropriate and useful insights regarding local

development activities. Participants included:

1. Association members : focus groups were conducted with the chief and his council,

and the women’s and men’s associations. Villages in rural Mali are stratified

into associations based on age and gender with specific social and economic

functions. The focus groups were organized along these lines because it

was consistent with cultural norms regarding age and gender segregation

in public forums and gatherings. Six focus group discussions were held with

each of the following: chief and council, women’s association, and men’s

association.

2. Family groups : two to three extended family groups within each village, based

on the type of family structure and ethnic background, were selected to explore

the impact of the various development projects on a more personal level.

Individual members of 14 family groups in six villages were interviewed

separately.

3. Key informants : individuals central to the literacy projects such as teachers and

program participants (students) were interviewed individually. Interviews were

conducted with eight literacy teachers, 13 literacy program students (six male

and seven female), and 14 non-participants (six male and eight women).

4. OUA program staff in Mali : program staff interviewed included the coordinator

for the education sector responsible for overseeing the implementation and

operation of the literacy project in all the communities served by the OUA.

Educational context of Mali

Mali is similar to many ‘developing’ countries in which leaders advocate mass

education as a critical step in moving their country toward important political,

economic, and social development goals. Until recently, results of educational

endeavors since independence have been disappointing, and public schooling has

actually deteriorated in recent years (Brint, 1998).

Reform of the French system of schooling began in Mali with the creation of mass

literacy programs in 1959. The failure of these early strategies was attributed to the

fact that instruction was in French, the language inherited from the colonial era

(Richmond, 1986). In 1962, the government introduced a comprehensive educa-

tional platform designed to meet the development goals of the emerging nation

(CRLP & AJM, 1999). Among the objectives was the provision of mass education


that was both of high quality and relevant to everyday life (Belot, 1998; CRLP &

AJM, 1999). Initiatives to promote adult literacy followed with added attention to

vocational training. In 1967, the Experimental World Literacy Program (EWLP) was

launched under the auspices of UNESCO and UNDP. Innovations in this program

included incorporating work-related activities and the use of local languages as the

principal medium of instruction. Although 36 different languages are spoken in Mali,

13 have been identified as official national languages and are utilized in the education

system (Jamana, 1997; Ethnologue, 2005). The EWLP experience was unsuccessful,

but it resulted in the creation of Kibaru , a newspaper published in Bambara, one of

the local languages, intended to provide regional news and foster dialogue between

rural and urban dwellers. UNESCO studies called for the restructuring of the

literacy programs and for community-based organizations to have more control over

the direction of the programs (Richmond, 1986).

In 1979 a national campaign against illiteracy, initiated by the Ministry of

Education and administered by DNAFLA (Direction Nationale de l’Alphabetisation

Fonctionnelle et de la Linguistique Appliquee), led to the establishment of 1500 literacy

centers involving 35,000 learners and a concerted effort to raise women’s participa-

tion (Ouane, 1982; Richmond, 1986). The Literacy Project for Rural Women

implemented in the Mopti region was one of the few programs expressly directed at

rural women. Although short-lived (1985�1987), the program integrated literacy

with the production and marketing of cotton (UNESCO, 1993).

In the early to mid-1990s, concerned with the low levels of school enrollment and

completion rates, the government launched a nation-wide literacy campaign with a

specific focus on female education (CRLP & AJM, 1999). The government utilized

several strategies, including billboards and slogans, to disseminate information about

the importance of educational attainment, particularly for girls and women.

Additionally, broad-based formal education reforms were introduced in Mali starting

with the Nouvelle Ecole Fondamentale (New Primary School) in the mid-1990s.

Although it was never implemented, it formed the basis for a comprehensive

reorganization of the education sector (Charlick et al ., 1998). In 1995, PRODEC

(Programme Decennal de l’Education), Mali’s 10-year educational plan, emerged with

the primary goal of linking schooling to local social and cultural realities, as well

as actively involving communities in schooling processes. Significant components

of this agenda include: (1) broadening access to schooling, particularly for girls;

(2) decentralizing school management; and (3) enhancing the quality of education by

increasing teacher training and adopting pedagogie convergente or bilingual education,

wherein instruction initially begins using local languages, with French gradually

integrated into the curriculum (Charlick et al ., 1998; Traore, 2001; Sangare &

Diarra, 2002).

