Mark Hanna 1

Mark Hanna

Mark Hanna

United States Senatorfrom Ohio

In officeMarch 5, 1897 – February 15, 1904

Preceded by John Sherman

Succeeded by Charles W. F. Dick

14th Chair of the Republican National Committee

In officeJune 18, 1896 – February 15, 1904

Preceded by Thomas H. Carter

Succeeded by Henry Clay Payne

Personal details

Born Marcus Alonzo HannaSeptember 24, 1837New Lisbon, Ohio, United States

Died February 15, 1904 (aged 66)Washington, D.C., United States

Political party Republican

Spouse(s) Charlotte Augusta Rhodes (1864–1904, survived as widow)

Children Daniel Rhodes Hanna, Mabel Augusta Hanna Parsons, Ruth Hanna McCormick Simms

Alma mater Western Reserve College (expelled)

Occupation Businessman

Religion Protestant Christian, not a member of any denomination.[1]

Signature

Military service

Service/branch Union Army

Mark Hanna 2

Unit Perry Light Infantry

Battles/wars American Civil War

Marcus Alonzo "Mark" Hanna (September 24, 1837 – February 15, 1904) was a Republican United StatesSenator from Ohio and the friend and political manager of President William McKinley. Hanna had made millions asa businessman, and used his money and business skills to successfully manage McKinley's presidential campaigns in1896 and 1900.Hanna was born in New Lisbon (today Lisbon), Ohio, in 1837. His family moved to the growing city of Cleveland inhis teenage years, where he attended high school with John D. Rockefeller. He was expelled from college, andentered the family mercantile business. He served briefly during the American Civil War and married CharlotteRhodes; her father, Daniel Rhodes, took Hanna into his business after the war. Hanna was soon a partner in the firm,which grew to have interests in many areas, especially coal and iron. He was a wealthy man in Cleveland by his40th birthday, and turned his attention to politics.Despite Hanna's efforts on his behalf, Ohio Senator John Sherman failed to gain the Republican nomination forpresident in 1884 and 1888. With Sherman becoming too old to be considered a contender, Hanna worked to electMcKinley. In 1895, Hanna left his business career to devote himself full-time to McKinley's campaign for president.Hanna paid all expenses to get McKinley the nomination the following year, although he was in any event thefrontrunner. The Democrats nominated former Nebraska Congressman William Jennings Bryan, who ran on abimetallism, or "Free Silver", platform. Hanna's fundraising broke records, and once initial public enthusiasm forBryan and his program subsided, McKinley was comfortably elected.Declining a Cabinet position, Hanna, secured appointment as senator from Ohio after Sherman was made Secretaryof State; he was re-elected by the Ohio General Assembly in 1898 and 1904. After McKinley's assassination in 1901,Senator Hanna worked for the building of a canal in Panama, rather than elsewhere in Central America, as hadpreviously been proposed. He died in 1904, and is remembered for his role in McKinley's election, thanks to savagecartoons by such illustrators as Homer Davenport, who lampooned him as McKinley's political master.

Early life and business career

Hanna as a boy

Marcus Alonzo Hanna was born on September 24, 1837, in New Lisbon (in 1895renamed Lisbon), Ohio, to Dr. Leonard and Samantha Hanna. Leonard's father,Benjamin Hanna, a Quaker of Scotch-Irish descent, was a wealthy store owner inNew Lisbon. Dr. Hanna practiced in Columbiana County, where New Lisbonwas located, until he suffered a spinal injury while riding. After the accident, hejoined the family business, B., L., and T. Hanna, by now a major grocery andgoods brokering firm. Samantha, née Converse, and her parents had journeyedwest from Vermont when she was 11; she was of English, possibly Irish, andFrench Huguenot descent.[2][3]

Mark's uncle Kersey Hanna described Mark as a boy as "short, strong andrugged, with a full round figure".[4] Young Mark attended the local publicschool, which conducted class in the basement of the Presbyterian church.[5] Hecompeted in the local boys' debating society, and on the question of whether theblack man had more cause for complaint than the Indian, carried the day arguing for the blacks.[6]

Members of the Hanna family invested in a canal project to connect New Lisbon, distant from waterways, to the Ohio River.[7] The canal was a failure, and the family lost large sums of money. Most Hanna family members left New Lisbon in the early 1850s. Dr. Hanna went into partnership with his brother Robert, starting a grocery business in Cleveland, and relocated his family there in 1852.[8] In Cleveland, Mark attended several public schools, including

Mark Hanna 3

Cleveland Central High School, which he went to at the same time as John D. Rockefeller. After graduation in 1857,Hanna attended Western Reserve College, but was dismissed for distributing mock programs at a solemnceremonial.[9] Hanna served in various capacities in the family business, learning it from the bottom up.[10] By thestart of the Civil War, he was a major participant in the business. Dr. Hanna had fallen ill with complications fromhis spinal injury (he died on December 15, 1862), and Mark Hanna, even before his father's death, was made apartner.[11]

With an ill father and many business responsibilities, Mark Hanna could not be spared by his family to join theUnion Army, hiring a substitute to enlist in his place. Instead, he became a member of the Perry Light Infantry, aregiment of National Guard troops consisting mostly of young Cleveland business men. In 1864, his regiment wasbriefly mustered into active service and sent to be garrison troops at Fort Stevens, part of Washington, D.C.'sdefenses. During the time the Perry Light Infantry was in service, it saw brief combat action as Confederate Gen.Jubal Early feigned an attack on Washington. However, Hanna, who had been commissioned a second lieutenant,was absent during that time, having been sent to escort the body of a deceased soldier back to Ohio. The regimentwas mustered out in August 1864.[12]

Mark Hanna, around 1877

Even before his service, Hanna had fallen in love with Charlotte AugustaRhodes, whom he met in 1862, shortly after her return from a finishing school.Her father Daniel Rhodes was an ardent Democrat and was distantly related toIllinois Senator Stephen A. Douglas, the unsuccessful Democratic candidate forpresident in 1860. Rhodes disliked the fact that Hanna had supported thesuccessful Republican candidate, former Illinois Congressman Abraham Lincoln.Daniel Rhodes eventually yielded, and Mark and Charlotte Augusta Hanna weremarried on September 27, 1864.[13]

The 1850s and 1860s were a time of great expansion for Cleveland, which grewfrom a small lakeside town to a major player in Great Lakes commerce and arival to the southern Ohio city of Cincinnati.[14] With peace restored in 1865,Hanna struck out on his own ventures. Foreseeing a demand for petroleum

products, he built a refinery, and also invested his own money in the Lac La Belle, a swift Great Lakes steamer.However, the ship sank and the refinery burned, uninsured. The losses reduced Hanna to near-insolvency.[15]

According to Hanna biographer Herbert Croly, "he had gained little from the first nine years of his business lifeexcept experience."[16] His father-in-law, appreciating Hanna's potential, took him into his own business in 1867 as apartner, and soon retired. The firm, Rhodes and Company (later M.A. Hanna and Company), dealt principally in coaland steel, but under Hanna expanded into many fields.[15][17] The firm had close dealings with therailroads—especially the Pennsylvania Railroad, which carried much of its freight. Hanna later became director oftwo railroads, including one of the Pennsylvania's leased lines.[17]

In the 1868 presidential election, Hanna supported the Republican, former Union General Ulysses S. Grant. Theflood of inflationary greenback currency issued during the war made Rhodes and Company's dealings in the newconfederation of Canada difficult; merchants would accept a dollar in paper money as the equivalent of 35 cents ingold. Hanna hoped that Grant, who was elected, would institute policies which would return full value to thecurrency.[18] The firm built many vessels and also gained interests in a wide variety of firms, which in turn used theRhodes steamers.[19] Hanna also purchased Cleveland's opera house, allowing it to remain open at times when itcould not pay its full rent.[20]

During Grant's first four-year term, Hanna began to involve himself in politics. At first his interest was purely local,supporting Republican candidates for municipal and Cuyahoga County offices.[21] In 1869, he was elected to theCleveland Board of Education, but as he was traveling a good deal for business at the time, was able to attend lessthan half the meetings.[22] In 1873, disgusted by local scandals and the influence of party bosses, he and otherRepublicans briefly abandoned the party to elect a Democrat running for mayor of Cleveland on a reform agenda.[21]

Mark Hanna 4

Aspiring kingmaker (1880–1888)

Before McKinley, Hanna tried tomake John Sherman president.

In 1880, Hanna added The Cleveland Herald newspaper to his business empire.This was resented by Edwin Cowles, who owned the Republican newspaper inCleveland, The Cleveland Leader. For the next five years, until Hanna sold thenewspaper, he was bitterly attacked by Cowles in his paper. According to Hannabiographer William T. Horner, the episode was the start of the negative image ofHanna in the press which would be further developed by the Hearst newspapersover a decade later.[23] Cowles' paper attacked Hanna personally, dubbing him"Marcus Aurelius". Cowles' choice of nickname was dictated by the coincidenceof name, without regard to that emperor's good reputation. The nicknameremained with Hanna throughout the remainder of his career.[24]

The incumbent in 1880, President Rutherford Hayes, had no interest in seeking asecond term; after 36 ballots, the Republicans nominated Ohio RepresentativeJames Garfield. The nominee had gone to the convention as manager of thecampaign of his fellow Ohioan, Secretary of the Treasury John Sherman. Garfield had emerged as a candidate afterdelegates were impressed by his nomination speech of Sherman. Although Hanna did not attend the convention, hewas very active in the fall campaign. The industrialist helped found a businessman's fundraising club to raise moneyfor Garfield's personal expenses in the campaign. Garfield, who ran a front porch campaign, often had to entertainpoliticians and others who came to meet him at his home in Mentor. According to Charles Dick, who succeededHanna in the Senate after the latter's death in 1904, "Mr. Hanna had as much to do with the election of Mr. Garfieldas any single individual in the country."[25]

Hanna, according to his biographer Croly, was in charge of the arrangements for the campaign visit of formerPresident Grant and New York Senator Roscoe Conkling to the state. Croly credits him with persuading the twomen, who were Stalwarts hostile to Garfield's Half-Breed wing of the party, to visit Garfield in Mentor. HavingGrant go to Mentor would be an important show of party unity—Grant had sought the presidency again in 1880, buthis faction had failed to gain the nomination for him. However, later biographer Horner believes the tale dubious,suggesting that Grant made the decision unaided by Hanna. Garfield favored civil service reform, a position dislikedby Hanna, who felt that public jobs should be used to reward campaign workers. Nevertheless, he strongly supportedGarfield as a fellow Ohioan, and the Republican candidate defeated his fellow Civil War general Winfield Hancockby a narrow margin in the November election.[26] Hanna did much fundraising work, roaming the state to persuadebusiness owners to contribute to the Garfield campaign.[27]

Hanna sought no position in the Garfield administration, although Horner states that his services to the campaignentitled him to a reward, and speculates that Hanna did not make any request of Garfield because of their politicaldifferences. Garfield's short-lived administration ended with his assassination after six months in office. Hanna wasin charge of the committee which took charge of the late president's body when it was brought to Cleveland and sawto the funeral arrangements and interment at Lake View Cemetery—where Hanna himself was to be laid to rest over20 years later.[28]

