NATIONAL ANTHEMS AND IDENTITIES:

THE ROLE OF NATIONAL ANTHEMS IN THE FORMATION PROCESS OF

NATIONAL IDENTITIES

Maria Isabel Mayo-Harp

B.A. (Hom.) Instituto Tecnologico Authorno de México, 1994

THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF

THE REQUTREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS

In the Department of

Political Science

O Maria Isabel Mayo-Harp 2001

SMON FRASER UNIVERSITY

July 200 1

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Abstract

The issue of how nations came to being has been extensively covered by social scientists.

Many academics have considered the expansion of print media since the lare eighteenth

century as the main factor in the emergence of nation-states in Europe and Latin America.

Specifically, they have pointed out the important role of novels and newspapers as the main

vehicles for national consciousness formation. However, this thesis contends that they alone

cannot explain the great dissemination of national feelings or nationalism düring that

century.

This thesis explains the important role that national anthems have played in the

process of national emergence, and how, although more restrictive in number and extension

than the novel, they acted as effective transmitters of national ideologies. The study not

oniy describes the different functions of national anthems and the way they can evoke

popular feelings and emotions; it also quantitatively analyzes their textua1 content and, in a

specific way, covers the circumstances of the emergence of Spanish Arnerican nations

while looking particularly at the Mexican national anthem. The period of study is primarily

the nineteenth century; however, its implications c m be extrapolated to present days.

Ultimately, this thesis conciudes that while national anthems are created by elites

seeking to reach some specific goals, they are, at the same time, authentic expressions of

popuIar identity. 1 conciude that further research on the role of national anthems in present

nationalistic movements and conflicts should be undertaken.

iii

To my parents, Carlos and Celia Mayo,

and to my husband, Francisco F. Harp.

Acknowledgements

1 wouid like to thank my senior supervisor, Dr. David Laycock, for his patience in

reading the earlier drafts of this thesis, for his interest and concern to bring to my attention

valuable references, above al1 for his comments that help shape the central ideas of this

essay. I would also like to thank Dr. Maureen Covell for her input on earlier drafts of this

research. Her constant support, straightforward manner and attention to my best interests

were niost appreciated.

1 am gratefi~l to Dr. Paul Warwick for his statisticd consultation, and to Dr. Antonio

Gornez-Moriana for his guidance and constructive criticism.

Thanks go to Liliana Hill, for her unending patience and the generous arnounts of

time she gave to my rnanuscripts.

Finally, 1 would IiKe to thank rny husband Francisco, who has lived through this

study with me, and my parents, Carlos and Celia, who have supported me ail the way.

Table of Contents

Chapter 1. Introduction: National Anthems and Collective Identity. 1

1.1. Violence and Rationality 1.2. National Symbols and Identities 1.3. What Are National Anthems? 1.4. The Sccial-Political Functions of National Anthems 1 S. Syrnbolic Communication 1.6. Chapters Outline

Chapter 2. The Formation of National Identities during the Nineteenth Century

2.1. What is a Nation? 2.2. The Emergence of Nations in the Nineteenth Century:

The Role of Novels and Newspapers 22.1. Some points to be considered 2.3. The Emergence of Nations in the Nineteenth Century:

The Role of National Anthems 2.3.1. Language standardization, common use of words, names and

phrases, and delimitation of members 2.3.2. "Homogeneous, empty t h e " and the introduction of an

ancient and continuous history 2.3.3. The popular hero 2.4. The Next Step

Chapter 3. A Quantitative Analysis

3.1. A Formal Analysis of National Anthems as Texts 3 -2. Dependent Variables 3.2.1. Anthem's Content 3 - 2 2 Anthem's Grade of Bellicosity 3 -2.3. Anthem's Length 3.3. Independent Variables 3.3. I . Spatial variable 3.3.2. Social variables 3.3.3. Temporal variables 3 -4. National Anthem's Content 3.5. Anthem's Structure: Grade of Bellicosity and Length 3.5.1. The role of Region 3.5.2. The role of language

3.5.3. The role of Colonial Powers 3.5.4. The role of Religion 3.5.5. The role of Sociai Events 3.5.6. The role of Political Arrangement 3.6. The multivariate Models 3.6.1. Anthem's Bellicosity: Muitivariate Model 3 -6.2. Anthem' s Length: Multivariate Model 3.7. Conclusion

Chapter 4. The Spanish American Anthems

4.1. The Spanish American Anthems: The Highest Scores 4.2. Spanish-American Anthem's Bellicosity 4.3. Spanish-Arnerican Anthems' Length 4.3.1. Low Focus Events: Conservatives vs Liberals 4.4. A Case Study: The Mexican National Anthem 3.4.1. A bt-ief quantitative introduction 4.4.2. The Political Anarchy 4.4.3. The External Interventions 4.4.4. The Mexican Anthem's Popular Acceptance 4.5. Conclusion

Chapter 5. Conclusions: Nations and Anthems

5.1. Principal Findings 5.2. Future Perspectives

Appendix A Variables Data

Appendix B Bellicose Words

Appendix C Statistical Tables

Bi bliography

vii

List of Tables

Table 3.1.

Table 3.2.

Table 3.3.

Table 3.4.

Table 3.5.

Table 3.6.

Table 3.7.

Table 3 -8.

Table 3.9.

Anthern' s Content

Grade of Bellicosity

Anthem's Length

Lambda Measures 69

Categorical Regression 7 1

Percentage of bellicose words and number of verses by Region 76

Percentage of bellicose words and number of verses by Lnnguage 78

Percentage of bellicose words and number of verses by Col. Power 80

Percentage of bellicose words and number of verses by Religion 82

Table 3.10. Percentage of bellicose words and number of verses by Social Event 83

Table 3.1 1. Percentage of bellicose words and number of verses by Politicai Arrangement

Table 3.12. Linear Regression (Stepwise rnethod) Dependent Variable: Anthem' s bellicosi ty

Table 3.13. Linear Rezression (S tepwise method) Dependent Variable: Anthem's bellicosity

Table 3.14. Linear Regression (S tepwise method) Dependent Variable: Anthem's length

Table 3.15. Linear Regression (Stepwise method) Dependent Variable: Anthem's Length

Table 4.1. Groups with the Highest Scores

. . . V l l l

Chapter 1

Introduction: National Anthems and Collective Identity

Like other national s p b o l s , national anthems are labels by which nations identify

themselves. But they are much more than that. Through them, it is possible to identify each

nation's identity and bring a sense of concreteness to the highly abstract notior. of "nation".

In :his thesis, 1 will explain the important role that national anthems have played in

the process of national formation, and how, although more restrictive in number and

extension than the novel, they acted as effective transmitters of national ideologies. The

study not only describes the different functions of national anthems and the way they can

evoke popular feelings and emotions, it also quantitatively analyzes their textual content

and, in a specific way, covers the circumstances of the emergence of Spanish American

nations while looking particularly at the Mexican national anthem. The period of study is

primarily the nineteenth century; however, its implications can be extrapolated to present

days.

1.1. Violence and Rationality

Political history has been largely dominated by mass violence and by great efforts to deal

with hopes and material goals. At the sarne time, entire communities do not show signs of

protest activity to oppressive conditions and at some other times they even passionately

defend those social and political institutions that exploit them.

Collective actions that are violent are easy to analyze and understand if their goal is

an increasing of material goods, or a better condition of life, in other words, if they are

clearly "rational". But how to explain those social movements around Islamic 1

fùndarnentalism in Iran, or liberation theology in Haiti in which the participants repeatedly

sacrifice not only their materiai rewards, but also their lives? How to understand the

enthusiastic support for despotic regimes or those large-scde massacres in Russia, Spain,

Indonesia, Armenia or the former Yugoslavia during the Iast century?

When rational and materialist models confront these types of questions, they

sometimes turn to non-rational explanations, and "we may be told that nationalism

transformed hearts and minds - but not why and how."' It is not enough to explain pditical

behaviour and social change as a response of rational individuals. That would be, in the

majority of the cases, simplistic and misleading. An adequate explanation must consider the

subjective influence of ideas, values, beliefs, learning, and information, as well as the

environment and specific conditions of each event, as sources of social and political

change. In short, it is necessary to analyze the role of the collective identity and the f o m

that it objectively manifests in order to understand the most "irrational" human actions.

1.2. National Syrnbois and Identities

The search for a collective exclusiveness or identity has a long history. Well before the

emergeiicz of ancient empires and kingdoms, primitive tribes and clans adopted novel signs

or syrnbols that characterized each group exclusively. Thus, every collective selected or

developed unique signs that functioned as objective and visible representations of the

tribeys singularity. Totems, mural paintings and coloured make-ups were the first collective

sign-syrnbols in human history. They marked al1 that was part of the community: its beliefs,

possessions, hierarchics and physical characteristics. In particular, totems were a

personalization of the clan, and were even considered the essence of the community. An

attack on them by members of another community signified the transgression of the self-

tribe, a direct attack to each one of their members; their destruction represented a "defeat".

During the ancient and medieval times, the use of standards and banners (another

kind of totems) was greatly promoted, not as signs of the entirz community, but as logos of

the powefil and nobility. They did not show some charactenstics of a people or their

region, but of the ruling class that dominated the temtory. In many cases, these symbols

were consiciered sacred, so they were stored in temples when not in use. Egyptians,

Romans, Vikings, and Arabs, to mentiori only a few, also used such symbols extensively to

provoke respect and fear in those territories they conquered. Desecration of the banner or

other particular sign -religious or profane- was severely punished. The relation between

totems and noble families was very close, especially during the medieval period. Capturing

the banner or coat of arms was equated with removing the d e r ' s legitimate power. On the

other hand, winners used to display in their homes and tombs the banners of those whom

they defeated.

With minor exceptions, ancient, classical and medieval times show an extensive use

of totems, but as an exclusive domain of elites; in these e r s , the collectivists per se lacked

symbols that revealed their characteristics. A great change in the use of totemism occürred

ir? the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, when organized and concrete nations started to

emerge. Step by step, every new national govemment adopted its own set of "national

syrnbols" -flags, capitals, currencies, stamps, heroes, holidays, monuments, seals and

antherns, to mention just the most important. These national symbols, dthough selected and

1 Allison Brysk, "Hems and Minds: Bringing Symbolic Politics Back In," Polity 27 (1995): 559-85.

3

adopted rnainly by ruling ctasses, also acquired a popular feature. They represented not

only the identity of rulers, but ais0 the identity of an entire nation, as tribe's totems did it in

the beginning.

Since their emergence, national symbols have shown a very important double

quality: On the one hand, they identify political leadership, as is the case when presidents

or heads of state visit a foreign country and are received with their respective national flags

and anthems. On the other hand, national symbols are also designed to reflect the cornmon

values and ideas of "all" members of the nation or cornmunity. As Karen Cerulo argues,

national symbols "are designed to reflect generai ideals rather than the lineage of

monarchies and regimes; they refer te the unification of people and the statements of their

goals."'

It is important to state that national symbols are not only general expressions of

each nation; they are s i g s that characterize their exclusivity. For exarnple, when we see a

flag with black, red and yellow stripes, or hear the music of "God Save the King/QueenW,

we immediately identify thern with a specific nation. If we are not mernbers of that nation

(Germany and England in these cases) we will probably perceive them as any other flag or

as any other foreign musical composition; that is, as impersonal emblems. But, if we are

members of one of these two nations, we may feel some kind of ernotion, a sense of

belonging to a particular community; we will probably identify ourselves as Germans or

English because we can not only recognize them, but we can also feel them. And it is

precisely from this feeling that it is possible to infer the prime function of national symbols:

Karen A.Cerulo, Identitv desimis. The siehts and Sounds of a Nation (New Brunswick-New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1993, 13.

4

to express, create and reinforce the exclusive collective identities. As Michael Walker

writes: "Because the nation] is invisible; it must be personified before it can be seen,

symbolized before it c m be loved, imagined before it can be c~nceived."~ In other words,

national syrnbols objectify each nation's identity, making concrete that which it might

otherwise be impossible to apprehend. They bring a sense of concreteness to that highly

abstract idea of "nation", and in many cases, they are tkought of as the same nation.

F!ags and anthems are the naticnal symbols more commonly recognized anci

revered because they represented common citizens in a very easy and evocative fonn

(visual and aurai) at any moment and place, but there are other national symbols that

acquire important popular meaning in specific moments. For example, many monuments to

the "fallen soldier", that cost considerable amounts of money, could only be completed by

mass support, but they are important because they are able to evoke a comrnon fight and

difficult moments for the co~lective.~ ~ h e ~ are not only statues, they are mernories.

National icons are also selected to represent the common people in a very simplistic form

that allows them to be used with great versatility. Amerka's "Uncle Sam", the "Russian

Bear" or the female symbols of the French Ekpublic5 are a few examples of national icons.

With particular features and uses, al1 national symbols appeal to the common

characteristics, the shared history, identity, beliefs and values of each nation. Because of

their wide spectrum, they can fulfil many different social and politicai functions that help

maintain and reinforce the nation. However, in this investigation 1 wiIl analyze only one set

M. Walzer, "The Facsimile Fallacy," American Review of Canadian Studies 12 (1967), 194. 1 One example is the Sacre Coeur in Pais.

The fernale symbols of the French Revolution were called Mariane, "as it was a comrnon name meant to represent the common people". Cerulo, OD. cit., 14.

of national syrnbols, which are in my estimation the most important of all: national

anthems. They are not only passive symbols; they are aiso active syrnbols since their

execution requires the participation of spectators. By singing the lyrics and listening to the

music of one's own national anthem, cultural values, noms, rules, and abstract concepts

such as liberty, equality, honour, prestige, beauty, good and evil can become "tan~ible".

1.3. What Are National Anthems?

National anthems are hymns, marches, or fanfares6 used as official patriotic-nationdistic

collective symbols. The English term "anthem" that describes such pieces became current

in the early nineteenth century, but onIy in the English speaking countries. In most other

languages the word corresponding to the English term "hymn" is used,? as is the case of

Spanish speaking nations, which cal1 them "himnm nacionales ".

Many national anthems came into being in the nineteenth century, during the period

of national consolidation. However, many others appeared after the Second World War,

when many African and Asian nation-states started to get their independence. The earliest

1 official national anthems is Great Britain's "God Save the KingIQueen", which was

and printed in September 1745, though the melody is probably older. Other European

nations that selected their national anthems by the er,d of the eighteenth century were

Spain, France, and Austria. In the same way, several Latin American national anthems date

from the nineteenth century, when the former Spanish colonies were consolidated as

6 This classification is based on the musical characteristics, not on their textual structure and content- It is explained with more detail in section 3.1.

The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 1980 ed. S v . "National Anthems" by Malcolm Boyd, 46-7.

independent states. Actuaily, 14 of 22 (63%) Latin America nations composed their hymns

from 1810 to 1887.

In contemporary society, more than two hundred nations, from large to small, have

their own national anthem; even the mini-nations without separate states are proud of their

national hyrnns, as it is the case, for exarnple, of Wales. The Welsh accept British

sovereignty while they express their identity, values and history in "Mac hen rvlnd fi

nhaday ?' (Land of rny Fathers).

National anthems are very special collective symbols; they do not represent an

abstract entity through images and colours as icons and flags do, but through audible

stimulation. They are lyncal compositions that provoke the emergence of common feelings

and attitudes among those who are listening and/or singing them. Even the national flags

that are traditionally considered the national symbol par excellence cannot compete in this

sense with national mthems. Of course, the high evocative "power" of national anthems is

produced and appreciaid only at the moment they are being Sung in unison. This evocative

power does not endure as much as a flag's does, and it is not present at al1 moments. The

"power" of national flags is visual, that is why it can endure more than anthern's; at least

until its physical destruction.

National anthems have been used since their creation to encourage soldiers before a

battle. According to Malcom Boyd, during the Second World War, European listeners

reported a strengthened resolve and increased feeling of nationalism after he'aring weekly

broadcasts of the Allies' national a n t h e m ~ . ~ In Latin America, national anthems have been

also performed during national crises in the last century. An example would be the 1982

Argentinean war against England to recover "Las Islas Malvinas" (the Falkland Islands).

During the few months the war lasted, the Argentinean national anthem was frequently

broadcast, and although the war was Iost from the beginning, the rnilitary government

received the general support of the population and nationalistic feelings arose everywhere.

A similar phenomenon can be appreciated when national anthems are sung at the onset of

sporting events or international competitions. At the moment the national anthem of the

winner strikes up and the flag is hoisted, the feeling of victory -of a cornmon national

victory- breaks out. "People stand at attention anc! tum, as in a religious rituai, towad the

flag. The rnystical qualities of the container, the worship of a supreme being, appear in this

situation, because a 'pious sou1 senses God in the sublime fatherland' (Swiss national

anthem)."g

National anthems, like many other musical compositions, are formed by a musical

arrangement and, in most cases, by verbal statements. In conjunction, when it is the case,

they are both composed and adopted by ruling elites as official national hymns, or they are

elevated to this prominent rank by growing popular acceptance. In any case, national

anthems are officially adopted because of their abiIity to capture and inspire the "hearts" of

the population, or a great portion of it, because they symbolize the abstract idea of nation

and produce an effective feeling of "being part of ' the cornmunity. For example, when

Haydn composed the music of the Gennan national anthern, he did it thinking of the

emotional effects of "God Save the King/Queen" that he saw during his visit to England. He

wanted to present his regional feliows with a similar composition. He viewed his anthem

8 Ibid. -

(the musical arrangement) as a "popular" song that appealed to al1 citizens.1° Of course,

"popular" and "citizens" connect directly to the German population, not to other groups of

people. ' ' National anthems are very powefil collective symbols because in different

moments they can assume diverse meanings, evoke intensive feelings, and impel for

collective action or inaction. Then, it is not surprising that many national anthems were

created and/or adopted during the last century, when several European and American

nations were boni, or during the years after the Second World War, when African and

Asian countries claimed their independence. In those moments of "national construction", a

collective identity was needed which anthems -and other symbols- could help to provide.

,4nd it is also not strange that in the present and in very different national and international

contexts from those of their creation and adoption, national anthems still have the ability to

revive common events, histories, emotions and ideals. In particular, their textual content

can capture a population's heart and transmit, a sense of identity in an explicit form because

it does establish social borders.

The concepts of "I", "we" and "nation" are often used indistinctly in anthems' texts

to create a sensation of membership; but in doing this, they also create the idea of foreigner,

stranger or outsider. If words of national anthems are inclusive for some people, the

members, they are also exclusive for those who do not belong to the community -for those

who are outside of the nation. For citizens, and not for al1 others, national anthems, more

9 Kdus Sondermann, "Reading poIitically: national anthems as textual icons," in Intermetin- the political, ed. T. Carver and M. Hyvarinen (London and New York: Routledge, 1997), 133.

'O 3. P. Sousa. National Patriotic and Tvpical A in of Al1 Lands (New York: Da Capo Press, 1890), 89.

than any other national syrnbol, concretely appeal to the common characteristics, the shared

history, and the passions, emotions, feelings, loyalties and goals af the collective. When

national anthems mix and inter-place the concepts of "r', "we" and "nation". they are

imposing the community over individuals and rejecting strange and odd ideas. Klaus

Sondemann States that many antherns "have in comrnon a transposition in the 'speaker' ...

They shift from taking to the addressee (you, 'the nation') to a collective monologue (we,

the 'Genzeinschafi' [comrnunity]); they speak to a being externat to the singer and also

speak as a 'we-choir'."" The author makes his analysis frorn three anthems, the Finnish,

the German, and the Austrian. 1 reproduce his Austrian example to rnake this idea clear.13

We, the nation You, the nation

People blessed for Beauty's sake

Bold, free and faithful With joy in work and Filled with hope Let us sin, as one Fraternity Swearing loyalty

Land of rnountains, Strearns, fields, Churches, foundries Future wealth ! Home to worthy sons

Far renewed

Like a sturdy heart Well proved Much beloved

Introducing the concept of "we", antherns bnng together different types of persons

who do not share anything more than a feeling of being part of the same collective. Again,

this can be appreciated when national anthems are Sung in sporting events or international

competitions. There, it does not matter who you are, but where you are from. However,

l 1 Haydn' composition was also used for Austria's national anthem. But after the Second World War, and the German adoption of Haydn's music for its anthern, Austria adopted a new musical arrangement.

12 Sonderrnann, loc. cit., 137.

there are also a few instances in which national anthems can be used to separate rather than

bond the national population. In those cases, they create a context of "them" versus "us" by

illuminating the differences between dominant and subordinate groups. During the 1930s

and 1940s the anthem of the Nazi Party, and the second officiai anthem of Germany,

functioned in this way. Defined as exclusive symbols of "true Aryans", the Nazi anthem

and the swastika flag placed that group in opposition to al1 others. Non-Aryans were

forbidden to sing the a ~ t h e m or attend the ceremony of singing.

The important fact is that "we" and "they" have not been always the same group of

persons or entities. Actually, the textua1 content of national anthems is a discursive creation

that can be fixed to respond to different political situations and different historical

moments. As A. Cohen briefly says, national anthems are linguistic and/or music

formations "that stand ambiguously for a multiplicity of disparate meanings, evoke

9 1 14 sentiments and emotions and impel men to action [or inaction] ... (In section 1.5 -the

syrnbolic communication- 1 will explain this "mutable" characteristic of national anthems.)

1.4. The Social-Political Functions of National Anthems

The importance of national anthems to the creation, consolidation and preservation of

national comrnunities will be better understood through a brief review of their main socio-

political functions. These functions, thought to be common characteristics, have in some

cases specific manifestations or qualities.

')m., 139. '' A. Cohen, Two Dimensional Man (London: Routiedge & Kegan Paul Ltd, 1974). M.

The first and most important function is that national anthems help defrne the

members of the nation. As was noted in the previous section, they tell citizens "who they

are, by dernarcating what is authentically theirs from what is alien."'s In their texts, the use

of concepts like "I", "we" and "nation" clearly and explicitly create a sense of membership.

of belonging to a definite community.

However, at the sarne time they are delirniting the members of the nation, these

"inclusive" concepts are also excluding other groups of people through a discursive

didectic. "Y, "we", "nation" and "motherlfatherland" implicitly, not explicitly, mean "not

you". These terrns create the idea of "foreigner" or "outsider". In the realrn of nationai

anthems, the demarcation of territory and population is helped and reinforced through the

introduction of values and customs that are familiar to some but strange to others. Actually,

the eminent inclusiveness characteristic of antherns is, at the same time, an exclusionist one

to strangers who do not share the same values, history, traditions, religion and/m language.

The most obvious example of this inclusion-exclusion quality is the composition and

selection of the national anthem in a specific language. This selection obviously excludes

al1 persons who do not speak the hyrnn's language. Persons who do not fulfil members'

physical characteristics, histories, andor ernotions are not (cannot be) part of the nation.

The text of national anthems can also explicitly exclude one or many parts of the

population who were born andior have been living in the national territory al1 their life,

explicitly rnarking those who are not "members". However, explicit exclusions, such those

of the Nazi anthem, are not expressed very often now. Several governments have

intentionally suppressed o r forbidden the singing of specific stanzas that may provoke (or

- - .- . -- - -

'' A. D. Smith, The Ethic Orioins of Nations (London: Basii Blackwell, 1986), 202.

12

have the potential to provoke) popular enmities or confrontations and, therefore, political

and social instability. The Central African Repubiic is one of the few States that explicitly

delimits the members of the nation:

Original Text 16

O Centrafrique. ô berceaudes Bantous! Reprends ton droit ale respect, à la vie! Langtemps soumis, longtemps brimè par torts. Mais de ce jorrr brisant la tyrannie. Dans le travail, l'ordre et la dignité, Tri reconquiers ton droit, ton rcniré, Et pour franchir cette étape nouvelle, De nos ancêtres la voir rzo~rs nappelle,

Engiish ~ranslation"

Oh! Central Africa, birthptace of the Bantu people! Take up your nght to respect, to life! Long subjugated, long scorned by 311, But, frorn today, breaking tyranny's hold. Through work, order and dignity You reconquer your rïghts, your unity, And to take this new step The voice of our ancestors calls us.

The second function of national anthems, closely connected to the first, is that they

help crystallize the idea of national identity. They "enable a unique collective 'self,

distinct frorn any other entity in the international arena. Via these symbols, political leaders

inject the essence of the nation [whatever this may bel into every ~i t izen." '~ As those

"identity injections" take hold, members become filled with the abstract notion of nation,

but through a very concrete forrn. The nation and its national anthem forrri an indivisible

entity.

To accomplish crystallization, elites usually give national anthems high exposure.

In many countries, hymns are inculcated early in the school and recited daily or once per

week through the completion of secondary education. As well, national anthems are present

and promoted by the government in leisure settings such as concerts, sporting events and

other public assemblies. Each officia1 and unofficial event in which anthems are Sung

l6 Cortesy of Missionaries Comboniens (Prov. Centratrique. B.P. 1427 RCA) " Cop City Police Department. www.copsrus.com/anthems.html l8 Ceniio, oo. cit., 15.

serves as ô mean of national crystallization. Each singer forms part of a group, of a g e a t

intangible entity, the nation. And each particular nation presents its own identity, its own

history, values, beliefs that, intoning a particular kind of music, are evoked each time they

are sung. The national identity is crystallized every time the national anthem is sung. (Zn

Section 3.2,. 1 will present different classifications of national anthems.)

National anthems define the members of the nation and help crystalIize the national

identity through their periodical or extraordinary singing. But they also create a solid

emotional bond among members; at least during the time they are being Sung (and

immediately after). By evoking ccmmon emotions, national antherns bring individuais out

of themselves and into contact with other CO-nation&. They emotionally link citizens

despite differences in wealth, social standing, power or age.I9 Every person forrns a part of

the whole, and it does not rnatter if they know each other because they are conceptualized

as the same people. As Durkheim noted, "By uttering the same cry, pronouncing the same

word, or performing the same gestures in regard to these objects, individuals become and

feel themselves to be in uni~on."'~ In this way, also A. Shutz mentioned that anthems focus

independent actors' strearns of consciousness on a period of time in which their thoughts

and emotions are united; they accomplish a "synchronicity".'l

1 have already mentioned that during the Second World War Allies' nationai

anthems were weekly transmitted to strengthen and increase the feeling of camaraderie, and

that the specific spirit of unity can be also appreciated when national anthems are Sung in

l 9 However, in the case of gender. this is not m e . Wornen are not usually mentioned in the content of national anthems.

20 Emile Durkheim, The Elementarv Foms of Religious Life, trans. J.W.Swain (New York: Free Press, 1915), 262.

international competitions. The spirit of brotherhood can be entirely appreciated in those

revolutionary movements when people are more "heart" than "mind" and are acting in

unison, as one entity. For exmple, when troops from Maseilles were storrning the

Turlleries at A u p s t 10, 1792, they were also singing La Marseillaise, often considered the

most dramatic of national antherns." Thus, it does not matter in which kind of situation the

national anthems are Sung -wars, international competitions, revolutions, in every one, their

bonding power is prcsent.

The bonding function of national anthems has been an extraordinary mechanism to

allow elites to reinforce specific goals among citizens, and to avoid confrontation or threats

within them. Great Britain's national anthem "God Save the King/QueenV was adopted by

King George Ii to retain generai loyalty to the crown during the Jacobite threat. The anthem

was spread through London and environs with the idea that it would "calm popular feeling

and encourage the already strong support for the king"" Sirnilarly, Malta's national

anthem was conceived in the form of a prayer with the intention to "unite al1 parties with

the strong ties of religion and love of country."24 In Spanish American nations, the

emotional bond was basically created by the ideais of independence and liberty. The

constant threat from the former coIonizer and oiher European powers to (re)conquer

American territories was a strong reminder to be socially united against foreign powers.