The government also formed partnerships with community, religious, local NGO

and commercial radio stations to publicize issues surrounding education and other

topics germane to rural communities (Mundy & Sultan, 2001). In the Ouelesse-

bougou region, an example of such an effort involved Radio Djitimou which was

established by the Protestant Church in 1997. The radio broadcast area encompasses


a 100 km radius, reaching 150 communities and approximately 10,000 listeners. The

station is staffed by volunteers and overseen by a committee of local residents who

determine the content and scheduling of the various programs. Regular program-

ming includes local and national news, bible lessons, bulletins on environmental and

farming matters, children’s health, and issues specific to women (including

education).

Recent years also saw efforts by UNESCO to improve access to information

through the establishment of multimedia community centers. Combining local

radio broadcast with digital technology, these centers are intended to promote

community empowerment and change (UNESCO, 2005a,b). Similarly, in 2004

USAID launched 13 Community Learning and Information Centers (CLICs)

throughout Mali including one in the Ouelessebougou region. The purpose of the

CLICs is to provide both rural and urban residents development-related information

on education, health, governance, and economic issues through various media

including the internet and CD-ROMs. In addition, CLICs also offer several for-fee

services including photocopying, fax, and internet access (Bilodeau, 2005).

Research findings

It is important to note that there was at least one other non-governmental

organization sponsoring an adult education program concurrently with that of the

OUA in each of the villages targeted in the study. These organizations include

CMDT (Compagnie Malien pour le Developpement des Textiles) and OHVN (Office

Haute Vallee du Niger), which provide basic education in conjunction with training in

agricultural, cotton marketing, and management skills; CFAR (Centre de Formation

Animatrice Rurale), which focuses primarily on women, and combines preventive

health measures with literacy; and ACODEP (Appui aux Collectivites Decentralisees

pour un Developpement Participatif), which links education to income-generating

activities. These same organizations had also implemented literacy programs in the

three villages that were not affiliated with the OUA. However, these programs

operated intermittently and tended to serve a select segment of the population. For

example, CMDT’s literacy program which was tied to a specific economic

activity*/the production and marketing of cotton*/was restricted to male partici-

pants. Given the instability and narrow outreach of these literacy programs, we

expected that the OUA program would have a more significant, positive outcome.

However, despite its relatively greater consistency and more inclusive nature, the

OUA literacy program was similar to the other projects in terms of its limited

success.

Although our original purpose in collecting data from six villages was to discover

possible differences in literacy skills related to the presence or absence of the

OUA program, the findings did not indicate the expected variations. Thus,

the analysis presented in this paper focuses on the experiences of participants in

the OUA program as well as non-participants to better understand the factors that


contributed to the program’s ineffectiveness. In presenting the research findings,

participant and non-participant quotes that represent significant patterns and themes

were selected to highlight and give voice to the informants who shared their views

and experiences.

The planning and implementation of the OUA literacy program

Even with the aforementioned actions by the Malian government, problems such as

high attrition rates, lack of schooling materials, irrelevance to rural life, and

ineffective monitoring have persisted with literacy programs as well as with primary

schooling (Hough, 1989). Consequently, many communities in Mali have sought out

the assistance of non-governmental organizations in an effort to increase and

improve educational opportunities (Easton & Hemenway, 1999).

In 1991, the OUA and Laubach Literacy International joined forces to develop an

adult education program in the Ouelessebougou region. An organization dedicated

to a critical literacy approach, Laubach Literacy’s appeal stems from its integrative

and learner-centered vision of literacy programs (Lind & Johnson, 1990). The

basic premise of the Laubach perspective is that literacy and development are

inseparable, and that the most effective instruction reflects the indigenous culture

and language empowering learners with new skills and information applicable to day-

to-day life. The OUA literacy program, using a teaching model Laubach refers to as

‘literacy for social change’, involved the following elements: (1) fundamental skills :

writing, listening, comprehension, and math skills; (2) critical thinking : the capacity

to understand and react to information; learners who develop critical thinking

skills are able to analyze causes of problems they encounter in daily life and

alternatives for action; (3) cultural expression : the ability to appreciate and celebrate

one’s culture through dance, poetry, drama, music, folklore and art; a cultural

dimension allows the learners to feel their worth as individuals and communities;

and (4) action : the fulfillment of learning through action. According to Curtis

(1990, 1994), successful implementation requires certain ‘readiness’ conditions,

including the recognition of a widespread need and demand for literacy, a statement

by leaders and prospective learners indicating their commitment to participate,

evidence that both will contribute high levels of time and energy to the effort

(generally worth more than the amount of any outside funding involved), a

demonstrated capacity and willingness to institute a credible, local action plan,

and access to existing training and materials and/or capacity to develop new materials

and training.