Mark Hanna 5

Joseph B. Foraker

In 1884, Hanna sought election as a delegate to the Republican NationalConvention in support of the presidential bid of Senator Sherman (as he was bythen)—President Chester A. Arthur, Garfield's successor, was seekingre-nomination, but was opposed by a number of other Republicans[29] Hannasupported Sherman as the candidate favored the gold standard and worked tosolve the problems of business, and because he was from Ohio.[30] Theindustrialist was successfully opposed by Cowles at the local convention, but waselected a delegate at-large from Ohio at the state convention. At the nationalconvention, Hanna joined forces in support of Sherman with another delegateat-large from Ohio, former Cincinnati judge Joseph B. Foraker, whose rise instate and national politics over the next 20 years would parallel Hanna's. TheOhio delegation proved bitterly divided between supporters of Sherman andthose supporting Maine Senator James G. Blaine. Foraker gained nationalacclaim with his speech nominating Sherman, and Hanna worked for thesenator's nomination, but Blaine won easily. With a non-Ohioan the nominee,Hanna worked less energetically for the Republicans than he had in 1880. Blainelost to the Democratic candidate, New York Governor Grover Cleveland.[29]

During the first Cleveland administration, Hanna continued to run his businesses, and prepared for another run bySherman, who he did not actually meet until 1885. Once he did, however, a warm relationship grew between the twomen.[31] President Cleveland selected Hanna as one of the Union Pacific Railroad's directors—part of the corporateboard was then appointed by the government. The appointment was most likely at the recommendation of SenatorSherman. The industrialist's work for the railroad was highly praised by its president, Charles Francis Adams;Hanna's knowledge of the coal business led to him being appointed head of one of the board's committees withresponsibility in that area.[32] Hanna was a major campaign adviser and fundraiser for Foraker's successful runs forgovernor in 1885 and 1887.[33]

McKinley partisan (1888–96)

Early relationship

William McKinley in the 1870s

It is uncertain when William McKinley and Mark Hanna first met—neither manin later life could remember the first meeting. McKinley, in 1896, referred to afriendship with Hanna that had lasted over twenty years; Hanna, in 1903, statedafter some thought that he had met McKinley before 1876. McKinley biographerH. Wayne Morgan suggests that the two men may have met as early as 1871,although initially without making much impression on each other.[34]

The two men certainly met in 1876, when McKinley, a lawyer, represented anumber of coal miners who had rioted following attempts by owners to cutwages. Hanna was one of the mine owners affected by the unrest. The militia,called in by Governor Rutherford Hayes, had fired on the strikers, and 23 minerswere arrested and put on trial in Canton, Ohio, the hometown of Major McKinley(as he was often known, for his Civil War service). McKinley was hired torepresent them, and only one was convicted.[34][35] McKinley's victory won himthe gratitude of labor elements in both major parties, and he won election to Congress later that year. Hannaremembered, "I became intimate with him soon after he entered Congress, and our friendship ripened with eachsucceeding year."[36]

Mark Hanna 6

With Cowles' enmity ended by Hanna's sale of the Herald, the latter had little trouble being elected as a districtdelegate to the 1888 Republican National Convention. Among the delegates at-large were Governor Foraker andCongressman McKinley. Hanna financed many of the arrangements for the Sherman campaign and was widelyregarded as its manager. Sherman, as was customary at the time, remained in Washington and did not attend theconvention in Chicago. There was widespread speculation in the press that Governor Foraker, nominally a Shermansupporter, would declare a favorite son candidacy or else support Blaine if he entered the race.[33] The conventiondeadlocked, with Sherman in the lead but unable to secure the nomination.[33] According to Hanna biographerThomas Beer,

At the Republican convention of 1888 an accident displayed Major McKinley favorably to Marcus Hanna. Adistinct faction, made up of men from every part of the country, approached him with a suggestion that he lethimself be nominated. McKinley refused, and bluntly. He had come there pledged to support John Shermanand he would support John Sherman ... Mr. Hanna's admiration of Major McKinley was profuse. Heappreciated men who stuck to a losing bargain.[37]

McKinley began to pick up small numbers of votes although not a declared candidate. Hanna became convinced thatMcKinley was the only Ohioan who could gain the nomination, and by telegram hinted that Sherman shouldwithdraw in the congressman's favor as the only Ohio Republican with a chance at the presidency.[33] Sherman,believing this to be his best chance for election, refused, a decision which Hanna accepted, fighting for Sherman tothe end. Hanna was greatly impressed by McKinley's loyal conduct in refusing to begin a run himself. Foraker threwhis support to Blaine, though he returned to Sherman when the New Englander did not run. In the end, thenomination fell to former Indiana senator Benjamin Harrison. Hanna never forgave what he saw as Foraker's treason.After 1888, there was a strong dislike between the two men, and the separation split the Ohio Republican Party intotwo factions, a rupture that did not heal until after Hanna's death in 1904. Foraker stated in his memoirs that thebreak occurred because Hanna bribed black delegates from the South in 1888.[33] However, Ohio newspaperpublisher J. B. Morrow contradicted Foraker's account, stating: "I was at the convention in 1888 and know SenatorForaker [as he later became] brought great scandal to the Ohio people who were there and to the delegates with hissecret work with Mr. Blaine's friends ... Mr. Hanna became thoroughly angered at what he thought was SenatorForaker's bad faith."[38] According to Horner, Foraker was the more embittered of the two as the years passed,feeling that if it had not been for that dispute, Foraker, not McKinley, might have become president.[39]

Harrison was elected president after a campaign in which Hanna fundraised considerably, consoling himself with thethought that though Harrison was an Indianan, he had at least been born in Ohio. Harrison gave Hanna no control ofany patronage in return for his fundraising. In the aftermath of Harrison's victory, Hanna determined to bring anOhioan to the presidency. With Harrison likely to be the Republican candidate in 1892, the first real chance would bein 1896. Sherman would be 73 in 1896, likely considered too old to seek the presidency.[40][41] Hanna had come toadmire McKinley; the two men shared many political views. Beginning in 1888, they forged an increasingly closerelationship.[42] According to McKinley biographer Margaret Leech:

In choosing McKinley as the object on which to lavish his energies, Hanna had not made a purely rationaldecision. He had been magnetized by a polar attraction. Cynical in his acceptance of contemporary politicalpractices, Hanna was drawn to McKinley's scruples and idealistic standards, like a hardened man of the worldwho becomes infatuated with virgin innocence.[43]

However, Hanna biographer Clarence A. Stern suggested that while the industrialist admired McKinley's loyalty toSherman, the principal reason that he decided to promote McKinley's career was the congressman's advocacy of hightariffs, which he also favored.[44]

Hanna and his allies, such as Congressman Benjamin Butterworth, opposed Foraker's effort to secure a third term asgovernor in 1889. Foraker gained renomination, but fell in the general election.[45] In November 1889, Hannatraveled to Washington to manage McKinley's campaign for Speaker of the House. The effort failed; anotherRepublican, Thomas B. Reed of Maine, was elected.[42]

Mark Hanna 7

In 1890 McKinley was defeated for re-election to Congress. This was not seen as a major setback to his career; hewas deemed beaten by Democratic gerrymandering in redistricting, and because of his sponsorship of a tariffbill—the increased tariffs had caused prices to rise. In 1891, McKinley proved the consensus choice for theRepublican nomination for governor. With McKinley's candidacy needing little of his attention, Hanna spent muchof his time working to secure Sherman's re-election by the Ohio Legislature (senators were elected by statelegislatures until the ratification of the 17th Amendment in 1913) by raising funds to gain the election of Republicancandidates. Hanna traveled as far away from Ohio as New York and Iowa, soliciting funds, some of which went toMcKinley, but which for the most part went to the state Republican committee.[45][46]

Victories by McKinley in the gubernatorial race and by the Republicans in securing a majority in the legislature in1891 did not guarantee Sherman another term, as he was challenged for his seat by Foraker. Hanna was instrumentalin keeping enough Republican support to secure victory by Sherman in the Republican caucus, assuring his electionby the legislature. Hanna hired detectives to find legislators who had gone into hiding and were believed to beForaker supporters, and saw to it they supported Sherman.[47] Stern notes that the defeat of Foraker "was ascribablelargely to the efforts of Hanna".[48] McKinley's victory in what was generally a bad year for Republicans made him apossible presidential contender, and Hanna's involvement in the McKinley and Sherman victories established him asa force in politics. President Harrison attempted to neutralize Hanna, who was ill-disposed to the President and likelyto oppose his renomination, by offering to make him treasurer of the Republican National Committee. Hannadeclined, feeling it would make him beholden to the administration.[49]

Preparing for a run

Although McKinley did not run in1892, the Duke Tobacco Company

considered him a presidentialpossibility that year and issued a card

for him.

As early as 1892, McKinley and Hanna began to prepare for the 1896 campaign.Charles Dick recalled being asked to take the Republican state chairmanship:

I went first to see Governor McKinley. He urged me to accept and askedme to see Mr. Hanna, which I did the next day. The reasons both urgedwere that the campaigns from 1892 down to 1896 must be conducted witha view to bringing about McKinley's nomination in 1896. McKinley spokeof it and so did Mr. Hanna.[50]

President Harrison had proven unpopular even in his own party, and with thestart of 1892, McKinley was talked about as a potential candidate.[51] AlthoughHarrison refused to believe that McKinley would oppose him, his politicalmanagers, dubbed the "Twelve Apostles", were less trusting, and arranged for thegovernor to be permanent chairman of the convention in Minneapolis—upon thepodium, McKinley could be watched. They observed McKinley as the Ohiogovernor presided over delegates who cheered him loudly any time hespoke—his keynote address sparked wild applause. This popularity did nottranslate into delegate votes; Harrison's supporters were in control of theconvention throughout. In the hope of sparking a McKinley surge, Hanna soughtsupport in several state delegations, and found delegates willing to supportMcKinley—but not on the first ballot. Foraker and Hanna put aside their differences in support of McKinley. Hannahoped to prevent the President's selection on the first ballot, but the Twelve Apostles succeeded in carrying Harrisonto victory. McKinley, never a declared candidate, finished third, a fraction of a vote behind Blaine, who had declaredhimself not to be a candidate. Despite Harrison's success, McKinley was carried from the convention hall to his hotelby supporters after he adjourned the convention. According to Morgan, many delegates "saw in [McKinley] theirnominee for 1896".[52][53]

Mark Hanna 8

Harrison and his adherents were unimpressed by McKinley's conduct, recalling that he had cut off talk of acandidacy in 1888, but had not done so in 1892.[54] When McKinley led the delegation of Republican dignitariessent to formally advise Harrison of his convention triumph, the President, angered over the "profusion of McKinleybuttons, placards and streamers that littered [his] path to victory", had only a cold formal greeting for the Ohiogovernor.[55] Nevertheless, Hanna wrote in a letter that "I do not consider that Governor McKinley was placed in anyfalse position by what was done ... Governor McKinley's position today as a result of all that transpired atMinneapolis is in the best possible shape for his future. His bearing and conduct and personal magnetism won thehearts and respect of everybody."[54] McKinley campaigned loyally for President Harrison, who was defeated byformer president Cleveland in the November election, and according to the governor's secretary, Charles Bawsel,"[McKinley] is bound to be the nominee for the presidency, and the very fact of the defeat this year will elect him thenext time."[56]