The creation of bonds arnong citizens is also fomented by musical representations,

not only by texts. The selection or adoption of the "correct" music is so crucial to this

71 A. Shutz. "Making Music Together: A Study in Social Rdationship,". Social Research 18 (1951): 76-97. " The New Grove Dictionarv of Music and Musicians, op. cit.. 46-7. '3 B. Griffith, National Anthems and How Thev Came to Be Written (Boston: Christopher, 1959), 26. " W. Reed and M. Bristow, National Anthems of the World (new York: ARCO, 1987). 189.

15

function that many govemments have offered a prize for the best musical composition, as

was the case in Australia, Guyana, Honduras, ~Valawi, Mexico, and Peru, to narne just a

few. The mood and qualities of each nation and concrete moment are different, and so are

their musical expressions. Some nations chose musical compositions of hyrnns, others of

marches, and others even of fanfares. Mayor Dietrich Strabourg is said to have directed

Claude Joseph Rouget de Lisle, the composer of the "La Marseillaise" to "produce one of

those hymns which convey to the sou1 of the people the enthusiasm which it suggests".

National antherns not only express values andor desires, they also intrinsically

encompass and produce emotions and feelings which are much more difficult to deal with

than tangible abjects and goals. It is interesting to note that ancient thinkers were already

conscious of the emotional power of patriotic hyrnns due to their musical expression and

discursive manipulation. Aristotle considered in "Poerica " that the Tragedy and not the

Epic was the higher form of imitation because it includes additional representational

elements, spectacle and music. He used the term Catharsis to denominate the effect of the

tragic representation, able to purify spectators with feelings of fear and compassion.

The bonding function of hymns not only stays within national boundaries, it also

goes to the international context. Indeed, some anthems were designed to express unity

between two or more nations. The clearest examples are those of the former "east block"

countries that often expressed the same cornmunist goals, ideologies and objectives; and

those anthems of the Latin America nations, in which is possible to find a sense of cornmon

history, values, and destiny, not to mention the !anpage and religion. FolIowing 1 present

three exarnples of this international bonding function. The first one is based on the same

heritage and history; the second, on the race: and the last one on the religion.

16

a) International bond based on same history.

Colornbia, Second Stanza:

Original Texp

Inclependencia grita El mundo arnericarzo; Se baiîa en sangre de héroes La tierra de C o l h Pero este gran principio: el Rey no es soberano, Resriena. y los qrte srtfrerz Bendicen srt pasibrz.

Original Textz7

NU los veis sobre México y Quito Arrojarse cor2 saria tetzaz, Y mal lloran banados en sarzgre Potosi, Cochabamba y la paz! ;No los veis sobre el triste Caracas Luto y llantos y rnrierte esparcir! ;No los veis devorando cual fieras Todo prteblo que iogran rendir!

English ~ranslation'~

Independence! cries The American world: And the heroes' blood is bathing The land of Columbus- But this great principle: "The king is not the sovereign", Resounds, and those who suffer Bless the passion in it.

English Translation

Don't you see them over Mexico and Quito Rushing with tenacious viciousness, Potosi, Cochabamba and La Paz! Cry bathed in blood! Don't you see them over the sad Caracas Scatter rnourning and weeping and death! Don't you see thern devour as beasts Al1 people they manage to defeat!

b) International bond based on sarne race.

Congo, Second Stanza:

Original ~ e x t ' ~ English ~ r a n s l a t i o n ~ ~

Des forêts jtisqu 'à la savane, From the forest to the bush, Des savanes jusqu a la mer, Frorn the bush to the ocean, Un seul peuple, wze seule âme, One people, one soul, Lb, seul coeur, ardent etfier. One heart, ardent and proud. Luttons tous, tant que nous sommes, Let us al1 fight, eveiy one of us, Pour notre vieru: pays noir. For our old black country.

25 Martin Shaw and Henry CoIeman, National Anthems of the World, 2nd ed. (London: Pitman Publishinc - Corporation, 1963), 83.

26 ïbid. 27 Courtesy of the Argentinean Embassy in Mexico City. 28 Shaw and Coleman. OP. cit., 83-86. I9 Ibid.

Ghana ,Third Stanza:

Original ~ e x t ~ '

Raise high the flag of Ghana And one with Africa advance; Black Star of hope and honour To ail who thirst for Liberty; Where the banner of Ghana freely flies, May the way to freedom tmly lie; Arise, arise, O sons of Ghanaland, And under God mach on for evermore!

C) International bond based on saine religion:

Pakistan, third S tanza:

Original ~ e x t ~ ' English translation32

Parcham-e-Sitara-O-Hilal This flag of Crescent and Star Rahbar-e-Tarakkeey-O-Kama 1 Leads the way to progress and perfection Tarjlrmaan-e-mazee-shaari-e-Hal Interpreter of our past glory of Our present Jan-e-lstaqbnl Inspiration of our future, Saaya-e- Khzrda-e-zuljalal Symbol of Alrnighty's protection

Because national anthems define, crystaI1ize and bind members of the national

collective to each other, and because they are emotionally charged, they can also motivate

collective action. National anthems that are "marches" show this function better than other

types of musical compositions, especially when collective action is directed against foreign

threats. According to Paul Nettl, when the volunteers "joined the storming of the Tuilleries

on August 10, they sang and roared their favounte Song in a frenzy of enthusiasrn which

impaired itself forthwith to the inflammable Paris rn~b . " )~ Also, Griffith States that "La

30 Cop City Police Department, op. cit. 3 1 Courtesy of the Embassy of Pakistan in Mexico City. 32 Flag and National Anthem of P~kis tan: www.copcity.com/anthems/pakistm.htmI 33 Paul Nettl. National Antherns , 2 d ed. tram A. Gode (New York: Frederich Ungar, 1967). 69.

Marseillaise" was forbidden by the French government for several years after the revoiution

because of fear of its effect on the passions of the French people.34 In recent times, the

motivational power of antherns has even been debated in US. Senate: "This Song of Key's

aroused the dormant patriotism of the nation. It lifted the national spirit from the vale of

gloom and despair. It heralded the dawn of a new day to our government. In moral value, it

was worth 10,000 bayonets" and "The veterans of al1 wars are cailing to the Senate now to

put its official stamp upon this sacred Song which inspired them to do or die for the land of

the free and the home of the brave."35 Implicit in these quotations is the notion that national

anthems actuaily function as a very powerful mechanism to arise nationdistic ernotions,

serving to turn feelings into action.

Finally, national anthems serve to legitimize the authority of the state or, in some

occasions, to challenge it. In the first case, knowing that anthems are important to citizens

and exercise a moral-patriotic authority over them, political authorities often try to merge

their image with national symbols. By doing so, we can say that leaders not only use the

emotional but real power of anthems, but they also represent, retain and express them. In

offilcial events, national or international, and international cornpetitions when authorities

are present, leaders sing their national anthem to personalize their nation; in that moment

they "are" the voice of the nation. It would be unthinkable to see a president or prime

minister not singing, going away or doing something else when dl citizens are singing their

national anthem in unison. In some Spanish American countries, during the

commemoration of Independence Day, presidenrs are expected to intone the national

" Griffith. OD. cit.,.50. 35 U.S. Congressional Records 1930: 2322. and 1931: 6231 in Cerulo. op. cit.. 22.

anthem, and with that action, legitimize their position. However, national anthems can be

ais0 used in the opposite way.

In al1 functions cited thus far, there is a common characteristic: the ability of

national anthems to evoke emotions and provoke collective actions travels downward

through the socio-political system. It is generaily started and directed from those that

govern the govemed. But in the opposite way, from govemed to those that national

anthems can function to express popular discontent against national leadership. in

these cases, they function as mechanisms for popular political protest. The leaders are not

seen as the nation's representatives, but as tramgressors of the community, and hymns are

used to challenge them. During the Second Empire, Napoleon III attempted to replace "La

Marseillaise" with another hymn of less 'revolutionary' ~ h a r a c t e r , ~ ~ but protesters chose the

anthem as an expression of disobedience, and as a reminder of the revolutionary ideals. "In

this way, the anthem became an expression of collective will and a direct challenge to

fornial authority."" In Latin America, protests using national anthems were common in the

nineteenth century. In Mexico, for exampie, during the French occupation ( 1863- 1866) the

use of the nationaI anthem not only challenged the monarchic government, it also

encouraged civilians into action. Actually, rhe popularity of Mexico's hymn was obtained

during this period. Fifty years later, revolutionaries also used the anthem as a form of

protest against governments that occupied the presidency without poputar support.

Another form of protest against authority is the manipulation of the anthem's words

andior music. Rock guitarist Jimi Hendrix "expressed his opposition to govemment poIicy

" Boyd, loc. cit., 46-75. 37 Cerulo, op. cit., 30.

when he manipulated the Star-Spangled Banner' at the Woodstock Music Festivai. The

'new' anthem contained abundant musical distortion, symbolizing, according to Hendrix,

the government's perversion of traditional Amencan values such as freedom of expression

and equality."38 In the U S . and other western States, open protests against governments

using national symbols are generally allowed. But in other countries, ruling elites offkially

forbid the "incorrect use" or manipulation of any national symbol, and it is in these cases

when the use of national anthems to express lack of conformity is understood as civil

disobedience.

The protest function of national anthems is expressed as well in the international

arena: colonies used to protest against colonizzrs by not singing the officiai anthem and

performing different national soi7gs that represented their own identity during the

independence period. Today, it is not strange to see how the population and governments of

subordinate nations attack power nations' symbols to disapprove international policy

resolutions. It is more common to see a burning of symbols (flags and images) than musical

and text alterations of others anthern.

1.5. Syrnbolic Communication

The development, adoption, diffusion and transformation of national anthems follows a

classic mode1 of symbolic communication that contains three basic elements: the emitter or

sender, the message, and the receiver or target. The first one is constituted by the political

elites; the second, by the specific information that the sender wants to be transrnitted; and

the third one, by the national masses, as well as by the international community. In this

rnodel, the senders always wish to influence the receivers in some mamer to provoke (or

avoid) collective support and/or mobilizations. However, it would be very elementary and

erroneous to Say that elites send a message "A" to obtain a result "B", or a message "X" to

obtain "Y", because the situation is not so simple. Whether or not the masses perceive the

message/stimulus in the way that elites want them to, depends on many different variables

that 1 am going ;O mention during this investigation.

Selection of national anthems clearly exhibits an intention on the part of the sender

and a reaction (response) on the part of the receivers. The problem is that ail three elements

(senders, message and receivers) can change -and actually have changed innumerable

tirnes- without transforming the textual content and musical composition of the national

anthems. These collective syrnbols are discursive creations which c m acquire multiple

meanings depending on the temporal, the spatial, and the social dimensions. In addition, it

is important to consider that nationai anthems are an intrinsic element of the exercise and

powx struggle in which unequal relations of power are at play. Paraphrashg Alberto

Melucci, 1 c m s q that national anthems, meanings, and power are intimately i n t e r t ~ i n e d - ~ ~

Some of the oldest national anthems have more than two hundred years of

existence; thus it is not difficult to see that the senders and the receivers are no longer the

same. With time, rulers change as it does the type of government; the population grows and

its characteristics vary; and the international context clearly differs frorn one year to

another, but the anthems are the sarne -or almost the same. Their text and music do not

change, or change just marginally. However, this "unchangeability" does not mean that the

39 Alberto Melucci. Nornads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Societv (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989).

message they transmit is the same. The meaning of words and music change, in the same

way that senders and receivers do. The message of national anthems is polysemic; that is, it

c m bear as many different rneanings as there are discourses that form them.

Starting to deduce the limits or reach of the possible range of messages that national

mthems are abIe to acquire requires ri careful examination of the specific quality of the text

and music at the moment they were composed and/or officidly adopted. The selection of

sorrie concrete words and type of music undoubtedly helps to Zimit the set of possibie

rneanings that a hymn c m assume.

The textual content of national anthems transmits a concrete and clear message to

the masses. Some antherns sing to the beauty of their motherhther land; others are a cal1 to

arms that proclaims many different values such as liberty, independence, and equdity; and

others are a prayer to God or the Nation. The important fact is not the words they Say, but

the order in which they are arranged. When national anthems were composed the senders

attended not only to the content of the textual message, but to the way in which that content

was put togethet.

The syntactic structure of the text clearly limits the set of meanings that anthems

can adopt. A "little" change in the structure of the words could produce a big change of

meaning. Ferdinand de Saussure was one of the first who noted the importance of the

syntactic structure in the communication process. He argued that "each linguistic term

derives its value from its opposition to al1 other terms.. . Whatever distinguishes one term

from another constitutes it."40 Thus, the syntactic combination of words in national anthems

40 Ferdinand de Saussure, Course in Generai Linouistics. trans. W. Baskin, (New York: Philosophical Library, 1959). 88, 12 1.

conveys a meaning that differs frorn that of any single component of the entire syrnbol.

"So, although the elements -the content- of two syrnbols may be identical, repeating those

elements, emphasising one element over another, or altering the way in which the elements

are combined can change both the interpretation and the effectiveness of the syrnbol's

,941 message. For example, the national anthem of Argentina, created in 1813, was Sung

according to the original text during a Iong pet-iod of tirne, but once the anger against

Spaniards passed, some stanzas were no longer Sung as the President, General Roca,

officially decreed it in 1900. The rest of the anthem was Sung in the same way, without

alterations, but the message (directed to Spain) was radically changed frorn one of adversity

to one of friendship. The official cessation of the "problematic" stanzas moditïed the

syntactic structure of the anthem and their international message.

An example of a rninor change in the syntaxes, but a great alteration of the meaning,

can be found in the national anthem of Italy. The words were written by Goffredo Mameli

in 1847, but when it was officially adopted one century later, in 1946, a "insignificant"

modification was done in the second stanza.. .

Original Text (1847)'~

Noi siamo da secoli caipesti, derisi, perche' siam divisi. Raccoigaci urz 'rrrzictr bandiem, una speme: di fonderci insierne gia ' l'ara sirono '.

Modified Text (1946)~~

Noi fummo da secoli calpesti, de risi, perche' siam divisi. Racco lgaci wz 'unicu bandiera, zrna speme: di forzderci insieme gia' 1 'ora suorzo'.

.ai Cerulo, OP. cit., 30.

The words used today are "...noifummo da secoli calpesti, derisi" -meaning We had

been for centuries not united ... This implies that the Italians are no longer divided. The

original words "Noi siamo da secoli" -We have been for centuries ... implies that the

Italians are still not united. Whatever the political intention this textual modification

acquires, it is clear that the meaning of both texts is totally different.

As 1 have mentioned above, national anthems' concrete message depends not only

on the text's content, but also on the quality of the music. In this dimension, music historian

Paul Nettl also considers that the content of an anthem is secondary to its structure: "The

full patnotic appeal of an anthem is determined by the association and the relationship

between its Different music transmits different messages, and the seiection of the

type of music dso exhibits a concrete intention on the part of the sender. The emotional

feeling that hyrnns or anthems transmit is cleariy different from that of the marches or

fanfares. Consider, for example, two well-known anthems, "God Save the King" and "La

Marseillaise*. They convey drastically different messages: the first one is a stately hymn of

honour; the second, a cal1 to arms; the first is considered a typical hymn; the second, a

march. If the quality of the music changes, so does the message aiso changes. Plato refers

to the power of the music saying that "when modes of music change, the fundamental laws

of the State always change with t h e ~ n . " ~ ~

The question that immediately follows from this analysis of symbolic

communication is ... what was the state of mind (message) that senders wished to transmit

42 Courtesy of the ltalian Embassy in Mexico City. 43 Shaw and Coleman, ou. cit., 187 44 Nettl, OP. cit., 30.

when they first choose the text and music of national anthems? The transmitters in this

mode1 of syrnbolic communication are the politicai elites. They create and select national

anthems according to the socio-political conditions they face and with the specific message

they wish to project to their citizens and to the international comrnunity. Several of the

European and American anthems were composed during the nineteenth century when

nations -2s we know them today- started to emerge. So, it would be strange if the new non-

noble elites, wishing to consolidate their position, had nat selected a message that would

help to assure the consolidation of the national identicy and, therefore, their rule over some

delimited masses.

National anthems helped create and consolidate national entities because they

function as effective means to transmit selected messages from the elites (senders) to the

masses (receivers). Sometimes the messages were a cal1 to fight (coIlective mobilization);

and in others, a cal1 for unity and peace (collective inaction). As Laclau and Mouffe stated

"interests and projects are susceptible to being articulated within and to widely different

discourses, with divergent or even contradictory implications in terrns of the direction of

77 45 struggles . The fact is that neither the elements of the syrnbolic communication, nor the

national identity are a given. There is a constant fixation on the elements, meaninps and

identities that is aIso constrained and constraining. The Iimits of the national anthems, as

discursive creations, are their textual and musical content, their history, and the nature of

45 Plato, "Republic," in Dialocues of Plato, trans. Jowett, ed. by J. Kaplan. (Washington: Square Press. 1973). 281.

" Ernesto LacLu and Chantal Mouffe, Heeernony and Socialist Suatew: Towards a Rarical Democratic Poiitics (London: Verso, 1985), 168-9.

the unequal relations of power at play4'. They, as national symbols, form a special

dimension of the exercise of power that should not be forgotten. They are part of symbolic

politics.

1.6. Chapters Outline

In this introductory chapter, 1 have outlined the reievance of national anthems for the study

of the collective action. 1 have explained what national antherns are, what socio-political

functions they fulfill, and why they should be considered in any political-cultural study of

national identity and nationalism. Reviewing the role of anthems in the consolidation of

national identities, 1 analyzed how they are inclusive and exclusive at the same time: the

common use of the concepts 'T', "we" and "nation" that national anthems constantly use

creates a feeling of membership, but, at the same time, they introduce the idea of

"foreigner", "stranger" or "outsidery7. FinalIy, the introduction of the elements of the

symbolic communication helped us understand the way in which these power mechanisms

function.

In chapter 2, 1 witl review existing literature regarding the formation of national

identities dunng the nineteenth century. Ln particular, 1 wiIl consider the works of Benedict

Anderson, Homo Bhabha (ed.), Ernest Gellner, Ernest Renan, and Eric Hobsbawn, as well

as more recent investigations that take these authors as reference. First, 1 will review the

concept of nation, showing its two different rneanings, and how this concept has been

academically conceived since the nineteenth century. 1 will summarize the different

" Jane Jenson, "Different but not Exceptional: Canada's Permeable Fordisrn," Canadian Review of Sociologv and Anthropolom 26,l (1989), 75.

hypotheses regarding the emergence of nations, and outlining their common aspects. The

d e of novels and necvspapers in al1 those theories will be the axis of rny analysis.

However, 1 will contend that these literary genres cannot totalIy explain the formation and

expansion of nationai identities and nationalisms. Therefore, 1 will show how national

anthems contributed to the creation and dissemination of national identities in a more

efficient and controlled way. The analysis will particularly study the case of the Spanish

American nations.

Up to this chapter, 1 will have already explained the importance and characteristics

of national anthems, as well as their role in the formation and consolidation of nations

during the nineteenth century. In chapter 3, 1 will undertake a statistical analysis of national

anthems' textual content in order to find their comrnon characteristics. This study will

consider the texts of 185 national anthems. Using a categorical regression model, 1 will

specially analyze how anthems' text content is influenced by spatial, temporal and social

variables. In a more traditional way, using rnultivariate regression models, 1 will also

examine the variables that influence the degree of bellicosity of antherns and their

extension, that is, their number of verses. Some basic descriptive statistical data such as

frequencies, averages, and association measures will also be presented.

Detemining the cornmon characteristic of anthems should help us understand the

major national values and goals of each nation at the time the anthem was officially

adopted.

While chapter 3 covers national anthems around the world, Chapter 4 focuses on the

Spanish American region and develops not only a statistical analysis, but also qualitative

research. 1 will explain how the spatial, temporal and social dimensions affect the

28

composition of anthems, as well as the way they are received. We will see how Spanish

American elites have used this type of national symbols to control and create national

feelings in places where they didn't exist before. Finally, I will present the Mexican

national anthem as a case study, showing how this specific anthem has transmitted different

messages over its history without suffering major changes in its original text. As we will

see, the Mexican national anthem was createà by conservalive elites to accomplish some

specific goals; however, due to extemal interventions, its popular acceptance was complete.

The diverse messages it transmitted over time have not minimized its potitical-emotional

power; indeed, and characteristical1 y, they increased it.

ln chapter 5, 1 will review the principal findings and bnefly outline their importance

in today's world, in which nationhood is still alive and new nations are continually

emerging.

To enhance the study's readability, I have frequently relegated methodological

comments and elaborations, as well as certain statistical findings, to the footnotes. Finally,

those interested in statistical issues will find appendices A, B, and C a "mut read" section.

It is not, however, essential to the full understanding of the analysis.

Chapter 2

The Formation of National Identities during the Nineteenth Century

Many studies about the origins of nations have considered the novel and the newspapers as

the main vehicles for national consciousness formation during the nineteenth century.

However, illiteracy rates of many nation-states in this penod reved that there must have

been other vehicles that carried out this function. In this chapter, I will contend that national

anthems were (and continue to be) effective vehicles used in the transmission and

insemination of national consciousness and nationdistic feelings into the masses.

2.1. What is a Nation?

As a term, 'nation' refers both to the modern concept of "nation-state" (population,

territory, and government) and to some ancient and less clear idea -the 'rzatio9- to be bom,

a local community of family, condition of belonging. The difference between both icieas is

obviously large. However, many authors have explained the Iink between them, that is,

between the set of relationships related to the place of birth and the modem idea of nation-

state.

The definition of nation is a deepIy discussed issue in Political Science. Many

definitions have been proposed, but none has definitively established the elements that

constitute a nation. As Hugh Seton-Watson stated, "there is no 'scientific' means of

establishing what al1 nations have in cornrn~n."~~ Timothy Brennan also argues that "Race,

geography, tradition, language, size, or some combination of these seem finally insufficient

for determining national essence, and yet people die for nations, fight wars for them, and

write fictions on their behalf."49 As we will see, "nation" definitions have been always

constructed by abstract concepts such as "myth", "identity" and "values", and not by weil-

recognized concrete elements.

The simple question of "what is a nation?" has been addressed since the early

nineteenth century when, through the spread of romanticist ideas, the nation was generally

conceived by the population as the "natural" consequence of human evolution. a quasi

eternal entity created by God that has finally defined itself. its people and its temtory -as a

metaphysical whole. By the 1850's, some thinkers began to reject the deterministic view of

the emergence of nations and rather stated a "voluntary" argument. In his famous lecture

presented at the Sorbonne in 1872, Ernest Renan denied any naturalistic determinism to

establish national borders. According to him, language, geography, race, ethnography, and

religion could not dictate the boundaries of what human will had done with work and

sacrifice. But Renan's conception of nation was aiso abstract and based only on the socio-

historicai capital:

A nation is a soul, a spiritual principle. Two things, which in tmth are but one, constitute this soul or spiritual principle. One lies in the past, one in the present. One is the possession in cornrnon of a rich Iegacy of rnemories; the other is present- day consent, the desire to live together ... The nation, like the individual, is the culmination of a long past of endeavours, sacrifice, and devotion ... To have a common glories in the past and to have a cornrnon will in the present. -. 50

" Hugh Seton-Watson, Nations and States: An Enauirv into the Orieins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism (Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, 197 1 ) , 5.

49 Tiniolhy Brennan, "The national longing for forrn" in Nation and Narration, ed. H. Bhabba (London: Routledge, 1990), 49.

50 Ernest Renan, '"What is a nation?" in H. Bhabha, op. cit., 19.

One century Later, particularly during the last three decades, several definitions of

nation have been given, al1 as abstract as Renan's. For example, Michel Foucault *' argues

that a nation is a "discursive formation''; Benedict ~nderson," an "imagined community";

Emest ~ e l l n e r ' ~ ( l983), an "invention" or "falsification"; Eric Hobsbawm, Terence

55 ; r - ~ a n ~ e r , ~ ~ and Tirnothy Brennan, irnaginary construct".

If we study the theoretical framework of these authors, and not just the abstract

definitions that they arrived üt their conclusions, it is easy to observe a common and

invariable elernent. Al1 of them agree, directly or indirectly, that a nation is a collective of

people united by shared cultural features (history, beliefs, values, myths, identities, etc.)

and the belief in the right to temtorial self-determination.j6 Many groups in society hold the

same histories and values, but it is the desire to control its own territory that distinguishes a

nation from al1 other types of hurnan association. Its members are united not only by

culture, but also by a sense of purpose: territorial control. Thus, the important point is to

end out how this "belief in the right to territorial control" first appeared in some societies,

tuming them into nations. In other words, what were the characteristics that delimited tne

ernergence of nations during the nineteenth century (still present today)?'

It is possible to broadly outline common antecedents that different authors have

stated as conditions for the appearance of nations since the eighteenth century. Of course,

51 M, FoucouIt, Technologies of the Seif, ed. H. Gutman et. al. (London:Tavistock, 1988). 52 Benedict Anderson, Imaoined Cornmunities: Reflcctions on the Orioins and S ~ r e a d of Nationalisrn

(London and New York: Verso, 1983). 53 Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalisrn (Ithaca: CorneII University Press, 1983).

Eric Hobsbawn and Terence Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).

55 Tirnothy Brennan, "The national Ionging for form" in H. Bhabha, OD. cit. " Lowe11 W. Barrington, "'Nation* and 'Nationalism*: The Misuse of Key Concepts in Politicai Science,"

Political Science & Politics (December, 1997), 7 12-7 13.

the order, importance, explanation and theoretical background of each one of the following

conditions differ from one author to another. However, in a very general sense, and subject

to some criticism, there are recopisable historical events that allowed the emergence of

modem nations. In other words, they facilitate the explanation of how nations came into

historicd being, how the "belief in the right to territorial control" arose within specified

groups.

The understanding of how many European and Amencan nations arose during the

last century is, without a doubt, much deeper than a simple definition couId encompass.

And it is this understanding of how nations came to be during the nineteenth century that is

important for cultural and conflict analysis; precisely now, when "newly" constituted

nations are still seeking to acquire their own political status in the international cornmunity.

Clearly, the present emergence of nationalism is not a new phenornenon, but one that has

sufficient parallels to that of the nineteenth century. It is cIear that studying the first will

help in the comprehension of the second, and vice versa.

2.2. The Emergence of Nations in the Nineteenth Century: The Role of Novels and

Newspapers.

The ideas of 'nation7 and 'nationalism' (as we understand them today) were bom in Europe

in the late eighteenth century at a time when ancient truths -religion, dynasty, and

cosmological perceptions- were being rapidly overturned. In fact, the eighteenth century

marked not only the dawn of nations. but also the dusk of religious modes of thought. The

'' It is important to note thar all these autnors -Anderson. Gellner. Foucault. Hobsbawm. Ranger and Brennan- also mention the "çonstructed" nature of a nation.

33

Enlightenment, rationalist secularism, and the expansion of liberalism brought a new sense

of purposes to be fulfilled in human life.