Between 1992 and 1996, the literacy program was implemented in 50 villages.

While the OUA claims that all villages met the Laubach ‘readiness’ indicators prior

to the implementation of the literacy programs, a survey of the 50 villages reveals that

many factors were absent. While most villagers surveyed had a generally positive

conception of literacy, almost half of the villages (48%) stated that the idea for

implementing the adult literacy program was initiated by the OUA. The literacy


program was suggested by the community as a whole in 38%, and by certain

individuals in 14% of the villages surveyed. Clearly this falls short of the widespread

demand for literacy that Laubach considers necessary. Overall, nearly two-thirds

(63%) of the programs were discontinued after two to three years of operation, 17%

shut down a year following implementation and 13% after four years. Eight percent

stopped functioning the same year they were initiated. Only 2% of all the villages

reported restarting the project. The lack of demand and community support for the

OUA literacy program are major factors in understanding why literacy programs no

longer function in 78% of the villages.

The program survey data and staff interviews also reveal that community members

and the OUA lacked the capacity to develop new materials, an essential component

for teaching critical literacy skills. While a collaborative book produced by the

field director and individual villagers chronicling daily life in Bambara illustrates

some evidence of the ability of the communities to produce materials, the OUA

ultimately decided not to develop new materials. The reading primers were provided

by DNAFLA because it was deemed too costly and time-consuming for the OUA to

produce its own textbooks. Although these were quality materials, they were not

considered by Laubach and the OUA to be the most effective because they did

not deal with issues and details of life specific to Ouelessebougou. The OUA staff

reported that the use of DNAFLA material helped generate support from the

government that was essential to the success of the literacy program (Diarra, 1998).

Nevertheless, the materials remained unrelated to the village context and were

irrelevant to day-to-day life, thus reducing the literacy program’s capacity to assist

villagers acquire the critical literacy skills necessary to promote social change

(Lankshear & McLaren, 1993). Rogers confirms the problems associated with the

use of predetermined primers, arguing that their use has significant implications in

limiting learners’ ability to acquire sustainable literacy skills that are ‘transferable to

real-life situations’ (2002, p. 1). He suggests an alternative approach he refers to as

‘real literacy’ that builds on participants’ existing and differing knowledge base to

devise primers.

The teachers, a critical component in education, also lacked access to suitable and

reliable training throughout the project. According to the OUA, 28 community

members, including some teachers from eight villages, were given a basic one-day

orientation in the Laubach method (Traore, 1998). The OUA never established a

consistent program for training literacy teachers nor did they adopt universal training

standards. The training for the initial literacy instructors was provided by DNAFLA.

Subsequent training usually occurred once or twice a year, involved a minimal

amount of instruction, and varied greatly by village. Attendance at training meetings

relied heavily on the NGO staff informing all literacy teachers about training

meetings, and in some cases, literacy teachers were not alerted. Limited training of

literacy teachers not only hampered the ability to teach the villagers rudimentary

functional literacy skills, it also eliminated the possibility of literacy teachers

facilitating the development of critical literacy skills.


Participation

Since its inception, a total of 132 women and 222 men have attended the OUA

literacy program in three of the villages where fieldwork was conducted. From this

group, only a nominal proportion (3% women and 5% men) are currently

considered by teachers to be functionally literate (defined as possessing basic reading

and writing skills in Bambara).

The literacy program commenced at the start of the dry season in January and

continued until May. Two- to three-hour night classes were held five times a week.

Students received two years of instruction in reading, writing, and math in the local

language of Bambara. Several programmatic oversights reduced the ability of

individuals (and communities as a whole) to participate in the adult literacy project.