Among those who suffered reverses in the financial Panic of 1893 was a McKinley friend in Youngstown.McKinley, out of gratitude for loans in his younger days, had guaranteed the friend's business notes, without evergrasping the full amount of the obligations he was taking on. He was called upon to pay over $100,000 and proposedto resign as governor and earn the money as an attorney.[57] Hanna was absent from the state when the crisis broke,causing the governor to say "I wish Mark was here."[58] McKinley's wealthy supporters, including Hanna once helearned of the situation, undertook to buy up or pay the notes.[57] McKinley was reluctant to take gifts, andeventually agreed to accept money only from those who expected nothing by lending the money but repayment.[59]

Even though both McKinley and his wife Ida insisted on putting their property in the hands of the supporters, whoserved as trustees, Hanna and his associates fundraised with such success from business owners and the generalpublic that all McKinley property was returned intact, and when President McKinley died in 1901, no claims weremade against his estate. A request by McKinley for the names of the subscribers so he might repay them was refusedby the trustees. The episode made McKinley more popular with the public, as many Americans had suffered in thehard times and sympathized with the Ohio governor.[57]

McKinley was easily re-elected as governor in 1893. Despite the poor economic times in Ohio, he remained popular,and spoke across much of the nation for Republican candidates. He followed the usual Ohio custom and steppeddown at the end of two two-year terms, returning home to Canton in January 1896 to municipal celebrations. TheCanton Repository stated, "It is just plain Mr. McKinley of Canton now, but wait a little while."[60] To devotefull-time to McKinley's presidential campaign, Hanna in 1895 turned over management of his companies to hisbrother Leonard.[61] Mark Hanna was certain, as he stated as McKinley's campaign began, that "nothing short of amiracle or death will prevent his being the nominee of the party in '96".[62]

Campaign of 1896

Nominating McKinleyAfter leaving business, Hanna rented a house in Thomasville, Georgia, expressing a dislike for northern winters. Hewas joined there by the McKinleys in 1895, even before the governor left office, and also in the winter of 1896. Thelocation was a plausibly nonpolitical vacation spot for McKinley, and also permitted him to meet many southernRepublicans, including blacks. Although southern Republicans rarely had local electoral success, they elected asubstantial number of delegates to the national convention.[63] McKinley, fearing his campaign would peak too soon,delayed making it clear that he would be a candidate.[64]

McKinley's public hesitation did not prevent Hanna from laying the groundwork for the nomination. He journeyedeast to meet with political bosses such as Senators Matthew Quay of Pennsylvania and Thomas Platt of New York.When Hanna returned to Canton, he informed McKinley that the bosses would guarantee his nomination in exchangefor control of local patronage. McKinley was unwilling to make such a deal, and Hanna duly undertook to gain theformer governor's nomination without machine support.[65]

Mark Hanna 9

Historian R. Hal Williams summarized the relationship between McKinley and Hanna:McKinley and Hanna made an effective team. The Major commanded, decided general strategies, selectedissues and programs. He stressed ideals ... Hanna organized, built coalitions, performed the rougher work forwhich McKinley had neither taste nor energy. Importantly, they shared a Hamiltonian faith in the virtue ofindustrialism, central authority, and expansive capitalism. That faith, triumphant in the 1896 presidentialelection, became one of the reasons for the vital importance of that election.[62]

Through the months leading up to the Republican convention in June in St. Louis, Hanna built his organization,paying all expenses, and applying the techniques of business to politics. Hanna met with many politicians at hisCleveland home. He paid for thousands of copies of McKinley's speeches to be printed, and shipped quantities ofMcKinley posters, badges, and buttons across the nation. New Hampshire Senator William E. Chandler commented,"If Mr. Hanna has covered every district in the United States in the same manner he did those in Alabama, McKinleywill be nominated."[66][67]

McKinley's most formidable rival for the nomination was former president Harrison, but in February 1896, Harrisondeclared he would not run for president a third time. The eastern bosses were hostile to McKinley for failing to agreeto the offer they had made to Hanna, and they decided to seek support for local favorite son candidates, believingthat McKinley could be forced to bargain for support at the convention if he was denied a majority. The bossessupported candidates such as Speaker Reed, Senator Quay and former vice president Levi P. Morton of New York.Hanna spent much money and effort to undercut Reed in his native New England, and on "McKinley Clubs" inPennsylvania to force Quay to spend time and money shoring up his base.[68][69]

A key to defeating the bosses' "favorite son" strategy was Illinois. A young Chicago businessman and McKinleysupporter, Charles Dawes (who would thirty years later be vice president under Coolidge) worked at Illinois districtand state conventions to elect delegates pledged to McKinley. Dawes and Hanna worked closely together, with thelatter relying on the young entrepreneur to secure support from his connections in the Chicago business community.Despite the opposition of Illinois' Republican political machine, Dawes and Hanna were able to secure all but a fewof Illinois' delegates for McKinley, giving the former Ohio governor a strong advantage going into theconvention.[70] According to Williams, "As early as March 1896, the bandwagon had become a steamroller."[62]

As the convention approached, journalists awoke to the fact that McKinley would, most likely, be the Republicannominee. Those newspapers that were Democratic in their outlook, including publisher William Randolph Hearst'sNew York Journal, sent reporters to Canton to dig up dirt on McKinley. The candidate had a sterling reputation forpersonal and political honesty, and reporters found that even McKinley's few personal enemies spoke well of him.McKinley's financial problem in 1893 was one of the few marks on his record, and the newspapers began to suggestthat those who had made large contributions to aid him would own him as president. Attacks on some of McKinley'sassociates, such as Chicago publisher H. H. Kohlsaat or McKinley's old friend from his days as a practicing lawyer,Judge William R. Day, cut little ice with voters; the press had better luck with Hanna. The Journal began to describeMcKinley's backers as a "Syndicate", staking money to secure a bought-and-paid-for president. Journal reporterAlfred Henry Lewis attracted considerable attention when he wrote, "Hanna and the others will shuffle and deal himlike a pack of cards."[71]

In St. Louis, the bosses again tried to secure political favors in exchange for their support; with little need to deal,Hanna, backed by McKinley via telephone from Canton, refused. McKinley was nominated easily. To balance theticket, McKinley and Hanna selected New Jersey party official and former state legislator Garret Hobart, aneasterner, as vice-presidential candidate. The convention duly nominated Hobart; Hanna was elected chairman of theRepublican National Committee for the next four years.[72]

Mark Hanna 10

Currency question; Democratic nominationA major issue, going into the 1896 election cycle, was the question of the currency. The United States, since 1873,had effectively been on the gold standard—the metal, if presented to the government, would be assayed and struckinto coin for a slight charge to cover expenses. Silver, on the other hand, though widely mined, could not bepresented for conversion into coin, but had to be sold as a commodity. The gold standard was unpopular in manyagricultural and mining areas, as the quantity of gold available limited the money supply, making it difficult for thefarmer to obtain loans and pay debts. Advocates of the free and unlimited coinage of silver believed that doing sowould cure the country's economic malaise by increasing the money supply. Advocates of the gold standard arguedthat a "free silver" policy (sometimes called "bimetallism") would inflate the currency, and lead to difficulties ininternational trade with nations on the gold standard.[73][74] At the time, the precious metal in a silver dollar wasworth about $0.53, and under such proposals, silver worth that much would be returned to depositors as a one-dollarcoin, "free"—that is, without a charge for the Mint's costs for assaying and coining.[75]

McKinley had, in 1878, voted for the Bland–Allison Act, which required the government to purchase large quantitiesof silver bullion to be struck into money, and in 1890 had voted for the Sherman Silver Purchase Act. Despite thecandidate's past friendliness towards silver currency, McKinley and Hanna decided that an explicit mention of thegold standard in the party platform would be a better strategy than remaining silent on the issue. McKinley sentHanna to the convention with a draft plank calling for maintenance of the gold standard, which Hanna successfullyplaced in the party platform. The adoption of the plank caused some Republicans, mostly from the West, to walk outof the convention. As they left, Hanna stood on a chair, shouting "Go! Go! Go!"[76]

William Jennings Bryan, seen duringthe 1896 campaign.

McKinley expected the election to be fought on the issue of tariffs; he was awell-known protectionist.[73] The Democrats met in convention in July inChicago; former Missouri congressman Richard P. Bland was deemed likely tobe the nominee. As McKinley awaited his opponent, he privately commented onthe nationwide debate over silver, stating to his Canton crony, Judge Day, that"This money matter is unduly prominent. In thirty days you won't hear anythingabout it."[77] The future Secretary of State and Supreme Court justice responded:"In my opinion in thirty days you won't hear of anything else."[77]

On the third day of the Democratic convention, former Nebraska representativeWilliam Jennings Bryan concluded the debate on the party platform. Bryanstampeded the convention with what came to be known as the "Cross of Goldspeech", decrying the gold standard, which he believed disproportionately hurtthe working classes. To the horror of Wall Street, the Democrats nominatedCongressman Bryan for president, a nomination in which the Populist Party soonjoined. Hanna had taken a yachting vacation in early July before beginning

general election work; with a wave of popular support for Bryan, Hanna wrote "The Chicago convention haschanged everything" and returned to his labors.[74][78][79]

Mark Hanna 11

General election campaign

Bryan's whistle-stop tour during the 1896campaign was unprecedented. Here he addresses

a crowd in Wellsville, Ohio.

