Max Weber 1

Max Weber

Max Weber

German sociologist and political economist

Born 21 April 1864Erfurt, Prussian Saxony

Died 14 June 1920 (aged 56)Munich, Bavaria

Maximilian Carl Emil "Max" Weber (German pronunciation: [ˈmaks ˈveːbɐ](VABer); 21 April 1864 – 14 June 1920)was a German sociologist and political economist, who profoundly influenced social theory, social research, and thediscipline of sociology itself.[1] Weber's major works dealt with the rationalization and "disenchantment" heassociated with the rise of capitalism and modernity.[2] Weber was, along with his associate Georg Simmel, a centralfigure in the establishment of methodological antipositivism; presenting sociology as a non-empirical field whichmust study social action through resolutely subjective means.[3] He is typically cited, with Émile Durkheim and KarlMarx, as one of the three principal architects of modern social science,[4] and has variously been described as themost important classic thinker in the social sciences.[5] [6]

Weber is most famous for his thesis in economic sociology, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. In thistext, Weber argued that ascetic Protestantism particular to the Occident was one of the major "elective affinities" indetermining the rise of capitalism, bureaucracy and the rational-legal nation-state. Arguing against what he felt wasMarx's overly-materialistic interpretation of the development of capitalism, he instead emphasised religiousinfluences embedded in culture.[7] The Protestant Ethic formed the earliest work in Weber's broader project in thesociology of religion: he would go on to examine the religion of China, the religion of India, and Ancient Judaism,with particular regard to the apparent non-development of Capitalism, and to differing forms of social stratification.In another major work, Politics as a Vocation, Weber defined the state as an entity which claims a "monopoly on thelegitimate use of violence", a definition that became pivotal to the study of modern Western political science. Hisanalysis of bureaucracy in his Economy and Society is still central to the modern study of organizations. Weber wasthe first to recognize several diverse aspects of social authority, which he respectively categorized according to theircharismatic, traditional, and legal forms. His analysis of bureaucracy thus noted that modern state institutions arebased on a form of rational-legal authority. Weber's thought regarding the rationalizing and secularizing tendenciesof modern Western society (sometimes described as the "Weber Thesis") would come to facilitate critical theory,particularly in the work of thinkers such as Jürgen Habermas.

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After the First World War, Weber was among the founders of the German Democratic Party. He was one of the keydrafters of the ill-fated, post-World War I Weimar Constitution of Germany, and specifically of the Article 48 whichwould have far-reaching consequences over the destinies of the country.

BiographyWeber was born in 1864, in Erfurt in Thuringia, the eldest of seven children of Max Weber Sr., a wealthy andprominent politician in the National Liberal Party (Germany) and a civil servant, and Helene Fallenstein, a Protestantand a Calvinist, with strong moral absolutist ideas.[8] Weber Sr.'s engagement with public life immersed the familyhome in politics, as his salon received many prominent scholars and public figures.The young Weber and his brother Alfred, who also became a sociologist and economist, thrived in this intellectualatmosphere. Weber's 1876 Christmas presents to his parents, when he was thirteen years old, were two historicalessays entitled "About the course of German history, with special reference to the positions of the emperor and thepope" and "About the Roman Imperial period from Constantine to the migration of nations".[9]

Max Weber and his brothers, Alfredand Karl, in 1879

In 1882 Weber enrolled in the University of Heidelberg as a law student.[10]

In 1886 Weber passed the examination for "Referendar", comparable to the barassociation examination in the British and American legal systems. Throughoutthe late 1880s, Weber continued his study of history. He earned his law doctoratein 1889 by writing a doctoral dissertation on legal history entitled The History ofMedieval Business Organisations.[10] Two years later, Weber completed hisHabilitationsschrift, The Roman Agrarian History and its Significance for Publicand Private Law.[11] Having thus become a "Privatdozent", Weber was nowqualified to hold a German professorship.

In the years between the completion of his dissertation and habilitation, Webertook an interest in contemporary social policy. In 1888 he joined the "Verein fürSocialpolitik",[12] the new professional association of German economistsaffiliated with the historical school, who saw the role of economics primarily asthe solving of the wide-ranging social problems of the age, and who pioneered

large scale statistical studies of economic problems. He also involved himself in politics, joining the left leaningEvangelical Social Congress.[13] In 1890 the "Verein" established a research program to examine "the Polishquestion" or Ostflucht, meaning the influx of foreign farm workers into eastern Germany as local labourers migratedto Germany's rapidly industrialising cities. Weber was put in charge of the study, and wrote a large part of itsresults.[12] The final report was widely acclaimed as an excellent piece of empirical research, and cemented Weber'sreputation as an expert in agrarian economics.

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Max Weber and his wife Marianne in1894

In 1893 he married his distant cousin Marianne Schnitger, later a feminist andauthor in her own right,[14] who was instrumental in collecting and publishingWeber's journal articles as books after his death. The couple moved to Freiburgin 1894, where Weber was appointed professor of economics at FreiburgUniversity,[11] before accepting the same position at the University of Heidelbergin 1896.[11] Next year, Max Weber Sr. died, two months after a severe quarrelwith his son that was never resolved.[15] After this, Weber became increasinglyprone to nervousness and insomnia, making it difficult for him to fulfill his dutiesas a professor.[11] His condition forced him to reduce his teaching, and leave hislast course in the fall of 1899 unfinished. After spending months in a sanatoriumduring the summer and fall of 1900, Weber and his wife traveled to Italy at theend of the year, and did not return to Heidelberg until April 1902.