(1) Spatial restrictions and the shortage of teachers necessitated putting males and

females as well as students with different comprehension levels in the same class. (2)

All the teachers involved in the adult literacy program were men, and given the

cultural and social context, this might have affected the learning environment for

female students. (3) The program also adopted a traditional instructional style

(authoritarian, teacher-oriented) that involved the teacher imparting knowledge to

the students through repetition and recitation, a practice contrary to the Laubach’s

interactive approach. This instructional style runs counter to principles of critical

literacy that considers both the learners and instructors to be equally knowledgeable

(Freire, 1970). (4) The nature of the relationships between the village and NGO staff

is closely linked to the level of support and resources the village received for the

projects. When the interests of the communities did not coincide with the agenda of

the OUA, little attempt was made by the staff to respond to and address village

needs. Frequently, the communities were forced to accept the directives of the NGO.

Furthermore, when communities acted independently and pursued their own

educational strategies and priorities, they were censured in two ways: the withdrawal

of existing support, and the transfer of teachers to other literacy or elementary school

programs without the consultation of the village. (5) Difficult conditions also

surrounded the logistics of classroom operation. Classes were held in the evenings

either in poorly lighted classrooms or an outdoor area prone to noise and other

distractions. The program lacked sufficient lamps to provide lighting for the entire

classroom. A large proportion of the students did not have access to the primers, so

inadequate lighting further hampered their ability to follow the lessons and perform

their tasks.

Initially the literacy program targeted women because they have had, and continue

to have, fewer opportunities for education. Nevertheless, the representation of

women in the classroom declined significantly over the years. The interview data

reveal reasons for such a decline. Foremost, women’s lack of attendance was due to

their heavy workload and family responsibility. Women take care of all the food

preparation including pounding millet and gathering wood for fuel. They also take

care of the children and engage in income-generating activities such as gardening, the

making of shea butter and charcoal.


Well, the reason [for non-attendance] is that we spend the whole day working and at the

night we are so tired that we can’t follow the classes . . . What I can just say is that if we

had less work we could attend the literacy program. (Female non-participant)

Further restricting women’s participation was the need to obtain permission from

their husbands. A number of women cited their husband’s refusal to give

authorization as the main deterrent to their participation. According to the male

respondents, some husbands are reluctant to give their consent because they don’t

trust their wives to be out at night. Women also receive very little support and

encouragement from their husbands in advancing their education because women

are regarded as ‘lazy’ and ‘unintelligent’.

Yes, they [his wives] used to attend literacy classes, but they don’t know anything. They

have forgotten everything. In my opinion, they are not intelligent. If you are not

intelligent, you cannot be educated. Well, it is very easy to know whether someone is

intelligent or not . . . even by talking with him or her. (Husband of female participant)

Such attitudes are a major impediment to women’s accomplishments in the

classroom. The findings reveal that women were perceived, both by their teachers

and male classmates alike, as being passive, shy, slow to learn, and more likely to skip

classes. Women tend to internalize these labels, resulting in low expectations of their

learning aptitude.

They [some female participants] have been selected because they are supposed to be fast

learners, but as far as all women are concerned, we are considered to be slow learners . . .

We regret very much our illiteracy. Even if the medium of communication is Bambara, it

is very difficult for us to learn. For example, we can spend a whole month studying a

lesson and our children or grandchildren can learn it in one or two days. (Member of

women’s association, non-participant)

Male students, on the other hand, were described as capable, more likely to engage in

class discussions, and as having a greater interest in learning.

The reason why it is not easy to teach women is that in the villages, women are more

fickle than men. When they come into the literacy class, they will act in a negative way,

so that upsets the teacher. They show off in the classroom so teachers don’t like this in

general. But men among themselves don’t need to show off because most of the time

men know why they are coming to school . . . Well, women are talkative in the classroom,

and when they gather they talk about many things. They are talkative and they talk

about their boyfriends even though they are married. (Male literacy teacher)

Women’s active involvement in the classroom was further impeded by cultural and

social norms that inhibit them from speaking in public gatherings, particularly in the

presence of men.

It is men who participate more in the classroom than women because basically, women

are embarrassed in the classroom. Because of this embarrassment, they will not raise

their hand or volunteer for the task required of them. The reason for this is that they

might be shy or there may be somebody in the classroom they respect a lot and they are

afraid to fail in the presence of that person. These are some of the reasons. (Male literacy

teacher)


We have reviewed the problems surrounding the limited participation in the

literacy program, especially among women. These factors are particularly important

to note in light of the positive meaning and value individuals place on literacy

instruction which are explored in the next section.