According to Horner, "In 1896, as the country was mired in aneconomic slowdown that affected millions, a real, substantive policydebate was conducted by candidates who believed firmly in theirrespective positions."[80] Bryan, whose campaign was ill-financed, feltthat his best means of persuading the voter of his position was personalcommunication, and embarked on an unprecedented itinerary ofwhistle stop appearances by train. If the train passed any large group ofhomes and did not stop for Bryan to speak, it would at least disgorge abundle of political tracts for local distribution. McKinley felt he couldnot match Bryan's speaking tour, as the Democrat was a better stumpspeaker. Despite Hanna's urgings to the candidate to get on the road,the former governor decided on a front porch campaign; he wouldremain at home in Canton and allow the people to come to him. As McKinley's wife, Ida, was an invalid, this alsoboosted his image as a good husband.[81]

When Hanna and his associates saw the emotional appeal of the Bryan campaign for free silver, they decided uponan extensive and expensive effort to educate the electorate. The McKinley campaign had two main offices; one inChicago, effectively run by Dawes, and one in New York, used by Hanna as a base of operations as he sought to gainsupport from New York financiers. Hanna's task was to raise the money; other campaign officials, such as Dawes,determined how to spend it. Being relatively unknown on the national scene, Hanna initially had little success,despite Wall Street's fear of Bryan. Some Wall Street titans, although disliking Bryan's positions, did not take himseriously as a candidate and refused to contribute to the McKinley campaign. Those who did know Hanna, such ashis old schoolmate Rockefeller—the magnate's Standard Oil gave $250,000—vouched for him. Beginning in lateJuly 1896, Hanna had an easier time persuading industrialists to give to the McKinley/Hobart campaign. He alsogave large sums himself. This money went to pay for advertising, brochures, printed speeches and other means ofpersuading the voter; the country was flooded with such paper.[81]

McKinley (center) with a delegation in front ofthe famous front porch

According to Rhodes, McKinley "spoke from the front veranda of hishouse in Canton to many deputations, some of them spontaneous,others arranged for."[82] Any delegation was welcome in Canton, solong as its leader wrote to McKinley in advance and introduced himselfand his group. Delegations ranged up to thousands of people; ifpossible, delegation leaders were brought to Canton in advance tosettle with McKinley what each would say. If this could not bearranged, the delegation was met at the train station by a McKinleyagent, who would greet it and learn what the leader proposed to say inhis address. The agent would suggest any fine-tuning necessary tomake it fit within campaign themes, and send the information ahead byrunner to McKinley, giving him time to prepare his response. The

delegation would then march through the streets of Canton to McKinley's house, where by the end of the campaignthe lawn was bare, the plants were dead, and the front porch, from which McKinley spoke, was in a state ofdecrepitude from souvenir hunters. McKinley was given no relief by the fall of night; delegations continued afterdark thanks to the introduction of electric street lighting on the route. The delegations left behind gifts, which wereput to use when possible, but four eagles, named "McKinley", "Mark Hanna","Republican", and "Protection", weredonated to the local zoo. Among those who visited was Bryan himself, accompanied by his defeated rival,Bland—they were hospitably received by the startled McKinleys.[83][84][85]

Mark Hanna 12

1896 Homer Davenport cartoon,suggesting that Hanna would be the

real president.

Despite the initial popularity of Bryan's message, Hanna was convinced theDemocrat's support would recede. "He's talking Silver all the time, and that'swhere we've got him", Hanna stated, pounding his desk, in July.[86] He provedcorrect; the silver enthusiasm waned by September and Bryan had no readyreplacement for it. McKinley, on the other hand, convinced that his "soundmoney" campaign had worked, began to promote his tariff issue, stating to thecrowds on his front lawn, "I do not know what you think about it, but I believe itis a good deal better to open the mills of the United States to the labor ofAmerica than to open the mints of the United States to the silver of theworld."[87]

During the campaign, the Democratic newspapers, especially the papers ownedby Hearst, attacked Hanna for his supposed role as McKinley's political master.The articles and cartoons have contributed to a lasting popular belief thatMcKinley was not his own man, but that he was effectively owned by the corporations, through Hanna. HomerDavenport's cartoons for the Hearst papers were especially effective in molding public opinion about Hanna. TheClevelander was often depicted as "Dollar Mark", in a suit decorated with dollar signs (a term for which "dollarmark" was a common alternative). McKinley's personal financial crisis allowed him to be convincingly depicted as achild, helpless in the hands of businessmen and their mere tool in the 1896 campaign.[88] Historian Stanley Jones,who studied the 1896 election, stated of this view:

The popularly accepted picture of Hanna's domination was not true. Though McKinley did leave to Hanna theimmensely complicated and exceedingly arduous task of organizing the campaign and although he usuallydeferred to Hanna's judgment in this area, he himself retained control of the general structure and program.Nothing of significance was done without his approval. Hanna raised money, hired men, establishedheadquarters offices, bought literature, with the same drive and skill that he managed his business. He wasconfident of his mastery of that kind of operation, but he never ceased to defer to McKinley's mastery of thegrand strategy of politics.[89]

In addition to giving speeches fromhis front porch in 1896, McKinley(lower right) gave orders for the

conduct of his campaign from thelibrary of his Canton home.

Hanna's fundraising campaign, in which he asked banks and millionaires for acontribution equal to 0.25% of their assets, was unprecedented in its scale, butthe basic concept was not unusual.[81] According to Hanna biographer Croly,"Mr. Hanna merely systematized and developed a practice which was rooteddeep in contemporary American political soil, and which was sanctioned both bycustom and, as he believed, by necessity."[90] The largest election fundraisingbefore that time had occurred in the 1888 presidential race, which was apolarizing election, closely fought over the tariff issue. In the 1888 campaign,Senator Quay (on behalf of Harrison) had sought funds from businessmen muchas Hanna would eight years later. The first Harrison campaign raised about $1.8million; Dawes, in charge of campaign spending for the Republicans in 1896,later stated that the McKinley campaign raised just over $3.5 million, though thisdid not include spending by state and local committees. In addition, theRepublicans were supported by "in-kind" corporate contributions, such asdiscounted railway fares for delegations coming to Canton. These discounts wereso steep that they led to the quip that it was cheaper to visit Canton than to stay athome. Contributions to Bryan's campaign were much smaller; he had fewwealthy supporters and the largest donor was most likely Hearst; he both donated about $40,000 and gave the Bryancampaign support in his papers.[81]

Mark Hanna 13

In late October, Hanna wrote to Harrison, thanking him for his campaigning efforts, "The outlook is generallyencouraging, and I feel there is no doubt of our success."[87] On Tuesday, November 3, the voters had their say inmost states. McKinley won 271 electoral votes to Bryan's 176. The Democratic candidate won in the South and inthe western states except California and Oregon. Bryan was also successful in his native Nebraska and neighboringKansas and South Dakota. McKinley swept the populous northeastern states, and the Midwest. He had hoped to endsectionalism, but his only successes in the "Solid South" were in the border states of Delaware, Maryland, WestVirginia and Kentucky.[91] McKinley took 51.0% of the vote, the first presidential majority since Grant in 1872; theintense voter interest in the campaign resulted in a turnout of 79.3%.[92] On Election Night, Hanna wired fromCleveland to Canton, "The feeling here beggars description ... I will not attempt bulletins. You are elected to thehighest office of the land by a people who always loved and trusted you."[93]

On November 12, 1896, the President-elect wrote to his longtime friend, offering him a position in his Cabinet, andstating:

We are through with the election, and before turning to the future I want to express to you my great debt ofgratitude for your generous life-long and devoted service to me. Was there ever such unselfish devotionbefore? Your unfaltering and increasing friendship through more than twenty years has been to me anencouragement and a source of strength which I am sure you have never realized, but which I have constantlyfelt and for which I thank you from the bottom of my heart. The recollection of all those years of uninterruptedloyalty and affection, of mutual confidences and growing regard fill me with emotions too deep for the pen toportray. I want you to know, but I cannot find the right words to tell you, how much I appreciate yourfriendship and faith.[94]

Senator (1897–1904)

McKinley advisor (1897–1901)

Securing a Senate seat

1896 Puck cover showing Hanna(left) and McKinley's Thanksgivingdinner—carving up the presidency.

In the wake of McKinley's election, according to historian James Ford Rhodes(who was also Hanna's brother-in-law, though a Democrat),[95] "Mark Hannaoccupied an enviable position. Had it been usual, the freedom of Clevelandwould have been conferred upon him."[96] According to John Hay, who wouldlater become Secretary of State under McKinley, "What a glorious record MarkHanna has made this year! I never knew him intimately until we went into thisfight together, but my esteem and admiration for him have grown everyhour."[96]

Hanna stated that he would accept no office in the McKinley administration, ashe feared it would be seen as a reward for his political efforts.[96] He had longwished to be a senator, speaking of this desire as early as 1892.[97] SenatorSherman, now aged almost 74, faced a difficult re-election battle with theDemocrats and the Foraker faction in 1898. On January 4, 1897, McKinleyoffered Sherman the office of Secretary of State; he immediately accepted. Thepoor record Sherman posted prior to his departure from office in 1898 led to

attacks on Hanna, suggesting that a senile man had been placed in a key Cabinet position to accommodate him.[98]

Foraker, in his memoirs, strongly implied that Sherman was moved out of the way to allow Hanna to have his Senateseat. An embittered Sherman stated in a letter after his departure as secretary, "When [McKinley] urged me to accept

the position of Secretary of State, I accepted with some reluctance and largely to promote the wishes of Mark Hanna. The result was that I lost the position both of Senator and Secretary ... They deprived me of the high office of

Mark Hanna 14

Senator by the temporary appointment as Secretary of State."[99]

Horner argues that the position of Secretary of State was the most important non-elective post in government, thenoften seen as a stepping stone to the presidency, and though Sherman no longer sought to be president, he was awareof the prestige.[100] According to Rhodes, "Sherman was glad to accept the Secretaryship of State. He exchanged twoyears in the Senate with a doubtful succession for apparently a four years' tenure of the Cabinet head of the newRepublican administration, which was undoubtedly a promotion."[101] Rhodes suggested that Hanna did not givecredence to warnings about Sherman's mental capacity in early 1897, though some of those tales must have been toldby New York businessmen whom he trusted.[102] The stories were not believed by McKinley either; thePresident-elect in February 1897 called accounts of Sherman's mental decay "the cheap inventions of sensationalwriters or other evil-disposed or mistaken people".[102]

Sherman's acceptance of the post of Secretary of State did not assure Hanna of succeeding him as senator. Atemporary appointment to the Senate was to be made by Ohio's governor, Republican Asa Bushnell; the legislaturewould then, in 1898, hold elections both for the final portion of Sherman's term (expiring in March 1899) and for thefull six-year term to follow. Bushnell was of the Foraker faction—Foraker was by then a senator-elect, selected bythe legislature to fill Ohio's other Senate seat for the term 1897 to 1903. Sherman, who was at that time still gratefulfor his Cabinet appointment, used his influence on Hanna's behalf; so did McKinley. Governor Bushnell did not wantto appoint a leader of the opposing faction and authorized Foraker to offer the place to Representative Theodore E.Burton, who declined it. Rhodes suggests that the difficulty over obtaining a Senate seat for Hanna led McKinley topersist in his offer to make his friend Postmaster General into mid-February 1897.[103][104][105] Bushnell was acandidate for renomination and re-election in 1897; without Hanna's support his chances were smaller, and onFebruary 21, Bushnell wrote to Hanna that he would appoint him in Sherman's place.[106] Foraker, in his memoirs,stated that Hanna was given the Senate seat because of McKinley's desires.[107]

The 1897 legislative elections in Ohio would determine who would vote on Hanna's bid for election for a fullsix-year term, and were seen as a referendum on McKinley's first year in office—the President visited Ohio to giveseveral speeches, as did Bryan. McKinley was active behind the scenes, urging Republicans both inside and outsideOhio to support the senator. The 1897 Ohio Republican convention voted to support Hanna, as did countyconventions in 84 of Ohio's 88 counties. The Republicans won the election, with the overwhelming number ofRepublican victors pledged to vote for Hanna.[108] However, a number of Republicans, mostly of the Forakerfaction, did not want to re-elect Hanna, and formed an alliance with the Democrats.[108]

When the legislature met on January 3, 1898, the anti-Hanna forces succeeded in organizing both houses of thelegislature, The dissidents had not yet agreed upon a candidate; after several days of negotiation, they settled on theRepublican mayor of Cleveland, Robert McKisson.[109] The Cleveland mayor was the insurgents' candidate for boththe short and long Senate term, and had been elected in 1895 to his municipal position despite the opposition ofHanna and the Cleveland business community. Rumors flew in Columbus that legislators had been kidnapped byeither or both sides, and allegations of bribery were made. James Rudolph Garfield, the late president's son, statedthat he had been told by one Republican from Cleveland that he had to vote for McKisson because if he did not, hiscontracts to sell the city brick pavers would be cut off.[108] According to Horner,