After Weber's immense productivity in the early 1890s, he did not publish anypapers between early 1898 and late 1902, finally resigning his professorship inlate 1903. Freed from those obligations, in that year he accepted a position asassociate editor of the Archives for Social Science and Social Welfare[16] next to his colleagues Edgar Jaffé andWerner Sombart.[17] In 1904, Weber began to publish some of his most seminal papers in this journal, notably hisessay The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. It became his most famous work,[18] and laid the foundationsfor his later research on the impact of cultures and religions on the development of economic systems.[19] This essaywas the only one of his works that was published as a book during his lifetime. Also that year, he visited the UnitedStates and participated in the Congress of Arts and Sciences held in connection with the World's Fair (LouisianaPurchase Exposition) at St. Louis. Despite his successes, Weber felt that he was unable to resume regular teaching atthat time, and continued on as a private scholar, helped by an inheritance in 1907.[16] In 1912, Weber tried toorganise a left-wing political party to combine social-democrats and liberals. This attempt was unsuccessful,presumably because many liberals feared social-democratic revolutionary ideals at the time.[20]

Max Weber in 1917

During the First World War, Weber served for a time as director of thearmy hospitals in Heidelberg.[16] [21] In 1915 and 1916 he sat oncommissions that tried to retain German supremacy in Belgium andPoland after the war. Weber's views on war, as well as on expansion ofthe German empire, changed throughout the war.[20] [21] [22] Hebecame a member of the worker and soldier council of Heidelberg in1918. In the same year, Weber became a consultant to the GermanArmistice Commission at the Treaty of Versailles and to thecommission charged with drafting the Weimar Constitution.[16] He

argued in favor of inserting Article 48 into the Weimar Constitution.[23] This article was later used by Adolf Hitler toinstitute rule by decree, thereby allowing his government to suppress opposition and obtain dictatorial powers.Weber's contributions to German politics remain a controversial subject to this day.

Weber resumed teaching during this time, first at the University of Vienna, then in 1919 at the University ofMunich.[16] In Munich, he headed the first German university institute of sociology, but ultimately never held apersonal sociology appointment. Many colleagues and students in Munich argued against him for his speeches andleft-wing attitude during the German Revolution of 1918 and 1919, with some right-wing students holding protestsin front of his home.[20] Max Weber contracted the Spanish flu and died of pneumonia in Munich on 14 June 1920.

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AchievementsWeber's most famous work relates to economic sociology, political sociology, and the sociology of religion. Alongwith Karl Marx and Émile Durkheim,[24] he is regarded as one of the founders of modern sociology. In his time,however, Weber was viewed primarily as a historian and an economist.[24] [25] The breadth of Weber's topicalinterests is apparent in the depth of his social theory:

The affinity between capitalism and Protestantism, the religious origins of the Western world, the force ofcharisma in religion as well as in politics, the all-embracing process of rationalization and the bureaucraticprice of progress, the role of legitimacy and of violence as offsprings of leadership, the 'disenchantment' of themodern world together with the never-ending power of religion, the antagonistic relation betweenintellectualism and eroticism: all these are key concepts which attest to the enduring fascination of Weber'sthinking.

– Radkau, Joachim Max Weber: A Biography 2005[26]

Whereas Durkheim, following Comte, worked in the positivist tradition, Weber created and worked – like WernerSombart, his friend and then the most famous representative of German sociology – in the antipositivist,hermeneutic, tradition.[27] These works pioneered the antipositivistic revolution in social sciences, stressing (as in thework of Wilhelm Dilthey) the difference between the social sciences and natural sciences.[27]

We know of no scientifically ascertainable ideals. To be sure, that makes our efforts more arduous than in thepast, since we are expected to create our ideals from within our breast in the very age of subjectivist culture.

– Max Weber Economy and society 1909[28]

Weber presented sociology as the science of human social action; action which he differentiated into traditional,affectional, value-rational and instrumental.[29]

[Sociology is ] ... the science whose object is to interpret the meaning of social action and thereby give acausal explanation of the way in which the action proceeds and the effects which it produces. By 'action' inthis definition is meant the human behaviour when and to the extent that the agent or agents see it assubjectively meaningful ... the meaning to which we refer may be either (a) the meaning actually intendedeither by an individual agent on a particular historical occasion or by a number of agents on an approximateaverage in a given set of cases, or (b) the meaning attributed to the agent or agents, as types, in a pure typeconstructed in the abstract. In neither case is the 'meaning' to be thought of as somehow objectively 'correct' or'true' by some metaphysical criterion. This is the difference between the empirical sciences of action, such associology and history, and any kind of priori discipline, such as jurisprudence, logic, ethics, or aestheticswhose aim is to extract from their subject-matter 'correct' or 'valid' meaning.

– Max Weber The Nature of Social Action 1922, [30]

Weber began his studies of rationalisation in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, in which he arguedthat the redefinition of the connection between work and piety in Protestantism, and especially in ascetic Protestantdenominations, particularly Calvinism,[31] shifted human effort towards rational efforts aimed at achieving economicgain. In Calvinism in particular, but also in Lutheranism, Christian piety towards God was expressed through or inone's secular vocation. Calvin, in particular, viewed the expression of the work ethic as a sign of "election". Therational roots of this doctrine, he argued, soon grew incompatible with and larger than the religious, and so the latterwere eventually discarded.[32] Weber continued his investigation into this matter in later works, notably in his studieson bureaucracy and on the classifications of authority into three types—legitimate, traditional, and charismatic. Inthese works Weber described what he saw as society's movement towards rationalization.

What Weber depicted was not only the secularization of Western culture, but also and especially the development of modern societies from the viewpoint of rationalization. The new structures of society were marked by the differentiation of the two functionally intermeshing systems that had taken shape around the organizational cores of the capitalist enterprise and the bureaucratic state apparatus. Weber understood this

Max Weber 5

process as the institituionalization of purposive-rational economic and administrative action. To the degreethat everyday life was affected by this cultural and societal rationalization, tradional forms of life - which inthe early modern period were differentated primarily according to one's trade - were dissolved.