In 'unbounded" Christendom, society was divided hierarchicaliy according to the

relationship or closeness with God. Clergy and nobility, through the use of Latin -the

sacred language- were above the illiterate population. By mediating between Latin and

vernacular, the clergy and nobility also mediated between heaven and earth, the sacred and

the profane.s8 The religious and secular elites around Europe identified themselves as

equals, so they constantly fixeci their temtorial dominions without considering the comrnon

people.

In the new industrial or capitalist w o r ~ d , ~ ~ however, the social and cultural

identification between rulers evaporated, and aristocratie elites realized that their

dominance over masses had to be temtorially and culturally delimited in order to maintain

their high position. In the emergent industrial societies, the upper strata adopted and used

the s m e (comrnon) vernacuIar languages that the masses spoke (in various dialects),

starting to form one coherent national-world. Kingship and nobility had to look for a new

popuIar legitimization because they were no longer appointed by God's will, but by

popular representation. So, they started to perceive themselves as members of the

community, that is to Say, as a French, German, English, Spanish, and so on. The

vernacular languages of each dominion were changed to "state lmguages" and received

great support from above in both spoken and written forms. However, the rapid spread of

- - -

'* Anderson, o~ .c i t . , 23. 59 This is not the place to enter into a discussion about the difienng implications o f these terms, which the

reader may substitute as needed to fit his or her predilections. Some authors who 1 have reviewed for this analysis prefer a specific tenn; for example, Gellner prefers industrialism, Anderson and Hirnka capitalism, while others in the Bhabha, Markovits and Sysyn collections do not address the issue.

34

printed vernaculars was not only due to elites' efforts, but also to the new print technology

that allowed "the first modem-style mass-produced industrial commodity" -the booke6' The

need for a more educated working class and the expansion of new vernacular print markets

for capitdist entrepreneurs marked, indeed, the propagation of published books and other

f o m s of print capitalism like newspapers and political pamphlets.

Many authors consider the "great" expansion of print media since the late

eighteenth century as the main factor for the emergence of nation-states in Europe and

America. But it has to be said that not al1 print media are theoretically related in the sarne

form; only the novel and the newspaper (including the pamphlets) are generdly considered

-especially the novel.6' According to Francesco de Sanctis the novel, as a composite but

clearly bordered work of art, was crucial in defining the 'nation' as an "imaginary

c~rnrnunit~."~' Anthony Barnett also argues that "the novel as a literary form, like the

newspaper, was one of the conductors and remains part of, the essential chorus for the rise

of nations and nationa~isrn."~~ The role of the novel in the rise of nations during the last

century is also important for those authors who deny the "imaginary" assumption and

instead emphasize the creative side of nation forming, suggesting that nations are created or

invented. As Emest Gellner says: "Nationalism is not the awakening of nations to self-

consciousness, it invents nations where they do not e ~ i s t . " ~ But in pneral, and in spite of

theoretical interpretations, the novel is considered as a major participant in the creation of

60 Anderson, op. cit., 38. 61 It has to be said that some authors Iike John Brevilly (1984) have considered nationalisrn as a purely

political phenornenon arguing that the historical ongins of nationalism and capitalism were distinct and, therefore, the phenornena, while simultaneous, are analytically separate.

62 The phrase is Anderson's. 63 Anthony Bmett , "Salman Rushde: a review article," Race and Class (Winter, 1985): 94.

Ernest Gellner, Thought and Change (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 964), 169.

nations because it allowed the 'invention' of national histories or ancient pasts beyond the

effective historical continuity. In this sense, nations are also considered imaginary

constructs that rnainly depended on imaginative literature (novels) dunng their first years of

e ~ i s t e n c e . ~ ~ The following paragraph by Tirnothy Brennan expresses and summarizes the

accepted historical connection between the novel and the ernergence of nations:

It was the rzovel that historically accornpanied the rise of nations by objectifying the 'one, yet many' of national life, and by mirnicking the structure of the nation, a clearly bordered jumble of languages and styles. Socially, the novel joined the newspaper as the major vehicle of the national pnnt media, helping to standardize lanpage, encourage literacy and remove mutual incomprehensibility. But it did much more than that- Its manner of presentation alIowed people to imagine the special comrnunity that was the nation.66

The novei, the new and major literary genre of the nineteenth century, presents

important aspects or qualities chat permitted the rapid ernergence and consolidation of

nations not only in Europe, but also in ~rnerica.~' First, it helped to standardize national

languages, words, names, and expressions, and to delimit the members of the nation.

Second, it introduced Benjamin's "homogeneous. empty in which events occur in a

sequence according to a calendar, no longer in a cosmological sense. Third, it introduced

(created or invented) an ancient and continued history delimiting geographical and

temporal boundaries for nations. Fourth, it introduced the popular (lower class) hero,

65 Nowadays, most of nations-states are well constituted and possess an authentic national history (delirnited in time, geographical expansion and members or citizens). This does not justiQ the use of 'national' adjectives for those events that occurred before to the appearance and constitution of nations.

66 Brennan, op. cit., 49. 67 Some authors (like Anderson, Benjamin and Brenann) state that newspapers and pamphlets were more

important than the novel in the consolidation of Amerka's nation-states. However, as 1 will explain in the following section, there is an interesting relation between novels and narrative and lyrical poetry that alIows us to understand in other ways the rise of American nations and their connection with dites' nationalist ideologies.

strengthening the liberal ideal of the time and, therefore, giving an important place in

society to the forgotten masses. As a consequence of al1 these functions, it created the

psychological background for the dissemination of elites' nationdist ideologies and

policies.

Before explaining in detail these five characteristics of the novel that undoubtedly

were crucial for the emergence of nations, 1 will introduce some facts that may dar i@ the

eminent contribution of national anthems in making concrete the lofty abstraction that the

nation is, and which have been relegated to a secondary place or even ignored. I will not try

to dismiss the great importance of the novel and newspaper in the formation and

consolidation of national identities, but to state that these rnechanisms cannot completely

explain the broad identity dissemination among masses during the nineteenth century.

2.2.1. Some points to be considered

Having discussed some major studies about the rise of nations and nationalism during the

last century, it is possible io state that their principal hypothesis is, in a very broad sense,

that the conjunction of a) capitalism, b) the appearance of a new and versatile literary

genre, the novel, and c) the expansion of newspapers, allowed the people who shared the

same language to identify themselves as members of the same community, of the same

nation, and to instil in them the belief in the right to have their own temtory. In this process

of national construction, most authors accept that cultural and linguistic homogenization, as

well as elite's new search for public support, were the principal elements for national

consolidation. Without the inclusion of the masses (or part of such) into the public life, the

Walter Benjamin, 'The storyteller: reflections on the works of Nikolai leskov," in Illuminations (New

37

construction of the new political entities that nation-states represented would not have been

realized.

However, to accept this general hypothesis, we must assume that a large percentage

of the masses was able to read -and that it also had the time and the desire to do so.

Otherwise, we would have to accept that nove17s qualities were transrnitted in other ways

than by direct reading. The "reading aloud" or oral transmission of the novels' adventures

surely presents additional qualities that helped concretize the abstract notion of nation, but

as 1 will contend, these "accessory" qualities are aiso present in national anthems and, in

most cases, in a deeper way.

Following this, I will broadly present the iIliteracy rates of Europe and Amenca

during the nineteenth century -the penod of national emergence- in order to estirnate the

direct penetration that novels and newspapers had in the Iower classes, the majoriry.

In the industrial and politically advanced states of Western Europe, growing literacy

was a necessary adjunct of advancing democratic thought. In addition, the demand for

general and better education was the demand of an age of increasing technical complexity.

Then, it was natural that the two more politically and economically advanced societies,

England and France, were the first states to implement educational institutions and

replations on a large scale. In France, "The Education Law of 1833 ordered each

commune to have a school and each department to have a college for training teachers. It

was also in the sarne year that.. . the English govcrnment made its first grant to the 'Church

of England National Society' and the ' British Society' mut] no general law was passed

until Forster's Education Act of 1870, which preserved the existing denominational schools

York: Schocken, 1969): 265.. Anderson, op. cit., 30. 38

and supplemented them by new schools supported out of the rates."@ Indeed, in these two

"advanced" countries, the reduction of the illiteracy percentage through the nineteenth

century was quite significant, but not enough to assure an efficient and direct penetration of

n o ~ e l s ' ~ into the middle and popular masses, at least before the 1870's. Besides, the

nationai feeling and members' identification of these early nations can be detected before

the improvement of the school system, the reduction of illiteracy rates, and the spread of

the novel.

In 1827, 58 percent of French Army conscnpts were illiterate; in 1860 the rate was

reduced to 30 percent, and in 1880, to 14.7 percent. The percentages are similar among

persons signing the marriage records: In 1850, 32 percent of men and 47 percent of women

were illiterate; thirty years later, only 16.1 percent of men and 24.5 percent of women were

still not able to read. During the last years of the century, the illiteracy percentages were

minimal: 5.1 percent of army conscripts, 5.8 percent of men, and 7.8 percent of women."

Although these last percentages are relatively low, they cannot corroborate the fact that

France was one of the first "irnagined nations because its members started to identify

themselves as "French" much more before the end of the nineteen century. Indeed, it is

possible to track a French national feeling since the French Revolution, in the late

eighteenth century, when illiteracy rates were stiIl high and the izovel had not been

generally introduced. The effect -the formation of the French national identity or

consciousness- precedes the cause -the reduction of illiteracy rates and, therefore, the

spread of novels and newspapers! Therefore, if France was thought of as a nation, and al1

69 The New Cambridee Modem Aistory, Vol. X, 1960 ed.. S.V. "Educntion and the Press" by John Roach, 1830- 1870.

'O Penetration by direct reading, not by oral transmission.

its population as its ciicizens, since the early nineteenth century, it was not exclusiveIy due

to the spread of the new genre and newspapers and to their direct reading. The concept of

'nation' had to be first introduced into illiterate masses through other oral mechanisrns that

clearly started and comptemented the important labour of novels, at ieast in this region.

The illiteracy rates in England, the forefront of industrialism and "print capitalism"

were even lower than those of France. In the 18507s, a large percentage of the male

population over twenty years old were able to read, but 28 percent were n ~ t . ~ ' However. the

existence of a common identity c m be tracked to the eighteenth century when the incipient

"liberai nationalism" started to mature within the middle classes:

The first appearance o f incipient nationalist consciousness, according to [Hans] Kohn, took place in the Cromwellian forces of the English Civil War. The ideas here were so tightly bound up with the aspirations of the rniddle classes for 'free expression', 'self-assertion', and freedom from the authonty of a wilful and tyrannical monarchy, that 'individual liberty' became inseparable from the nationalistic et ho^.^^

In Prussia, thanks to reactionary authoritative policies before 1860, or largely in

response to modem scientific and industrial forces after that year, the illiteracy rates were

the Iowest of ail European States: 9.30 percent in 1841, 5.52 percent in 1864-65, 2.38

percent in 1881, and -33 percent in 1894-95.74 These low percentages of illiteracy

undoubtedty allowed the spread of novels and newspapers into al1 population and,

therefore, they also helped with the emergence of a national common identity. In fact,

Prussia is the only country where the causal relation among literacy, print media and

71 Ellwood P. Cubberley, The Histor~ of Education (Cambridge MA: The Riberside Press, 1920), 602. 72 - Ibid., 624. 73 Brennan, OD- cit., 52. 71 Cubberley, o p cit. 583.

national consciousness formation can be deduced or corroborated without considering other

mechanisms of national insemination.

In Southem and Eastern Europe, in cornparison, industrial development and

conditions were in many cases deplorable and illiteracy was widespread. In 187 1, 72

percent of the Italian population was still i~literate.'~ In Spain, the percentages were 75.5 in

1860, 70 in 1870, 68 in 1880, and 63.7 in 1890. In the Eastern provinces of Austria and in

Hungary the education level was aIso very low. The 1869 Hungarian census showed that

63 percent of the population was il~iterate.'~

Finally, after the independence period in Latin American, enorrnous numbers of

masses remained illiterate, and the few public schools that governments created were

located rnainly in the largest cities. In Brazil, for example, the initeracy rate never dropped

below 85 percent during the nineteenth century; in Argentina, after governrnent efforts to

improve the education level, illiteracy dropped from 78 percent in 1869 to 35 percent in

1914, "an enviable record throughout most of Latin ~merica."" Indeed, the illiteracy rate

remained very high throughout Latin America during the Iast half of the nineteenth century,

varying from 40 to 90 percent, and like Europc, it was always much higher in the

countryside than in the city.

After reviewing these percentages, it is possible to argue that in a strict sense only

Germany had an extended "national" readership that allowed the outspread of novels and

newspapers and, consequentIy, the formation (creation) of a common consciousness that

" Benedetto Croce. Historv of Italv. 187 1-1915 (Oxford. Oxford University Press, 1929), 27. 76 Roach, loc. cit., 1 1 1. " Brdord E Berns, Latin America. A Concise Interpretive History (Los Angeles: University of California.

1990), 156-157.

was consolidated in 18717' (to Say it in a very simple form). In the cases of England and

France, which also reached rdatively Iow illiteracy rates, the "national" spirit can be

tracked back to the eighteenth century when the novel was not completely introduced and

the illiteracy rates were higher.

Two additional facts are important in evaluating the effectiveness of novels and

newspapers as direct consciousness shapers. The first one is that although the percentages

of literacy were very high, it did not mean that people actually read. The second one is the

State control over publications that directly affected the proliferation of newspapers, as

clearly happened in Gerrnany. In this nation, "while ... the book market expanded into a

tmly national one after 1866,. . . the Geman political press remained despite

industrialization, restricted in size and distribution to local markets ... The over three

thousand German papers of the 1870's appeared in about 1500 almost hermetically sealed

area~."'~ This data obviously contradicts the general hypothesis according to which we

should have seen a different result.

As we can see, there wasn7t a direct relation between literacy rates and the

emergence of national consciousness during the nineteenth century. In both cases, in

regions with "high" literacy rates (France, England and Pnissia), and in regions with great

amounts of illiterate masses (South Europe and Latin America), national expressions and

national consolidations were accompIished in the same period. Thus, the five qualities that

are generally attributed to the novel, and which undoubtedly contributed to the emergence

7s This affirmation is partially true because, like Britain, France and Spain the common consciousness can be identified in Gerrnany since the previous century).

79 Robert H. Keysserlingk, Media Manipulation: The Press and Bismarck in Imperia1 Germanv (Montreal: Renauf Publishing Company, 1977). 8-9.

42

of nations, had to be transmitted into masses in other ways rather than by direct reaàing,

that is to Say, by oral transmission.

Besides the novel and newspapers, there were other literary genres that presented

the same five "qualities" and that could directly penetrate into al1 masses: the lyric poetry

and the lync narrative, and in a more specific sense, the national anthem- Both novels and

antherns allow us to search the existing relations between their structure and subject, forrn

and history; but only the second, as 1 have already argued in Chapter 1, exerts a direct

action over the receivers or targets. Through singing in unison, nationai anthems make

"tangible that which might otherwise be impossible to meaningfully apprehend; and

bringing a sense of concreteness to the highly abstract" notion of nation.80

2.3. The Emergence of Nations in the Nineteenth Century: The Role of National

Anthems.

National anthems were (are) not only syrnbols of an already formed nation, but also, like

the novel and newspapers, a major vehicle for the national imaginative process or national

consciousness formation. Therefore, it is not surpnsing that they present the same key

qualities as the novel does, those considered to be so important for the formation of the

early national consciousness.

2.3.1. Language standardization, common use of words, names and phrases, and

delimitation of members

One of the basic preconditions for the appearance of novels and newspapers, was the

combination of technology and capitalism. According to ~ n d e r s o n ? ' ~ellner,8' ~ i r n k a ? ~

and Markovits and ~ ~ s ~ n , ~ " h i s combination permitted the transformation of vernaculars

into "print-languages" that laid the basis for national self-consciousness. With the advent of

print-languages, speakers of riumerous dialects of languages -1ike French, German,

English, Spanish, Russian, and others- could, for the first time, identify themselves as a

part of a larger community: the nation. The new use of vernacular languages "helped to

build that image of antiquity so central to the subjective idea of the nation."85 In a specific

rnanner, Anderson stated that the penod of the novel's rise when.. .

... the world becomes polyglot, once and for al1 and irreversibly. The penod of national languages, coexisting but closed and deaf to each other, comes to an end. The naïve and stubborn CO-existence of 'Ianguages' within a given national language also comes to an end, that is, there is no more peaceful CO-existence between tenitorid diaIects, social and professional didects and jargons, literary languages, epochs in language, and so on.86

This general postdate is usually applied only to European nations and not to the

Amencas. In the Latin Amencan case, the theory needs to take new variables in order to

explain the rise of not one but many nations thüt shared the same language. In a strict sense,

8 1 Ardenson, op. cit. 87 Gellner, OD. cit. '' John-Paul Hirnka, The Emergence of Polish Social Democracy and Ukrainian Radicalism (1860 - 1890)

(Cambridge: Harvard Ukranian Research Institute, 1983). 84 Andrei S. Markovits and Frank E. Sysyn Nationbuilding and the Politics of Nationalism: Essavs on

Austrian Galicia (Cambridge: Harvard Ulcrainian Research Institute, 1982). Anderson, op. cit.

'' Bakhtin, op. cit., 12. 44

we should have expected the emergence of one Spanish "rnacro-nation" that should have

stretched from Tierra del Fuego to the former Mexican States of Texas, California and

Nuevo Mexico. However, according to the authors cited above, it is precisely the great

geographical extension and the restricted communication technology of the period which

explain, in this case, the emergence of nineteen Spanish nations instead of one huge one.

The administrative divisions -viceroyalties- that Spain established to control its vast

temtory undoubtedly were important factors contributing to the future nations' border

delimitation. The fact is that we have many more nations than those that would be

represented by the former viceroyalties. Still and in spite of this contradiction, 1 argue thüt

using a broad sense of "fanpage", that is, not only considering the grammatical structure

and syntaxes, but dso the use of common words, expressions, phrases and names, the

general theory can be also applied to Latin American societies. We should review the

"minor" variations of the Spanish Language to find those distinctions that helped to delimit

the national frontiers, and which other variables can not totally explain.

On the other hand, having the same tangage and sirnilar histories, it is not difficult

to find a sense of shared destiny from Mexico to Argentina. Some Latin American national

anthems not only express their own unique identity (people and geographical area), history

and f~zture, but aIso their shared heritage with other nations; and this tends to corroborate

the main function of language in the national formation. The combination of Indians,

Mestizos and Creoles during more than three centuries gave particular expressions in the

Spanish language according to the different regions. Although Spanish was the common

dominant language, its combination with diverse native cultures and circumstances caused

the emergence of Spanish regional jargons. The particula. use of words, phrases, modes,

45

expressions, names of places and accents, surely contnbuted to the emergence of distinct

national feelings. The members of the former Spanish colonies recognized themselves as

parts of the sarne heritage, but not of the same ideal future; in other words, they already

belonged to different communities. For example, on May 11, 18 13, three years before the

"absolute" declaration of independence from Spain, Argentina adopted its "Marcha

Patribtica" (Patriotic ~arch") ,~ ' in which was stated the genenl independence struggle of

many Latin American regions, but over d l its own struggle, victories and ideais. In the

following stanzas, these two identities

Argentinean) are showns8.

Common heritage

Fourth Stanza:

;No los veis sobre México y Quito Arrojarse cor1 sana tenaz, Y crlal llorarz baiïudos en sangre Potost Cochabamba y Lu Paz! NO los veis sobre el triste Caracas Lrito y llaritos y rncrelie esparcir! ;No los veis devorando crralfieras Todo pueblo que logratz rendir!

Own Identity

Sean eternos los laureles Qrie supimos cottseguir: Coronados de gloria vivamos O jurernos coti gloria rnorir.

(broad and concise, Spanish American and

English Translation

Don't you see them over Mexico and Quito Rushing with tenacious viciousness, Potosi, Cochabamba and La Paz! Cry bathed in blood! Don't you see them over the sad Caracas Scatter mourning and weeping and death! Don't you see them devour as beasts Al1 people they manage to defeaî!

May the laurels be eternal That we knew how to win. Let us live crowned with gIory, Or swear to die gloriously.

" in 1847, the composition received the title of H h n o Nacional Argenrino (Argentinian National Antliam). Courtesy of the Argentinean Embassy in Mexico City.

46

Seventh Stanza:

San José, San Lorenzo, Suipacha, Ambas Piedras, Salta y Tucurnbn, La Colonia y las mismas murallas Dei tirano en la Banda Oriental*; Son lerreros eternos que dicen: Aqui el brazo argentine triunfb, Aqtii el fier0 opresor de la Patria Sic cerviz orgrillosa doblb.

* Today, Uruguay.

The language is the sarne, but the places, the names and the expressions izre not. In

the fourth stanza not only the general independence struggle is illustrated, but also the

setbacks of the colonies. The outside cities -Mexico, Quito, Caracas, and La Paz- are

clearly considered as others' cities, not Argentinean cities. The use of third person excludes

them from the "well defined Argentine tenitory. In contrast, the chorus is written in the

first person of the plural ("we"), and the seventh stanza mentions cities and regions inside

the recognized Argentine territory and which evoke their particular triumphs. Other Latin-

American national anthems that show the common heritage are those of Colombia,

Paraguay, Peru, and Venezuela. Nevertheless, it is important to note that the majority of

Latin American anthems only cite persons, regions, cities and events that are exclusively

identified as a part of their particular cornmunity.

2.3.2. c'Homogeneous, ernpty time" and the introduction of an ancient and continuous

history

The novel and newspapers were developed in their modern fonn after the invention of

printing. "Piint capitalism", according to Anderson, signified ideological insernination on a

large scale for it created the conditions where people could begin to think of themselves as

a nation. Following Anderson's hypothesis, one of the characteristics of modernity is the

introduction of a "homogeneous, empty time",89 in which events occur in sequence

according to a cdendar. With the introduction of newspapers and novels in vernacular

languages, potentially (not actually) available to the whole population, fellow readers began

to understand, themselves piaced at a certain date and within a certain cultural background.

This style of thought, first for elires (in previous centuries) and then for a large number of

people, created or opened the possibility of conceiving a new form of community, one

bounded by common definition of insider and outsider and situated in a recopnisable

territory. In other words, the world created in novels "allowed fcr multitudinous actions

occumng sirnultaneously withir, a single, definable community, filled with 'callendrical

coincidences' that Anderson calls (after Benjamin) 'traverse, cross-tirne.'"'

The realization of one's cornmunity and self-identification with other 'national'

fellows living at the same time and in the sarne space implicitly provoked the conception of

a common history. In the conception and articulation of the new national histories, the

origins of old traditions and oral stories were dated according to novelists' coherent

narratives. In their hands, 'tradition' and stories became a "useable pa~ t , "~ ' and the

evocation of 'national' origins functioned as a practical rnear.s of delimiting citizens

(members).

It would be impossible to attempt to make a comparison between the narrative

power of novels (huge in number and extension) and the 'national history' ando r

- - - - - -

89 Benjamin's expression. Benjamin, op. cit., 265. 90 Brennan, OD. cit., 52. 91 Hobsbawn and Ranger, OD. cit., 5.

description of national anthems (extrernely reduced in extension and number). However, in

the national anthems we can also find that the chronological conception of time is essential

for the idea of nation. Indeed, national antherns are generally written using a sense of

cosmologicaI time based on humanity's relation not to the deity, but to the "sacred nation"

or fathedmotherland. The "nation" is conceived not as a recent creation, but as an ancient

entity. Instead of being the result of an imagined comrnunity, they are transformed from

the mere accident of belonging to an "imaged community" into "Destiny". As Sondermann

explains.. .

Time in national anthems conforrns to the concept of 'homogeneous and empty time'. . ."It becomes callendric tirne arising in the past and extending, in a way, nght through the present into a future of still more tradition. The nation extolled in the mthems is either very old o r eternai; it cornes from 'olden days of yore' [Austria's national anthem], and is created out of a Iandscape which is thought to have been unchanged since prehistoric times and enjoys 'renown' through the agesag'

The next stanzas of the national anthems of Austria and Japan exemplify how

nations are conceived as ancient entities.

Austria: Bundeshymne der Republik 0sferreich" (National Anthem of The Republic of Austria) Second Stanza

He$ rrnt fehdet. wild rcmstritter;, Strongly fought for, fiercely contested, Liegsr dem Erdreil du inmitten You are in the center of the Continent, Eirzem srarken Herzen gleich. Like a strong h e m . Hast seit friihen Ahnenragen You have borne since the earliest davs Hoher Sendüng Lusr getragen, The burden of a high mission, Vi'elgepriiftes Üsterreich. Much Tried Austria. Vielgeprüfres ~s terre ich . Much Tried Ausuia.

91 Sondermann, OP. cit., 140.

Japan: Kimigayo (His Majes ty 's ~eign)'' Single S tanza

Kirni ga yo ,va Chiyo ni yach j o ni Sazareishi no hvao ro nan' re Koke no rnltsu made.

Ten thousand v a r s of haupv reim be thine: Rule on, rny Lord, till what are pebblcs now By ages united to mighty rocks shall grow Whose venerable sides the moss doth line.

Specifically, in the texts of many national anthems we find temporal categories and

expressions such as "beginning", "first7', "founders", "ancestors" "national fathers", and so

on, which correspond to the reverent point of view of a descendent. Several anthems make

clear historical accounts of the events thât "proves" the ancient existence of its nation. The

following three stanzas from different national anthems exemplify this type of temporal

Categories:

France: La ~ a r s e i l l a i s e ~ ~ Seventh stanza.

Nous entrerons dans la carrière Quand nos aînés n seront plus; Nous y trouverons leur poussière Er lu trece de leurs vertus! ( bis ) Bien moins jaloux de leurs survivre Que de parrager leirr cercueil, Nous aurons le sublerne orgueil De les venger. ori de les suivre?

We shaI1 enter into the pit When our eIders will no longer be there Thcre we shail find their ashes And the mark of their virtues We are much iess jealous of survivinç them Than of sharing their coffins We shall have the sublime pride Of avenging or joining them

Wa1es:Gwladfy Nhaduu (Land of my ~ a t h e r s ) ~ ~ First stanza.

Mae hen wladfi izhadau yn an nwyl i mi, The Land of mv fathers is dear unto me, Gwlad beirdd a chanrorion. enwogion o fri; Old Land of poets and mistrals, honoured and free; Ei gwrol nfehvyr, gwladgawyr tram%&. Its w&ng defenders, patnots much blessed, Tros nddid collasanr eu g waed. For freedom their life's blood they gave.

93 Origina! version and translation: Shaw and Coleman, OP. cit., 17. 9-1 Courtesy of the Japanese Embassy in Mexico City. 95 Présidence de la République, www.elysee.fr/instit/symb 1-.htm 96 Wales Calling, www.wales-calling.com/culture/~nthern~htm

Guatemala: National Anthem of ~ u a t e m a l a ~ ~ Second Double stanza.

N~testros padres lucharon un dia Encendidos en patrio ardimiento, Y lograron sin choque sangrienro Colocarte en Lin trono de amor.

Our fathers fought once Lighted in patrïotic burning, And they did without bloodiest shock PIace you in a throne of love.