Given Hanna's determination to win and his willingness to play by the rules as they existed, money may havechanged hands during the campaign, but if it did, it is important to remember the context. If Hanna engaged insuch behavior, that was the way the game was played on both sides ... Hanna, of course, was not withoutresources. It is helpful, for example, when you are good friends with the president of the United States, a manalso personally very influential in Ohio politics.[110]

In the end, "Hanna's tactics—whatever they really were" succeeded; he was re-elected with the barest possiblemajority.[111][112]

Mark Hanna 15

Relationship with the President

Mark Hanna and William McKinley continued their friendship as they assumed their offices in March 1897. SenatorHanna was looking for a residence; President McKinley suggested that he stay at the Executive Mansion (as theWhite House was still formally known) until he found one. According to Hearst's New York Journal, "the Senatordoubtless feels that if anyone has the right to make himself at home in the White House he is the man".[113][114]

Hanna soon moved into the Arlington Hotel, close to the White House, where he occupied a large suite.[115] Afterthe death of Vice President Hobart in November 1899, Hanna took over the lease on his house on Lafayette Square,across Pennsylvania Avenue from the White House.[116]

Despite civil service reform, a president had a large number of posts to fill. It was customary at the time to fill manyof the lower level positions with party political workers. Hanna had a voice in some of McKinley's appointments, butthe President made the final decision. Hanna was allowed to recommend candidates for the majority of federalpositions in Ohio, and was permitted a veto over Foraker's candidates. Hanna was also dominant in the South, wherethere were few Republican congressmen to lobby the President. He and McKinley decided on a system where manysouthern appointees were recommended by the state's member of the Republican National Committee and thedefeated Republican congressional candidate for the area in question. Hanna and McKinley gave few places to thosewho had served under Harrison, as the two presidents were not friendly. "Silver Republicans", who had bolted theparty at the convention or later, received nothing.[117]

Although Hanna was reputed to control the administration's patronage, in fact, other men were more influential.McKinley's friend Joseph Smith, who had served as State Librarian of Ohio during McKinley's tenure as governor,probably had more influence over federal jobs until his death in 1898.[118] Charles Dawes, who was slated to beComptroller of the Currency as soon as the incumbent left office, was also a McKinley confidant.[119] JosephBristow, whose duties as Fourth Assistant Postmaster General under McKinley involved patronage appointments,later wrote that the President "gave Hanna's requests great consideration and had confidence in the clearness of hisopinion, but in the end he always followed his own judgment".[118]

As the year 1900 began, Hanna hinted that he might not want to run McKinley's re-election campaign, stating that hewas suffering from rheumatism. In spite of his statement, the senator did want to run the campaign, but McKinley(who apparently saw an opportunity to show the public that he was not Hanna's creature) was slow to ask him. Thiswas a source of great stress to Hanna, who was concerned about the campaign and his relationship with McKinley;the senator fainted in his office during the wait and may have suffered a heart attack. In late May, the Presidentannounced that Hanna would run his campaign.[120] Margaret Leech suggested that McKinley was angry at Hannafor unknown reasons, thus the President's "uncharacteristic coldness".[121] Morgan, on the other hand, wrote that "thepresident was using his usual indirect pressure and the power of silence. He wanted and needed Hanna, but on hisown terms."[122]

Spanish–American War

Even during the second Cleveland administration, Americans took keen interest in the ongoing revolt in Cuba, then aSpanish colony. Most Americans believed that Cuba should be independent and that Spain should leave the WesternHemisphere. Beginning in 1895, Congress passed a number of resolutions calling for Cuban independence. AlthoughCleveland pursued a policy of neutrality, his Secretary of State, Richard Olney, warned Spain that the patience of theUnited States was not inexhaustible. Sherman, then a senator, favored neutrality but believed that the US wouldinevitably go to war over Cuba.[123] Soon after Hanna was appointed to the Senate, McKinley called Congress intospecial session to consider tariff legislation. Despite the stated purpose of the session, a number of resolutions wereintroduced calling for independence for Cuba, by force if necessary. When the press asked Hanna if he felt therewould be action on Cuba during the session, he responded: "I don't know. You can't tell about that. A spark mightdrop in there at any time and precipitate action."[124]

Mark Hanna 16

Through 1897, McKinley maintained neutrality on Cuba, hoping to negotiate autonomy for the island. Nevertheless,pro-war elements, prominently including the Hearst newspapers, pressured McKinley for a more aggressive foreignpolicy.[125] On May 20, 1897, the Senate passed a resolution favoring intervention in Cuba, 41–14, with Hanna inthe minority.[126] As the crisis slowly built through late 1897 and early 1898, Hanna became concerned about thepolitical damage if McKinley, against popular opinion, kept the nation out of war. "Look out for Mr. Bryan.Everything that goes wrong will be in the Democratic platform in 1900. You can be damn sure of that!"[127]

Nevertheless, the Ohio senator believed that McKinley's policy of quietly pressing Spain for colonial reform in Cubahad already yielded results without war, and would continue to do so.[128]

On February 15, 1898, the American warship Maine sank in Havana harbor. Over 250 officers and men werekilled.[129] It was (and is)[130] unclear if the explosion which caused Maine's sinking was from an external cause orinternal fault. McKinley ordered a board of inquiry while asking the nation to withhold judgment pending the result,but he also quietly prepared for war. The Hearst newspapers, with the slogan, "Remember the Maine and to hell withSpain!" pounded a constant drumbeat for war and blamed Hanna for the delay. According to the Hearst papers, theOhio senator was the true master in the White House, and was vetoing war as bad for business.[131] Heart's New YorkJournal editorialized in March 1898:

Senator Hanna, fresh from the bargain for a seat in the United States Senate, probably felt the need ofrecouping his Ohio expenses as well as helping his financial friends out of the hole when he began playingAmerican patriotism against Wall Street money ... Hanna said there would be no war. He spoke as one havingauthority. His edict meant that Uncle Sam might be kicked and cuffed from one continent to another.[132]

As the nation waited for the report of the board of inquiry, many who favored war deemed McKinley too timid.Hanna and the President were burned in effigy in Virginia. Assistant Secretary of the Navy Theodore Rooseveltshook his fist under Hanna's nose at the Gridiron Dinner and stated, "We will have this war for the freedom of Cubain spite of the timidity of the commercial classes!"[133] Nevertheless, Hanna supported McKinley's patient policy andacted as his point man in the Senate on the war issue.[134]

The Navy's report blamed an external cause, believed by many to be a Spanish mine or bomb, for the sinking ofMaine (modern reports have suggested an internal explosion within a coal bunker). Despite the increased calls forwar, McKinley hoped to preserve peace. However, when it became clear that the United States would accept nothingbut Cuban independence, which the Spanish were not prepared to grant, negotiations broke off. On April 11,McKinley asked Congress for authority to secure Cuban independence, using force if necessary.[135] Hannasupported McKinley in obtaining that authority, though he stated privately, "If Congress had started this, I'd breakmy neck to stop it."[136] Spain broke off diplomatic relations on April 20; Congress declared war five days later,retroactive to April 21.[137]

The war resulted in a complete American victory. Nevertheless, Hanna was uncomfortable with the conflict. Hestated during the war to a member of the public, "Remember that my folks were Quakers. War is just a damnnuisance."[138] After the Battle of El Caney, he viewed the American casualty lists and stated, "Oh, God, now we'llhave this sort of thing again!"[139] After the war, Hanna supported McKinley's decision to annex Spanish coloniessuch as Puerto Rico and Guam.[140]

Mark Hanna 17

Campaign of 1900

Although the currency question wasnot as prominent in 1900 as in 1896this Judge magazine cover shows itstill played its part in the campaign.

Vice President Hobart had died in late 1899. President McKinley was content toleave the choice of a vice presidential candidate for 1900 to the upcomingRepublican convention. New York Senator Platt disliked his state's governor,former Assistant Secretary of the Navy Theodore Roosevelt, who had pursued areformist agenda in his year and a half in office. Platt hoped to sideline Rooseveltpolitically by making him vice president. Roosevelt was a popular choice in anyevent because of his well-publicized service during the Spanish-American War,and Platt had little trouble persuading state delegations to vote for Roosevelt afterMcKinley's renomination. Quay was a close Platt ally in the effort to makeRoosevelt vice president. Hanna, who felt Roosevelt was overly impulsive, didnot want him on the ticket, but did not realize that the efforts were serious untilhe was already at the convention in Philadelphia. As many of the delegates werepolitical appointees, Hanna hoped to persuade McKinley to use patronage to getthe delegates to vote for another candidate. After emerging from the telephonebooth from which he had tried and failed to get McKinley to agree, SenatorHanna stated, "Do whatever you damn please! I'm through! I won't haveanything more to do with the convention! I won't take charge of the campaign! I won't be chairman of the nationalcommittee again!"[141][142] When asked what the matter was, Hanna replied,

Matter! Matter! Why, everybody's gone crazy! What is the matter with all of you? Here's this conventiongoing headlong for Roosevelt for Vice President. Don't any of you realize that there's only one life betweenthat madman and the Presidency? Platt and Quay are no better than idiots! What harm can he do as Governorof New York compared to the damage he will do as President if McKinley should die?[141]

On his return to Washington after the convention nominated McKinley and Roosevelt, Hanna wrote to the President,"Well, it was a nice little scrap at Phila[delphia]. Not exactly to my liking with my hand tied behind me. However,we got through in good shape and the ticket is all right. Your duty to the country is to live for four years from nextMarch."[143]

The Democrats nominated Bryan a second time at their convention. This time, Bryan ran with a broader agenda,andattacked McKinley as an imperialist for taking the Spanish colonies. The Democratic candidate also urged increaseduse of the antitrust laws, and alleged that McKinley had been lax in their enforcement.[144] Hanna summed up theRepublican campaign in four words, "Let well enough alone."[145]

Hanna was called upon to do only small amounts of fundraising this time: no great educational campaign wasrequired, and the corporations were willing to give.[146] The President gave only one speech, the formal acceptanceof his nomination in Canton in July.[147] Roosevelt, on the other hand, traveled widely across the nation givingspeeches.[148] The New Yorker traveled 21,000 miles (34,000 km) in the campaign, reaching 24 of the 45 states.[149]

Hanna was now a public figure, and wanted to campaign for the Republicans in the western states. McKinley,however, was reluctant, as Hanna had varied from the administration's position on trusts in a recent speech.McKinley sent Postmaster General Charles Emory Smith to Chicago, where Hanna then was, to talk him out of thetrip. Hanna rapidly discerned that Smith had been sent by the President, and told him, "Return to Washington and tellthe President that God hates a coward." McKinley and Hanna met in Canton several days later and settled theirdifferences over lunch. Hanna made his speaking tour in the West.[150] According to Hanna biographer ThomasBeer, Hanna's tour was a great success, though many viewers were surprised he did not wear suits decorated with the"dollar mark".[151]