– Jürgen Habermas Modernity's Consciousness of Time, [2]

Many of Weber's works famous today were collected, revised, and published posthumously. Significantinterpretations of his writings were produced by such sociological luminaries as Talcott Parsons and C. Wright Mills.Parsons in particular imparted to Weber's works a functionalist, teleological perspective; this personal interpretationhas been criticised for a latent conservatism.[33]

Sociology of religionWeber's work in the field of sociology of religion started with the essay The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit ofCapitalism, which grew out of heavy "field work" among Protestant sects in America, and continued with theanalysis of The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism, The Religion of India: The Sociology of Hinduism andBuddhism, and Ancient Judaism. His work on other religions was interrupted by his sudden death in 1920, whichprevented him from following Ancient Judaism with studies of Psalms, Book of Jacob, Talmudic Jewry, earlyChristianity and Islam.[34] His three main themes were the effect of religious ideas on economic activities, therelation between social stratification and religious ideas, and the distinguishable characteristics of Westerncivilization.[35]

His goal was to find reasons for the different development paths of the cultures of the Occident and the Orient,although without judging or valuing them, like some of the contemporary thinkers who followed the social Darwinistparadigm; Weber wanted primarily to explain the distinctive elements of the Western civilization.[35] In the analysisof his findings, Weber maintained that Calvinist (and more widely, Protestant) religious ideas had had a majorimpact on the social innovation and development of the economic system of Europe and the United States, but notedthat they were not the only factors in this development. Other notable factors mentioned by Weber included therationalism of scientific pursuit, merging observation with mathematics, science of scholarship and jurisprudence,rational systematization of government administration, and economic enterprise.[35] In the end, the study of thesociology of religion, according to Weber, focused on one distinguishing part of the Western culture, the decline ofbeliefs in magic, or what he referred to as "disenchantment of the world".[35]

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The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism

Cover of the original German editionof The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit

of Capitalism

Weber's essay The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (Dieprotestantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus) is his most famouswork.[18] It is argued that this work should not be viewed as a detailed study ofProtestantism, but rather as an introduction into Weber's later works, especiallyhis studies of interaction between various religious ideas and economicbehaviour. In The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Weber putforward the thesis that Calvinist ethic and ideas influenced the development ofcapitalism. He noted the shift of Europe's economic center after the Reformationaway from Catholic countries such as France, Spain and Italy, and towardProtestant countries such as the Netherlands, England, Scotland andGermany.Weber also noted that societies having more Protestants were those thathave a more developed capitalist economy.[36]

Christian religious devotion had historically been accompanied by rejection ofmundane affairs, including economic pursuit.[37] Weber showed that certaintypes of Protestantism – notably Calvinism – were supportive of rational pursuitof economic gain and worldly activities dedicated to it, seeing them as endowedwith moral and spiritual significance.[31] Weber argued that there were many reasons to look for the origins ofmodern capitalism in the religious ideas of the Reformation.[38]

This theory is often viewed as a reversal of Marx's thesis that the economic "base" of society determines all otheraspects of it.[31]

Weber abandoned research into Protestantism because his colleague Ernst Troeltsch, a professional theologian, hadbegun work on the book The Social Teachings of the Christian Churches and Sects. Another reason for Weber'sdecision was that Troeltsch's work already achieved what he desired in that area, which is laying groundwork forcomparative analysis of religion and society.[39] The phrase "work ethic" used in modern commentary is a derivativeof the "Protestant ethic" discussed by Weber. It was adopted when the idea of the Protestant ethic was generalised toapply to the Japanese people, Jews and other non-Christians.

The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism

The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism was Weber's second major work on the sociology of religion.Weber focused on those aspects of Chinese society that were different from those of Western Europe and especiallycontrasted with Puritanism, and posed a question why capitalism did not develop in China.[40] He focused on theissues of Chinese urban development, Chinese patrimonialism and officialdom, and Chinese religion, as the areas inwhich Chinese development differed most distinctively from the European route.[40]

According to Weber, Confucianism and Puritanism are mutually exclusive types of rational thought, each attemptingto prescribe a way of life based on religious dogma. Notably, they both valued self control and restraint, and did notoppose accumulation of wealth. However, to both those qualities where just means to the final goal, and here theywere divided by a key difference. The Confucianism goal was "a cultured status position", while Puritanism's goalwas to create individuals who are "tools of God". The intensity of belief and enthusiasm for action were rare inConfucianism, but common in Protestantism. Therefore, Weber states that it was this difference in social attitudesand mentality, shaped by the respective, dominant religions, that contributed to the development of capitalism in theWest and the absence of it in China.[41]

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The Religion of India: The Sociology of Hinduism and Buddhism

The Religion of India: The Sociology of Hinduism and Buddhism was Weber's third major work on the sociology ofreligion. In this work he deals with the structure of Indian society, with the orthodox doctrines of Hinduism and theheterodox doctrines of Buddhism, with modifications brought by the influence of popular religiosity, and finally withthe impact of religious beliefs on the secular ethic of Indian society.[42]

Weber ended his research of society and religion in India by bringing in insights from his previous work on China todiscuss similarities of the Asian belief systems. He notes that the beliefs saw the meaning of life as otherwoldymystical experience. The social world is fundamentally divided between the educated elite, following the guidanceof a prophet or wise man, and the uneducated masses whose believes are centered on magic. In Asia, there was noMessianic prophecy to plan and meaning to the everyday life of educated and uneducated alike. Weber juxtaposedsuch Messianic prophecies, notably from the Near East region to those found on the Asiatic mainland, focusing moreon exemplary ways to live one's life. It was those differences that prevented the countries of the Occident fromfollowing the paths of the earlier Chinese and Indian civilizations. His next work, Ancient Judaism was an attempt toprove this theory.[43]

Ancient Judaism

In Ancient Judaism, his fourth major work on the sociology of religion, Weber attempted to explain the factorswhich resulted in the early differences between Oriental and Occidental religiosity.[44] It is especially visible whenthe innerworldly asceticism developed by Western Christianity is contrasted with mystical contemplation of the kinddeveloped in India.[44] Weber noted that some aspects of Christianity sought to conquer and change the world, ratherthan withdraw from its imperfections.[44] This fundamental characteristic of Christianity (when compared to FarEastern religions) stems originally from ancient Jewish prophecy.[45]

Weber notes that Judaism not only fathered Christianity and Islam, but was crucial to the rise of modern Occidentstate, as its influence were as important to those of Hellenistic and Roman cultures.Weber's premature death in 1920 prevented him from following Ancient Judaism with his planned analysis ofPsalms, Book of Jacob, Talmudic Jewry, early Christianity and Islam.