Meaning of literacy/education

A Malian adage likens illiteracy to living in complete darkness, and the respondents

had similar views in their overall view of education. The teachers, participants, and

non-participants all regard literacy education as a path to enhancing their lives. The

knowledge and practical skills that result from being literate offer opportunities for

personal and community advancement. The acquisition of knowledge itself is

important, although, for many, literacy has more significance when it is relevant to

their day-to-day reality; the ability to read and write gives people added tools to

function in their social environment.

The foremost importance of literacy identified by all respondents is that it develops

and opens the mind, exposing one to new and diverse perspectives. Thus, the person

is more receptive and quick to comprehend these ideas. Having the abilities to read

and write, literate persons are perceived as more articulate and better at expressing

themselves. These factors tend to elevate an educated person to a higher social status

within the community.

Well, education is very very important. Educated people are different from illiterate

people even in the way they speak. You can easily recognize whether one has gone to

school or not. (Female non-participant)

In pragmatic terms, education is viewed as a means of overcoming poverty and

achieving upward social mobility, and as increasing the possibility of securing

employment with a steady income.

When a girl is educated, she will be useful for her husband’s family and her own family

as well. When she is educated she will find a better job. When she earns a lot of money,

she can support her children and her parents. But when she is not educated, she will be

unable to do all of this. She cannot do this because she will only be farming. (Female

non-participant)

Literacy equips individuals with skills that allow them to compete in the job market

and to perform their daily activities. Those who attain a certain level of education are

in a better position to integrate these proficiencies in conducting their regular

activities.

If there are many educated people in the village, this can ameliorate the farming in the

village. When you’re educated, you know how many acres you have in your farm and you

will know how much fertilizer you need to use for that surface. You will also be able to

know what kind of soil you have and what kind of fertilizer you should use on your farm.

When you’re educated you’re more likely to learn new farming techniques better than if

you’re not educated. (Male teacher)


At the collective level, literacy is perceived as fundamental to the general progress

of the community*/an indispensable vehicle through which individuals gain knowl-

edge critical to the economic and social viability of their community.

I should have talked about education first because nowadays whatever you undertake,

you have to take into account education because it is the basis for any development

activity. So in the village association that I’m leading, our main concern is education and

we would like to educate all the kids from this village since we didn’t attend school.

(Member of the men’s association)

On the other hand, illiteracy is associated with dependence and limited control over

community development efforts.

Education is very important. If we were educated, we would have done many things in

the village. We would apply what we have learned and what we’ve seen in the village and

you would have found things here to be different. We would have been developed

without external help. (Chief and council)

The meanings people ascribe to education are not formulated in isolation, but are

a result of multiple influences and interactions. It is evident that the respondents

draw on the national discourse that views education as vital to the development

process. The rhetoric advanced by the numerous NGOs working in these commu-

nities that literacy is generally linked to specific personal and social outcomes also

informs their perceptions about education and literacy. Respondents’ ideas about

education are also shaped by their own experiences with learning, whether it takes

place in formal or non-formal settings.

Personal and social effects

The respondents reported a range of responses regarding the program and the effects

of literacy. As a community, literacy has meant less reliance on outside organizations

to weigh the cotton they produce, increased ability to fill out paperwork necessary for

ordering farming equipment and accessing credit at the local bank as well as the

ability to keep track of rainfall patterns, information helpful in determining when to

begin planting.

The ability to read and write has brought some changes in my life. Now I can note the

last rainfall of the year and I know when exactly to plant my farm. I know the weight of

my cotton and I don’t have to ask anyone to calculate the price for me. (Male

participant)

Another change is that our cotton is weighed and marketed [more] correctly than it was

in the past. In the past, all of this was done by outsiders, so they would often reduce the

actual weight of the cotton. (Male teacher)

On a personal level, the participants no longer have to rely on a few select individuals

to read and write their letters. People can now communicate directly with friends and

family members residing outside the village without having to divulge private and

sometimes sensitive information to intermediaries.