Hanna spent much of his time based at the campaign's New York office, while renting a seaside cottage in Elberon, New Jersey.[152] In September, a strike by the United Mine Workers threatened a crisis which might cause problems

Mark Hanna 18

for McKinley. Hanna believed that the miners' grievances were just, and he persuaded the parties to allow him toarbitrate. With Hanna's aid, the two sides arrived at a negotiated settlement.[153]

On November 6, 1900, the voters re-elected McKinley, who took 51.7% of the popular vote, a slight increase from1896. He won 292 electoral votes to Bryan's 155. McKinley took six states that Bryan had taken in 1896 whileholding all the states he had won. Although the majority was not large by later standards, according to historianLewis L. Gould in his study of the McKinley presidency, "in light of the election results since the Civil War,however, it was an impressive mandate."[148]

Assassination of McKinley

McKinley traveled much during his presidency, and in September 1901, journeyed to the Pan-American Expositionin Buffalo, New York. On September 6, 1901, while receiving the public in the Temple of Music on the Expositiongrounds, McKinley was shot by an anarchist, Leon Czolgosz. Hanna, along with many of the President's close allies,hurried to his bedside.[154]

As the President lay, wounded, he enquired "Is Mark there?"; the doctors told him that Senator Hanna was present,but that he should not exert himself with an interview. McKinley appeared to be improving, and Hanna, with thedoctors' reassurance, left Buffalo for an encampment of the Grand Army of the Republic in Cleveland, at whichHanna was to speak. While there, he received a telegram stating that the President had taken a turn for the worse, andhurried back to Buffalo. There he found an unconscious McKinley, whose sickbed had become a deathbed. On theevening of September 13, Hanna was allowed to see the dying man, as were others close to the President, such as hiswife and his brother, Abner McKinley. Hanna, weeping, went to the library in the Milburn House where thePresident lay, and as he awaited the end, made the necessary plans and arrangements to return his friend's remains toCanton. At 2:15 am on September 14, President McKinley died.[154][155]

Roosevelt years and death (1901–04)McKinley's death left Hanna devastated both personally and politically. Although the two had not been allies, thenew president, Roosevelt, reached out to Hanna, hoping to secure his influence in the Senate. Hanna indicated thathe was willing to come to terms with Roosevelt on two conditions: that Roosevelt carry out McKinley's politicalagenda, and that the President cease from his habit of calling Hanna "old man", something which greatly annoyed thesenator. Hanna warned Roosevelt, "If you don't, I'll call you Teddy."[156] Roosevelt, who despised his nickname,agreed to both terms, though he imperfectly carried out the second condition.[156]

Panama Canal involvement

Hanna was a supporter of building a canal across Central America to allow ships to pass between the Atlantic andPacific oceans without making the lengthy journey around Cape Horn. The senator believed a route across theColombian province of Panama to be superior to its Nicaraguan rival. How he came to support this route isuncertain, though attorney and lobbyist William Nelson Cromwell later claimed to have personally converted Hannato the Panama cause in 1901.[157] This was disputed by the French canal promoter, Philippe Bunau-Varilla, whostated that at the end of his meeting with Hanna at the Arlington Hotel, the senator exclaimed, "MonsieurBunau-Varilla, you have convinced me."[158]

The Nicaragua route had many supporters and a bill sponsored by Iowa Congressman William Peters Hepburn, which would authorize the construction of a canal on the Nicaragua route, had passed the House of Representatives. In June 1902, it was considered by the Senate, and on June 5 and 6, Hanna made a speech against the Hepburn Bill. In his speech, he referred to enormous maps, which were displayed in the Senate Chamber as he spoke. This was a novel technique, especially as he referred to the possibility of active volcanoes on the Nicaragua route in his speech, and the maps showed active volcanoes marked with red dots and extinct ones with black. There was an almost continuous band of black dots through Nicaragua, with eight red ones; no dots were placed on the map of Panama.

Mark Hanna 19

Hanna pointed out many advantages of the Panama route: it was shorter than the Nicaraguan route, would requiremuch less digging, and had existing harbors at either end. Hanna was in poor health as he gave the speech; AlabamaSenator John Tyler Morgan, the Senate sponsor of the Hepburn Bill, tried to ask Hanna a question, only to be metwith, "I do not want to be interrupted, for I am very tired."[159] At the end, Hanna warned that if the US built theNicaragua canal, another power would finish the Panama route. One senator stated that he had been converted to the"Hannama Canal". The bill was amended to support a Panama route, according to some accounts in part becauseCromwell remembered that Nicaragua depicted volcanos on its postage stamps, and combed the stock of Washingtonstamp dealers until he found enough to send to the entire Senate. The House afterwards agreed to the Senateamendment, and the bill authorizing a Panama canal passed.[159]

The US entered into negotiations with Colombia for rights to build a canal; a treaty was signed but was rejected bythe Colombian Senate. In November 1903, Panama, with the support of the United States, broke away fromColombia, and Bunau-Varilla, the representative of the new government in Washington, signed a treaty granting theUS a zone in which to build a canal.[160] The United States Senate was called upon to ratify the treaty in February1904; the debate began as Hanna lay dying. The treaty was ratified on February 23, 1904, eight days after Hanna'sdeath.[161]

Re-election, rumors of a presidential run, and death

At the 1903 Ohio Republican convention, Foraker filed a resolution to endorse Roosevelt for re-election. This wouldnormally have been introduced at the 1904 convention, but Foraker hoped to use the resolution to take control of theOhio party from Hanna. The resolution placed Hanna in a difficult position: if he supported it, he proclaimed hewould not run for president; if he opposed it, he risked Roosevelt's wrath. Hanna wired Roosevelt, who was on awestern trip, that he intended to oppose it and would explain all when both men were in Washington. Rooseveltresponded that while he had not requested support from anyone, those friendly to his administration would naturallyvote for such a statement. Hanna resignedly supported the resolution.[162]

The 1903 convention also endorsed Hanna for re-election to the Senate, and nominated Hanna's friend MyronHerrick for governor. The Foraker faction was allowed the nomination for lieutenant governor, given to Warren G.Harding, who later became president. Hanna campaigned for several weeks for the Republicans in Ohio, and wasrewarded with an overwhelming Republican victory. With no drama, Hanna was re-elected in January 1904 for theterm 1905–1911 by a legislative vote of 115–25, a much larger margin than Foraker had received in 1902.[163]

Hanna mausoleum, Lake View Cemetery,Cleveland

Despite the differences between the two men, Roosevelt in November1903 asked Hanna to run his re-election campaign. Hanna saw this asan unsubtle attempt by the President to ensure that Hanna would notoppose him, and was slow to respond to his request. In the interim, heallowed talk of a Hanna for president campaign to continue, althoughhe did not plan to run.[164] Financier J. P. Morgan, who dislikedRoosevelt's policies, offered to finance the Hanna presidentialcampaign when he hosted the Hannas at Thanksgiving, though thesenator remained silent at the offer.[165] In December, Hanna andRoosevelt had a lengthy meeting and resolved many of theirdifferences. Roosevelt agreed that Hanna would not have to serveanother term as chairman of the Republican National Committee. Thisin theory freed Hanna to run for president, but Roosevelt could see thatHanna was an exhausted man and would not run.[166]

On January 30, 1904, Hanna attended the Gridiron Club dinner at the Arlington Hotel. He neither ate nor drank, and when asked how his health was, responded "Not good."[167] He never again left his Washington residence,[167]

having fallen ill with typhoid fever.[168] As the days passed, politicians began to wait in the Arlington lobby, close to

Mark Hanna 20

Hanna's house, for news; a letter from the President, "May you soon be with us, old fellow, as strong in body and asvigorous in your leadership as ever" was never read by the recipient.[169] Hanna drifted in and out of consciousnessfor several days; on the morning of February 15, his heart began to fail. Roosevelt visited at 3 pm, unseen by thedying man. At 6:30 pm, Senator Hanna died, and the crowd of congressional colleagues, government officials, anddiplomats who had gathered in the lobby of the Arlington left the hotel, many sobbing. Roosevelt biographerEdmund Morris noted Hanna's achievement in industry and in politics, "He had not done badly in either field; he hadmade seven million dollars, and a President of the United States."[169]

Views and legacy

Statue of Mark Hanna by AugustusSaint-Gaudens, University Circle,

Cleveland

According to Professor Gerald W. Wolff, "the one solid absolute in [Hanna's] lifewas a profound belief in the living standard capitalism had brought toAmerica."[170] Hanna believed, like many conservative businessmen of his time,that labor, business, and government should work together cooperatively for thebenefit of society. These views, which had coalesced in Hanna by the 1876 coalstrike, informed his political views once he turned to that field.[170] According toCroly, Hanna always did his best to foster good relations with his workers; thebiographer proffered in support of his statement a quote from the ClevelandLeader of April 28, 1876: "This morning Mr. Hanna, of Rhodes & Co., met thestriking laborers on the docks at Ashtabula Harbor, and after consultation themen accepted the terms offered and resumed work."[171] According to Wolff,after the coal strike, Hanna "tried diligently to show by example how relationsbetween labor, capital, and management could be ordered for the benefit ofall".[170]

Despite his efforts at harmonious worker relations, Hanna was often depicted byDavenport during the 1896 campaign with his foot on a skull labeled"Labor".[172] During the following year's Ohio legislative elections, whichdetermined Hanna's electors for his 1898 re-election bid, he was accused of beingharsh to his employees. He responded in a speech,

Go to any of the five thousand men in my employ ... Ask them whether I ever pay less than the highest goingwages, ask them whether I ever asked them whether they belonged to a union or not ... Ask them whether,when any men or any committee of men, came to me with a complaint if I ever refused to see them ... Askthem if I ever in my life intentionally wronged any workingman. I never did.[173]

After Hanna issued the challenge, unions representing his workers confirmed his statement.[174] Hanna became thefirst president of the National Civic Federation (NCF), which tried to foster harmonious relations between businessand labor. The NCF opposed militant labor unions; it also resisted businessmen who sought to entirely preventregulation. It recognized labor's right to organize to seek better wages and conditions. In a 1903 speech to a laborconvention, Hanna stated that the efforts of labor to organize into unions should be considered no more shockingthan those of businesses organizing into trade groups.[170]

A phrase sometimes attributed to Hanna is: "No man in public office owes the public anything". This phrase supposedly appeared in a letter by Hanna to Ohio Attorney General David K. Watson in 1890, urging him to drop a lawsuit against the Standard Oil Company. The phrase became an issue against Hanna in the 1897 campaign in Ohio. Watson, a Republican, denied that Hanna had written the phrase, but refused to discuss the matter further with reporters. Hanna's early biographers, Croly and Beer, found the supposed quote dubious but as they did not definitely deny that Hanna had written it, a number of later works attribute the quote to Hanna. However, Professor Thomas E. Felt, who wrote an article about the controversy, believed Hanna unlikely to use such an inflammatory phrase to a

Mark Hanna 21

man with whom he was not close, and which, in any event, did not accurately represent his political views.[175]