Sociology of politics and governmentIn political sociology, one of Weber's most significant contributions is his Politics as a Vocation essay. Therein,Weber unveils the definition of the state that has become so pivotal to Western social thought: that the state is thatentity which possesses a delegatable monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force.[46] . Weber wrote that politicsderives from power, as is to be understood as any activity in which the state might engage itself in order to influencethe relative distribution of force. A politician must not be a man of the "true Christian ethic", understood by Weberas being the ethic of the Sermon on the Mount, that is to say, the injunction to turn the other cheek. An adherent ofsuch an ethic ought rather to be understood to be a saint, for it is only saints, according to Weber, that canappropriately follow it. The political realm is no realm for saints. A politician ought to marry the ethic of ultimateends and the ethic of responsibility, and must possess both a passion for his vocation and the capacity to distancehimself from the subject of his exertions (the governed).[47]

Weber distinguished three pure types of political leadership, domination and authority:1. charismatic domination (familial and religious),2. traditional domination (patriarchs, patrimonialism, feudalism), and3. legal domination (modern law and state, bureaucracy).[48]

In his view, every historical relation between rulers and ruled contained such elements and they can be analysed on the basis of this tripartite distinction.[49] He notes that the instability of charismatic authority forces it to "routinize" into a more structured form of authority. In a pure type of traditional rule, sufficient resistance to a ruler can lead to a

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"traditional revolution". The move towards a rational-legal structure of authority, utilising a bureaucratic structure, isinevitable in the end.[50] Thus this theory can be sometimes viewed as part of the social evolutionism theory. Thisties to his broader concept of rationalisation by suggesting the inevitability of a move in this direction.Weber is also well-known for his critical study of the bureaucratisation of society, the rational ways in which formalsocial organizations apply the ideal type characteristics of a bureaucracy. It was Weber who began the studies ofbureaucracy and whose works led to the popularization of this term.[51] Many aspects of modern publicadministration go back to him, and a classic, hierarchically organized civil service of the Continental type is called"Weberian civil service", although this is only one ideal type of public administration and government described inhis magnum opus Economy and Society (1922), and one that he did not particularly like himself – he only thought itparticularly efficient and successful. In this work, Weber outlines a description, which has become famous, ofrationalization (of which bureaucratization is a part) as a shift from a value-oriented organization and action(traditional authority and charismatic authority) to a goal-oriented organization and action (legal-rational authority).The result, according to Weber, is a "polar night of icy darkness", in which increasing rationalization of human lifetraps individuals in an "iron cage" of rule-based, rational control.[52] Weber's bureaucracy studies also led him to hisanalysis – correct, as it would turn out, after Stalin's takeover – that socialism in Russia would lead toover-bureaucratization rather than to the "withering away of the state" (as Karl Marx had predicted would happen incommunist society).[53]

EconomicsWeber's contributions to economics are many. While Weber is best known and recognized today as one of theleading scholars and founders of modern sociology, he also accomplished much in other fields, notably economics,although this is largely forgotten today among orthodox economists, who pay very little attention to his works. Theview that Weber is at all influential to modern economists comes largely from non-economists and economic criticswith sociology backgrounds. During his life distinctions between the social sciences were less clear than they arenow, and Weber considered himself a historian and an economist first, sociologist distant second.[24] [25]

From the point of view of the economists, he is a representative of the "Youngest" German historical school ofeconomics.[54] Perhaps his most valued contributions to the field of economics is his famous work on the differencesbetween religions and their attitude toward capitalism, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, the idea helater explored in his other works from the sociology of religion.[54]

Weber's work on methodology is often applied to economics. Here, most notable are theories of "Verstehen" (knownas understanding or interpretative sociology) and of antipositivism (known as humanistic sociology).[54] Thedoctrine of Interpretative Sociology is one of the main sociological paradigms, with many supporters as well ascritics. This thesis states that social research cannot be fully inductive or descriptive due to concepts being used,notably that of the "ideal (pure) type".[54] To understand something we must go beyond near description, andinterpret it; and interpretation means classification with the use of the abstract ideal types..[54] This, together with hisantipositivistic argumentation can be viewed as the methodological justification for the assumption of the "rationaleconomic man" (homo economicus).[54]

Weber formulated a three-component theory of stratification, with Social class, Social status and party (or politicals)as conceptually distinct elements.[55]

• Social class is based on economically determined relationship to the market (owner, renter, employee etc.).• Status is based on non-economical qualities like honour, prestige and religion.• Party refers to affiliations in the political domain.All three dimensions have consequences for what Weber called "life chances".[55]

Weber's other contributions to economics include his early work on the economic history of Roman agrarian society (1891), on the labor relations in Eastern Germany (1892), his analysis of the he profit, risk and cost of an enterprise

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were carried by several individuals in the Middle Ages (1889), his criticism of Marxism and discussion of the rolesof idealism and materialism in the history of capitalism in his Economy and Society (1922) (publishedposthumously) and his General Economic History (1923), a notable example of the empirical work of the HistoricalSchool.[54]

As a critic of socialismIn the final years of his career Weber became vocal critic of socialism, both in European and Bolshevik variants. Hesaw Lenin's ideal of applying hierarchical mode of organization in the firm on society at large as an attempt touniversalize serfdom. He believed that workers in socialist society still would work in hierarchy, but this time inmuch worse form of it, fused with government power.Weber developed a critique of socialism as an economically impossible system.[56] Weber stated that when socialismabolishes private property in the means of production, it would at the same time abolish market prices and monetarycalculation of cost and profit, and that way make a rational planned economy impossible. Socialist central plannerscan resort to calculation in-kind, but this type of economic coordination would be grossly inefficient. According toWeber, the main reason why a socialist in-kind mode of economic calculation cannot work is because it is unable tosolve the problem of imputation (i.e. to determine the relative price of capital goods):

In order to make possible a rational utilization of the means of production, a system of in-kindaccounting would have to determine "value"-indicators of some kind for the individual capital goodswhich could take over the role of the "prices" used in book valuation in modern business accounting.But it is not at all clear how such indicators could be established, and in particular, verified; whether, forinstance, they should vary from one production unit to the next (on the basis of economic location), orwhether they should be uniform for the entire economy, on the basis of "social utility," that is, of(present and future) consumption requirements? [...] Nothing is gained by assuming that, if only theproblem of a non-monetary economy were seriously enough attacked, a suitable accounting methodwould be discovered or invented. The problem is fundamental to any kind of complete socialization. Wecannot speak of a rational "planned economy" so long as in this decisive respect we have no instrumentfor elaborating a rational "plan".[57]