Although it is possible and reiatively easy to find words that make dlusion to some

historical past, the evocation of past events that constituted, fortified or betrayed the

national entity are, in most cases, expressed in timeless phrases that only the members c m

recognize, feel and situate in a specific time of the national history. The Gerrnan and British

anthems are good examples because both of them evoke specific events that have been

assumed as threats for the national existence or minimize their natural existence. The

following is the second stanza of Gemany' anthem that is no longer Sung.

Germany: Lied der Deutschen (Germans' anthernl9' Second stanza

Derttsche Frauerr, deutsche Trerte, Derttscher Wein rtnd deutscher Sang Sollerz in der Welt behalteri Ihren alten schonen Klang, Und a i edler Tat begeistern Unser garzzes Leberr lang, Deutsche Frauerz, deutsche Treue, Deutscher Wein trnd deutscher Sang!

German women, Gerrnan fidelity, German wine and German song, Shall retain, throughout the world, Their old respected fame, To inspire us to noble deeds For the length of our lives. German women, Gernian fidelity, German wine and German song.

To a foreigner, this stanza probably does not mean anything, but for Gerrnans it

evokes historical defeats and it is a cal1 for a prominent and victorious future. The German

97 Courtesy of the Embassy of Guatemala in Maxico City.

anthem was adopted in 1933, a year in which this text acquired a great evocative rneaning'

although it is actually a modification of a twelfth century poem.

As it can be appreciated, the novel's capacity to play and to manage the evolution of

events is clearly much higher that any lyrical composition. However, on the other hand,

they are much weaker in evoking national feelings, and provoking collective actions

(response).

2.3.3. The popular hero

In Poetica, Anstotle divides the literary genres in three subgenres: Lower. Medium and

~ i ~ h , ' ~ depending on the identity of the heroes or principal actors. In many different

literary genres throughout history, characters were persons who desewed to be imitated,

that is, members of the upper classes who realized extraordinary or noble actions. The

common people, those who belonged to middle and Iower classes, were excluded because

they did not have any quality to be imitated. This exclusion of lower class heroes changed

with the introduction of the novel genre in which characters could become common

persons. This crucial change allowed readers to identify themselves with the characters,

with those common hzroes who deserve to be exalted without considering their social

background. Readers became aware that the people who form the national being and live

within it, were the common and majority ones: the masses.

National anthems also present this crucial characteristic, but with a huge difference:

the singers of the national compositions are not only passive receivers (readers), but also

are the actors, the "heroes" of the national development. This juxtaposition of spectator-

-- -

" Original and EngIish translation, http://ingeb.or~~ieder/deut~~hl.htm1

52

actor is not only given by the fact that it is the people who are singing (reproducing) and

feeling the words, but also by the way in which anthems are usually written. Reviewing the

text of many national anthems it is possible to find a shift in the grammatical person; in

other words, "they", "we", "I", and "nation" are mentioned indistinctly through dternated

past and present tenses. The heroes are the sarne singers. The identification with the nation

("we") is total and, in this sense, the "power" of a short anthem is greater than that of any

novel (see pages 9- 1 1).

2.4. The Next Step

In the last sections, 1 have highlighted the important role of national anthems for the

construction of national identities during the nineteenth century, comparing their

characteristics to those of the novel and newspapers. Even though novel and newspapers

were very important vehicles to start imaging the national entity, they alone cannot explain

the great dissemination of national feelings or nationalism during the nineteenth century in

Europe and Latin Arnerica. Indeed, novels and newspapers played an important role over

literate classes, but not over the largely illiterate population, at l e s t in a direct-reading

sense. Among many other mechanisms that existed simultaneously, national anthems

helped to create the idea of nation because they were more powerful than any other literary

expression in evoking feelings and emotions, and therefore provoking collective physical

actions (or inactions), and because they aIso presented those intrinsic characteristics that

make novels to be considered so important to this function. National anthems helped to

standardize the Ianguage within a specific population and temtory, incorporated the use of

- - - -- -

99 Aristotle only considered two genres: the Epic and the Tragedy. 53

a "hornogeneous, empty time", created and ancient national history; and presented (created)

"lower" heroes that the population could identify with.

However, we must not forget that national anthems were generated or promoted

most of the times by elites who searched to fulfil specific objectives, and not by the general

people. The elites constituted the emitters of some message, and the content of the anthems

(music and text) the message itseIf (see section 1.4.) So if nôrional anthems were major

contributors to the process of national emergence, they did it in a specific and

predetermined way. Their content was undoubtedly composed in order to generate some

response, some kind of national ideology, some degree of social support to the elites who

had to govern the new political entities that nations began to constitute.

Chapter 3

A Quantitative Analysis

Having dready identified the last chapter the role of national antherns in the formation of

common consciousness, in this chapter 1 will quantitatively andyze their content and

textuai structure in order to determine which type of national character they were helping to

create and/or reinforce at the moment of their adoption, and whether or not those "singular"

characters follow some predetennined patterns.

3.1. A Forma1 Analysis of National Anthems as Texts

The appearance of nation-states since the eighteenth century signified a reordering of new

community of people previously bound by region and unified them into a single, distinct

political entity. A national population was then redefined in terms of shared cultural

features rather than of distinctions. During this process of national definition, elites looked

for a particular identity that assigned them (alias the nation) a position in the new world's

order. However, the cultural background and immediate environment couldn7t be dropped

in order to create a new and totaliy different group identity. Moreover, the construction of

identities had to be done by attending to the temporaI, spatial and social dimensions. As

such, the constructions of national identities necessarily involved two inseparable forces:

one that constmcted a unique character, and the other that created an image with reference

to other similar entities. The identification with some specific group of nations helped to

perceive what the nation was and was not. This double force is also present in the nationai

anthems, which are important expressions of the national identity.

One may think that the search for a particular national identity should have

produced as many different national anthems as there are nations in the world. However,

according to the groupin,o force, some studies have found a tendency for some nations to

emulate their neighbours' anthems. In an elaborated way, Karen Cerulo States that the

members of each world system stratum <ore, periphery and semiperiphery- f o m socio-

economic groups in "which differentially positioned nations compare and contrast

themselves. 1rIF)O She argues that the composition of national anthems responds to

similarities that nations share with their spatial, temporal and socio-politiccil partners, and

to the differences that set them apart from those outside their "classes". Making a

comparison of the syntax score of each nation's anthem to the mean score of its geographic

neighbours, Cerulo found that 65 per cent of the nations in her sarnple adopted anthems

similar in musical structure to those of their neighbours. In the case of former colonies, she

deduced that a nation's anthem (and flag) stands in contrast to the symbols and musical

structure of its colonizer. CeruIo's study also considers the diachronic dimension, deducing

that national anthems tend to present group sirnilarities in their syntactic structure

depending on the year in which they were written.lo1 "For a nation's 'birth day' locates it

among a cohort of others who experienced the same thing at the same time. Therefore, we

view Mexico's independence as part of larger Latin American movement". On the other

100 Cerulo, o ~ x i t . , 58. 101 Cerulo exarnined each national melody as a succession of single musical notes - a senes of pitches

arranged horizontally o n the musical staff. The notes were arranged in arithmetic relation to another displaying a iogical and discemible sequence of musical sound. It was this sequencc that determines the melody's syntactic structure. Specifically she measured four primary characteristics: the frequency of the motion in the rnelody, the magnitude of that motion; the method by which motion is constructed; and the presence of rnelodic ornamentation -that is, the decoration central melody notes with other arrangement of notes. Ibid.

hand, "the temporal dimension also Iirnits the periods from which each nation selects the

foundations of its identity".lO' National perceptions and anthems not only read history but

were also inscribed in it.

National anthems have been generally classified and analyzed according to their

musical structure or type of melody;lo3 nevertheless, their textual content and structure have

been excluded or yielded to a secondary place. The words that are reproduced in unison

with the music dso transmit a specific national identity, and are not just a complement or

an adomrnent, or sornething selected randomly. We should not fcrget that these national

symbols are formed by the combination of music and text (with only few exceptions10');

and that these elements combined give national anthems their high evocative power,

directed to the reason and to the heart, at a level that other symbols do not have at the same

level (see section 1.3.).

1 O?. Ibid. p. 60-6 1. - 'O3 In general, national anthems have been classified according to their musical characteristics into five main

grouis. which are however not entirely exclusive. The ne& classification is reproduced Frorn "National Anthems" by Malcolm Boyd in The New Grove Dictionarv of Music and Musicians, 1980 ed. S.V., 46-7 A) Hynins. This type of composition is characterized by its stately rhythmic tread and smooth melodic movement. The first recorded anthem in this group is God Save the KinglQueen (1745), which served as a mode1 for other European nations and the subsequent British colonies. Europe's anthems of this kind tend to be among the oldest. B) Marches. They are distinguished by its military-strong tones, and together with the previous group they constitute the majority of al1 anthems. The earliest march adopted as a national symbol was La Marcha reaf of Spain (1770), but the most known is Lrr Marseillaise (1792). C) Operatic Anthems. It is possible to find this type of anthems in the Latin American countrïes. As a g o u p they are strongly influenced by the style of the nineteenth century Italian opera. They are the longest and most elaborate compositions of al1 anthems; in m a c h rhythm and often with an orchestral introduction. They also usually alternate a chorus between verses. D) Folk Anthems. The selection and adoption of many anthems followed the European patterns. The former colonies of Britain, France or Belgium adopted anthems similar in structure and tone. However, there were a few nations that adopted other types of anthems independent of the European tradition. The anthems o f Japan, Burma and Tibet, for example, rely upon folk music and sornetimes cal1 for traditional instruments and are accornpanied by formal gestures. E)Fanfares- This group is characterized by little more than a fanfare-like flourïsh without text. The oil- producers counuies of the Middle East (Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates) are some of the few that present this kind of antherns.

In this chapter, I will statistically analyze the iext of national anthems to deduce if

their content and structure follow the dualistic forces that marked the emergence of nations.

That is, 1 will explore both the intranational and international factors that pided political

leaders in this specific symboI selection. My analysis suggests that the connection of the

nation with some specific groups delimit the strategies by which the national identity is

symbolized. But at the same time, it suggests that political leaders tailor their symbol and

message selections with reference to the conditions of nation's population.

3.2. Dependent Variables

Although the textual content of ~ational anthems has not suffered signifiant change over

time, today most of them are only partially sung. That is, in many nations only one part of

the officia1 anthem is reproduced, while the lesser known stanzas are often only printed in

official documents. Actually, full versions are rarely publicly known. If different stanzas

are sung in the future, new partial characteristics may be deduced from them. Partial

analysis will result in partial conclusions. Therefore, the following analysis of anthems'

content and structure does not consider only the stanza that is presently sung, but the

complete original versions.

In order to analyze how the content and structure of national anthems respond to

different international and intranational factors, 1 developed three independent variables

that represent the basic characteristics of any anthein's text: type of content, grade of

10-1 The national anthems of Qatar, Russia, San Marino, Somalia, Spain and United Arab Emirates don't have text.

bellicosity, and length. The first one is a categoricd variable, the other two are continuous

variables.

3.2.1. Anthern's Content

As discussed in section 1.5, the textual content of national anthems transmits a message to

the masses. Some anthems sing to the beauty of their motherlfather land; others are a cal1 to

arms, which proclaim many different values such as liberty, independence, and equality;

and others are a prayer to God or the Nation. Therefore, this variable identifies the

predominant textual content of each anthem. The variable was divided into eight nominal

categories:

Pastoral beauty. Peace, work, andor unity. Religious prayer. Historical autonomy. Praise of a leader. Patriotism. Struggle for independence. Cal1 to arms.

In those cases where the selection of the main content was unclear, 1 chose the

category that predominated in the chorus stanza. Next, I present the distribution of this

variable.

Table 3.1 Anthem's Contend

I Category

Pastoral Beauty Peace, Work andor Unity

Prayer / Religious Historical Autonomy 10

Praise of a Leader Patnotism

Anthems Without 1 Missin9: Values 1 Total

Frequency

19 37 17 I O 7

43 41 'l

3.2.2. Anthem's Grade of Bellicosity

This is a continuous variable that measures the percentage of bellicose words that each

anthem has. The counting was not done automatically, but by considering the textual

context; that is, the sentences in which the bellicose words were inscribed. A single word

c m acquire multiple meanings depending on which sentence it belongs to. For example, the

word "march" sometimes meant a military walk, and in other cases, a social advance or

developrnent. In the first case, it was counted as a warlike word, in the second it wasn't. In

those cases where a bellicose word was preceded by a negation, it was not considered

either. (In the appendix B are enumerated the bellicose words.)

The most bellicose anthems are Bulgaria's (20%), Cuba's (17%) and France's

(13%). However, the sample's mean is 3.2592 bellicose words per anthern. Following. 1

present the distribution of this variable.'05

'O5 The anthcrns without words were considered as 0% of (textual) bellicosity.

Table 3.2 Grade of Bellicosity

Percentage of Bellicosity

0% .001% - 2%

2.00 1% - 4% 4.001% - 6% 6.001% - 8%

8.001% - 10% 10.001% - 12% 12.001% - 15%

Frequency

Total t 182 - - -

Missing Values 3 Total 185

Before introducing the third dependent variable, I would like to mention some

restrictions placed on the analysis of the previous variables.

Because several anthems were written in English (19.4%) and Spanish (10.8%), 1

was able to analyze them directly; that is, without any translation. In al1 other cases, I had

to review their textual content using English translations, official translations where

possible. This, although practical and useful to deduce the predominant context and

calculate the bellicose word-count, actually questions the reliability of the analysis for three

reasons: a) a translation will never transmit the exact rneaning of the original words; b)

each language is inseparable from its cultural background; and c) there is more than one

"accurate" translation for each anthem. Different translations could lead LIS to different

r e s ~ l t s . ' ~ ~ However, it was the only way that this quantitative analysis could be done.

'O6 More than 60 B of anthems were nnalyzed using translations.

3.2.3. Anthem's Length

This is a continuous variable that counts the number of verses of each anthem. In this case,

1 worked with the original texts, avoiding the important problerns that translations

presented. 1 was not concerned with the rneaning of the words, just with their extension. In

some cases, the number of words was proportionately larger than the number of verses, and

vice versa, but the choice of which part of the anthem is to be Sung, is always done by

verses (or stanzas), never by words. The musical structure cannot be cut anywhere, just in

those sections where a stanza finishes. For Arab and oriental languages -totally different

from the Latin structure- 1 used the Latin phonetic versions.

Table 3.3 Anthem's Length

3.3. Independent Variables

1 also developed 9 independent variables that 1 divided into three main groups: spatial,

social and temporal predictors. (The complete data c m be found in appendix A)

62

3.3.1, Spatial Variable

Nation's Region. This nominal variable has 8 categories: 1) America, 2) Australia and

Pacific Islands, 3) Western Europe, 4) Eastern Europe, 4) Middle East, 5) Central

Asia, 7) East Asia, and 8) Africa.

This vxiable tries to incorporate region into the construction of national

identities. Nations are rmt isoIated entities, they form part of a "neighbourhood". It

would be naturai to think that nations identify thernselves with their geographic

neighbours, while simuItaneously differentiating from the more distant entities.

(Although neighbours are often enemies, the cuItural influences cannot be denied.)

To this end, we should expect to find sorne similar characteristics in national

anthems that beiong to geographical neighbours. However, we must still consider

that each nation has its geographical particularities that introduce distinctive uses of

the language and, therefore, help to create an individual identity. (See section 2.3.1 .)

3.3.2. Social variables

Nation's Langage. This is a nominal variable divided into 6 categories: 1) English, 2)

Spanish, 3) French, 4) Other European Languages, 5) Arab, and 6) Other

Languages.

According to our theory, we should expect some significant similarities among

anthems of the same Ianguage. Of course, there are many different languages, some

of them only spoken in one nation or region. For this reason the emphasis will be on

the languages most spoken by number of nations:''' English (36), Spanish (20),

French (20) and Arab (18). The other languages are categorized in two groups:

other European languages, and other lang~rages.

Nation's Religion. This variable does not consider the different types of religions, but the

number of religions in each nation and their level of socid dominance. This is also a

nominal variable with four categories: 1) One dominant religion (X > 70%), 2) One

majority religion (X > 5096, but X < 70%j 3) Two majority reIigions (XI, X2 >

35%), and 4) Multiple religions.

In this case, the interesting question will be whether or not the existence of a

dominant or majority group, or of the two cornpetitive groups, influence the type

and structure of anthems. A higher level of social diversity should result in less

agressive and longer national anthems. Why? Because elites generally want to

avoid bellicose social exaltations within the population, and because with longer

anthems they have more options to select. It is important to remember that national

anthems are not Sung in their totality, just some stanzas that are chosen by rulers.

The selection of different stanzas in different moments responds to the specific

elites' goals and sociai circumstances. In this way, we should also expect that

nations with religious diversification choose non-agressive anthems to encourage

the peaceful coexistence of their subjects.

'O7 Languages most spoken by number of nations, not by total population.

Political Arrangement. This national aspect is operationalized using a dichotomous

variable: authoritarian and democratic nations. Absolute monarchies, dictatorships,

rnilitary regimes, and one party States forrn the authoritarian category.

Parliarnentary, presidential and multiparty systems constitute the variable's

democratic category. The political arrangement codes were assigned to each nation

according to the year of national anthems' adoption (not creation).

Following the logic of the previous variable, we should expect that nations with

authoritarian regimes are prompted to select shorter and more bellicose anthems;

and democratic regimes, longer and less aggressive anthems.

Social event. This variable was taken directly frorn Cerulo's research.lo8 They were

classified as high, moderate, mixed, or low in focus. The classifications were made

with reference to the year in which a nation adopted its anthem.

High-focus events are those incidents capable of concentrating the thoughts and

actions of a whole nation, or those that mobiiize the population toward a similar

goal. These include independence movements, penods of nationalism and war

victories. In high-focus events, politicd leaders search for national unity and

consolidation.

In opposition, low-focus events are those that threaten, demoralize, or disrupt

the people. These events provoke fraapentation rather than unity. Low-focus events

include coup d'état, econornic depressions, lost wars, natural disasters and civil

wars and revolutions.

Moderate events include relatively peaceful social movements and peiiods of

econornic development that do not disrupt the daily routine of the collective.

Findly, mixed-focus events cover periods in which high and low-focus events exist

simultaneously. The French Revolution is a clear example of this category: "On the

one hand, the Revolution and its authontarian aftermath heightened collective

attention. Yet the national population was factionalized regarding the post-

revoiutionary agenda, and atomized by the new govemment's terror tac tic^".'^^

For this variable, we should expect to see that low focrts and mixed focus events

provoke a greater number of verses. Any attempt to consolidate a population has to

consider different points of view. Only extended anthems can attain this purpose. In

this same way, we can expect that the elites in low and mixed events look for a

stable national consolidation, avoid bellicose anthems, and prefemng those

compositions whose aggressiveness is directed to a common national enemy.

Colonial Power. The number of categories for this nominal variable has been delimited to

eight: 1) England, 2) Spain, 3) France, 4) Portugal, 5) Yugoslav or Soviet Union, 6)

Other European nation, 7) Other nation, and 8) Without dominant power. In rny

sample 1 counted 17 colonial powers. However, 1 collapsed some of thern in order

to focus on the major ones. Belgium, Denmark, Germmy, Italy, Netherlands,

Sweden, and Switzerland are considered in "other European nations" Japan, New

Zealand, Turkey and U.S., in "other nations".

109 Garraty and Gay, in CeniIo, OP. cit., 189.

Withouî doubt, Spanish customs greatly influenced the identities of Spain's

colonies, English traditions helped to mode1 those of its colonies, and so forth.

AdditionaIly, colonies of the same power may be linked, and colonies from

different powers may present cultural differences. Thus, the content and structure of

nationd anthems should be influenced to some degree by the colonid power. Also,

there should be a difference in the dependent variables between nations that were

colonies and nations that were not colonized.

3.3.3. Temporal Variables

Nations did not emerge at the sarne time. The eady constitution of some of them c m be

traced to the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries -Spain, for example- but the forma1

appearance of others is very recent -one or two decades ago -1ike Belize or Benin. The

year in which a nation proclaims its independence, unification, or constitution, in other

words, its "birth date", tends to group them together if the birth dates are close in time.

Therefore, we see the independence of Mexico, Peru or Colombia as part of the Latin

American independent movement, very different to the post-war independence movement

of Africa's nations. In this way, it would be logical to expect sipnificant differences among

anthems of disticct periods of time.

To analyze the relation between anthems' content, grade of bellicosity and length, 1

fomed 3 interval variables:

1.- Nation's Independence Year, in the case of former colonies, or Nation's

Formation / Unification Year, for the nations without colonizer.

67

2.- Anthem's Creation Year.

3.- Anthem's Adoption Year.

In most of the cases these three variables are very related. There are countries

whose independence year, anthem's creation and adoption years are the same. But there are

many others whose important dates are different. ' l0

3.4. National Anthem's Content

The simplest statistical tools to rneasure the relation between anthems' content and the set

of independent variables are the measures of association. These measures are just numbers

whose magnitudes indicate how strongly two variables are related. However, due to the

charactenstics of the data, the computation of the Chi - Square was invalid,"' and so were

al1 the measures based on this statistic.

To see how much better we cm predict the values of anthems' content when we

know the values of the independent variables. 1 calculated "lnmbdcr", a rneasure of

Proportional Reduction Error (PRE). This type of measure ailows us to predict the values of

a dependent variable given the values of an independent variable. PRE measures compare

the errors in two different situations: one where you use the independent variable for

"O The close relation arnong these variables creates a problern of rnulticollinearity in the regressions. However, ornitting one of them from the mode1 only rninimally affects the prediction.

I I l In rnost of the cases, more than 20 per cent of the cells had expected counts less than 5, and there were also empty cells.

prediction, and the other where you do not."' The results are presented in the following

charts.

Table 3.4 Lambda Measures

1 Creation's 1 Adoption's 1 Independence or 1

Anthem7s content

we can see, al1 the independent variables contribute to reduce the error in

predicting the anthems' content, but only by considering that variable individualiy.

Year (in decades)

hs.27 1

According to these results, anthem's creation year, anthem's adoption year, and the year of

Region

AS. 165

independence or unification are the variables that have greater influence (reduction) on the

PRE, 27.1%, 23.9% and 22.896, respectively. Religion is the variable that affects the PRE

the l e s t (. 13%).

Religion

&.O 13

Language

k.223

year (in deîades)

b . 2 3 9

Ir, general, we can say that al1 variables have some degree of influence over the

unification's year (in decades)

hr.228

dependent variable. Still, in the real world, trying to deduce the behaviour of any variable

Political Arrangement k.087

only considering one predictor, would be tremendously simplistic. Al1 the variables are

correlated, so the presence (or absence) of one or more of them does change the response of

the independent variable. We do need to create a mode1 that incorporates al1 the significant

independent variables and tells us not just the strength of a relation, but how this relation

functions.

Event

k.068

IL' Marija Norusis, SPSS 6.1 Guide to Daia Analysis (New Jersey: Prentice Hall Inc., 1995). 370.

69

Col. Power k.158

Because of the categorical nature of anthems' content, it is impossible to produce a

standard Iineal regession that describes the relationsnip between it and the set of

independent variables. Still, it is acceptable to produce a regression on optimal scores, that

is, a categorical regression.

1 constructed a categorical regression model to address the relative effect of the nine

predictors. First, 1 checked the levels of autocorrelation among the variables contained in

the model in order to identify mu l t i~o l l i na r i t~ .~~~ As was expected, anthem ' s creation yenr

and anthem 's adoption yenr were highly correlated (r=.8 12).' l4 However, due to their high

correlation, omitting one of them from the model only minimally affected the prediction. 1

left "year's creation" because it obtained a better level of importance.'15 (See appendix C,

table C l . ) Using the eight remaining predictors, I ran a new categorical model. In this

second step 1 eliminated nation's independence or cinification yenr due to its correlation

Ievel with ~nthern's creation yenr (r=.725). In this same mode1 political arrangement got a

negative value for the measure of "importance" (-.020), which indicates multicollinearity,

and it was also eliminated. (See appendix C, table C.2.) I ran the final model using the six

remaining predictors. Table 3.5 lists the final regression results.

This regression with optimal scaling yields an R' of -609, indicating that more than

60% of the variance in the transforrned anthems' categories is explained by the regression

113 Variables that are highly correlated will lead to unstable regression estimates. "" The mesures of correlation are frorn the transforrned prcdictors. I l 5 The level of "importance" obtained From the caregorical regression is a rneasure of relative significance

that aids in iriterpreting predictor contributions to the modeI. Large individual importance relative to the other importances corresponds to variables that are crucial to the regression. In contrast to the regression coefficients, this measure defines the importance of the predictors additionally -that is, the importance of a set of predictors is the sum of the individual importances of the predictors. Moreover, !arge negative values of this measure indicate multicolline,uity.

on the optimally transrôrmed predictors. This is very good considering the type of variable

we are working with.

Table 3.5 Categorical Regression

Standardized Coefficients

Error Region -.683 79.789

1 I

Religion 1 -260 1 .O58 1 20.1 13

1 1

1 I 1

Col. Power 1 -339 1 .O64 1 85.597

Language 1 .606 1 .O71 I

1 1 1

Event 1 -160 1 -059 1 7.264

72.781

Correlations

Creation yr.

Zero Partial I I Part 1 After / Before

-2 1 1

The standardized coefficients are not very useful because al1 the variables are

treated nominally, except anthem's year of creation. The largest coefficient occurs for

"region". A one standard deviation increase in region yields a -.683 standard deviations

decrease in predicted types of national anthems. Rowever, as region is treated nominally,

an increase in the quantifications need not correspond to an increase in the original category

codes. Therefore, we have to focus on the measure of relative importance. According to the

results, the nation's region is the predictor variable that best explains the type of national

anthem (-4.42) in relation to the other variables. The second one is the colonial power

(.287), and the last ones are the anthem's year of creation (-076) and the event (-015).

It is not surprising that region, langrrage and colonial powr have turned out to be

the most important variables in determining the national anthems' content type. They

account for 82% of the importance for the specific combination of predictors. Actually, for

Imp. -442

-07 1 8.733

Trans. -563

Trans. .530

many nations, these three predictors are tightly reiated -as in the case of Latin America.

When we consider the content of neighbouring nations' anthems as well as that of the

nation's colonizer we begin to understand the most significant determinants of anthems'

literary content. Going back to the classic model of symbolic communication (see section

l S ) , we can now show that the communication strategies of the neighbours and of the

colonial power appear to lirnit the strategies of the speaker, that is, of the elites.' l6 National

leaders use their regional neighbours as reference groups from which to build strategies of

communication -to model the message.

Religion, and nnthern's year of creation are much tess important in cornparison to

the three previous variables -.OS, and .076, respectively. However, it is still possible to

state that anthem's composition is in fact influenced by the existence of a predominant,

majority or multiple religious groups, and by the contemporary anthems. Knowing this, we

have to consider the nnthern's yenr of creation when exploring the deterrninants of its

major content type.

Finally, everzr turned out to be the least important predictor for anthems content. It

seems that knowing the socio-political circumstances of anthems' adoption helps little to

deduce its type. The message's context that etites want to transmit is not an immediate

response of the moment, but a careful cultural design delimited more by region-languape

and history.

116 Karen CeniIo ako discovers an important relation between nation's anthem musical syntax and that of its neighbour. She deduced that bonds of spacc breed similarity. Moreover, she discovered that a nation's colonial tradition influences its symbols but in a negative correlation, that is, "former colonies tend to develop symbol designs that are signifÏcantIy different from those of their colonial 'parents."' CeniIo, oe, &. p. 27.