Hanna is often credited with the invention of the modern presidential campaign. His campaign for McKinley in 1896broke new ground because of its highly systematized and centralized nature, as well as for its fundraising success.Although Hanna has been depicted as the first national political boss, historians agree that McKinley dominated therelationship between the two. Nevertheless, Hanna is recognized for his innovative campaign work.[176]

Public image todayNew Jersey Senator Bill Bradley published a volume of memoirs, Time Present, Time Past in 1996. In it, theDemocrat mentioned having written a high-school report on Hanna—his history teacher, Bradley related, told himthat the lesson of the 1896 campaign is that money is power. Bradley, a former basketball player, mentioned thatwhen he was being interviewed in high school, he stated that Hanna was one of his heroes. By the time he wrote thebook, however, Bradley had come to believe in limits on campaign spending and blamed Hanna for a sharpescalation in campaign costs. Bradley also stated what Horner terms mischaracterizations of Hanna: that he was theRepublican boss of Ohio, and that he did his best to disrupt Roosevelt's presidency. Bradley alleged that since 1896,Republicans have raised money easily from the rich. Despite his condemnation of Hanna, Bradley wrote that heregretted that he could not find a Hanna-like figure who could play an analogous role in advancing his politicalcareer.[177]

In 2000, Texas Governor George W. Bush successfully ran for the presidency. As the campaign progressed, themedia compared Hanna and Bush adviser Karl Rove, who was believed by some to hold a Svengali-like influenceover the Texas governor. During the campaign, and until his departure from the White House in 2007, mediamembers often suggested that Rove was able to manipulate Bush, and that Rove exerted considerable control overthe government. Bush's advisor was deemed a present-day incarnation of Hanna, who was almost invariablypresented negatively and at variance with historical fact. For example, writer Jack Kelly in a 2000 columnincorrectly stated that McKinley's front porch campaign was at the direction of Hanna to ensure the candidate did notvary from campaign themes, rather than McKinley deciding that it was his best response to Bryan's national tour.These comparisons were fueled by Rove's interest in, and by some reports, liking for Hanna. Rove studied theMcKinley administration at the University of Texas under McKinley biographer Lewis L. Gould, and believes thatHanna's influence has been overrated.[178]

"As they go to the polls" 1900Homer Davenport cartoon suggesting

a cozy relationship among Hanna,McKinley, and the trusts.

According to Horner, Davenport's depiction of Hanna still lingers as the modernimage of the former senator:

The portrait of Hanna that has stood the test of time is of a man who wasgrossly obese; a cutthroat attack dog for the "Trusts"; a cigar-smoking manclad in a suit covered with dollar signs who stood side by side with agigantic figure representing the trusts, and a tiny, childlike WilliamMcKinley. He will forever be known as "Dollar Mark".[179]

Electoral history

All elections are by the Ohio General Assembly, as state legislatures electedsenators until the ratification of The 17th Amendment in 1913.

Mark Hanna 22

Election Politicalresult

Candidate Party Votes % ±%

United States Senate special election in Ohio, 1898[180]January 12, 1898.

Special election necessary because of the resignation of John Shermanto become United States Secretary of State, March 4, 1897. GovernorAsa Bushnell appointed Mark Hanna as senator, March 5, 1897,pending a meeting of the Ohio legislature. Hanna was elected on thefirst joint convention vote (73 votes needed for election). "Short term"election, to expire March 4, 1899. See note to the long-term vote in nextbox for additional information as the votes on both elections wereidentical.

Republicanhold

MarkHanna

Republican 73 50.69

RobertMcKisson

Republican 70 48.61

John J.Lentz

Democratic 1 0.69

United States Senate election in Ohio, 1898[180]January 12, 1898; "Long

term" election, from March 4, 1899 for six years. Each house met onJanuary 11 to vote on both the short and long term Senate elections; ifboth houses gave the same individual a majority vote in either contest,no vote in joint convention would be necessary. Instead, the individualwould be declared elected for that term after the journals of each housewere read in the joint convention. Otherwise, a roll-call vote would takeplace. A total of 73 votes were needed for election; Hanna was electedon the first joint convention ballot. The results on the 11th were, in theOhio House of Representatives: Hanna 56, McKisson 49, Lentz 1,Aquila Wiley 1, Adoniram J. Warner 1. In the Ohio Senate, McKisson19, Hanna 17. As the two houses did not give the same individual amajority in both, this required a roll-call vote in the joint convention ofthe two houses. The results were those at right, broken down: House,Hanna 56, McKisson 51, Lentz 1; Senate, McKisson 19, Hanna 17. Votetotals were the same for both the short and long term.

Republicanhold

MarkHanna

Republican 73 50.69

RobertMcKisson

Republican 70 48.61

John J.Lentz

Democratic 1 0.69

United States Senate election in Ohio, 1904[181]January 13, 1904. From

March 4, 1905 for six years. Each house met on January 12 and gave amajority of its vote to Hanna. He was declared elected in jointconvention following the reading of the journals; 71 votes needed forelection. The breakdown was: House, Hanna 86, Clarke 21; Senate,Hanna 29, Clarke 4. Hanna died before this term commenced. U.S.Congressman Charles W. F. Dick of Akron, Ohio was elected by thelegislature on March 2, 1904 for the remainder of the term ending in1905, and for the full term ending in 1911.

Republicanhold

MarkHanna

Republican 115 82.14

John H.Clarke

Democratic 25 17.86

References[1][1] Croly, p. 461.[2] Croly, pp. 3–6, 11.[3] Beer, pp. 22–23.[4][4] Croly, p. 19.[5][5] Croly, p. 22.[6] Croly, pp. 23–24.[7] Croly, pp. 29–30.[8][8] Croly, pp. 32, 36.[9] Croly, pp. 36–40.[10][10] Croly, p. 40.[11][11] Croly, p. 43.[12] Croly, pp. 44–46.[13] Croly, pp. 66–68.[14] Croly, pp. 54–55.[15] Beer, pp. 53–55.[16][16] Croly, p. 52.

Mark Hanna 23

[17] Croly, pp. 57–60.[18] Beer, pp. 55–56.[19] Croly, pp. 58–59.[20] Croly, pp. 74–75.[21][21] Beer, p. 69.[22] Croly, pp. 111–112.[23] Horner, pp. 36–37.[24] Horner, pp. 55–56.[25] Horner, pp. 47–48.[26] Horner, pp. 50–53.[27] Beer, pp. 96–97.[28] Horner, pp. 53–54.[29] Horner, pp. 56–62.[30][30] Stern, p. 4.[31][31] Horner, p. 64.[32][32] Croly, p. 131.[33] Horner, pp. 70–77.[34][34] Morgan, p. 41.[35] Beer, pp. 78–80.[36][36] Morgan, p. 42.[37] Beer, pp. 110–111.[38][38] Horner, p. 68.[39][39] Horner, p. 60.[40] Horner, pp. 78–79.[41][41] Morgan, p. 150.[42][42] Croly, p. 150.[43][43] Leech, p. 67.[44][44] Stern, p. 5.[45] Horner, pp. 82–87.[46] Morgan, pp. 118–120.[47] Horner, pp. 86–89.[48][48] Stern, p. 8.[49] Croly, pp. 164–165.[50] Horner, pp. 96–97, 132–133.[51][51] Morgan, p. 125.[52] Morgan, pp. 126–127.[53] Horner, pp. 95–96.[54][54] Morgan, p. 128.[55] Morgan, pp. 128–129.[56][56] Morgan, p. 129.[57] Morgan, pp. 129–134.[58][58] Stern, p. 11.[59][59] Williams, p. 51.[60] Morgan, pp. 135–139.[61] Croly, pp. 173–174.[62][62] Williams, p. 55.[63] Croly, pp. 175–176.[64][64] Morgan, p. 141.[65] Morgan, pp. 143–144.[66] Morgan, pp. 144–145.[67][67] Horner, p. 187.[68] Morgan, pp. 151–153.[69][69] Horner, p. 144.[70] Horner, pp. 156–159.[71] Leech, pp. 75–76.[72] Croly, pp. 191–193, 206.[73] Rhodes, pp. 13–16.[74] Horner, pp. 179–181.[75] Rhodes, pp. 25–26.

Mark Hanna 24

[76][76] Williams, p. 62.[77][77] Rhodes, p. 19.[78] Rhodes, pp. 16–18.[79] Morgan, pp. 162–166.[80][80] Horner, p. 181.[81] Horner, pp. 193–204.[82][82] Rhodes, p. 25.[83] Horner, pp. 203–204.[84] Morgan, pp. 177–179.[85] Croly, pp. 214–216.[86][86] Morgan, pp. 181, 424.[87][87] Morgan, p. 184.[88][88] Horner, pp. 127.[89][89] Jones, p. 276.[90][90] Croly, p. 221.[91][91] Rhodes, p. 29.[92][92] Kazin, p. 76.[93] Morgan, pp. 185–186.[94][94] Morgan, p. 187.[95][95] Horner, p. 25.[96][96] Rhodes, p. 30.[97] Croly, pp. 231–232.[98][98] Rhodes, p. 31.[99] Rhodes, pp. 31–32.[100][100] Horner, p. 220.[101][101] Rhodes, p. 33.[102][102] Rhodes, p. 32.[103][103] Rhodes, p. 34.[104][104] Croly, p. 233.[105][105] Horner, p. 222.[106][106] Rhodes, p. 35.[107][107] Horner, p. 218.[108] Horner, pp. 222–227.[109] Croly, pp. 254–255.[110][110] Horner, p. 230.[111][111] Croly, pp. 253, 259.[112][112] Horner, p. 231.[113][113] Horner, pp. 235, 237.[114][114] McCullough, p. 248.[115] Croly, pp. 458–459.[116] Hatfield, pp. 289–293.[117][117] Gould, p. 51.[118][118] Gould, p. 52.[119] Horner, pp. 237–239.[120] Horner, pp. 258–259.[121][121] Leech, p. 533.[122][122] Morgan, p. 372.[123][123] Morgan, p. 250.[124] Morgan, pp. 252–253.[125] Morgan, pp. 254–255.[126][126] Croly, p. 274.[127][127] Horner, p. 245.[128][128] Phillips, p. 91.[129][129] Leech, p. 166.[130][130] Gould, p. 74.[131] Gould, pp. 74–75.[132] Horner, pp. 251–252.[133][133] Morgan, p. 277.[134][134] Horner, p. 248.