Critical responses to Weber

Influence from and on the Austrian schoolDuring his own lifetime, Weber was critical of the neoclassical economic approaches of authors such as Carl Mengerand Friedrich von Wieser, whose formal approach was quite different from his own historical sociology. The work ofthese authors eventually led to the creation of the Austrian School of economics. This includes followers of Friedrichvon Hayek and, more recently, authors Daniel Yergin and Joseph Stanislaw. In their pro-globalization bookCommanding Heights: The Battle for the World Economy, they attack Weber for claiming that only Protestantismcould lead to a work ethic, pointing to the "Tiger Economies" of Southeastern Asia.However, in these debates, it is easy to overlook that the methods advocated by these later generations of the Austrian School are heavily indebted to the work of Weber. His "action sociology", as they called it, was a frequent topic in the "Mises Circle", an influential group headed by Ludwig von Mises, a key figure in the Austrian School. Among the attendees was a student of Mises, the philosopher of sociology Alfred Schutz, who sought to clarify Weber's interpretive approach in terms of the analytic phenomenology of Edmund Husserl. Hence, although Schutz's work, especially The Phenomenology of the Social World (1932), is in effect a profound critique of Weber's method, it is nevertheless an attempt to further it. Hayek also frequently attended these discussions, and the subjective method advanced in his The Counter-Revolution of Science: Studies in the Abuse of Reason (1952) reflects these influences. Ludwig Lachmann, a later member of the Austrian School, made explicit the Austrian School's indebtedness to the

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Weberian method.Weber and Mises were acquainted, and shared an admiration for each other’s work. Mises considered Weber a "greatgenius" and his death a blow to Germany. Likewise, Weber comments that Mises’s Theory of Money and Credit isthe monetary theory most acceptable to him.[58] Weber accepted Ludwig von Mises's criticism of socialist economicplanning and added his own argument. He believed that under socialism workers would still work in a hierarchy, butthat now the hierarchy would be fused with government. Instead of dictatorship of the worker, he foresawdictatorship of the official.

Historical critiquesThe economist Joseph Schumpeter argued that capitalism did not begin with the Industrial Revolution but in 14thcentury Italy.[59] In Milan, Venice, and Florence the small city-state governments led to the development of theearliest forms of capitalism.[60] In the 16th century Antwerp was a commercial center of Europe. It was also notedthat the predominantly Calvinist country of Scotland did not enjoy the same economic growth as Holland, England,and New England. In addition, it has been pointed out that Holland, which was heavily Calvinist, industrializedmuch later in the 19th century than predominantly Catholic Belgium, which was one of the centres of the IndustrialRevolution on the European mainland.[61]

Emil Kauder expanded Schumpeter's argument by arguing the hypothesis that Calvinism hurt the development ofcapitalism by leading to the development of the labor theory of value. Kauder writes "Any social philosopher oreconomist exposed to Calvinism will be tempted to give labor an exalted position in his social or economic treatise,and no better way of extolling labor can be found than by combining work with value theory, traditionally the verybasis of an economic system."[62] In contrast, Catholic areas that were influenced by the late scholastics were morelikely to adhere to the subjective theory of value.Rebuttal of such criticisms look not at small areas such as Holland and Belgium, or between the Mercantilistcapitalism of Venice and industrial capitalism proper, but at the larger "blooms" of capitalism, where its beginningshad also taken permanent and decisive hold.

Critiques on Weber's historicismIn his book Natural Right and History, German-American classicist Leo Strauss criticized Max Weber as a mainproponent of historicism along with G.W.F. Hegel and others.

See also• Interpretations of Weber's liberalism• List of Max Weber works• Social Stratification• Sociology of law• Speeches of Max Weber• Weber and German politics

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Further reading• Ankerl, Guy (1972), Sociologues allemands. Avec le dictionnaire de "l'Ethique protestante et l'esprit du

capitalisme" de Max Weber, Neuchâtel: A la Baconnière.• Green, Robert (1959) (ed.), Problems in European Civilization, Protestantism and Capitalism: The Weber Thesis

and Its Critics, Boston: Heath.• Korotayev A., Malkov A., Khaltourina D. (2006), Introduction to Social Macrodynamics, Moscow: URSS, ISBN

5-484-00414-4 http:/ / urss. ru/ cgi-bin/ db. pl?cp=& lang=en& blang=en& list=14& page=Book& id=34250(Chapter 6: Reconsidering Weber: Literacy and "the Spirit of Capitalism" [63]).

• Mitzman, Arthur (1970/1985), The Iron Cage: An Historical Interpretation of Max Weber, New Brunswick NJ:Transaction Books, ISBN 0878559841.

• Quensel, Bernhard K. (2007), Max Webers Konstruktionslogik. Sozialökonomik zwischen Geschichte und Theorie,Nomos, ISBN 9783832925178 [Revisiting Weber's concept of sociology against the background of his juristicand economic provenance within the framework of "social economics"]

• Radkau, Joachim (2005), Max Weber [The most important Weber biography on Max Weber's life and tormentssince Marianne Weber.]

• Roth, Guenther (2001), Max Webers deutsch-englische Familiengeschichte, J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), ISBN3-16-147557-7.

• Shils, Edward and Rheinstein, Max. (1964) Max Weber Law in Economy and Society [64], ,Cambridge: HarvardUniversity Press, ISBN 0-674-55651-8; ISBN 0674556518; ISBN 9780674556515.

• Stapelfeldt Gerhard (2004) Kritik der ökonomischen Rationalität.• Swatos, William H. (1990) (ed.). Time, Place, and Circumstance: Neo-Weberian Studies in Comparative

Religious History. New York: Greenwood Press, ISBN 0-313-26892-4.• Swedberg, Richard. (1998), Max Weber and the Idea of Economic Sociology, Princeton: Princeton University

Press, ISBN 0-691-07013-X• Swedberg, Richard. (1999). "Max Weber as an Economist and as a Sociologist" [65], American Journal of

Economics and Sociology, October 1999.• Weber, Marianne (1926/1988), Max Weber: A Biography, New Brunswick: Transaction Books, ISBN

0-471-92333-8.