For example, when I have to write a letter, if I’m not educated I have to give it to another

person. Even if it is a secret I have to let him know. That’s also the importance of being

educated, you are able to write a letter yourself. You don’t need to ask for the services of

another person. For example, if you tell somebody your secret, he can let the cat out of

the bag. (Member of the men’s association/participant)

Although several women commented that access to literacy has had a minimal

effect on their family life and economic well-being, some reported changes in

childcare practices because of a heightened awareness of the importance of cleanliness

and disease prevention. Some male respondents also observed that women who

attend the literacy program are more likely to send their children to school.

Education is very important for women because they are much more closer to the

children than the fathers. So, if they are educated they will be informed about health

care and ways to better care for their children . . . Education opens one’s mind. If parents

are open-minded, so they’ll be able to be involved in their children’s education. (Male

teacher)

As a result of the literacy program, now women know how to take care of their children

and how to practice hygiene in the family. And those who have attended literacy classes,

they are willing to send their kids to school. That was not the case before. (Male teacher)

It appears that participation in the literacy program did not alter women’s status

within the family nor increase their influence in household decisions. Women

generally agreed that literacy has done little to transform the prevailing social order:

‘We still have to ask our husbands’ permission to do anything; even if we are

educated, it would be so’ (female participant).

Well, you know, it is very difficult to change the custom of the Bambara people. These

traditions have existed for centuries, so even if you are literate you can’t change this. In

short, whether you are literate or illiterate, your husband treats you the same way. But

the only difference is that he can’t take your knowledge away from you. This is your own

property. (Female participant)

A few women belonging to the older generation discussed the adverse con-

sequences of educating women. They found educated women to be more prone to

disrespectful behavior, especially toward their husbands, and were also more likely to

question and break with tradition.

Well, in my childhood we were very respectful, we respected our father’s decision. At

that time all marriages were arranged and there was no divorce. But all of this has

changed today . . . As I told you, since women have started attending school they have

become disrespectful. In our time, marriage was arranged, and you were obliged to stay

with your husband even if you didn’t love him because you didn’t have a choice. If you

refused to stay with your husband, your parents would beat you, and you would be

returned to your family-in-law. But now, if you beat your daughter because she doesn’t

want to stay with her husband, she will go to the authorities and sue you. (Female non-

participant)

More typical of the traditional cultural norms, these women expressed support for

improving literacy among men, but not among women. Other women, on the other


hand, while acknowledging that education is indeed important were critical of the

OUA literacy program. These female respondents found the content of the program

had little relevance to the lives of rural women.

Education is important but it cannot help rural women in their daily activities. But I

would like to learn just to open my mind. (Female participant)

On the other hand, some women reported that they no longer forget events or tasks

they need to accomplish because they are able to write them down. They also tend to

be more comfortable dealing with merchants in the marketplace because their

literacy skills afford them increased control over business transactions.

Regardless, women asserted that being literate is more rewarding for men

because they can travel outside the village with relative ease to conduct

informal business activities. Several men have utilized their literacy training in

either initiating or furthering small-scale business activities, while others have

obtained seasonal employment in neighboring towns and cities to supplement their

income.

Men have benefited more from it [literacy] than women. They do commerce from

village to village, so men have more opportunities to practice what they have learned in

the literacy training more so than women. (Female participant)

Others who find very few opportunities to utilize their literacy skills in the village

resettle in the urban areas on a permanent basis. For these learners, the potential for

securing gainful employment is the primary motivating factor for becoming literate.

Some of the respondents maintained that the overall benefits that could be garnered

from the literacy program have been curtailed by the departure of the educated

populace from the village.

There have seen some changes here, but these changes have been slow because

the individuals educated in the literacy program have left the village. Most of them

leave the village. That is a factor that has slowed the changes in the village. (Literacy

teacher)

A frequently cited impact of the program is that the new skills gained through

literacy have offered some individuals opportunities to assume new roles within their

communities. Men who have successfully completed the program serve as village

representatives in political and economic matters, and interactions with non-

governmental organizations, record keepers, and cotton sales agents. Thus, the

literacy program has been influential in shifting the current power base in the village.

Although the chief and his council (all men) represent the key actors in village

decision-making, with the introduction of adult education, literate young men are

being given more of a voice in determining community matters.