Mark Hanna 25

[135] Gould, pp. 73–85.[136][136] Beer, p. 202.[137] Morgan, pp. 86–88.[138] Beer, pp. 205–206.[139][139] Beer, p. 205.[140][140] Croly, p. 256.[141] Dunn, pp. 334–335.[142] Horner, pp. 260–266.[143][143] Horner, p. 266.[144] Horner, pp. 270–271.[145][145] Croly, p. 304.[146][146] Leech, p. 543.[147][147] Morgan, p. 381.[148][148] Gould, p. 229.[149][149] McCullough, p. 247.[150] Leech, pp. 554–557.[151] Beer, pp. 230–233.[152][152] Leech, p. 553.[153][153] Gould, p. 228.[154] Croly, pp. 358–360.[155][155] Miller, p. 320.[156][156] Brands, p. 492.[157][157] McCullough, p. 276.[158][158] McCullough, p. 286.[159] McCullough, pp. 319–324.[160][160] Estill.[161] McCullough, pp. 397–398.[162] Morris, pp. 232–233.[163][163] Croly, p. 433.[164][164] Morris, p. 299.[165] Morris, pp. 299–300.[166][166] Morris, p. 300.[167][167] Morris, p. 309.[168][168] Croly, p. 454.[169][169] Morris, p. 311.[170][170] Wolff.[171][171] Croly, p. 85.[172][172] Horner, p. 272.[173] Wolff, pp. 146–147.[174][174] Wolff, p. 147.[175][175] Felt.[176] Schmidt, pp. 662–665.[177] Horner, pp. 15–18.[178] Horner, pp. 296–303.[179][179] Horner, p. 5.[180] Legislature 1898, pp. 39–41.[181] Legislature 1904, pp. 54–55, 232.

Bibliography• Beer, Thomas (1929). Hanna. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. OCLC  246586946 (http:/ / www. worldcat. org/ oclc/

246586946).• Brands, H. W. (1997). T. R.: The Last Romantic. New York: Basic Books. ISBN 978-0-465-06958-3.• Croly, Herbert (1912). Marcus Alonzo Hanna: His Life and Work (http:/ / books. google. com/

ebooks?id=N2koAAAAYAAJ). New York: The Macmillan Company. OCLC  715683 (http:/ / www. worldcat.org/ oclc/ 715683). Retrieved March 14, 2012.

• Dunn, Arthur Wallace (1922). From Harrison to Harding (http:/ / books. google. com/

books?id=VUcTAAAAYAAJ& pg=PA335#v=onepage& q=matter hanna& f=false) 1. New York: G. P. Putnam's

Mark Hanna 26

Sons. Retrieved October 27, 2011.• Gould, Lewis L. (1980). The Presidency of William McKinley. American Presidency. Lawrence, Kansas:

University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0-7006-0206-3.• Hatfield, Mark O. (1997). Vice Presidents of the United States, 1789–1993 (http:/ / www. senate. gov/

artandhistory/ history/ resources/ pdf/ garrett_hobart. pdf). Washington, D.C.: United States Government PrintingOffice. ISBN 978-0-7567-0968-6.

• Horner, William T. (2010). Ohio's Kingmaker: Mark Hanna, Man and Myth. Athens, Oh.: Ohio University Press.ISBN 978-0-8214-1894-9.

• Jones, Stanley L. (1964). The Presidential Election of 1896. Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press.OCLC  445683 (http:/ / www. worldcat. org/ oclc/ 445683).

• Kazin, Michael (2006). A Godly Hero: The Life of William Jennings Bryan. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.ISBN 978-0-375-41135-9.

• Leech, Margaret (1959). In the Days of McKinley. New York: Harper and Brothers. OCLC  456809 (http:/ / www.worldcat. org/ oclc/ 456809).

• McCullough, David (1977). The Path Between the Seas. New York: Simon and Schuster Paperbacks.ISBN 978-0-671-24409-5.

• Miller, Scott (2011). The President and the Assassin. New York: Random House. ISBN 978-1-4000-6752-7.• Morgan, H. Wayne (2003). William McKinley and His America (revised ed.). Kent, Ohio: The Kent State

University Press. ISBN 978-0-87338-765-1.• Morris, Edmund (2001). Theodore Rex. New York: Random House. ISBN 978-0-394-55509-6.• Phillips, Kevin (2003). William McKinley. New York: Times Books. ISBN 978-0-8050-6953-2.• Rhodes, James Ford (1922). The McKinley and Roosevelt Administrations, 1897–1909 (http:/ / books. google.

com/ books?id=4E8TAAAAYAAJ). New York: The Macmillan Company. OCLC  457006 (http:/ / www.worldcat. org/ oclc/ 457006). Retrieved October 28, 2011.

• Schmidt, Robert R. (1988). Muccigrasso, Robert, ed. "Marcus Alonzo Hanna" in Research Guide to AmericanHistorical Biography 2. Osprey, Florida: Beacham Publishing. ISBN 978-0-933833-09-8.

• Stern, Clarence A. (1963). Resurgent Republicanism: The Handiwork of Hanna (1968 ed.). Ann Arbor, Michigan:Edwards Brothers. OCLC  256810656 (http:/ / www. worldcat. org/ oclc/ 256810656).

• Williams, R. Hal (2010). Realigning America: McKinley, Bryan and the Remarkable Election of 1896. Lawrence,Kansas: University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0-7006-1721-0.

Other sources• Estill, Robert (November 7, 1977). "Teddy Roosevelt Defended Canal Treaty" (http:/ / news. google. com/

newspapers?id=v3JTAAAAIBAJ& sjid=9IUDAAAAIBAJ& dq=panama revolution 1903& pg=5388,5016879).The Daily News (Kingsport, Tenn.). p. 30. Retrieved November 21, 2011.

• Felt, Thomas E. (October 1963). "What Mark Hanna said to Attorney General Watson" (http:/ / publications.ohiohistory. org/ ohstemplate. cfm?action=detail& Page=0072293. html& StartPage=293& EndPage=302&volume=72& notes=notes 344& newtitle=Volume 72 Page 293). Ohio History (Columbus, Ohio: Ohio HistoricalSociety) 72 (4): 292–302, 344 (notes).

• Journal of the [Ohio] House of Representatives. Norwalk, Ohio: The Laning Printing Company. 1898.• Journal of the [Ohio] House of Representatives. Springfield, Ohio: The Springfield Printing Company. 1904.• Wolff, Gerald W. (Summer/Autumn 1970). "Mark Hanna's goal: American harmony" (http:/ / publications.

ohiohistory. org/ ohstemplate. cfm?action=detail& Page=0079138. html& StartPage=138& EndPage=151&volume=79& notes=& newtitle=Volume 79 Page 138). Ohio History (Columbus, Ohio: Ohio Historical Society)79 (3 and 4): 138–151.

Mark Hanna 27

United States Senate

Preceded byJohn Sherman

U.S. Senator (Class 1) from Ohio1897 –1904

Served alongside: Joseph B. Foraker

Succeeded byCharles W. F. Dick

Party political offices

Preceded byThomas H. Carter

Chairman of the Republican NationalCommittee1896–1904

Succeeded byHenry Clay Payne

Article Sources and Contributors 28

Article Sources and ContributorsMark Hanna  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=595562600  Contributors: 8th Ohio Volunteers, Ai.kefu, Alansohn, Alarbus, All Hallow's Wraith, AmericanLemming,Andrewspy007, Another Believer, Antonio Lopez, Artoasis, BD2412, Bender235, Billy Hathorn, Blakecarlile, BlueMoonlet, Boleyn2, Bookandcoffee, Br'er Rabbit, Brenont, Brianboulton,Brianhass, Btphelps, Buffbills7701, BusterD, Byelf2007, Canuckian89, Choster, Chris the speller, ChrisGualtieri, Chrisminter, Cliftonian, Closedmouth, Cmguy777, Codram, Coemgenus,Colonies Chris, CommonsDelinker, Connormah, Crosbiesmith, D6, DadaNeem, Dank, Dave Farquhar, Davidcannon, Dimadick, Diptanshu.D, Duffy2032, Durindaljb, EamonnPKeane, EasterMonkey, Eeekster, Escape Orbit, Esszet, EurekaLott, Extransit, FeanorStar7, Flcelloguy, Floydspinky71, Francine3, Frymaster, Gerda Arendt, GoldRingChip, Good Olfactory, Ground, GroundZero, Hmains, Iamwisesun, Iridescent, JW1805, Jack Cox, Jeffq, Jengod, John K, Johnlp, Jonathan.s.kt, Jonxwood, Joseph Solis in Australia, Jun Nijo, Jwillbur, KConWiki, Kaisershatner,Kalosar, Kamila1077, Katieh5584, Kevin Hayes, Khazar2, Kumioko, Kumioko (renamed), LOL, Little Mountain 5, Maduskis, Magioladitis, Mangoe, Mangojuice, Mark Arsten, Marktunstill,Masterpiece2000, Mathonius, Mav, Maxim, Maximus Rex, Meelar, Milkmandan, Minesweeper, Mkativerata, Montanabw, Orlady, P. S. Burton, Packerfansam, Papppfaffe, PaulHanson,Pmanderson, Postdlf, R'n'B, Rajah, Rande M Sefowt, Ravenswing, Reboot, Rjensen, Rjwilmsi, Robth, Roseohioresident, Rupertslander, SLY111, Scooteristi, Sjkoblentz, Slazenger, Smallfixer,Sopoforic, Stan Shebs, Stefanomione, StevenHW, Stude62, Stwalkerster, Tassedethe, Tbhotch, The Mystery Man, The ed17, Thismightbezach, Tktru, Tom, Tomas417, Twelsht, Ucucha,WOSlinker, Wapcaplet, Wehwalt, WikHead, Wikiscott2, WilliamJE, WolfmanSF, Woodshed, 86 anonymous edits

Image Sources, Licenses and ContributorsFile:Mark Hanna by WJ Root, 1896 cropped.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Mark_Hanna_by_WJ_Root,_1896_cropped.jpg  License: Public Domain Contributors: W. J. Root, ChicagoFile:Mark Hanna Signature.svg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Mark_Hanna_Signature.svg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Mark HannaFile:Mark Hanna as boy.png  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Mark_Hanna_as_boy.png  License: Public Domain  Contributors: not knownFile:Hanna 1877.png  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Hanna_1877.png  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Not known.File:John-Sherman-2.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:John-Sherman-2.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Evrik, Jappalang, Kelly, Madmedea, Nishkid64,YotFile:Foraker as governor.png  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Foraker_as_governor.png  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Ras67, Roseohioresident, Wehwalt, 1anonymous editsFile:Mckin.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Mckin.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Jbarta, Kelly, Slowking4, Thegreenj, ¡0-8-15!File:McKinley 1892 card.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:McKinley_1892_card.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Duke Tobacco CompanyFile:William-Jennings-Bryan-speaking-c1896.jpeg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:William-Jennings-Bryan-speaking-c1896.jpeg  License: Public Domain Contributors: Copyright by Geo. H. Van Norman, Springfield, Mass.File:Bryan Wellsville.png  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Bryan_Wellsville.png  License: Public Domain  Contributors: not knownFile:Front porch campaign 2.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Front_porch_campaign_2.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Luke C. Dillon (1844-1904)File:Davenport Hanna McKinley.png  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Davenport_Hanna_McKinley.png  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Homer DavenportFile:McKinley campaign.png  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:McKinley_campaign.png  License: Public Domain  Contributors: not knownFile:Hanna turkey.png  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Hanna_turkey.png  License: Public Domain  Contributors: not knownFile:Two Bills.png  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Two_Bills.png  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Staff of "Judge" magazineFile:Hanna grave.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Hanna_grave.jpg  License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0  Contributors: WehwaltFile:Hanna statue.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Hanna_statue.jpg  License: Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike  Contributors: Image taken by Wehwalt,sculpture by Augustus Saint-Gaudens (died 1907)File:As they go to the polls.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:As_they_go_to_the_polls.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Homer Davenport

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