External linksTexts of his works:• Large collection of the German original texts [66]

• Large collection of the German original texts [67]

• Large collection of English translations [68]

• Another collection of English translations [69]

• A comprehensive collection of English translations and secondary literature [70]

• Notes on several of Weber's works, merged into one text file [71]

• Max Weber Reference Archive [72]

Analysis of his works:• Protestant Ethic Thesis by the Swatos' Encyclopedia of Religion and Society [73]

Max Weber 12

References[1] "Max Weber." Encyclopædia Britannica. 2009. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 20 Apr. 2009. (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ EBchecked/

topic/ 638565/ Max-Weber)[2] Habermas, Jürgen, The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity, Polity Press (1985), ISBN 0-7456-0830-2, p2[3] Weber wrote his books in German. Original titles printed after his death (1920) are most likely compilations of his unfinished works (of the

'Collected Essays...' form). Many translations are made of parts or sections of various German originals, and the names of the translationsoften do not reveal what part of German work they contain. Weber's work is generally quoted according to the critical Gesamtausgabe (http:/ /www. mohr. de/ mw/ index_e. html) (collected works edition), which is published by Mohr Siebeck in Tübingen. For an extensive list of MaxWeber's works see list of Max Weber works.

[4] Kim, Sung Ho (2007). "Max Weber". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (24 August 2007 entry) http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/weber/ . Retrieved 17 February 2010.

[5] "The prestige of Max Weber among European social scientists would be difficult to over-estimate." – Gerth, Hans Heinrich and CharlesWright Mills (eds.) (1991). From Max Weber: essays in sociology. Routledge, p.i.

[6] Radkau, Joachim and Patrick Ca miller. (2009). Max Weber: A Biography. Trans. Patrick Ca miller. Polity Press. (ISBN 9780745641478)[7] Weber, Max The Protestant Ethic and "The Spirit of Capitalism" (1905). Translated by Stephen Kalberg (2002), Roxbury Publishing

Company, pp. 19 & 35; Weber's references on these pages to "Superstructure" and "base" are unambiguous references to Marxism'sbase/superstructure theory.

[8] Periodical, Sociology Volume 250, September 1999, 'Max Weber'[9] Sica, Alan (2004). Max Weber and the New Century. London: Transaction Publishers, p. 24. ISBN 0-7658-0190-6.[10] Bendix, Reinhard (1 July 1977). Max Weber: An Intellectual Portrait (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?visbn=0520031946&

id=63sC9uaYqQsC& pg=PA1& lpg=PA1& sig=g-kn8gtBIRvG-ss0I_-BmrBz9YE). University of California Press. p. 1. ISBN 0-520-03194-6..

[11] Bendix. Max Weber (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?visbn=0520031946& id=63sC9uaYqQsC& pg=PA2& lpg=PA2&sig=SieKjdgz3D2sHx8CUBXW4PSeoDQ). p. 2. .

[12] Gianfranco Poggi, Weber: A Short Introduction, Blackwell Publishing, 2005, Google Print, p.5 (http:/ / books. google. com/books?vid=ISBN0745634907& id=c5a2LWRh7uEC& pg=PA5& lpg=PA5& dq=Weber+ 1888+ Verein&sig=tn_CbtDguweC_BqJE6przIhsSYw)

[13] Wolfgang Justin Mommsen (1984). Max Weber and German Politics, 1890–1920. University of Chicago Press. p. 19. ISBN 0226533999.[14] Marianne Weber (http:/ / www. webster. edu/ ~woolflm/ weber. html). Last accessed on 18 September 2006. Based on Lengermann, P., &

Niebrugge-Brantley, J.(1998). The Women Founders: Sociology and Social Theory 1830–1930. New York: McGraw-Hill.[15] Essays in Economic Sociology, Princeton University Press, 1999, ISBN 0-691-00906-6, Google Print, p.7 (http:/ / books. google. com/

books?vid=ISBN0691009066& id=WaV7Q35jy_AC& pg=PA7& lpg=PA7& dq=Weber+ father+ 1897&sig=Vn8HESDQxkYniFLOZay3NPeMDQ0)

[16] Bendix. Max Weber (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=63sC9uaYqQsC& visbn=0520031946& pg=PA3& lpg=PA2&sig=ow6l2JcRLE_K1x4lws1fhNFlwWY). p. 3. .

[17] Guenther Roth: "History and sociology in the work of Max Weber", in: British Journal of Sociology, 27(3), 1979[18] Essays in Economic Sociology, Princeton University Press, 1999, ISBN 0-691-00906-6, Google Print, p.22 (http:/ / books. google. com/

books?vid=ISBN0691009066& id=WaV7Q35jy_AC& pg=PA22& lpg=PA22& dq=Weber+ Protestant+ ethic+ most+ famous&sig=iEqDl685hRMeErd8YKrfAQMs4fE)

[19] Iannaccone, Laurence (1998). "Introduction to the Economics of Religion" (http:/ / scholar. google. com/ scholar?num=100& hl=en& lr=&q=cache:5nuZGw5sEuIJ:gunston. doit. gmu. edu/ liannacc/ Downloads/Iannaccone%20-%20Introduction%20to%20the%20Economics%20of%20Religion. pdf). Journal of Economic Literature 36, 1465–1496.

[20] Wolfgang J. Mommsen, The Political and Social Theory of Max Weber, University of Chicago Press, 1992, ISBN 0-226-53400-6, GooglePrint, p.81, (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?vid=ISBN0226534006& id=kgF9bjMoocYC& pg=PA81& lpg=PA81& dq=Weber+ 1912+socialist& sig=AeL6fb399L7S_Mg0xvwigRHnZsQ) p. 60, (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?vid=ISBN0226533999& id=fcNJc-p2bjwC&pg=PA60& lpg=PA60& vq=Poland& dq=Max+ Weber+ hospital& sig=l3OeQlt7f9ePLosslRvI8gNY87Q) (http:/ / books. google. com/books?vid=ISBN0226533999& id=fcNJc-p2bjwC& pg=PA327& lpg=PA327& dq=Weber+ Munich+ left+ 1919&sig=kdzDUJ3wQb6DDhBiKmypM6S-XcY) p. 327.]