Well, as you can notice right now the young men are speaking today due to the education

they’ve had, otherwise they cannot speak in the presence of old people. But they have

been allowed to do so because they are educated. (Chief and council)


For women, these new responsibilities tend to be restricted to the confines of their

mutual aid institutions, and entail managing the money generated from gardening

and keeping track of payments related to the operation of the mill.

Well, I will give you an example from my life. I can weigh my karite butter myself. I can

calculate the price and when I go to the market to sell it nobody can cheat me. (Female

participant)

The women who have attended the literacy program now don’t need me to work on their

garden. The literacy program also helps them with their mill . . . For example, they do

everything as far as the mill is concerned. They are able to write down the name of the

person who owes money to the mill without searching for help from men. They can

write the daily income of the income because the women have to pay some amount to

have their karite nuts pressed. It is the same thing as far as the garden is concerned. We

grow peanuts in the garden and at harvest time they weigh and store it. Now, they know

the amount of peanuts they have in storage because they can write it down. (Male

teacher)

Conclusion

After documenting the complex processes involved in educating adults in terms of

the type of literacy instruction provided, the level of participation in the literacy

programs, the meaning and importance of literacy to participants, and the effects of

literacy instruction on participants lives, several observations can be made about

NGOs desiring to offer programs that are innovative, effective, and integrated into

the community.

Indicators that communities are ready to engage in critical literacy cannot be

overlooked. By itself, expression of general support for literacy instruction is not a

sufficient foundation for successful literacy efforts. Community commitment to

literacy must be obtained and accompanied by the development of adequate

instructional materials and teacher training opportunities prior to program im-

plementation. Critical literacy goals must also be pivotal to NGO endeavors if

noticeable changes are to be realized in the lives of the target population, particularly

women. In this case, the program achievements were minimal in relation to

functional literacy and non-existent regarding critical literacy goals. For these

women in rural Mali, the acquisition of literacy skills was not associated with

concrete alterations in their economic and social conditions. Understanding the

implications of literacy within the cultural climate of Ouelessebougou could have

facilitated the use of literacy training by young men as a basis for greater participation

in the local political processes. However, the OUA was unable to take advantage of

this opportunity because it failed to adhere to its own guiding principles to

understand and concentrate on the particular needs of the people they were serving.

NGOs need to work directly and closely with the intended beneficiaries and

empower people within the parameters that the participants themselves have set.

In spite of OUA’s goal for empowering women, the empowerment of men through

literacy training occurred first because of the traditional division of labor and gender


roles. The opportunities for improvements in women’s status are likely to occur at a

slower pace as communities develop more inclusive practices and democratic goals.

Thus, despite the good intentions for providing literacy training that makes a

difference, especially for women, ultimately, the OUA program was unsuccessful in

attaining its goals. These findings parallel prior studies (e.g. Bhalalusesa’s research

on Tanzania, 1996) reporting that the capacity of literacy intervention to effect

change in women’s lives tend to be thwarted by the incongruence of the programs to

their social and cultural situations.

The gender inequities pervasive in many societies continue to obstruct full local

participation and must be also be addressed. As long as women are perceived to be

incapable of achieving or benefiting from learning opportunities, they will not have

the access or social support to become literate. Although traditions are not easily

tempered, the critical perspective can provide the means through which conscious-

ness can be raised. Long-term solutions can gradually materialize that foster an

environment which encourages women’s literacy and allows for the meaningful use of

these skills. A starting point is to focus enough attention on accommodating women’s

daily realities. For example, in Ouelessebougou, women’s work patterns tend to be

consistent throughout the year while the work done by men is more seasonal or

cyclical. The dry season, when the literacy classes are held, is a relatively slow time

for the men who are primarily involved in replacing thatch roofing. However, the

shift in women’s workload and schedule is marginal at best. Possible actions that can

be undertaken collaboratively by NGOs and communities to make learning

opportunities realistically available to more women include providing consistent

instruction with viable and flexible schedules, and assimilating the labor resulting

from adjustments in women’s work responsibilities.

While indicating a range of responses in relation to the meaning and importance of

literacy, the majority of the villagers viewed literacy in positive terms. Many consider

literacy as a means of personally overcoming poverty and achieving upward social

mobility, as well as facilitating social and economic development in their commu-

nities. Thus, literacy skills have meaning to some individuals as a way for doing

things they have not been able to do before, reducing their dependence on others, or

improving their lives. These attitudes, however, have been influenced by government

and organizational campaigns and are not necessarily rooted in actual experience.