Although the categorical regression helped us to find the relative effects of the

predictors over the response when it is a categorical variable, it presents important

inconveniences. The first one is that we cannot deduce the amount of change or the sign of

the relation between the dependent variable and each one of the predictor variables. We cari

only deduce the relative importance of the predictor over the response in a specific model.

The second restriction is that using a nominal scaling level, al1 the categories are equal. We

cannot say that anthemc that sing the Pastoral beauty of their nations are higher in some

aspect just because 1 assigned to them the number 1. So, the only solution to this important

problem is to change the dependent variable from nominal to ordinal scaie. One possible

way to do this was to consider how aggressive the anthems are. Simply, it is easy to say

that anthems classified in the "Pastoral Beauty" categoqr would generally be less

aggressive than those classified in "call to arms" or "struggle for independence". But we

cannot say if they are more or less aggressive than those that ask for peace, work and unity.

Moreover, we will find that almost al1 the anthems present to some extent more than one

category, making a strict classification difficult. The only solution for this dilemma was to

work with the other continuous variables -grade of bellicosity and extension.

3.5. Anthem's Structure: Grade of Bellicosity and Length

Using the categorical regression model we were only able to deduce the relative importance

of each independent v<ariabIe over the predictor, but we could not get much more

information. Using new continuous independent variables, the grade of bel l icosi~ and

antherns' length (number of verses), it will now be possible to deduce not only the strength

of the relation, but also the standardized coefficients and their significance. Additionally,

73

we will see the behaviour of each one of the different predictors' categones over the two

independen t variables.

In order to individudly analyze each category of the nominal variables, it was first

necessary to transform the response variabIes into standard score values (2 score). It was

then possible to deduce the position of every anthem in relation to the rnean.'17 The world's

average of anthem's bellicosity was 3.259% words per anthem. The sample's range of the

standard score covered from -.88916. for those anthems with zero bellicose words, to

4.5675, corresponding to BuIgaria's anthem. For the second independent variable, anthems '

length, 1 obtained an average of 20 verses per anthem. The range of its standard scores was

from 1.162, for anthems without text (zero verses), to 4.098, corresponding to the 92 verses

of Uruguay's anti-colonialism anthem.'I8 (See section 3.2).

The second step was to create a set of new dichotomous variables. In this way,

region was transforrned into eight new variables (0,l) that correspond to the eight original

categories; Innguage into six; religion into four; and so forth. The interval variables

(anthems' crention and adoption yenrs, and narions' independence or rtn~jkation yecrrj

remain unchanged. The number of new independent variables was 35. Finally, 1 constructed

partial regression models in order to obtain the significant predictors and the particular

relations between the response variables and each group of nations. The relations were done

through the origin to deduce the relation of any group of anthems with the sample's average

II7 If an anthem's standard score is O, Lhe value for that anthem is equal to the mean, if the standard score is 1 , the value for the anthem is one standard deviation above the mean. If the standard deviation is -1 , the value for the anthem is one standard deviation below the mean.

I g The longest cornplete anthem is the Nefierlands with 120 verses (5.699). However 1 excluded this anthern fiom the statistical models to be an outlier.

of bellicosity and of nurnber of verses. In this form, positive values of B and Beta

coefficients indicate that the average of bellicose words or number of verses of the

interested g o u p is above the world's average; and negative values indicate that the goup 's

average is below the world's average. 119

3.5.1. The Role of Region

Does region have an impact over anthems' composition? The results of the categorical

regression suggested that region indeed has an important impact over nations' type of

anthems. But what about anthems' grade of bellicosity and Iength? If we accept that nations

are not isolated entities and that they inevitably receive some level of influence from their

regional neighbours, we would have to expect cornmon qualities among their anthems.

Specifically, 1 argue that each region develops a particular grade of national bellicosity that

should be expressed in their national anthems. In this same manner, 1 expect similar

anthems7 length structures among regional groups.

To test the relationship between anthems' bellicosiiy and region, 1 developed a

partial correlation considering the eight new regional variables, and only three proved to be

statistically signifiant: America (t=2.867, sig.=.005), Australia (t=- 1.796. sig.=.074), and

Middle East (-1.793, sig.=.075). In the case of American nations, B and Beta coefficients

were positive, .468 and .206, respectively. This means that American anthems tend to be

more aggressive than the world's mean (2 score = O) . On the other hand, Australian and

119 For regressions done through the origin, R Square measures the proportion of the variability in the dependent variable about the origin explained by regression. This cannot be compared to R Square for models that include an intercept.

Middle East's anthems tend to be less aggressive due to their Beta readings of -. 129 (for

both of them.) For the rest of the regions, there is no significant evidence to affirm that they

influence anthems' bellicosity. (See appendix C , table C.3.)

Table 3.6 Percentage of bellicose words and number of verses by Region

Average of bellicose words / Wodd % = 3.259 Average number of verses

per Group l

America Australia & Pacific Islands

Western Europe Eastern Europe

Middle East

Analyzing antherns' length only, three dichotomous predictors were statistically

significant. The average of America's anthems (t=6.038, sig.=000) were -824 standard

deviations over the world' average (Beta = .400); Middle East nations (t=-2.554, sig.=.011)

were beIow the average in -.595 (Beta = -01 1); and Far East nations below the average in -

.16 1 (Beta = .O 12). (See appendix C, table C.4)

According to the last results, we can conclude that only three regions have a

significant relation with anthems' structure. In adopting national anthems, leaders of

America, Australia, afid the Middie East tended to adopt anthems that were domiriating

their region, using them as a point of reference for the national expression of the self. This

is very interesting if we consider that three of these regions present a common quality: most

4.975 % 1.008 %

1 Central Asia East Asia

Africa

~ o r l d Avg. = 20 34.742

16.5 3.929 % 3.755 % 1.425 %

22.2 14 16.789 9.916

2.968 % 2.969 % 2.551 %

15.307 10.705 17.188

of their nations share the same lanpage, Spanishf Engiish and Arab, respectively. In the

case of the other five region variables, we find a multiplicity of languages.

In relation to the number of verses, we d s o found that American and Middle

Eastern results turned out to be significant. However, in the case of Far East nations, the

language uniformity is not clear. Here. the number of languages is almost the same as the

number of nations. 1s Innguage a significant variable to determine anthem's bellicosity, but

not to determine anthem's extension? We wili analyze this in the following section. For

now, we can conclude that in the symbolic expression of national identity, eornmunication

strategies of regional neighbours appear to lirnit each other7s strategies of the senders only

in four of the eight regions.

3.5.2. The Role of Lunguage

Lang~rage was the third predictor in order of importance in the categorical regression. Now,

running a linear regression to detemine the relationship between anthem's grade of

bellicosity and each one of the langages (six dichotomy variables), 1 found that only

Erzglish, Spanish and Other Lnngztages (see section 3 -3.2.) were significant; they obtained a

level of t=-2.866 and sig.=.005; t=5.646 and sig.=.000; and t= -2.065 and sig.=.040,

respectively. Surprisingly, Arab obtained a significance of .739 which does not support the

common language hypothesis for this repion.

Analysing the standardized coefficients (Beta) we see that English anthems are less

agressive that the average in -. 192. In the sarne manner, Orlzer Languages, that are mainly

Asiatic (Japanese, Chinese, Vietnamese, Hindu, Azerbaijan, etc) and African (Bantu, Zulu,

Kirundi, etc.), are less aggressive in -. 138. On the other hand, Spanish anthems are more

aggressive in .378. (See appendix C, table C S )

English and Spanish anthems are the most numerous; together they represent

30.27% of the total. The first ones tend to produce "non aggressive" anthems, and the

second ones "bellicose anthems". These findings are in accordance with the former results

of Region, which suggest that America's anthems (mostiy Spanish) tend to be more

bellicose and Australia's anthems (mostly English) less aggressive. Now, let's look at the

second independent variable.

Table 3.7 Percentage of bellicose words and number of verses by Language

Spanish 7.426 % 1 45 -55 1

Language

English

The results of the second andysis are totally in concordance with the results

Average of bellicose words Wosld % = 3.259

1.682 %

French Other European Languages

Arab Other L a n ~ u a ~ e s

obtained for Region. Here, the language binary variables that resuIted in significant data

Average nurnber of verses per Group

World Avg. = 20 17.5

were Spanish (8.740, sig.=000), Arab (t= -2.210, sig.=.028), and Other Languages (t= -

3.368 % 3.972 % 2.825 Ojo

2.082 9'0

3.569, sig.=000). Let's remernber that the significant regions in our former mode1 were

23.85 20.787 12.666 12.42 1

America, which corresponds to Spanish; the Middle East, which corresponds to Arabic, and

the Far East, which involves many of Other Languages. In brief, we can conclude that

Spanish anthems tend to be longer that world's average (Beta=.529), while Arab's anthems

78

tend to be shorter (Beta = -.134). In the case of Far East nations, we can just conclude that

non-European or Arab languages tend to produce shorter anthems. (See appendix C, table

C.6)

Summarising, in the case of anthems' beIlicosity, English, Spanish, and Other

Zanguages were significant; in the case of anthern's length, Spanish, Arab, and Other

Langrtages obtained significant statistics.

Whereas language structure helps to delimit the particuiarities of each national

identity, the common use of some lanpage links the nation to its "brother" nations, in

respect to the way they see and express the world. Each Language is inseparable from its

cultural background and vice versa. Then, if we look at language as a cultural transmitter,

we should then focus on the transrnitter, that is, on the colonial powers that imposed a

specific Ianguage and way of Iife over its former colonies.

3.5.3. The Role of Colorzial Powers

The previous evidence suggests that colonial powers influenced their former colonies'

national anthems. We should remember that in the categorical regression, colonial power

was the second most important predictor.

The results of the linear regression, considering grade of bellicosity as the response

variable. indicate that only Spain (t=5.40, sig.=000), England (t=-3.574, sig.=000) and the

socialist powers (t=-2.078, sig.=.039) are significant predictors. Al1 the other variables

(categories) obtained very low levels of significance. Once again, Spanish colonies were

above the average of bellicosity with a Beta of -359, and English colonies below the

average with -.238. The Soviet Union and Yugoslavia's former "allies" obtained a Beta

79

below the average against rny expectations. The Beta for this group was of -.138. (See

appendix C, table C.7)

Table 3.8 Percentage of bellicose words and number of verses by Colonial Power

1 France 1 2.949 % 1 19.033 1

Colonial Power

0

Average of bellicose words World 95 = 3.259

- -

Portugal S.U. and Yugoslav

Other European Powers Other Colonial Powers

For the second independent variable, anrhem's length, the results were quite similar.

Average number of verses per Group

World Avg. = 20 14.964

Spain

Without Colonial Power

The only two significant colonial powers were Spain (t=8.508, sig.=.000) and England (t= -

7.321 % 50.684

4.064 96 1.463 % 1.854 % 4.360 %

2.886, sig.=.004). The former Spanish colonies obtained a score above the mean (Beta =

- - -

2 1.333 15.117 19.135 16.615 i

4.243 %

-529); and the former British colonies, below the mean (Beta = -. 179). (See appendix C,

16.047

table C.8)

We can Say, then, that Spanish culture influenced the formation

identities of Spanish Colonies, and English customs helped delineate the

of national

identities of

British colonies. Both colonizers had influence over the content and structure of their

former colonies' anthems. Socialist ideology transrnitted its ways of perceiving the world,

but not their language structure. Actually, these two socialist regimes respected the national

language of their dominions (at least at the popular level). Language is not only a means of

transmission, it is a way to see the world.

With the last statistics, we can assert that the members of each group of colonies

were interlinked through their connection with the same colonizer. I am not suggesting that

former colonies tend to have the same type of anthem as their colonizers'. Actually, Karen

Cerulo's study showed a tendency for former colonies to differentiate the musical syntax of

their antherns from the musical syntax of their mother countries' anthem.'" What rny

analysis showed is that the grade of bellicosity is generally similar among the former

colonies of Spain, England, and Soviet Union and Yugoslavia; and that this grade of

national bellicosity is partidly a result of their shared cultural background. (The categorical

regression also showed that colonizers' former colonies adopted similar types of anthems.)

As such, we cm accept that the colonizers that imposed their languages also introduced

new ways of seeing and expressing the world.

3.5.4. The RoIe of Religion

As 1 stated in section 3.3.2, this variable does not consider the different types of religions,

but rather the number of religions in each nation and their level of dominance. So, we are

taIking about the existence or non-existence of dominant religious groups (social

distribution). According to the results of the linear regression for grade of bellicosity, onIy

the dominant religion group (X>70%) variable was (almost) significant, t=1.844, and

sig.=.057. Its Beta was .137. In other words, there is evidence that when nations have one

religious dominant group they tend to adopt anthems more bellicose than the world's

average. However, there is no statisticd evidence to show that the anthems of nations with

120 Cenilo, op. cit., 66.

multiple religious groups tend to be peaceful in order to avoid social belligerent exaltations

arnong the groups. (See appendix C, table C.9)

Table 3.9 Percentage of bellicose words and number of verses by Religion

Popular Distribution

I

One Dominant Religion

> 35%) Multi le reli 'ons

Average of bellicose words World 9% = 3.259

The results for anthems' length are conclusive. Reiigious social distribution does

Average number of verses per Group

3.873 %

18.580

-

(X>7O % ) I

not affect anthem's structure. The significance of the slopes of these four dichotomy

~ o r l d Avg. = 20 2 1.666

One Majority Religion (X>50%)

variables resulted much higher than the limit (-05). Also, the F statistic of the analysis of

2.156 % TWO Majority Religions (XI, X2

variance (ANOVA) obtained a significance of -35 1. (See appendix C, table C. 10)

2.028 % 1 16.363

3.5.5. The Role of Social Evenfs

This variable is no more related to geographical, social or historicaI characteristics than it is

to region, lnnguage, colonial power, and religion. Rather, it is related to the social events

that direct the attention of the population and influence the communication strategies by

which it is addressed by national leaders. This variable implies that anthems' message

structure (iîs bellicosity and extension) is tied to the specific context that surrounds

anthems' adoption, rather than to its community socio-cultural record.

The findings of the first linear regession show a sigificant correlation between

anthem's grade of bellicosity and the high focus events (t=-2.343, sig.=.020); mzked focus

events (t= 1 -967, sig.=.05 1 ); and Zow focris events (3.1 10. sig.=.002). Only the moderate

foctis events were not significant. In relation to the number of verses, the two extremes

were significant: high focus events (t=-2.754, sig.=.007) and low foc~s events (t=I.OIO,

sig.=.ûûO).

According to the results (see appendix C , tables C.11 and C.12), highly focused

events generate national anthems that tend to be less aggressive (Beta = -. 180) and shorter

(Beta = -.202) than the world's average. This is not surprising if we remember t h ,

according to the theory (see section 3.3.2.), in high-focus events, political leaders search for

national unity and consolidation. When the common enemy is defeated, elites try to

consolidate their position with total national support. Therefore, a social peaceful

coexistence is desirable for the new national mlers. Under this premise (of national unity),

there is also no need for extended anthems to be able to respond to multiple interests and

circumstances.

Table 3.10 Percentage of bellicose words and number of verses by Social Event

Social Event

High Moderate

Low Mixed (m)

Average of bellicose words World 9% = 3.259

Average number of verses per Group

2.276 5% 3.378 % 5.978 5% 4.512 %

~ o r l d Avg. = 20 16.810 17.939 39.352 23 -063

In contrast, low-focus events tend to provoke fragmented groups with few or no

shared goals. Therefore, they favour antherns that are more aggressive (Beta = -238) and

longer (Beta = .376) than the world's mean. Low-events include coraps d'état, economic

depressions, Iost wars, natural disasters and civil wars and revolutions. Under these

fragmented national conditions, leaders need to impose their position over d l groups

highlighting, among other things, the warlike feelings of their own supporters. At the same

time, elites need national identiv resources (anthern's number of stanzas) to respond to

different demands.

Mixed focus events also tend to be more aggressive than average with a Beta o f . 15 1.

However, in reiation to the number of verses, they do not present a significant relationship.

Then, in cases of coexistence, do low focrts events predominate over high focus events in

relation to anthem's grade of bellicosity and number of verses? The statistical evidence

shows this to be the case; and Latin America's anthems are the proof of it. In many of these

Latin nations, it is possible to find a coexistence of events: at the same time that an

independence struggle was taking place, strong interna1 factions were competing for the

govemment of the future nation."' The results of the intemal fights were very bellicose and

long anthems.

3.5.6. The Role of Political Arrangement

This is the second variable that tries to look at some of the specific conditions that may

influence the content and structure of national anthems. Depending on their targets'

(population) political circumstances. the senders (leaders) restructure, manipulate, or even

discard messages. According to K. Cemlo, under authontarian regimes, rulers try io limit

the "co,~tive temtory in which citizen minds cari legitimately meet","' and in democratic

regimes they generdly "tolerate the variety and debate that can stem from muItiplex

thought".'" Thus, it is logical to expect shorter anthems in authoritarian regirnes and longer

anthems in democratic regimes. However, the statistical analysis could not corroborate the

theory because both dichotomous variables obtained no significant results.

Table 3.11 Percentage of bellicose words and number of verses by Political Arrangement

Political Arrange

In relation to grade of bellicosity, the linear regression proved that National

anthems, which are adopted during authoritarian regimes, tend to be more aggressive

(Beta=. 155, t= 1.93 1, sig.=.055). However, there is no evidence to indicate that democratic

governments tend to adopt more of the Iess aggressive anthems (t= -.430, sig.=,668). These

vague results are not strange, and they are in accordance with the results of the Categorical

Democratic Regimes Authoritarian Regimes

121 Liberal and Moderates were the principal rivals in the intranational struggles. 122 Cerulo, OP. cit-, 95-96. '= Ibid.

Average of bellicose words Wortd % = 3.259

1

Average number of verses per Group

World Avg. = 20 3.075 % 4.32 %

20.259 22.065

Regrasion in which these variables were eIiminated. (See appendix C , tabIes C.13 and

C. 14)

3.6. The Multivariate Models

The former statistical anaiyzes have been done for each of the original categorical

variables, which were transformed into a set of dichotomous variables. Running linear

regressions through the origin, we could deduce the significance of each set of independent

variables and their relation with the world's average. depending on the sign of the

coefficients (above or below the rnean), but we couldn't obtain the value of R'. that is, the

proportion of the total variation of the independent variable accounted for by independent

variables."' Also, the coefficient values that we obtained are not absolute; they are valid

just in those specific regression rnodels. As in any regression model, the values of the

coefficients of each variable are relative to the presence of other variables in the rnodel. As

such, the introduction or removal of variables will not only change the values of the R', but

also the values of the coeff~cients and their level of significance. The regions that showed

effects when only regional dummy were entered, for example, may not be the regions that

show effects when other types of independent variables are introduced into the model.

In order to deduce the factors that do influence the length of national antherns and

its grade of beilicosity, I deveIoped new multiple regression models with an intercept, al1

dummy variables and the three continuous variables: nariorz's independence or

1 2-1 For regessions through the ongin (the no-intercept model), R' measures the proportion of the variability in the dependent variable about the ongin explained by regression. This cannot be compared LO R' for models, which include an intercept.

consolidation year, anthem's creation year and anthem's adoption year. However. due to

the high correlation between anthern 's creation year and anthem 's adoption yenr (r--8 12)' 1

constructed two regression models for each independent variable dternating the inclusion

of these two highly correlated variables. In al1 cases, 1 used the stepwise method.lZ5

The introduction of so many variables allowed us to identify which subset was most

effective for estimating anthem's extension and anthem's bellicosity. However, because it

also presents some analytical problems,'26 1 will briefly show the results of the regression

models run only with the significant predictors of the previous section.

3.6.1. Anthem's Bellicosity: Multivariate Mode1

The significant results of the two total regression rnodeIs for Anthem's Bellicosity, one

considering Anthem 's creaîion year and the other Anthem's adoption year, are presented in

the following tables: (The complete tables are in appendix C , tables C 15 and C 16.)

175 1 used the stepwise method, which is the most fiequently used. This method begins with entering into the mode1 the variab!e that has the strongest positive or negative correlation with the dependent variable; and nt each subsequent step, it adds the variable with the strongest partial correlation. With the stepwise method, at each step, variables are tested for removal.

126 In general, there is a limited e-iantiry of independent variables that can be introduced in a regression model. Due to the fact that many variables couId be correlated, the utility of adding new variables decreases. Also, if the variables are (highly) correlated, the proportion of the total variation of the independent variable accounted for each independent variable can Vary drastically depending on the order of inclusion of predictor into the model.

Table 3.12 Linear Regression (Stepwise method) Dependent Variable: Anthem's beilicosity Independent Variables: 32 dummy variables, Nation's independence

or unification year, and Anlhem's creation year

R~ = -346 Std. Error of the Estimate = 3.15825

Constant Spanish Language

Other European Lang. East Europe Region

-

Unstandardized Std. Coefficients Coefficient

B Std. Err. Beta t Sig.

. O00 -002 .O04 .O 17

Table 3.13 Linear Regression (Stepwise method) Dependent Variable: Anthem's bellicosity Independent Variables: 32 dummy variables, Nation's irrdependence

or unification year, and Anthem's adoption year

1 R~ = .363 Std. Error of the Estimate = 3.1 1760 1

Constant Spanish Language

Other European Lang. East Europe Region

S.U. - Yug. Col. Powers British Col. Powers

Coefficients 1 Coeff~cient 1 1 Unstandardized S td.

In the first model, which includes anthem's creation year, the four significant

variables (Spanish Ianguage, Other languages, East Europe region and S.U. arzd Rigoslov

colonial powers) explain the 32.6 percent of anthem's bellicosity variability. In the second

B 2.733

Std. Err. .476

Beta t 5.737

Sig. .O00

model, with the incorporation of a~zthem 's adoption year, an additional fifth independent

variable (British Coloninl Power) was significant. The proportion of the total variation in

anthem's belIicosity accounted for by the five predictors increases to 36.3 percent. So,

keeping the second mode1 of this controlled analysis, we can conclude that Spanish

language, Ottzer Eriropean languages, East Europe region, British, Soviet and Yugoslnv

colonial potvers variables significantly influence an anthem 's grade of bellicosity.

As the table 3.13 shows, the five significant predictors account for more than 36

percent of the variation of anthem7s warlike tone, but each one in a different manner:

Spanish speaking nations (Beta=.434), European nations whose Ianguage is not Spanish,

English, French or German (Beta= .162), and East European nations (Beta=.286), tended to

adopt more aggressive anthems than other nations; but nations that were dominated by the

Soviet Union or Yugoslavia (Beta=.-. 18 l), or England (Beta=-. 166) tended to adopt less

aggressive anthems. It is interesting to note that the type of social evenr and the politicnl

arrangement of the nation do not significantly influence the grade of beliicosity of

anthems.

Equation for Anthem's Bellicosity:

Warlike words % = 2.733 + 4.693 Spanish Lanpage (0,l) + 4.693 Other European Languages

(0,l) -t- 4.198 East European nations (0,l) - 3.378 S.U. or Yugoslavia Colonial

Powers (O, 1) - 1.345 British Colonial Power (O. 1) + e

(Considering only the variables that resulted significant from the individual

regressions of the previous sections, lZ7 ! observed that anthern 's crearion year resrclts in a

higher R' than anthemPs adoption year. In the first case, the model explains 29.6% O€

anthem's bellicosity variability, and in the second, 25.1%. However, in both cases, the

model's explanatory power was lower that in the complete models.

In the partial regression model that introduced anthem's creation year, the

~ i ~ i f i c a n t predictors were again the Spnnish Langrrage (B= 3.123 and Beta = -289) and the

British Colonial Power (B= - 1 -522 and Beta = -. 188)' but anthem 's creation y e a r also

resulted significant (B= -.O 1595 and Beta = -.24 1). The negative sign of anthern 's creatinn

year indicates a reduction of anthem's bellicosity over time. In other words, older anthems

tend to be more aggressive than newer ones. The complete results are presented in appendix

C, tables C . 17 and C. 18)

3.6.2. Anthem's Length: Multivariate Mode1

Once more, due to the hi& correlation between anthems' crention year and anthem's

adoption yenr, which suggest multicoIlinearity, 1 repeated the strategy of running two

regression models, aIternating the inclusion of the two problematic variables. However, the

results of both models were almost identical. (Complete results can be found in appendix C,

tables C. 19 and C.20)

127 The variables introduced were Amenca, Australia, and Middle East regions; English, Spanish and Other languages; British, Spanish, and SU.-Yugosiav colonial powers; dominant religion; high, mixed and low social events; and authoritarian and democratic political arrangements.

Table 3.14 Linear Regression (Stepwise methoà) Dependent Variable: Anthem's length Independent Variables: 32 d u m y variables, Nation's independence

or unification year, and Anthern's creation year

1 R~ = .461 Std. Error of the Estimate = 13.02 1

Cons tant Spanish Language b w focus Events French Language

America Region Anthem's Creation Year

Unstandardized Coefficients

B 1 Std, Err. Sig. .O 16 -000 .O0 1 .O05 .O35 .O37

Table 3.15 Linear Regression (Stepwise method) Dependent Variable: Anthem's Length Independent Variables: 32 durnmy variables, Nation 's independence

or unification year, and Anthem 's adoption year

1 = .458 Std. Error of the ~stirnate = 12.99

C--- Constant

Spanish Language Low Focus Events French Language

America Region Anthem's Adoption Yr.

Uns tandardized Coefficients

B 1 Std, Err.

- -

Std. Coefficient

Beta

The findings of both models show that the predictors that influence the variation in

anthem's number of verses are Spanish and French languages, low focus events, American

region and the year in which anthems were created or adopted. However, the first model,

that introduces anthem's creation year, has a little better explanatory power than the second

one. In the former, the five significant vanables account for 46.1 percent of the variation in

national anthem's extension.

In contrat to anthern's bellicosity, low foczw events have a significant relationship

to the nurnber of verses. In this sense, events that generate fragmentation rather than unity,

tend to produce longer anthems. This is in accordance with the theory that has predicted

that in low focus situations, dites had to fulfil the concerns and goals of diverse social and

political goups; therefore, they adopted anthems with numerous stanzas as well as

numerous messages and statements.

In the case of number of verses, then, it is possible to say that Spanish and French

speaking nations with lmv-fonts events at the time of anthem's adoption and which form

part of the American region, tend to produce longer anthems than nations with other

characteristics. Also, the results showed us that newer anthems tend to be shorter than older

anthems.

Equation for Anthem's Length:

Number of verses = 98.736 + 18.394 Spanish Language (0,l) +12.493 Low foccis Events (0,l) t

10.435 French Language (0,l) +7.233 America Region (0,l) - .O4414 Anthem's

Creation Year + e.

(When 1 mn tne regession with only the variables that resulted significant from the

individual regre~sions,"~ I observed that anthem's adoption year obtained a better R' than

anthem's creation year (40 1 and -397, respectively). However, as in anthem's bellicosity

models, the explanatory power of the complete models was higher. Another important

difference among the partiel and the complete models is that, in the first ones, the year of

anthem7s creation and adoption is not significant. ActualIy, only two predictors were

significant: Spanish language @= 24.568 and Beta= -497) and low focus events (B= 14.550

and Beta = -268). These two variabIes account for the 10.1 percent variation in national

anthem's extension. The complete results are presented in appendix C , tables C.21 and

3.7. Conclusion

Nations are not isolated entities. They fom part of the worldcs community. As such, they

can be classified according to different characteristics. They can be grouped according to

the region they are part of, the colonial power that dominated them, the lanpage they

speak, and so forth. These divisions, which are also conceived by the population, clearly

affected the national identity construction process and therefore, the perception of what the

nation was and what the nation wasn't.