[21] Kaesler, Dirk (1989). Max Weber: An Introduction to His Life and Work. University of Chicago Press, p. 18. (http:/ / books. google. com/books?vid=ISBN0226425606& id=shR9fsW9W8oC& pg=PA18& lpg=PA18& dq=Max+ Weber+ hospital&sig=38uV8JO6Z_TpXVF_FnjO9HdY3KE) ISBN 0226425606

[22] Gerth, H.H. and C. Wright Mills (1948). From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology. London: Routledge (UK), ISBN 0415175038[23] Turner, Stephen (ed) (2000). The Cambridge Companion to Weber. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 142. (http:/ / books. google.

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[24] William Petersen, Against the Stream, Transaction Publishers, ISBN 0-7658-0222-8, 2004, Google Print, p.24 (http:/ / books. google. com/books?vid=ISBN0765802228& id=FHlTJ6HbY50C& pg=PA29& lpg=PA29& dq=weber+ founder+ of+ sociology&sig=zxYCUTaFFvrlqcIX4guqG8pPyfU)

Max Weber 13

[25] Peter R. Baehr, Founders Classics Canons, Transaction Publishers, 2002, ISBN 0-7658-0129-9, Google Print, p.22 (http:/ / books. google.com/ books?vid=ISBN0765801299& id=iRrnCPe66PYC& pg=PA22& lpg=PA22& dq=weber+ founder+ of+ sociology&sig=2j-I_jptUjtqaKbiCjJpQgt0ohM)

[26] Radkau, Joachim Max Weber: A Biography. 1995. Polity Press. (Inside sleave)[27] John K. Rhoads, Critical Issues in Social Theory, Penn State Press, 1991, ISBN 0-271-00753-2, Google Print, p.40 (http:/ / books. google.

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[33] Fish, Jonathan S. 2005. 'Defending the Durkheimian Tradition. Religion, Emotion and Morality' Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing.[34] Bendix. Max Weber (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?visbn=0520031946& id=63sC9uaYqQsC& pg=PA285& lpg=PA285&

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Max Weber 14

[52] George Ritzer, Enchanting a Disenchanted World: Revolutionizing the Means of Consumption, Pine Forge Press, 2004, ISBN0-7619-8819-X, Google Print, p.55 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?vid=ISBN076198819X& id=DznT_TbfKzMC& pg=PA55&lpg=PA55& dq=rationalization+ "iron+ cage"+ "polar+ night+ of+ icy+ darkness"& sig=T4GVWJHDLYKbPVBg7lXN5KJFSb4)

[53] Erik H. Erikson, Childhood and Society, W. W. Norton & Company, 1963, p. 401. ISBN 039331068X.[54] Max Weber, 1864–1920 (http:/ / cepa. newschool. edu/ het/ profiles/ weber. htm) at the New School for Social Research[55] Bendix. Max Weber (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?visbn=0520031946& id=63sC9uaYqQsC& pg=PA85& lpg=PA85&

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pg=RA1-PA103& dq="so+ long+ as+ in+ this+ decisive+ respect+ we+ have+ no+ instrument+ for+ elaborating+ a+ rational"#v=onepage&q="so long as in this decisive respect we have no instrument for elaborating a rational"& f=false), Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich, eds.(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), vol. I, pp. 100–03.

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[65] http:/ / articles. findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_m0254/ is_4_58/ ai_58496750[66] http:/ / www. zeno. org/ Soziologie/ M/ Weber,%20Max[67] http:/ / www. uni-potsdam. de/ u/ paed/ Flitner/ Flitner/ Weber/ index. htm[68] http:/ / www. ne. jp/ asahi/ moriyuki/ abukuma/ weber_texts. html[69] http:/ / www. cpm. ehime-u. ac. jp/ AkamacHomePage/ Akamac_E-text_Links/ Weber. html[70] http:/ / www. sociosite. net/ topics/ weber. php[71] http:/ / ssr1. uchicago. edu/ PRELIMS/ Theory/ weber. html[72] http:/ / www. marxists. org/ reference/ archive/ weber/ index. htm[73] http:/ / hirr. hartsem. edu/ ency/ Protestantism. htm