The challenge for NGOs is to build on these positive views of education and integrate

literacy learning that is locally relevant and will result in tangible gains. The

educational activities of NGOs would also be more constructive if they recognized

and incorporated local learning strategies and carried out programs anchored in the

accumulated and existing indigenous knowledge base.

There is no doubt that some small, but not insignificant, personal benefits are

derived from NGO literacy programs, including the ability to weigh agricultural and

processed products (cotton and butter), read and write correspondence, and

decipher road signs. It is worth noting, however, that these advantages cannot be

attributed exclusively to a single NGO. The effects of the OUA’s literacy activities

must be considered within a wide range of experiences available to individuals,


including attending literacy programs sponsored by other organizations, government

efforts as well as local community initiatives. Furthermore, the full effects of literacy

programs must be understood by examining the experiences of men and women

separately. Many women who received literacy training acquired some degree of

literacy, representing small but positive gains in skill levels. Yet, the opportunity

structure limits women’s use of literacy skills to their own work groups. Additionally,

the lack of print resources, coupled with the limited prospect for literacy use outside

their organization, further disadvantages women in successfully maintaining their

skills. In contrast, men were more likely to profit from the program because they

found several practical applications and uses for their skills. For example, being

literate for some men in Ouelessebougou has led to increased roles in community

affairs, improved informal business activities, and the ability to obtain seasonal urban

employment to supplement their income. Literate men were also given new respect

and social status in the community.

As the case of the OUA literacy program illustrates, the provision of meaningful

literacy instruction by NGOs cannot take place without taking into consideration the

cultural and social structures in which learning occurs. Significant progress as a

consequence of literacy participation will be unlikely unless NGOs address the

obstacles constraining women’s attendance and use of literacy. The OUA’s experience

in Mali is similar to other literacy campaigns, such as those implemented in Tanzania,

India, and Iran, which have been unsuccessful because they were conceived and

imposed externally with little regard for local cultures and ideologies surrounding the

processes, implications, and utility of literacy learning (Street, 1984, 1990).

In order for literacy to be an effective tool in breaking the cycle of female

deprivation, some scholars have argued literacy programs must involve some degree

of consciousness-raising. Thus, literacy instruction must not only increase under-

standing of the nature of women’s inferior position in society and the underlying

causes, but must also encourage women to question oppressive practices (Strom-

quist, 1990; Bhalalusesa, 1996). Other scholars (e.g. Rogers, 1994) advocate such

alternatives as the ‘literacy comes second’ approach in which literacy instruction

emerges from existing development activities such as income-generating or agricul-

tural extension programs. Rogers asserts,

It may be more effective then for literacy agencies to work with groups who wish not just

to learn literacy in the abstract but who have a common intention to learn literacy skills

in order to use these skills in real situations which they have already chosen for

themselves. (1994, p. 74)

The OUA’s experience suggests that literacy instruction resulting in substantive

progress must combine the promotion of critical thinking and social action with the

acquisition of skills that have practical application.

This case study utilizes several types of data that facilitated a more detailed and

nuanced understanding of the role of literacy training in women’s and men’s lives in a

developing context. The research documented and assessed the mechanisms through

which adult literacy influences both the economic and social spheres, and permits a


participant perspective regarding the OUA program. Although some attempt was

made by the OUA to expand non-formal education in one area of rural Mali, serious

questions remain about whether this program represented a legitimate learning

opportunity. The findings highlight the need for NGOs to situate literacy instruction

within the context of local interests and cultural assumptions about appropriate

learning so that programs can make meaningful contributions to the communities

they serve. If NGOs are to fulfill the promise of local development, they will need to

assure that the target population has ownership over the projects intended to improve

their lives.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to acknowledge Kristi Mostert, Niankoro Samake and

Naman Keıta for valuable assistance with fieldwork in Mali. Support for this research

was provided by the Women’s Research Institute and the Kennedy Center for

International Studies, Brigham Young University.

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Documents

Meaningful learning? Gendered experiences with an NGO-sponsored literacy program in rural Mali