In this chapter, we explored the lines that demarcate several reference groups within

the world cornmunity. By examining the various ways in which nations can be classified,

collecting them into some groups, and differentiating them from others, we gained some

knowledge regarding the preliminary forces that shape a nation's mode of expression.

128 America, Middle East and Far East regions; Spanish, Arab and other languages; British and Spanish

93

Specifically, we deduced the major factors that influence the content, bellicosity and

extension of national anthems.

Using a set of categorical regressions, we saw that the region, the colonial power,

the language, the social distribution of religions, anthem's adoption year and social events

represent the first step in understanding the most powerful deteminants of antliems'

literary content. However, we could not obtain much more information. So, we individually

analyzed the influence of each one of the categorical predictors over the grade of anthem's

grade of bellicosity and over its length structure. Finally, using the dummy variables that

obtained significant statistical levels, 1 finally constructed two complete regession models

that also incorporated the interval predictors. These complete models showed us which

were the predictors that ultimately influenced anthems' design.

We discovered that nations whose official language is Spanish, or another European

language other than English or French, as well as East European nations, tend to have more

belIicose anthems than other nations. On the contrary, nations that were controlled by the

British, the Soviet or the Yugoslav Power generally have adopted less aggressive anthems.

It seems that the leaders in these group nations used their immediate counterparts as

reference groups from which to build strategies of communication.

In relation to the number of verses, five predictors obtained significant statistical

levels in the overall multiple Iinear regressions. We have seen that bonds of language breed

similarity in Spanish and French anthems. Leaders of these reference groups tended to

adopt (much) longer anthems than the rest of the groups. In the same way, we observed that

coIonial powers; and high and low fociis events.

American nations generally adopted more extended anthems. This analysis also suggested

that national audiences (receivers of the message) are not targeted just on the basis of their

language or region, but also through the social events that directed its attention. Lotv focrrs

events seem to influence the antherns' structure, by which a population is addressed. These

types of events also tended to result in longer anthems. Finally, 1 found that tirne,

specificdly anthem's creation year, can affect anthem's length. The data suggested an

inverse relation between time and number of verses. Early creations tended to be longer

compositions; anthems adopted in subsequent periods display increasingly less number of

verses.

In forming a message, senders must anticipate their targets. In this sense, we have

seen that the structure of anthems is contingent not only on the receivers of the sender, but

ais0 on the concrete situation of the national audience (receivers).

Chapter 4

The Spanish American Anthems

In the previous chapter, 1 statistically analyzed the text of national anthems to discover

whether their type of content and structure (bellicosity and length) was determined by the

dualistic force that marked the emergence of nations. In other words, I generally explored

the interna1 and external factors of different sub-groups of nations that guiaed and delimited

political leaders in the creation, selection andor adoption of national anthems. In particular,

1 studied the impact of six categorkal and three numericd variables over anthems' grade of

bellicosity and number of verses. According to the results of section 2.5, the groüps of

nations that obtained a higher level of bellicosity and number of verses per category were

the following:

- American nations.

- Spanish speaking nations.

- Nations that fomerly were Spanish colonies.

- Nations with only one dominant religion (X>70%).

- Nations that experienced Low Foccts Events (such as revolutions or civil wars) at the

moment of the anthern's adoption year.

- Nations whose anthems were adopted by an authoritaian regime.

This is very interesting if we focus our attention on one particular group of nations that

1 have barely considered, but which is a key element to understanding the formation

process of national identities and the role that political elites have played in them. The

group 1 am referring to is the Spanish American Nations.

4.1. The Spanish American Anthems: The Highest Scores

The Spanish American nations, a very concrete group of 18 c o ~ n t r i e s , ~ have many

characteristics of the goups that obtained the highest Ieveis of bellicosity and extension.

That is, they are located in the Amencan continent; their officiai language is Spanish; they

were former Spanish colonies and, with the exception of Cuba, have one dominant religion

(Catholicism); many of them experienced low focus events o r mixed events at the time of

their anthem's adoption, and in two thirds of them there was an authoritarian regime that

officially adopted the musical symbols. Actually, if we review the average number of

verses and percentage of warlike words for this "new" group of nations, we will see that

they are higher than almost al1 the previous classifications; the only exception is the former

Spanish colonies that obtained the highest average of number of verses.

Table 4.1. Groups with the Highest Scores - -

1 Former Spanish colonies 7.32 1 50.684

Spanish-American nations American nations S~anish s~eakinn nations

Average of Bellicose Words

(World's % = 3.259)

The difference in numbers between the Spanish-American nations and the former

Average number of verses

(World's Avg. = 20)

7.875 4.975 7.426

Nations withone dom. religion Nations with low focrrs everzts Nations with an authontarian reg.

Spanish colonies consist of only three nations: the Philippines, Equatoriai Guinea and The

48.50 34.742 45-55

- -

1 29 Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela.

3.873 5.978 4.320

2 1.666 39.352 22.065

Netherlands. The national anthem of the Philippines has 20 verses, compared to 120 in The

Netherlands's! Therefore, the presence of this out-lier increases the average number of

verses of former Spanish colonies. Without The Netherlands, the average number of verses

would be 47.578

Can 1 conclude that the Spanish-American national antherns are more bellicose and

more extensive than other classifications because they have many of the characteristics of

the categories that obtained the highest levels of bellicosity and length? Certainly not. We

have to go back to the results of the multivariate regession mode1s (section 3.6) which

incorporated al1 the variables. In relation to anthem's grade of bellicosity, we found that the

percenîage of warlike words per anthem depends on the presence or absence of five

predictors: we have to check if the nation is a Spanish-speakïng nation or if its population

speaks a European language other than English or French; we have to see if the nation is

Iocated in East Europe; and if it was dominated by the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia or

England. Obviously, in the case of the Spanish-American nations, only the Spanish

language factor is present.

The Spanish language is a very important factor for understanding the high degree

of bellicosity of the Spanish Amencan Anthems; not because it is in itself a bellicose

language -it would be impossible to determine the grade of bellicosity in relation to other

languages- but for al1 the cultural features that the comrnon use of a lanpage implies. The

eighteen nations that form part of the Spanish American group not only are able to

communicate and transmit very precise ideas; through Spanish, they c m also share feelings

and ernotions, a way to see and understand the world, and a way to respond to external and

interna1 circumstances. The Spanish language gave them a common identity they didn't

98

have before. (See section 2.3.1.) Therefore, to understand the role of the Spanish language

in Spanish Amencan anthems, it will be necessary to briefly review the manner in which

those nations became into existence.

4.2. Spanish-American Anthem's Bellicosity

Before the Spanish Conquest, the Indian world was characterized by its extreme diversity.

Even in the areas dominated by the Aztec or Inca empires, there were a large number of

kingdoms and tribal communities; some of them incorporated into the larger imperial

structures, but there were also many others that remained independent and often were very

hostile to the pre-Columbian imperialists. It would be a mistake to assume the existence of

a political or cultural homogeneity in the New World. The term "Indian" is only useful to

distinguish the original American people from the Europeans, but it does not denote a

unifom culture. However, a common factor is that al1 those cultures and collectivities were

affected by the Spanish domination, thought not al1 in the same manner. Some fought

against the conquerors, others allied with them, and others saw the Spanish as liberators

from the Aztec or Inca oppression.

Through the conquest and colonization of the New World, the Spaniards not only

established a pol i t id and economical nile, as in many other empires; they aIso established

what they considered the elements of a civilized life in the community: the Spanish

language and the Catholic religion. Moreover, they contributed to the demographic collapse

of the Indian population130 and to the appearance and growth of the rnesri~os,'~' who

became the majority group in most of the Spanish-American regions. Actually, Spanish

130 The Indian depopulation was mainly due to pandemics caused by European viruses to which thc Amerindians had no immunities.

131 The offspring of the unions between Spaniards and Indians were known as mestizos. 99

colonization was a long-term process (more than three centuries) of adaptation and

culturalization, which finally "hornogenized" the different repions of Lns Indios. 13'

The introduction and imposition of the Spanish Ianguage over the Spanish-

American population perrnitted not only communication among the different ethnic groups

and the Spaniard dominators; it also created the bais for the emergence of a cornmon

identity. From Mexico to Argentins, the Spanish Langage gave al1 the population a sense

of shared history and shared destiny.

By the nineteenth century, the Spanish-American colonies already had two essential

elements iri their quest toward nationhood: a common language and shared cultural

features. But one important aspect was missing -the right to territorial self-determination.

(see section 3.1 .) Ironically, the desire for independence grew out of the interna1 situation in

~ ~ a i n , ' ~ ~ and not from the "rnaturîty" of their colonies. When these three elements met, the

outcome was imminent: the independence of Spanish-Arnerica. However, in spite of the

common use of the Spanish language, the identification that existed among the people and

the general desire for independence, the constitution of a huge Spanish-American Nation

i 32 The surprising hc t is that this process was exactly opposed to what happened in Europe. According to Benedict Anderson and many other authors, and as 1 mentioned in section 2.2., the adoption of vernacular languages as "estate languages" aliowed the appearance of novels and newspapers, and these, in turn, created the adequate conditions for the emergence of new nationat identities. The supreme language, Latin, and Christendom gave way to vernaculars and different beliefs. In a few words, by the nineteenth century, the European process of diversification allowed the emergence of nations in Europe. However, both processes, the European diversification and the Spanish-Amencan homogenization, had the same result: the emergence of nation-states.

133 Napoleon's intervention in Spain (1808-18 10) led to the collapse of Royal autliority not just in the Peninsula, but also in the colonies. Carlos IV was forced to abdicate in favour of his son Fernando, but Napoleon also forced Fernando to renounce to the throne and delivered the crown of Spain to his own brother Joseph. The Spanish people, who recognized only the authority of Fernando, organized Juntas (councils) across the country which assumed provisioncil sovereignty; eventually, they placed themselves under the authority of a Supreme Junta at Seville. The disappearance of the dynastic sovereign in Spain created a problem of legitimate authority in the Colonies. The issue of sovereignty divided the population; CreoIe from Creole, and CreoIe from Spaniard, and the response varied from one region to another. The general desire for independence would emerge afler a series of sociat suuggles and civil wars.

100

was just a drearn for a few. Political rivalries divided the temtory allowing the regional

elites ?O govern their own new countnes. From 1810 to 1844, sixteen new "nations"

emerged from the former Spanish dominion in America, and two more appeared at the

beginning of the new cent~ry. '~ '

The break up of the Spanish Indies into eighteen separate republics has often been

attributed to the immense geographical extension of the continent and to the weakness of

interregional trade during the colonial period. Actually, this is Benedict Anderson's main

argument in order to explain the delimitation of the national boundaries in Latin America.

However, as Edwin Williamson explains, "the example of Brazil, where comparable natural

obstacles and similar lack of economic integration existed, suggests that the decisive factors

r, 135 in the fraamentation of Spanish Arnerica were political .

By then, the geographical divisions that the regional elites established after the

Independence wars had developed into authentic nations. The citizens of each nation

adopted a specific identity and cultural features, and they also strtrted to believe in the right

to territorial self-determination, not as Spanish-Americans, but as Mexicans, Argentineans,

Peruvians, Colombians, and so forth. Therefore, it is not surprishg that the national

anthems that elites adopted, as powerful means to mode1 the national identity, were those

that expressed not only the common Spanish American history and values, but also those

that could justify the dominion of the new elites remembering the events that unified the

"national" population in a specific time, which were not shared by al1 regions. And those

events were the local Independence movernents and "heroes" that made them possible. The

134 Cuba in 1898 and Panama in 1903. '" Edwin Williamson. The Penguin Historv of Latin Arnerica (Great Britain: The Penguin Press, 1992), p. 239.

101

imminent result was the adoption of very bellicose national anthems. Acntally, the main

topic of thirteen anthems is the "struggle for independence or for its consolidation".

The fra,omentation of Spanisk-America meant the creation of the nations that started

to shape their own identity, differeot frorn other Spanish nations. However, the common

history and cultural features existed and could not be eliminated. They started out

differently but shared the same cultural characteristics. Therefore, it is very possible that

the first adopted anthems had functioned as models to other brother-nations. If the first

Spanish-American national anthems were bellicose, it is naturai tiat subsequent anthems

wculd reproduce their bellicosity. After all, the results were positive: with the existence of

a common enemy (the Spaniard or any other conqueror) the populations started to identify

themselves as equais, as mernbers of the sarne nation. Indians, mestizos and whites began to

share a national identity and nationalistic feelings.'36

In short, the Spanish language functioned as a rnechanism of communication and

cultural catalyst arnong people of the sarne nation, but also among the Spanish-Arnerican

nations. Through it, the Spmish American anthems' betlicosity was transmitted frorn nation

to nation with extraordinary results. Spanish per se cannot 'oe classified as a bellicose

language. Thus, the existing relationship between it and the anthems' bellicosity must be

attributed to al1 the cultural features that the common use of a language impIies and to the

specific history and characteristics of Spanish America,

4.3. Spanish-American Anthems' Length

Another important characteristic of Spanish-American national anthems is their extension;

'36 This does not mean the disappearance of ethnic and class divisions.

that is, the large number of verses they have in relation to other groups of anthems. On

average, the Spanish-Anierican anthems have 48.50 verses. The longest anthems are

Uruguay's and Colombia's with 92 verses each; and the shortest anthem is Nicaragua's

with 9 verses.'37

In order to understand why the Spanish-American anthems are longer than other

anthems, we have to review the results of the multivariate regression for anthem's length in

chapter three (see section 3.6.2.). In that model, we saw that the predictors that influence

the variation in the number of verses are the Spanish and French languages, !ow focus

events, American region and the year in which anthems were created or adopted. Therefore,

a11 variables but two are applicable to the Spanish American nations.

Two important variables that influence anthem's length are the Spanish langriage

(B=18.394, Beta=.376) and Arnerica region @=7.243, Beta= .179). This is not surprising if

we go back to our former argument: the strong relation existing between them and

anthems' length must be attributed to al1 the cultxral features that the common use of a

Ianguage implies, and to the specific history and characteristics of Spanish America. In this

case, however, the spatial proximity also influenced the independent variable. Moreover, it

is important to note that as a group, Spanish-American anthems were strongly influenced

by the style of the nineteenth century Itdian opera: very elaborate compositions in march

and rhythm, which started with an orchestral introduction, and would alternate the chorus

between verses, making the anthems still longer (in their complete version).

The anthems ' creation year is the only predictor with a negative relation (B=--044,

Beta= -. 147). This indicates that older anthems tend to be longer than newer ones. Then,

13' The national andiem of Nicaragua is not only the shortest Spanish American anthem. it is also the lest agressive, with 3.92 1 % of warlike words.

103

because most of the Spanish Amencan anthems were adopted in the first part of the

nineteenth century, it is not strange that they tended to be extensive compositions. Now,

what is important to analyze in order to understand why the new independent governments

chose very long antherns is the last variable: low focus events.

Without doubt, the independence movements were high focus events capable of

concentrating the thoughts and actions of a whole nation which rnobilized the entire

population toward a sirnilar goal. This resulted in the àifferent ethical groups -Creoles,

rnestizos and Indians- starting to collaborate and fight for a common purpose. In most

cases, the Creole elite were the group that organized and directed the rebellions. However,

on average, the new nations of Spanish Arnenca adopted their anthems 56.72 years after

their independence year. During that period of time, economic problems as well as intemal

sociai and political rivalries divided the nations leading to innumerable civil wars and coup

d' etats. In other words, the low focus events were the anthems' constant background.

4.3.1. Low Focus Events: Conservatives vs Liberals

With the emancipation of Spanish America in the second decade of the nineteenth century,

the principle of monarchy was rejected and liberal republicanisrn in various f o m s had been

officially adopted everywhere. Nevertheless, this transformation arrived without a

comparable revolution in the economy or in the society: the ethical-oligarchie structures of

the colonial period remained unchanged. As Edwin Williamson says: "Independence is

therefore best understood as the realization of the age-old aspiration of the colonial elites to

become the lepitimate ruling classes in their own terri t~ries". '~~ The elites had to find an

-- -

138 Edwin Williamson, op. cit., 233.

alternative f o m of government to regulate their societies, and the only political ideology

available to them was liberalism, "but democratic values such as liberty and equality -not

to mention fratemity- tended to undermine state authority in regionally dispersed societies

3, 139 which were still seigniorial, hierarchical, radically divided and often based on slavery .

In the new independent societies, the crisis of political legitimacy divided the

Creole ruling classes according to their political values. The Creole elites split into factions

of conservative ami liberais, each with different and incompatibie views on how to achieve

the same objectives: power, stability and prosperity. In general, Consemtives missed the

Catholic monarchy and wanted to preserve the wealth and social influence of the Church,

the special privileges of the clergy and the m y , and the ethnic division of the society. In

short, they wanted to preserve a hierarchical society. The problem was that aristocratie,

hierarchicai values required a monarchy, but that was no longer an available option. On the

other hand, Liberals believed in the sovereignty of the people and in individual rights,

including religion. Therefore, the powers of the government had to be restricted and

accountable to its citizens through periodic elections to representative institutions. Latin

Arnerican liberais, however, had their own problems. Servando Teresa de Mier, a Mexican

liberal, wrote in 1823:

They [the North Americans] were a new people, homogeneous, industrious, hard-working, enlightened, with al1 the social virtues, and educated by a free nation. We are an oId people, heterogeneous, without industry, enemies of work, wanted to live from public employment like the Spaniards, as ignorant in the mass as our fathers, and impaired by the vices of three centuries of slavery.la

139 Ibid. - 1 4 0 Quoted in Charles Hale, Mexican Liberalism in the Aoe of Mora. 1821-1353 (New Haven: Yale

University Press, I968), 197. 1 O5

With such views, liberals put aside egalitarianism, laissez-faire and the doctrine of

the minimal state. hstead, they adopted authontaian reforrns. They were absorbed by

custom and tradition and mostly shaped by the same authoritarian methods as their

conservative rivals."' However, there remained substantive issues which divided

conservatives from Iiberals. Some of these were: regionalism versus centralism; the role of

the Church in the life of the independent nations; and the difference in juridical status of the

various racial groups. It is possible to conclude, then, that the major consequence of the

independence movements was an ideological conflict that split the white ruling elites. With

a ruling class divided against itself on the most fundamental issues of state, it is not rare

that no consensus was found to hold Spanish America together (or at least its four

viceroyalties) and to legitimize stable institutions of government.

Ethnic fra&mentation of societies and political rivait-y between Conservatives and

Liberals in the Spanish Amencan nations had an important influence over their national

anthems. The govemrnents in tum needed to adopt long anthems that were able to

incorporate common historicai events that bnng together the different ethnic groups' but

they also had to include different ideological aspects to ensure the acceptance of the anthem

by the courts. It is not strange to find in the same anthem verses dedicated to the Catholic

religion and the Church, followed or preceded by the enumeration of the individual rights

and liberal aspirations. Short antherns would have piovoked more conflicts than agreements

because they just expressed concise interests and points of view; they were not an option

for the very conflict-ridden S panish Arnerican societies.

141 Another important characteristic o f Spanish American societies that led to socio-political instability was the phenornenon o f the caudillo -a charismatic leader who advances his inierests through a combination of military and political skills, and who was able to built a network o f relations by dispensing favours and patronage.

106

4.4. A Case Study: The Mexican National Anthem

Up to this point, 1 have developed a general characterization of Spanish Amerïca's national

anthems. In this last section, 1 will analyze the Mexican National anthem in detail as an

excellent example of how Spanish Amencan anthems were adopted for their ability to

fulfill the expectations of many different socio-political groups. I witl consider not only the

text of the Mexican anthem, but also the socio-political circumstances that delineated its

bellicose and conservative character, as well as the characteristics that made it an efficient

vehicle to heIp create and consolidate the Mexican nation and its particular nationalism.

The analysis of the Mexican national anthem in a retrospective way, that is, at the

moment of its composition, has a great advantage -the cultural approximation between the

original emitter (the Creole elites) and its first receptors is very close. In other words, the

temporal, geographical and linguistic frontiers between original emitters and receptors are

imperceptible, because they do not exist. The language and type of music selected

responded to the interna! and extemal circumstances of a specific period of time, obviously

different from today's.

It is important to remember that even though most of the texts of national anthems

have experienced minor changes over time, the messages they transmit can be quite distinct

at times, depending on the context and circumstances of the emission. As 1 have previously

pointed out (see p. 24: Italy's national anthem), a minor change of text can cause a major

change in the meaning. Also the selection of certain stanzas and omission of others in the

singing of the anthem defines the concrete message in a particular period of time. The

message-meaning of La Marseillaise during the French Revolution, is not the same as the

one transmitted during the rule of Napoleon III, or the era of Nazi domination, or

nowadays.

4.4.1. A Brief Quantitative Introduction

The Mexican National Anthem consists of ten double stanzas and one chorus chanted

before and after each stanza. Officially, since 1984, only the first, fifth, sixth and tenth

stanzas are intoned, although, on most occasions only the first stanza is Sung due to time

constraints. The complete text follows:

Original Spanish t e ~ t ' ~ ~

Coro: Me-ricanos, al grito de grrerra El acero aprestad y el briddn, Y retienzble en sus centros la tierra Al sonoro rugir del cafibri.

1st Ciria joh Patria! Tus sienes de oliva De la paz el arckngel divirto, Que et2 el cielo tu eterrto desrino for el dedo de Dios se escribib.

Mas si osare rrn extrano enernigo Profnnar con srr plarzta tu suelo, Piensa job Patria querida! Qcre el cielo Ut2 soldado en cada hijo te dia

(Coro:)

2nd En sartgrientos combates los viste, Por tu amor palpitando sus seïzos, A rrostrar la rnetralla se rems Y la muerte O la gloria buscar.

English translation

Chorus: Mexicans, at the cry of battle lend your swords and bridle, and let the earth tremble at its centre upon the roar of the cannon

Your farehead shall be girded, O motherland, with olive Garlands! By the divine archangel of peace, For in heaven your eternal destiny Has been written by the hand of God.

But should a foreign enemy Profane your land with his sole, Think, beloved fatherland!, that heaven Gave you a soldier in each son.

(Chorus:)

In bloody combats you saw them, Beating their chests by your love, To calrnly face the shrapnel And to look for death or glory.

142 J. Cid y Mulet, Genesis e Historia del Himno Nacional Mexicano, 6th ed. (Mexico: Costa-Amic Editores, 1996).79-82.

Si el recl~erdo de antiguas hazaiïas De tus lzijos injlama la mente, Los laureles del trirrnfo tu-fiente Volvercin inmortales a Omar.

(Coro:)

3rd Corno el golpe del rayo la encina Se derrumba hasta el hondo torrente, La discordia vencida, impotente, A los pies del arcangel cuyb.

Ya no mas de ~L:S hijos la sarzgre Se derrame en cotzrienda de hermanos; Solo encrrentre el acero en srrs tnanos Qrrierz tri nombre sagrado itzsrrltb.

(Co ro:)

4th Del grterrero inmortal de Zempoala Te defiende la espada terrible, Y sostietze su brazo invencible Tu sagrado pendon tricolor.

É1 sera del feliz mexicano, En la paz y en la grrerra el caudillo, Porque él stpo sus armas, de brillo Circundar en los campos de honor.

(Coro:)

5th ;Grrerra, glterra sin tregrta al que intente De la parricl marichar los ldasones! ;Crierra. guerra! Los pntrios petzdones Etz las olas de sangre empapad.

;Guerra, grrerra! En el monte, en el valle, Los caiïones horrisonos truenen, Y los ecos sonoros resirenen Con las voces de j Unibn! ;liberrad!

(Co ro:)

6th Antes, Patria, que inennes tus hijos Bajo el yrigo srr c d 1 0 doblegrren, Tus campinas con sangre se rieguen, Sobre sangre se estampe su pie.

If the memory of old feats By your children inflames the mind, The laurels of the triumph on your forehead Will return to imortal ly omate.

(Chorus:)

As the bIow of the ray, the oak Collapses until the deep torrent, The overcome discord, impotent, Felt on the archangel's feet..

No longer will the blood of your children Be spilled in fightirig among brothers; May onIy find the steel in his hands Who your sacred name insulted.

(Choms:)

The irnrnortal soldier of Zempoala With his terrible sword defends you, And his invincible ann holds Your sacred tt-icolor banner .

He will be of the joyful Mexican, The carrdillo in the peace and the war, Because he knew his arrns would Shine brightely in the fields of honour.

(Chorus:)

War, war without tmce against who would attempt To blernish the honour of the fathrrland! War, war! The patriotic banners Saturate in waves of blood.

War, war! On the rnount, in the valley The temfying cannon thunder And the echoes nobly resound To the cries of Union!; Liberty !

(Chorus:)

Fatherland, Before your children become unarmed Beneath the yoke their necks in sway. May your countryside be watered with blood Over blood your foot stamps.

1 O9

Y sris templos, palacios y torres Se derrumben con horrido estnrendo, Y sus ruinas existan diciendo: De mil héroes la parria aqrir'frie.

(Coro :)

7th Si a la lid contra hrieste enemiga Nos convoca la tropa guerrera, De Iturbide la sacra bandera jMexicanos! valierz tes segrr id.

Y a los fieros bridones les sirvan Las verzcidas ensefias de alfambra; Los laureles del triirrtfo den sombra A la fiente del bravo adalid

(Coro:)

8th V~ielva aftivo a los patrios hogares El guerrero a contar sri victoria, Osrentando las palmas de gloria Que sirpiera en la lid cortquistar.

Torndranse sus lariros sangrientos En griirnaldas de mirtos y rosas, Que el amor de las hijas y esposas También sabe a los bravos prerniar.

(Co ro:)

9th Y el que al golpe de ardierzte metralla De la Parria en las aras sucurnba, Obtendrd en recompertsa rtna tumba Donde brille de gloria la luz.

Y de Igltafa la enseria qrterida A su espada suqyienta enlazada, De larirel inmortal coronada Formarii de su fosa la crciz.

(Coro:)

10th ;Parria! ;Putria! Tus hrjos te jrrran Exhalar en tris aras sri aliento Si el clarh con su bélico acento Los convoca a lidiar con valor.

And may your temples, palaces and towers Crumble in homd crash, And their mins exist saying: The fatherland was made of one thousand heroes.

(Chorus:)

If the troops summon to us to fight against enemy hordes, Mexicans! Follow with courage Iturbide's sacred flag.

The banners may serve To the fierce soldiers as carpets The laurels of the triumph give shade To the forehead of the brave leader.

(C homs:)

The soldier to tel1 of his victory May proudly retum to the patriot homes, Showing the glory palms That knew in the combat to conquer.

Their bloody laurels become Garlands of myftles and roses, That the love of the daughters and spouses Also know how to award the brave ones.

And to the one who succumbs By the blow of ardent shrapnel, In reward will obtain a tomb Where the light shines with glory.

And the loved IguaIa's standard Connected to his bloody sword, And crowned with immortal laurels Will f o m the cross of its grave.