Article Sources and Contributors 15

Article Sources and ContributorsMax Weber  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=383566377  Contributors: 172, 206.47.244.xxx, 213.219.91.xxx, 217.85.232.xxx, 7&6=thirteen, A.w.hogan, ABF, AaronSw,Abh9h, Academic Challenger, Achim Raschka, Addshore, Aeusoes1, Ahoerstemeier, Airstrike, Aksi great, Alan Liefting, Alan Peakall, Alastair Haines, Alcmaeonid, Alex Golub, Alphap5150,Altenmann, Alvaro, Ammon86, Andres, Andrew Norman, Andries, Angelo.romano, Anthon.Eff, Anthony Krupp, Arbitrarily0, ArchosIDF, Arjuna909, Artnut32, Athkalani, Atomique, Atorpen,Attilios, Aude, AvantVenger, BD2412, Barbarine, Barticus88, Batmanand, Bearcat, Bender235, Bernburgerin, Betterusername, Bgillesp, Bishonen, Blinkismyfave, Blue-Haired Lawyer, Boleyn2,BrendanH, Brian0918, Brighterorange, Britans, Bwwm, CES, Camw, Can't sleep, clown will eat me, CanisRufus, Cantiorix, Cantus, CarlfromNV, Causa sui, Chandler Savage, Charles Matthews,Chicheley, Chmod007, Cholling, CieloEstrellado, Cleavepierce, Clossius, Cmdrjameson, Cnwebmall, Colonies Chris, Come on guys focus, Conti, Conversion script, Creases, Crust, D. Wu, D6,DARTH SIDIOUS 2, DO'Neil, DW, Da monster under your bed, Daanschr, Danny, DarkIncognito, Darwinek, Dave souza, David Ludwig, Dcretens09, DeansFA, Delldot, Den fjättrade ankan,Deniz22, DennisDaniels, Derek Ross, Dgies, DidiWeidmann, Dl2000, Dlohcierekim, Doco, Docu, Doktorschley, Doprendek, Dreadstar, Dreish, Droll, Drono, Dryazan, Dsp13, Dudeman5685,Dwarf Kirlston, E. Ripley, EALacey, Ekserevnitis, Emerson7, Emhoo, EnglishEfternamn, Erich, Evercat, Everyking, FeanorStar7, Fences and windows, Ferkelparade, Fieldday-sunday, Fluri,Frank, FrankTobia, G716, Gachet, Gamaliel, Garion96, Gdarin, Gdr, Gene Nygaard, Geniac, GiantSloth, Gimboid13, Givegains, Goblin, Goethean, Gpvos, GraemeL, Grafen, Graham87, Grantthe Wise, Grant65, Greg the main man, GregAsche, Grendelkhan, Greswik, Gurchzilla, Gweedo metal, Gzornenplatz, HansHuttel, Harryfdoherty, Helvetius, Heracles31, Homagetocatalonia,IZAK, Icairns, ImperfectlyInformed, Intangible2.0, Interlingua, Intranetusa, Iridescent, Ironphoenix, Islescape, Ivanelo, J.J., J.delanoy, JLogan, JYolkowski, Jackbrown, Jakob mark, Jeltz,Jh51681, Jim, Jjc2002, Jjshapiro, Jkelly, Joaotg, Johann Nepomuk, John, John Broughton, John Z, Johnor, Jojalozzo, Jojhutton, JonRoma, JorgeGG, Jose Ramos, Joseph Solis in Australia, Jossi,Judgesurreal777, Juxo, KEK, Kaldari, Karybut, Katieh5584, Khalid Mahmood, Khatru2, Kipala, Konstock, KoyaanisQatsi, Kozuch, Ksenon, Kukini, Kwamikagami, LadyCrow, Lapaz,Laughingyet, Lia Todua, Lifthrasir1, Lightmouse, Lights, Littlealien182, Llajwa, Logan, Looloof, Luk, Lupin, M3taphysical, MER-C, Mackan79, Maintain, Makeemlighter, Mark K. Jensen,MarsRover, Marskell, Martin Jensen, Marysunshine, Masterpiece2000, Mattisse, Maurice Carbonaro, Maximus Rex, Mbecker, Mberaka, Mbimmler, Melesse, MeltBanana, Mhilling09, MichaelDevore, Michael Hardy, MichaelTinkler, Mikker, MisfitToys, Modify, Monegasque, Mora.klein, Nagelfar, Nandt1, NativeForeigner, NawlinWiki, Nero the second, Netoholic, Neural, Neutrality,Nigholith, Nikodemos, Nilfanion, Nishkid64, Nurefsan, Old Moonraker, Oldbutton, Olessi, Olibroman, Olivier, Organisationist, Ot, Owen, OwenX, Oxymoron83, PDH, Paris 16, Patsytiger, PaulAugust, Paul Magnussen, PaulHanson, Paulredfern1, Pblessman, Peds10708, PelleSmith, PetertheVenerable, Petri Krohn, Philip Trueman, Piotrus, Piperh, Plange, PoccilScript, Polly, Polly1013,Possum, Protonk, Quadell, Qwertyus, RashersTierney, Raul654, Razimantv, Rdanneskjold, ReSearcher, RedHillian, RedWolf, RexNL, Richard D. LeCour, Rindzin, Rishqo, RjLesch, Rje,Rjwilmsi, Rl, Rlove, Rmky87, RobertG, Robth, Rocastelo, Rodsan18, Romanm, Roonyroon, Rowantheboat, Rsrikanth05, Ruhrjung, RyanGerbil10, SDC, Sa.vakilian, Sabrinahickey, SamHocevar, Sampi Europa, Sapphic, Sardur, Sasquatch, SauliH, Schlemazl, Schnufflus, Schrandit, Screamnrise, SeanMack, Serpent-A, Shenme, Shoefly, Shoeofdeath, Shsilver, Shtove, Shyam,Sietse Snel, SiobhanHansa, Skapur, Slrubenstein, Sobaka, Solipsist, SpNeo, Splash, SteinbDJ, Steven J. Anderson, Strikeland, Sunray, Superdude99, Surachit, Suruena, Symane, Tarawneh,Tarian.liber, Tastesoon, Taxman, Tedneeman, TenPoundHammer, The Anome, The Man in Question, TheOutriders, Thingg, Thunderboltz, Todowd, Tom harrison, Tomsega, Tony1, TonyClarke,Topbanana, Tothebarricades.tk, Tpbradbury, Tutmosis, Tyrenius, Tznkai, UdovdM, Uncle G, Unclenuclear, Usdi, Utopian180, Vincent Gray, Vokuro, Wandering Courier, Wareh, Warrenfish,Wijnand, Wiki alf, Wikievil666, Wilfried Derksen, William Allen Simpson, Wimbojales42, Woohookitty, Wtmitchell, Wucherpfennig, Xe7al, YOG'TZE, Yohan euan o4, Zach Alexander,Zebra7, Zen611, Zweidinge, Zzuuzz, €pa, 能易读易, 609 anonymous edits

Image Sources, Licenses and ContributorsFile:Max Weber 1894.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Max_Weber_1894.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: C.Löser, Kelson, Svencb, Thierry Caro, 2anonymous editsFile:Max Weber and brothers 1879.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Max_Weber_and_brothers_1879.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Bender235,C.Löser, 1 anonymous editsFile:Max and Marianne Weber 1894.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Max_and_Marianne_Weber_1894.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Bender235,C.Löser, 1 anonymous editsFile:Max Weber 1917.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Max_Weber_1917.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: C.Löser, Conscious, Man vyi, Svencb, 1anonymous editsFile:Die protestantische Ethik und der 'Geist' des Kapitalismus original cover.jpg  Source:http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Die_protestantische_Ethik_und_der_'Geist'_des_Kapitalismus_original_cover.jpg  License: unknown  Contributors: Cover designer unknown.

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