(Chorus:)

Fatherland! FatherIand! your children swear To exhale their breath in your cause If the bugle in its belligerent tone Should cal1 upon them to struggle with bravery.

Para ti las guirnaldas de oliva! For you some olive garlands! ;Un recrrerdos para ellos de gloria! For them a memory of giory ! ;Un laure! para ti de victoria! For you a laure1 of victory! i Un sepulcro para ellos de honor! For them a tomb of honor!

(Coro:) (Chorus:)

After a simple reading, it is clear that the Mexican National Anthem is a totalIy

warlike composition. Evocations of battIes, cdls to fight and to protect the national territory

are constantly found through al1 stanzas. The number of bellicose words in the text is 43,

that is, 14.23 percent of the 302 content ~ o r d s ! . ' ~ ~ The word puz (peace) is mentioned only

twice.

The composition is a cal1 to protect La Patria (the fatherland), whose existence is

obviously perceived as threatened; it is not a request to expand its temtonal and popular

domains. Its sons or hoos have the duty to protect it at al1 times, as other sons did in

"nntiguas hazaiias" (heroic deeds of the past). But not only the warlike words (general

message) attract attention, there are other two important sets of words that needed to be

revised due to their repetition. The first one is that refemng to la Patria (fatherland), which

is considered as a deity; in fact, the entire composition is an exaltation of it, a declaration of

loyalty to it, although the word patria is "only" mentioned 8 times (2.64%). The word

~nexicanos (Mexicans), repeated 4 times. is considered as LAr patria's sons (hijos is cited 6

times) who are in charge of defending it.

The second set of words is related to religious expressions as arcangel (archangel),

divino (divine), cielo (heaven), Dios (God) and c r u (cross). These locutions are important

because they sustain the idea that the fatherland, Mexico, exists as a consequence of God's

143 The anthem contains 496 words, but 194 of them are connecting words (content free) such as, y (and), de (of, the) para (for, to), el. ln, los, las (the), sri, sus (its, her or his, their), a (an, to), etc. The overall percentage of bellicose words over the total is 1 1.694

1 1 1

will. The religious character of the people is shown in this set. The three sets of words -

warlike, identity and religious- are closely related; it would be impossible to understand

one of them without the other two. The Mexicans or sons, who are the same people as the

ones singing, are the subjects in charge to do the actions: to defend Ln Patria, its

independence and liberty against foreign invaders. Independence and liberty were acquired

by God's wiI1.

The Mexican National Anthem, a national syrnbol, clearly does not fit with

Mexico's present reality. Today, Mexico is a nation characterized by its constant promotion

of peaceful resolutions in international conflicts. It hasn't had serious internal divisions or a

coup d' etat, or foreign intervention for almost eight decades. Then, how can this bellicose

anthem be a Mexican national symbol? How can it be a symbol of a totally different

redity? The answer is simple: because the nation, Za Patria, h a changed since its first

years, and this anthem is the expression of one reality (time, space and socio-political

conditions) that no longer exits. For this reason, to discern and understand the real rneaning

of the national composition, it is necessary to anaiyze the socio-politicai circumstances of

Mexico during the penod of 1853-84, when it was composed and then oficially adopted. In

other words, we have to consider the three dimensions as in any other literary text.

4.4.2. The Political Anarchy

In brief, the history of Mexico from its Independence in 1821 to the early 1850's is the

story of constant internal political struggle and foreign interventions (or invasion threats).

Internally, any government had the ability or enough power to organize the new state and

install a real democratic republic sustained by the law, and not by temporary charismatic

leaders o r caudillos. Externally, the country had to face many "minor" agressions from

Spain, France and England, and one total invasion from the United States in which it lost

half of its territory.'" Of course, Mexico's inability to confront the "invaders" was due to

its intemal political chaos.

The emancipation of Nueva Espana in the second decade of the nineteenth centus-

originated a political revolution: the Catholic monarchy was replaced by the liberal

principle of popular sovereignty already stated in the French revolution. However, this

transcendental transformation was not accompanied by a social transformation. After the

Independence war, the social structure rernained as it was during the colonial period.

Mexico was still poIitically dominated by white illustrated people who, without Spanish

control, could freely manage the country. This elite was the administrative Creole class

(and also Spanish residents) who, according to Benedict ~ n d e r s o n , ' ~ ' were traditionally

excluded from the important ruling positions of not only the metropolis, but also of the

same colony. Now, having achieved the freedom to rule in their own right, they adopted the

liberal ideology, but their heterogeneous society didn't allow them to practice liberal values

of liberty and equality. As in many others countries (or nations in formation) the elite faced

two options: to rebuild the former in order to secure their hegemony over the lower classes,

or to create a modem liberal state which would damage some established interests. The

elite, therefore, split into liberals and conservatives, each with a different opinion on how to

acquire and maintain power and prosperity.

144 The United States' political situation averted the full incorporation of Mexico. Actually, the annexation of Alta California, Texas, Nuevo Mexico and Arizona reinforced the position of South States in the Congress and made the gap bigger between the two factions.

'" Anderson. op. cit. 113

Liberals believed in the sovereignty of the people and individual rights to property,

to personal secunty and to freedom of speech, thought, association and religion. Therefore,

the powers of the state had to be restrained and the governments had to be responsible to its

citizens. Mexican liberals were doamatically federalist, seeing in the US Constitution the

ideal mode1 for their own heterogeneous country; they were also extremely anticlerical and

opposed to the historical influence of the Mexican Church.

For their part, Mexican conservatives missed the monarchy and wished to maintain

the institutions that had survived the independence: they wanted to preserve the Church's

influence, the special privileges of clergy and army, and the division of classes and elites.

In short, they wanted ro maintain the traditional hierarchical society. The problem with this

ideology was that they required a monarchical government to be "rational"; and although

Mexico had two fonnally constituted monarchical governments in the nineteen century -

Iturbide's Empire from July 21, t 822 to March 19, 1823, and Maximilian's Empire from

May 28, 1864 to June 19, 1867- many other governments actuatly functioned as

aristocratie and despotic ones. However, not al1 white conservatives were averse to

economic developmerit; Lucas Alamiin and Estevan de Antufiano, for instance, two

prominent conservatives, were advocates of industrialization but directed from the centre.

This group was extrernely centralist.

The division of the white ruling class between Liberals and conservatives weakened

Mexico, making it vulnerable to Indian rebellions in the north and in the Yucatan

peninsula, and to expansionist designs of the United States and France. Various attempts

were made to make functional coalitions of conservative centralists and Iiberal federalists,

but these could not bypass their intemal and personal contradictions. On many occasions

114

these political groups used the poputarity of the carrdillos in order to acquire power; but

once in the presidency, they ruled the country without following any political ideology. For

exampIe, Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna was supported by the Iiberals in 1832, and brought

down the conservative govemment of Bustamente in 1832, and in 1853 was called from

exile to mle the country again by the conservatives. In his sixth and 1s t regime (April,

1853 - August 1555), the "president" Santa Anna was called bÿ the title Su Altezn

Serenisima (your Highness), and high classes actually functioned as an aristocracy, at least

in the capital. It is in this government when the National Anthem was composed and

officially adopted.

The Nationai anthem follows the conservative ideology of the govemment that

seIected it. It not only explicitly mentions God's will (first stanza) for Ln Parriu's

existence, but several verses also evoke Europe's monarchical symbols; the most obvious

examples are these: "Los laureles del triunlfD tu frente volver& inmortales a orna?

(second double stanza), "Los Zaureles del triunfo den sombra a ln frente del bravo nduZid7

(seventh double stanza), or "Para ti lm gliirnaldus de oliva.. . iUn l~zurel para ti de

victoria!" (tentii double stanza). Also, as 1 am about to explain, the "Union" value, carled

for in the fifth stanza, refers to the upper white classes, not to aI1 people and masses.

Unlike other Latin American national anthems, the Mexican anthem onIy mentions

two persons who, in 1853, were considered as national heroes or nation's builders: Agustin

de Iturbide (seventh stanza), the former Mexican Emperor, and Santa Anna, evoked in the

phrase "Del guerrero inmortal de Zempoala" (fourih stanza). Both promoted, and were

supported by, conservative autocratie policies, and mled as monarchs. This is also clear for

"president" Santa Anna. Today, in the official history of Mexico, these caudillos are

115

considered as quasi traitors, but they are still exalted in the sacred national song! Actually,

after Santa Anna's exile, Francisco Bocanegra, the author, gave the Congress some

corrections to the fourth stanza in which Santa Anna's virtues are pondered; and in 1910,

preparing for the first centenary of Mexico's independence, it was propcsed to modify the

seventh stanza from "De Iturbide la scicra bandera" to "De ln Patria Zr sacra barzdera". In

that year, the Public Education Department suppressed both stanzas. However, they had to

be reincorporated because that suppression was considered as a profanation of the poeticai

composition,146 a profanation of the national ~ ~ r n b o 1 . ~ ~ '

Another interesting fact regarding these two national heroes is that Agustin de

Iturbide was a royalist army officer who had fought against the revolutionary forces of

Hidalgo ("el padre de kr Patria"), and that Santa Anna was an officer of the Royal A m y of

La Nueva Espaiin who first fought against the independence faction and, then, fought

against Iturbide's Empire to finally prodaim the Republic.

The fifth stanza mentions the Union and Liberty (Independence) values, two of the

three guarantees of the Plan of Iguala that was proclaimed by Iturbide and Vicente Guerrero

in 1821. The third one was Religion, indirectly considered in the first stanza. The

proclamation of the three parantees -Independence, Religion and Union- are important

because they reinforced the conservative-monarchical character of the national anthem.

According îo the Plan of Iguala, "Mexico would become an independent monarchy, limited

by the 18 12 constitution of Cadiz, with either Ferdinand VII or one of his brothers as

emperor; Catholicism would remain the only legitimate religion and the Church would

'* J. Cid y Mylet, oo. cit., 143. '" In Chapter 1. 1 stated that trying to change a national anthem, or part of it, is almost impossible. Only

during radical political and social changes is possible to radically modify an anthem or to adopt a new one.

116

retain its property and privileges; al1 subjects, including hdians, mestizos and the many

Spaniards living in Mexico, would enjoy equality before the law.. . The Plan offered

scrnething, though not everything, to every major interest in Mexico, from Catholic

97 148 traditionalists to liberal reformers . The Plan of Iga la , in short, created a national

consensus that would subsequently be broken by the domination of Agustin de Iturbide as

Emperor. Mentioning directly or indirectly the three guarantees, the message of the anthem

was clear: forget political and personal differences in order to construct a stable country.

The Catholic Church, traditional monarchists, conservatives and liberal reformists were al1

+ included in Bocanegra's poem. It is not surprising, then, that it was introduced by Santa

Anna's regime, which, far from been stable, was fighting liberal upheavals in many regions

of the country. The anthem was like a recollection of the Plan of Iguala, which was

accepted by al1 political factions. The declaration iUnion! iLibertad! was not a call for d l

people, for al1 masses, but, a call for upper classes. The third stanza is a direct call to avoid

frictions among Mexicans, which had been and would continue as the cornmon featurc of

nineteenth century Mexican history.

The first attempt to adopt a national anthem was made in 1849, when the Literature

Academy of San Juan, supported by the Patriotic Assembly, announced a public bid. Henry

Hertz, a famous Austnan musician, was to compose a meIody for the winning composition.

The winning anthem, written by Andrew Davis ~ radburn ' '~ , however, did not receive

! 48 Edwin Williamson, The Penouin Historv of Latin America. (Great Britain: The Penguin Press, 1992), 225. 149 Only son of John Davis Bradburn: American citizen who joined Vicente Gurrero and the Insurgents

against the Spaniards. Once independence from Spain was achieved, John Davis Bradburn remained in the Mexican army as a lieutenant colonel and an aide to Iturbide. He manied a titled heiress, Mada Josefa Hurtado de Mendoza, whose farnily owned property on the Zcjcalo, the House of TiIes. Andrew became a priest and disposed of his materna1 inheritance in the 1880s.

117

public acceptance or governmental support, and was forgotten. Following is Bradburn's

a n t l ~ e r n . ' ~ ~

Coro:

Trrrene, trrrene el caiidn, que el acero En las olas de sangre se tiiia Al cornbate volernos; que ciria Nuestrus sienes laure1 inmortal. Nadu importa morir si, con gloria. Una bala etzemiga nos Iziere; Que es inmenso placer, al que mrrere Ver su ensefia triunfante ondear.

Lloru wi pueblo infeliz su exisiencia Humillada hasta el polvo la fiente; Grande, rrtz trono, le oprinze potente; Nada es srryo, tzi templo ni Izogar. Mas se eleva grandioso, Lin acento, Que en el monte y el valle retumba; Y aqrtel trono opresor se derrrrmba, Todo el pueblo. Soy libre. al clamar.

Se remonta a las nlibes el Aguilu, Vencedor, tremolando su emblema, Y destroza, al volar, la diadema Que intentara su vueh abatir. Muestra el nombre de México al Mtmdo, Tricolor, la bandera flotante; Y srt pueblo, de gloria radiante, Ha jrrrado gunrdarln O morir.

Si su brillo, ruz itzstarrte empatiara, De veneno, mortgero alietrto; Si un eterno y terrible torrnetzto, Impritniera, en el rosrro, el dolor; Con sangre borremos la afrenta; Ta1 vez se halle el cornbate cercnrzo. jClaro, brille el pendon nrexicano, O sucumba con gloria y Izonor!

Fire!, fire the cannon, that the steel In the blood waves is dyed T o the combat we fly; and in Our temples The immortal Laurel girds. Nothing matters to die if, with gIory, An enemy bultet kills us; That is an immense pleasure for the dying, See waving triumphantly its banner.

An unfortunate people cries their sad existence The dust of their foreheads is even hurniliated A great throne presses them powerfully; Nothing they have, no temple o r home. But an huge accent rises, Resounding in mount and valley; And that oppressive throne collapses, Al1 town cries out, 1 am free!

The Eagle raises to the sky, Victorious, shows its emblem, And destroys, when flying, the crown That tried to lower its flight. It shows the name of Mexico to the World, Tricolour, the floating flag; And its people, with radiating glory, Has sworn to keep it or to die.

If its brightness is dimmed for a moment, With deadly breath of poison; If an etemal and terrible tonnent, Prints the pain in its face; With blood we wilI erase the insult; The combat may be closed. If the Mexican banner doesn't shines clearly, It rather succumbs with glory and honour!

150 J. Cid y Mulet, op. cit., 36-7.

This anthern is as bellicose as the official anthern, but it lacks the elernents or

expressions that could be accepted by al1 factions. The anticlerical and anti-monarchical-

consemative character is clear. It could not be supported and accepted by the dominant

group of the moment, the conservatives. Four more compositions may have been

considered as National anthems, but they also lacked cohesive elements or exalted the

virtues of the president in tum. When the cczzrdillo in turn was deposed or discharged, the

anthem lost al1 meaning and, of course, al1 support. Santa Anna was also brought down in

August 1855, but events (that will be explained) made Bocanega and Nuno's composition

a permanent national anthem.

As was already stated, the national anthem was written for the elite, not for the

masses. If we analyze how it was first Sung in public, this will become clearer. On

November 12th 1953, after six failed attempts to adopt a national anthem, Santa Anna's

government called a public bid to select the text for a national anthem; once selected there

would be another public cornpetition to choose the appropriate music. The victorious

contestants were Francisco Bocanegra (a Creole) and Jaime Nun6 (a Spaniard),

respectively. The music was martial and emotionally charged. It should be noted that Jaime

Nun6 was named, by Santa Anna, general director of the National Military Bands, only a

few moths after he arrived in Mexico from Cuba the same year, 1853. T h e anthem was

played for the first time during the commemoration of independence on September 16,

1854 in the "Santa Anna Theatre" (later the Nationai Theatre). The new anthem was Sung

before the presentation of Verdi's opera Attila and in the presence of Santa Anna himself.

Those present clearly belonged to the upper classes! It was an anthem created by the elite

for the elites; the "popuiar acceptance", was actually a capital-consewative-elite'

119

acceptance. It expressed the European culture of the ruIing class, not the popular culture of

the masses.

The National Anthern began to be Sung by the masses dunng the French

Intervention, when the Iiberal government of Benito Juiirez promoted it to evoke nationalist

feelings among the population and therefore aid the campais against French troops.

Although ideologically conservative, the anthern was used by liberals for their own

purposes: to provoke an enonnous mass reaction. The anthern, after d l , is a cal1 to fight

invaders.

4.4.3. The External Interventions

The ideological rivahies between conservatives and liberals gravely weakened Mexico,

rendering it vulnerabte to Indian rebellion, fareign "minor" interventions and the designs of

an expmsionist USA. In July 1829, a Spanish expeditionary force landed at Tampico with

the aim to conquer the territory again, but the troops suffered from malaria and were later

defeated by republican troops under General Santa Anna. In 1835 the state of Texas

rebelled against a conservative-centralist constitution and declared its independence. On

this occasion, it was again Santa Anna who fought Texas residents, defeating them at EI

Alamo. Texas residents finally defeated Santa Anna and took him prisoner. In captivity, the

General acknowledged the independence of Texas. In 1838 French troops occupied

Veracruz seeking to wnng compensation from damages to French nationals' property in

American temtory. In 1840 Yucatan decided dso to declare its independence foliowing the

example of Texas. Years later, Yucatan returned voluntarily to the Mexican Republic.

By 1843, relations with the United States were tense due to unpaid cIairns from

darnages suffered by American citizens living in Mexico, and to the introduction of a bill in

the Amencan Congress for the annexation of Texas. Later, in December of 1845, Texas

became a state in the American Union, and fresident Polk sent an army to the Rio Grande.

A few months Iater, American and Mexican forces clashed. Mexico had little chance of

victory due to its already stated political divisions and rivalries, its financial and economic

precarious situation, and its poorIy equipped army. The Amencan forces were able to

occupy northern Mexico and to invade the Capital in September 1847, by way of Veracruz.

The treaty of peace was signed at Guadaiupe-Hidalgo on February 2, 1848; in this treaty

Mexico ceded Texas, Nuevo Mexico. Arizona, and A h Cnlifonzia to USA in exchange for

payment by the United States of an indemnity of 15 million dollars. As a result of this war

Mexico not only Iost more than half of its national territory, but also the confidence to rule

itself federally. Part of the US payment was used in military expeditions to control Indian

rebellions in the North and South of the remaining territory.

If we consider that the Mexican national anthem was created only five years after

the tremendous territorial and psychologicd damage the US invasion represented, we can

understana the bellicose character of the composition. It could not express peaceful feelings

and emotions to a nation that had been in constant threat of disappearing. It has to be said

that during the American invasion, the Mexican army was characterized not only by the

inferiority of its armaments and preparations, but also by its pusillanimity. Xn many

campaigns in the north of the country, the Mexican troops had a real chance to win the

battle, had they actually showed up. The American troops were also poorly equipped and

prepared, far away from their logistical centre. Kt has often been noted that Mexican

121

generals were defeated before starting the combat, or sirnply escaped leaving their troops

done.

The Mexican anthem was an instrument to provoke emotions and encourage people

to the battle. It exalts the "heroic" actions of those who defended the nation, those

Mexicans who fought without fear of dying, and it is a cal1 for action and patnotic

responses. In this sense, Iturbide and Santa Anna were good examples, as they didn't run

from battles. The first, fifth, sixth and tenth stanzas, which were the most commonly sung

(and are presently the official stanzas), actually encourage people to defend their country

from foreigners. The second, fourth, and seventh evoke former independence battles.

Finally, the eighth and ninth stanzas show the rewards to those who fight to protect La

Patrin : immortality and honour.

After Santa Anna's last government, the anthem was alrnost forgotten. However,

new foreign invasions would mdce it re-emerge with more force and for al1 the people.

During the French intervention and Maximilian's Empire, the liberal forces constantly

intoned the anthem before or during a battle. According to Cid y ~ u l e t , " ' during the Battle

of Puebla the composition was sung, provoking a general emotion and patriotic reactions.

Mexicans won the contest.

After the popular acceptance of the pre-existing national anthem, any attempt to

change it for another, more in accordance with the liberal ideology, would have represented

a national transgression. How could it be possible to change this Mexican society symbol?!

(Sic) .

- -

15' Cid y Mulet, OD- cit., 133.

The issue that foIlows is to try to understand why this anthern received popular

acceptance. As a lyncal poem, Bocanegta's poem exhibits the four qualities that made the

nineteenth century novels a medium to start imagining or creating the idea of nation, and in

this case Mexican identity and Patriotisrn: Language standxdization, the use of

homogeneous, empty tirne, the creation of an ancient history, and the introduction of the

common (lower) hero. Moreover, to understand the anthem's "easy" penetration into the

masses, we have tc consider that it was not read, but easily listened to during emotional and

significant occasions.

4.4.4. The Mexican Anthern's Popular Acceptance

As with the political elite, Mexican society was divided in two different groups, according

to the way they perceived the nation and its members. These two views were expressed

through literary wtitings. One part of the society believed in the cornmon need to

amaigamate national constituencies and to reconcile races, classes and regions. After the

long civil wars, progress and prosperity depended on national consolidation which needed

reconciliation, not exclusion, of differences. In novels, this ideal of national marriages often

projected in romances between whites and women Indians or mestizas. The idea1 of unity

was not only a political or economic concept, but also a biological one expressed in the

mes tizaje.

Without a doubt, the unity ideal of the Mexican national anthem was for the ruling

elites a political ideal; but for many others the cal1 for unity turned into a socid one. The

Mexicans (mexicanos) were dl those who were born in Mexico, in the national territory, or

had been living there the major part of their life. As Mexicans, they were equals. The

mestao was considered the fruit of the unity between Mexicans, not between different

races. Special benefits due to race differences were socially rejected. As Simon Bolivar

stated for ail Latin American societies: "Born al1 of the sarne mother, our fathers of

different origins and blood. Not one word in the Mexican anthem mentions or evokes race

differences or superiority. A Mexican could be anyone who was wiIling to fight for Ln

Patria. Mexicanos in the national anthem was thus not an exclusionary characteristic, but

an inclusive one.

However, another part of the society was remarkably anti-Spanish. Many liberals

and lower classes thought that "Spanish contributions to Mexico's cultural and economic

development were inadequate compensation for the destruction of the indigenous

civilizations; that Cuahutémoc.. is the founder and spiritual father of the Mexican nation;

and that the political, economic, social, and physical ills of the country and its people were,

and are, largely the product of Spanish r~le". '~' For them, the Mexicans were d i those who

were not only born on the national territory, but those who also had Mexican bIood. In this

sense, tme Mexicans were only rnestkos and Indians; and white people -Europeans and

Creoles- were considered as foreigners or invaders.

The Mexican national anthem responds to the first group characterized mainly by

the white conservative population. However, if the composition is read from a liberal and

indigenous point of view, it can be understood in a very different manner: The Mexicans,

(al1 those with Indian blood) have to defend its ancient territory from invaders; they have

already achieved their independence (which was lost for almost five centuries), and they

152 Edward H. Worthen, The Reconcluest of Mexico: A Panoramic view of Mexican Literarv Nationalism., (PhD. Thesis,(University of Michigan, 1965), 1 .

124

will fight again against any foreign enemy ("un exrrafio enemigo" in the 1"' stanza). From

this perspective, it is easy to understand why Bocanegra's composition quickly spread

during the French intervention (1 862- 1867).

The anthem belongs to Mexicans; they are the only ones who feel it and recognize

it. Although the fourth and seventh stanzas are no longer officially sung, their content

mentions some events of the independence. A basic knowledge of Mexican history should

suffice to recognize that the "el grïerrero inmortal de Zernponla" (the immortal warrior of

Zempoala) refers to Santa Anna and to a battle against the Spaniards; and that the phrase

"de Iturbide ka sacra bandera" (from Iturbide the sacred banner) really evokes the national

flag, although today's three-colour flag and the one used by Iturbide during the

independence are not exactly the sarne.

The anthem is an evocation of the hard first years of the independent nation and the

glories that its "sons" achieved in battle. It plays between past and present tenses; between

"they" and "we". The history of Mexico is recounted in it, and the singers are the actors of

that history, who have Iost brothers in the unfinished battle; they are the (common) heroes.

Singing the anthem they (the Mexicans) live the history, they feel it. For them, it does not

matter who made the anthern, who selected it, or what was its original purpose. It is the

national anthem, the national-popular symbol! (Sic).

4.5. Conclusion

In order to completely understand the manner in which national anthems heIp in the

creation and consolidation of nations not just in Spanish America d u h g the nineteen

century, but aiso around the world and in more recent years, it is necessary to analyze them

individuaily. The general quantitative anaiysis c m provide the insights for such an

understanding and classification; yet the specific circumstances of each nation give each

anthem its sinplarity. As we saw, the Mexican national anthem was created for

consemative political elites to accomplish some specific goals: however, due to historical

events, its social acceptance was complete. Over time, the meaning that masses assigned to

it has been different from the creators' initial intentions, but that did not rninimize its

politicai-emotional power. Although obsolete in its content, the nationaI anthem is the

representation of the contemporary nation.

National anthems, as any other literary genre, have to be analyzed within the

different temporal, spatial and socio-political frmeworks in which they were created and

reproduced to deduce their actual rneaning and influence over the national ideology. The

texts of national anthems not only read history: they are part of it. The social acceptance of

anthems is, however, not (only) due to their gradua1 and autonomie introduction within the

community, but also. crucially, to elites' conscious efforts that airn for a particular result: a

general-popular support.

Chapter 5

Conclusions: Nations and Anthems

5.1. Principal Findings

When 1 started tliis thesis, 1 pointed out that it is not enough to explain political behavior

and social change as a response of rational individuals because in many occasions the

"rationality" cannot be found. In many situations, it is necessary to consider the subjective

influence of ideas, values, and beliefs, as well as the environment and specific conditions of

each event. W e thus need to analyze the role of collective identity and the way that it

manifests in order to understand the most "irrational" human actions. Concretely, 1

identified the importance and function of collective syrnbols from prehistoric times, when

tribes used totems to express their exclusiveness, to the nineteenth century, when they

acquired their popular characteristics and started to be named "national symbols". Among

them, 1 highlighted the important role of national anthems. They have great evocative

power that is not only directed to reason, but also to the h e m .

By studying national anthems, it was possible to acquire important new insights into

the process of collective identity construction, and the strategies by which that identity was

communicated and maintained. In chapter 1, we saw that the main functions of national

anthems was to shape the national identity, thus creating bonds among citizens, motivating

o r discouraging collective actions, legitirnating authority, and aiding popular political

protests. Each function has been practiced and maintained throughout the history of modem

nations. In fact, the anthems played an important part in the emergence and consolidation

of the first nations during the nineteenth century, as they helped to mold their unique

national identities. Nowadays, existing nations continue to emphasize their unique

identities; and many of them continue the struggle to reaffirm their geographical borders

and protect their existence. Furthemore, the important functions of national anthems can

be appreciated not only in older nations, but also in recent ones. However, it is important to

note that al1 the functions of national anthems are successfully performed only if they (the

anthems) are carefully selected, properly projected by the elites, and efficiently received by

the masses. in short, their messages must be successfülly transmitted.

In section 1.4, we reviewed the elements of a classic symbolic communication

model. In our study, the political elites constitute the senders who formulate a specific

message and select the anthem (composition) that best transmits the information. The

national population, and in general, the world population, are the targets of their message.

Therefore, we assumed an intention on part of the sender. Every national anthem was a

ccvefully selected image of identity that resulted from a conscious process of decision-

making at a specific time. The problem was that the three elements of the syrnbolic

communication have changed through time without changing the original text (and music)

of the anthems. To understand this changeable quaIity of anthems, 1 explained that, as

discursive creations, national anthems have the capacity to adopt multiple meanings

depending on the temporal, spatial and social circumstances. However, this adoption of

multiple meanings afways occurs within certain limits. The range of meanings is hounded

by the same text and music that original senders selected under specific circumstances. The

study of those specific circumstances, then, was Our main subject in chapter 2.

After presenting the basic aspects and functions of national anthems, it was

necessary to review the concept of nation and the way in which nations began to emerge

128

dut-ing the nineteenth century. The understanding of this concept was necessary for a

cornplete analysis of the anthems. As we saw, there is no such thing as an objective

definition of nation. Although a nation is a concrete identity, d l its definitions consider

abstract concepts such as myth, image, invention, or falsification. They al1 agree that what

distinguishes a nation from any other collectivity is the belief in the right to territorial self-

determination.

In trying to track the conditions that gave birth to nations in the nineteenth century,

1 stated that rnost studies related to the origins of nations consider the novel and the

newspapers as the major vehicles to start imaging the national identity. However, 1

contended that they alone couldn't explain the great dissemination of national feelings or

nationalism during that century, mainly in Europe and Spanish America. Specificaily, 1

argued that with the low literary rates that existed in al1 nations during the nineteenth

century, the actual readers of novels were basically the educated higher classes, not the

masses. The qualities of novels, therefore, had to be transmitted in other ways other than by

direct reading; that is, orally. Within this type of transmission, national anthems surely

were more efficient mechanisms of national indoctrination.

1 contended that national anthems -1yrical poems or lyrical narratives- were (and

still are) efficient vehicles that could also effectively transmit nationalist ideologies to the

masses by being Sung in unison. Although more restricted in number and extension, they

were more powerfui than other literary expressions in evoking feelings and emotions and

therefore, in causing or restraining collective actions (responses). 1 also contended that

national antherns helped to construct the idea of nation because they contained the same

qualities as novels. The anthems helped to standardize the language within a concrete

129

popuIation and territory, and by incorporating the use of a "homogeneous empiy time," they

helped to create an ancient history with popular "heroes" that the mass population can

identify with. However, this "helping" was not unconditional. Going back to the symbolic

communication model, we kept in mind that national anthems were generated or promoted

most of the times by elites who strove to fulfill specific objectives. They constituted the

senders of the message. So, we concluded that if national anthems were major contributors

to the process of national emergence, they did it in a specific and predetermined way.

The quantitative analysis of anthems in chapter 3 was primarily intended to identify

the main intra-national and international factors that guided and constrained political

leaders in the selection of national anthems. We discovered sorne common denominators in

the selection of national symbols. Senders chose some types of anthems over others, and

their choices were systematically iinked to the temporal, spatial, and social conditions from

which the anthems emerged. Specifically, 1 investigated the major factors that influenced

the type of content of antherns, as well as their structure (grade of bellicosity and number of

verses).

Using a set of categorical regressions and different multivariate regession models, I

discovered some patterns guiding the selection process of national anthems. Specifically,

153 we learned that space, time1j4 and social background'55 have an impact on an anthern's

design. Regional, temporal and social clusters become reference groups for the symbolic

expression of identity. It was very interesting to find that mainly regional cultural factors

such as language and colonial power have a great influence over the degree of bellicosity in

- -- -

153 Region variable. IY Nation independence or consolidation ycar, and anthems' creation and adoption yearn variables. ls5 Language, religion, colonial power, political arrangements and sociai events variables.

an anthem; and that the socio-political situations at the time that anthems were adopted

significantly influence the number of verses. 1 showed that politicai and social conflict

produces lengthier anthems, to allow these to encompass different beliefs and ideologies.

Finally, in chapter 4, 1 concentrated on the Spanish American nations and, more

specifically, 1 looked at the case of the Mexican National Anthem. Analyzing the particular

circumstances of the emergence of Spanish American nations, 1 observed that Anderson's

argument about the delimitation of national boundaries in Latin Arnerica, the immense

geographica! extension of the continent and the weakness of intra-regional trade during the

colonial period, is partially correct. 1 contended, on the other hand, that the decisive factors

for the fraementation of Spanish Amenca were political. That is, the national boundaries'

delimitation was the result of elites' interests and struggles. This was in total agreement

with the results obtained in the quantitative chapter. The large degree of bellicosity and

number of verses in Spanish American anthems is due, thus, to elites' attempt to create and

introduce a homogeneous national identity that could give their regimes popular support

and legitimacy. In other words, the almost constant Imv focrrs conditions that marked the

adoption of anthems proved to be fundamental to the particular structure of those anthems.

1 also explained the importance of the Spanish language not only as a rnechanism of

communication, but also as a cultural catalyst. In the Mexican case, 1 showed the concrete

way in which an anthem is created and chosen, and how it is influenced over time.

Actually, al1 of the anthem's functions presented in the introductory chapter were

exemplified in the history of the Mexican national anthem.

As 1 have stated, one of the main hypotheses of this research is that national

anthems, and al1 national symbols in general, are the creation of elites. They are created by

131

elites with a specific purpose. 1 could even say they are not the authentic results of popular

expression. However, this would d s o be partially tme. The temporal, spatial and socid

dimensions, expressions of one reality, deiimit, as 1 mentioned earlier, the range of options

for elites' anthem selections. They cannot introduce just any anthem; they have to follow

and respect the cuItural background of the masses in order that the message reaches their

target: the national population. In this sense, national anthems are authentic expressions of

popular identity. The efficacy of anthems, therefore, rests in their capacity to reach people's

feeIings and emotions. To choose an erroneous symbol is to risk the loss of its immense

evocative power in both the domestic and the international arenas.

5.2. Future Perspectives

The relevance of this study is not only its capacity to explain the role of anthems in the

emergence of natioiis during the nineteenth century, but also its applicability to present

times, in which nations are continually ernerging and searching for worldwide recognition.

Al1 anthems' characteristics and the concrete manner in which they helped create coIlective

identities can be extrapolated to the present conditions in order to understand the most

"irrational" conflicts and human behavior. At the time of this writing, nationhooci is still

alive and well.

Today, national anthems remain fundamental to defining a nation, keeping up its

presence in the world's community, and motivating its population to act. In a symbolic

world, national anthems have the potential to replace verbal rhetoric as the main

mechanism of control. This notion is not too far from reality if we take into account some

of the national images that the world has seen recently: the fdl of the Berlin waI1, or the

132

readoption of the music of the former Soviet anthem. In such an environment, those who

control the design of symbols may become the rulers of the national identities and,

therefore, of the international diaiogue. As such, a full understanding of national anthems is

critical.

The results of this study are fnxitful, but limited in scope. Further research on the

importance of effective communication is necessary. First, we rnust explore additional

settings and more factors (variables) to determine the patterns of expression that each can

give place to. In addition, we must explore the ways in which anthem stmcture can Vary

within a single context, as well as the range of meanings that it can adopt, depending on

specific situations.

Second, a complete analysis of anthems' structure has to consider not just the

individual text or musical arrangement; it must also analyze how these two elements

interact, and the different outcornes that their combination produces. 1s it possible to match

specific meanings with particular aurai and textud compositions? Can we chart words and

sounds of happiness, courage, and pride? A more comprehensive design to measure

anthems' structure is needed. This thesis research only sketched some ideas on how to do it.

If we can categonze differences in words and musical response, we would be able to match

anthems' structure to the perceptions of those who sing and hear them. This way, we can

also Iink anthems' structure with particular emotional responses.

Ln 1915, Durkheim wrote "a society's symbols are deterrninants of its conduct. 9,156

Today, evidence of that can be found everywhere. Not only nations, but also other

coflectivities, such as political parties or business corporations, make use of syrnbols to

lS6 Ernile Durkheim, The Elernentarv fonns of Religious Life. (New York: Free Press, 1915). p. 274. 133

identify and motivate their members and extemai audiences- Only through continued and

systernatic research will we able to better understand the complex interaction between

nations and antherns and, in generai, arnong the social, political and syrnbolic arenas.

Table A.1 Dependent Variables

COUNTRY Num ber of Num ber of Percentage of Number of

Content Zverscs ZBellicosi ty words bcllicose words bellicosc words verses

Afghanistan AIbania Algeria Andorra Angola Antigua and Barbuda Argcntina Armenia Australia Austria Azerbaijan Bahamas Bahrain Bangladesh Barbados Belarus Belgium Belize Benin Bhutan Bolivia Bosnia and Herzcgovina Botswana Brazil Brunei Bulgaria

-. Burkina Faso W

Burnia

. . . . . . . . . - - I I I - I l l - ~ 1 - - 1 I I l I I I I - - - . .

1 - , I I

Table A.1 Dependent Variables

COUNTRY Number of Number of Ycrcentage of Number of

Content Zverses ZBcllicosi ty words bellicosc words bellicose words verses

Eihiopia Fiji

Finlnnd France Gabon Gainbiii Ccorgia Gcriiian y Gliana Greccc Grcnada Guntcrnala Guinea Guinca Bissau Guyana Haiti Honduras Hungary Iccland India Iiidoncsia Iran 1 raq Ircland Israel

Ital y Ivory Coast Jarnnica

W Jspan

Table A.l Dependent Variables

COUNTRY Number of Num ber of Pcrcen tagc of Num ber of

Content Zvcrses ZBellicosity words bellicose words belticose words verses

Jordan

Kcnya

Korca, North

Korca, Souili Kuwait

Ky rgyzstan Laos Latvia Lehanon

Lesotho

Libcria Li bya

Licchtcnstein

Lithuania

Luxcinbourg Macedonia Madagascar Malawi Malaysia Maldives Mali Malta Mauritaiiia Maiiritius

Mexico

Moldova Monaco

Mongolia W

Morocco

Table A.1 Dependent Variables

COUNTRY Numbcr of Number of Percentage of Numbcr of

Content Zverses ZBellicosity words bellicose words bellicose words verses

Scotland

Scncgal Serbia and Montencgro Seyc helles

Sierra Lconc Singapore Slovakiü

Slovenia Solonlon Islands Soinalia South Africa Spain Sri Lanka Saint Lucia Sudan

Suriname Swaziland

Sweden Switzerland Syria Tanzania Thailand Togo Tonga

Trinidad and Tobago

Tunisia Turkey - Tuvalu

P O Uganda

Table A.l Dependent Variables

COUNTRY Number of Number of Percentage of Number of

Content Zverses ZBellicosity words bellicose words bellicose words verses

Ukraine United Arab Emiraies Uruguay USA Uzbckistan Vanuatu Venezuela Vietnam Wales Yemen Zarnbia Zimbabwe

Content: I = Pastoral Beauty, 2 = Pcace, work andlor unity, 3 = religious, 4 = Historical rtuionoiny, 5 = Edification of Learde, 6 = Patriotiism, 7 = Struggle for independence or consolidation, 8 = Call to arms

Table A.2. Independent Variables

COUNTRY Colonial Political Creation Adoption Unification or

Region Language Religion Event Power Arrangement vear vear independence vcsr

Afghanisian Central Asin Al bariia E. Europe Algcria Africa Andorra W. Europe Angola Africa Antigua and Barbuda America Argent ina Amcrica Armenia Central Asia Australia 4ustralian & P.1 Austria Azerbaijan Bahamas Bahrain Bangladesh Bnrbados Bel arus Belgium Belize Benin Bhutan Bolivia Boçnia and Herzegovina Botswana Brazil Brunei Bulgaria Burkina Faso Burma Burundi

"pambodia w

W. Europc Central Asia

Arnerica Central Asia Central Asia

America E. Europe W. Europe

Ainerica Africa

Central Asia America

E. Europe Africn

Aincrica East Asia E. Europe

Africa East Asia

Africa East Asia

Other European

Arab French

Europcan English Spanish Oiher

English Europeiin

Other English

Arab Other

English European European English French Other

Spanish Europcan English

European Other

European French Other French Other

dominant 1 major rd . dominant dominant dominant dominant dominant dominant

1 major rel. dominant dominant

1 major rcl. dominant dominant

1 major rel. multiplc dominant

2 nmior rel. dominant dominant dominant

2 major rel. 2 major rel. dominant

1 major rel. dominant

2 major rd . *

1 major rel, dominant

England European

France France

Portugal England

Spain S.U.

Engtand without D.P.

S.U. England England

other Englnnd

S.U. European England France other Spain

Y ugosiav England Portugal England

European France

England Europcan

France

high high

* niixcd

modcratc Iiigh

moderatc mixcd

niaderate moderate

high moderate

high *

high *

low high high

* low *

high high

inoderate inixed

* nioderate moderate

*

authoritnrinn authoritarian

* democratic democratic democratic dcmocratic

authoritarian democratic democratic deniocrritic dernocratic

iiutlioritarjan *

democratic *

democratic deinocratic democratic

* authoritarian

* democratic dernocratic

authoritarian democratic

* democratic democratic

*

Table A.2. Independent Variables

COUNTRY Colonial Political Crcation Adoption Unification or Region Language Religioii Event

Power Arrangement year year indcpendence vear

Cameroon Canada Cape Verde Central African Republic Chad Chile China Colombia Comoros Congo Costa Rica Croatia Cuba Cyprus Czech Republic Dem. Rep. Congo (Zaire) Denmark Djibouti Dominica Dominican Rep. Ecuador

Q Y P ~ El Salvador England Equatorial Guinca Eritrea Estonia Eihiopia

Africa Amcrica A frica A frica A frica

Amcrica East Asia America Africa A frica

America E. Europc America

W. Europe E. Europe

Africa W. Europe

A frica Amcrica America Arnerica Africa

America W. Europe

Africa Africa

E. Europe Africa

French English

European French French Spanish Ot hcr

Spanish Arab

Frcnch Spanisli

European Spanish

European Europcan

French European

Arab English Spanish Spanish

Ai-ab Spaiiish English Spanish Other

European Otlier

Fiji 4ustraIian & P.1 English

E Finland W. Europc Europcan

2 major rel. 2 major rd. dominant iiiultiplc

2 major rel. dominant multiple dominant dominant rnuliiple

dominant dominant multiple

dominant multiple

2 major rel. dominant dominant dominant dominant dominant dominant dominant

I major rel. dominant

2 major rel. dominant

I major rel. 2 major rd. dominant

France Francc

Portugal France Francc Spain

wiihout D.P. Spain France France Spain

Y ugoslav Spain

Europcan S.U.

European without D,P,

France England

Spain Spain

England Spain

without D.P. Spain ot hcr S,U.

wiihout D.P. England

othcr

modernte high

* *

high mixed liigh

rnixed *

moderate mixed

* moderate

liigh modcrate

high moderate

high *

mixcd low

niodcraie low high

moderatc high high low high

mixed

dcmocratic democraiic

* *

democratic dcinocratic

authoritarian dcmocratic

* riuthorilarian dcmocratic

* authoritarian democratic democratic

auihoritarian *

democratic *

nul horiinrian deniocratic dernocratic deniocraiic

authoritarian authoritarian

* deniocratic

nuthoriiarian dcmocratic

auihoritarian

Table A.2. Independent Variables

COUNTRY Colonial Political Creation Adoption Unification or

Region Language Religion Event Power Arrangement vear vear independence ycar

Kuwait Kyrgyzstan Laos Latvia Lebanon Lesotho Liberia Libya Liechienslein Lithuania Luxembourg Macedonia Madagascar Malawi Malaysia Maldives Mali Malta Mauritania Mauritius Mexico Moldova Monaco Mongolia Morocco Monm bique Nami bia Naurir Netherlands

5 Nepal

Middle East Central Asia

East Asia E. Europc

Middle East Africa Africa Africa

W. Eiirope E. Europc W. Europe W. Europe

Africa Africa

Easi Asia Centrai Asia

Africa W. Europe

Africa A frica

Anierica E. Europe W. Europc East Asia

Africa Africa Africa

4ustralian & P.] W. Europe

Ccntral Asia

Arab Oilier Other

Europcan Arab

English English

Arab European European European European

Other English Other Arab

French European

Arab English Spanisti

European Frcnch Other

European European English Oilier

Europcan Othcr

2 major rel. dominant dominant

1 major rel. 2 major rcl. dominant

1 major rd . dominant dominant dominant dominani dominant

1 major rel, multiple

1 major rcl. dominant dominant dominant dominant

I major rel. dominant dominant dominant dominant dominant

1 major rcl. 1 major rel. 1 major rel.

multiple dominani

England S.U.

France S.U.

France England

without D.P. *

other S.U.

European Y ugoslav

France England England England Francc

England Francc

England Spain S.U.

France other

France Poriugal

oiher other Spain

wiihout D.P.

mixed *

high moderate

mixcd high *

high *

higli mixed

* high high high high high

moderate *

high low low

mixed * *

high *

high high

mixed

aut horitarian *

auihoriiarian democratic democratic democratic

* authoritarian

* democratic democratic dcmocraiic democratic democratic dcmocratic deinocratic democratic democrat ic

* democrat ic democratic

* authoritarian authoritarian auîhoriiarian auihoritarian authoriiarian democriitic

ûutlioritnrian authoritarian

Table A.2. Independent Variables

COUNTRY Colonial Political Creation Adoption Unification or

Region Language Religion Event Power Arrangement vear year independencc year

New Zealand Nicaragua Niger Nigeria Norway Oman Pakistan Panama Papua New Guinea Paraguay Peru Philippines Poland Portugal Qatar Rep. China Romania Russia Rwanda Saint Kitts y Nevis Samoa San Marino St.Vincent - Grenadines Saudi Arabia Scotland Senegal Scrbia and Montencgro Seychelles Sierra Leone Singapore

O\

hstralian & P.] America Africa Africa

W. Europc Middle East Central Asia

Ainerica East Asia America America East Asia E. Europe W. Europe Middle East

East Asia E. Europe E. Europe

Africa Amcrica

Qustralian & P.] W. Europc

America Middle East W. Europe

Africa E. Europc

Africa Africa

East Asia

English Spanish French English

European Arab Oiher

Spanish English Spanish Spanish Spanish

Europcan European

witliout text Other

European withoui iexi

Other English Eiiglish

without text English

Arab European

French European

French English Other

1 major rel. dominant dominant

I major rel. dominant dominanl domiiiant doniinant

1 major rd . dominant doin inan t dominant dominant dominant dominant

2 major rd . dominant domiiiant

1 major rel. dominant

1 major rel. dominant

1 major rd . dominant

1 major rd. dominant

1 mqjor rel. dominant

1 niajor rd . multiple

England Spain France

England othcr

Portugal England

other other Spain Spain Spain other

without D.P. England

* European

withouc D.P. European England

other other

England wirhout D,P.

England France other

England England

othcr

high moderate

high high

inoderaie high high

moderate high

mi xed in oderaie

high mixed

low mixcd

inoderate high

rnoderate moderatc moderate

* high high

mixed mi xed

* nioderaie

* high high

democratic democratic dcmocrrit ic deinocrntic democratic

authoritarian democratic democratic democratic

authoritarian authoritarian dcmocratic

authoritarian democratic

authoritarian aiithoritarian authoritarian authoritarian dcmocratic dcmocratic

* democrûtic democratic

authoriinrian democratic

* auihoritarian democraiic democratic dcinocratic

Table A.2. lndependent Variables

COUNTRY Colonial Political Crcation Adoption Unification or

Region Language Religion Event Power Arrangcnicnt ycar vear independence vear

Slovakia Slovenia Solomon Islands Somalia South Africa Spain Sri Lanka Saint Lucia Sudan Suriname Swazilaiid Sweden Swiizerland Syria Tanzania Thailand Togo Tonga Trinidad and Tobago Tunisia Turkey Tuvalu Uganda Ukraine United Arab E~nirates Uruguay USA Uzbckistan Vanuaiu

5 Venezuela

E. Europc European E. Europc Eiiropcan

Bustralian Br P.1 Eiiglish Aî'rica wiihout icxt Africa English

W. Europe wiihout text Ccntral Asia Otlier

Ainerica English Africa Arab

America European Aî'rica O t her

W. Europc European W. Europc European Middle East Arab

A frica Other East Asia Other

Africa French Africzi Other

Ainerica English Africa Arab

W. Europe European 9usiralian & P,I English

Africa English E. Europc European

Middle East without text America Spaiiish America English

Central Asia Oher 4usiralian & P.] Other

Anicricn Spanish

1 miijor rel. dominant dominant dominant muliiplc dominant dominant dominant dominant multiple multiple

dominant 2 major rel. dominant multiple dominant dominani multiple multiple dominant dominant dominant

I major rel. dominant dominant dominant

1 major sel. dominant dominani dominant

S.U. Yugoslav England England England

wiihoui D.P. England England England European England

wiihout D.P. widiout D.P.

France England

without D.P. France

England England I;rance

wiitioui D.P. England England

S.U. England

Spain England

s u , France Spain

motlcrate high high

modernie low

mixed mixed high high

mixed *

mixed mixed high

mixed *

high high high high low *

high high

~nodcraie low low high high

mixed

* *

democraiic democraiic dcmocratic

auhoritarian democraiic dcmocratic democraiic dcmocraiic

4

democraiic democratic democraiic dcmocraiic

* aut horitarian deniocrritic dcmocratic democraiic democraiic

* dcmocriiiic dcmocraiic

authosiiarian democraiic dcmocraiic

* democratic democratic

Table A.2. Independent Variables

COUNTRY Colonial Political Creation Adoption Unification or

Region Language Religion Power Evcnt Arrangement year year independence vear

Vietnam East Asia Other 1 niajor rd. France mixed authoritarian 1976 1976 1945 W ales W. Europe Europcan 1 niajor rd . EngIand mixed democraiic 1856 1856 rk

Yeinen Middle East Arab dominant England * * 1990 1990 1990 Zambia Africn Englisli muliiple England moderaie dcmocraiic 1964 1964 1964 Zimbabwe Africa English multiple England * * 1994 1994 1980

* lndicates missing data Sources: Great part of the data of "Evcni" and "poliiical Arragemeni" was takcn frorn Karen Cerulo, Ideniity Designs (Rutgcrs University Press, News Brunswick, N J , : 1995) App

1 Used mulliple sources ioinsure full inforrnütion on al1 nations; Chronicle of the Worlrl Ed. by 1. Bume (New York: Ekam) 1989; Chronicle of the World History, Ed, (London: Rcx Collings) 1975; Encyclopedia Briionnica Macropcdia Ed, By P, Gociz (Chicago, Chicago Univcrsily Prcss) Vols. 13-29, 1985; Enclydopcdia Briiannicn Ed. By P. Goctz (Chicago, Chicago University Prcss) Vols. 1-12; Airnanaque Mundial 2000, (Mexico, Ed. Tclcvisn;2ûûû); The world fact book, www,odci.govlciiilpul

Appendix B

Bellicose Words

In this appendix I present the words that 1 considered as bellicose and/or aggressive for purposes of my quantitative andysis of national anthems in chapter 3. It is important to note that some words are not bellicose per se, but due to their context. Human values such as liberty, freedom, independence or justice are not by themselves bellicose. However, in most cases, they are directly connected to the struggie for independence and cal1 citizens to protect (fight for) national sovereignty. (The list is not exhaustive.)

English bellicose words

Verbs Adjectives and Adverbs

Adversary Anger Ardor Arm Army Attack Aversion Battalion Battle Blood Brave Bravery Campaign Chain Challenge Champion Conqueror Conquest Courage Death Defenders Despot Destruction DY^ Enemy Field (battle field) Fight Fighter

Justice Knavish Liberation Liberty Machine guns Mas ter Mercenary Military Opponent Opposition Oppression Oppressor Outrage Quarrel Rage Rapacity Rebel Resentment RevoIt Revolution Ripper Rival Sacrifice Savage Servant Skinnish Slave Slavery

Anger Arise Assault Avenge Battle Beat Challenge Combat Confront Conquer Cmsh Defeat Defend Defy Destroy Die Dispute Fade Fight Gain Guard H a m Hate Hit Humiliate Invade Ki11 Marc h

Adverse Amed Belligerent Bloodstained Bloody Brave Brutal Chained Conquered Courageous Cruel Despotic Destructive Dying Evil Fearless Fcrocious Fierce Fiercel y Gallant Hated Heroic Hostile Humiliating Insurgent Intrepid Invaded Invincible

Fighting Fire Foe Force Foreign Freedom General Gun Hate Hatred Hero Horde Hostility Humiliation Independence Injury Injustice Insurgent Intrepidity Invader Iron

Soldier S trength S trong S truggle Subjugation Sword Temper Tomb Trai tor Triumph Troop Tyrann y Tyrant Valor Victim Victor Victory W arfare Warrior Weapon Winning Yoke

Occupy Oppose Outrage Overthrow Prevail Protect Punish Re-conquer Resist Restrain Sacrifice Stand up Stroke Subjugate Suffer Triumph Win

Against (prep.)

Malicious Martyred Opposed to Oppressive Parricidal Protected Rapacious Rebel Rebel lious Resistant Resisted Revolutionary S acrificed Scorned S ubjugated Triurnphal Valiant Vile Violent Wounded

Spanish bellicose words

Nouns Verbos .4djetivos y (Considering their plural forms) (In al1 their Adverbios

conjugations) (Considering their fem. and pl. forms)

Acero Afrenta Altivez Ardid Arma Ataque B firbaro Batalla Bravo Bravura Br idh Cadenas Campeones

Iguaidad Irnponente Independencia Indolencia Injusticia In trepido Intrus0 Invasor Invasor Ira Justicia Laurel Libertad

Atacar Batallar Caer Cesar Combatir Condenac Confrontar Conquistar Defender Destrozar Destruir Disparu Disputar

Altivo Bélico Bravia Caido Cansado Condenado Conquistado Destruida Espartana Feraz Fiero Heroico Horrenda

Campos Canon Clarin Combate Confrontacion Conquista Contienda Despotismo Dominacion Duefio Enemigo En lace Enojo Esclavo Espada Extranjero ExtraÏio Fiereza Fragor Fuego Furor Fusil Guerra Guerrero Héroe Heroismo Hierro Humillaci6n

Lid Losa Lucha Marcha lMetralla Monstruo Muerte Odioso Opresion Pelea Piomo Puna1 Regimien to Sangre Sepulcro Soldados Tirania Tirano Triunfador Triunfo Tropa Tmhan Valentia Valor Vencedor Vengador Venganza Victorioso Yugo

Doblegar Excitar Guerrear Hollar Irnponer Insultar Invadir Lanzar Lidiar Luchar Marc har Matar Morir Oponer Pelear Pre tender Profanar Proteger Rendir Retumbar Romper Sostener Sucumbir Tembiar Triunfar Tronar Trozar Vencer Vengar

Horror Humillado hponente Impotente Indolente Indomito Inflamado Insultado Invasor hvencible Invicto Libre Marc ial Mortal Muerto Odioso Sangriento Sangriento Servi1 Triunfante Valentia Valiente Vencido Vengador Victorioso Vi 1 Viril

Contra (prep.)

Appendix C

Statistical Tables

Table C.1

Categorical Regression (Step 1)

Tolerante s tandardised Correlations Coefficients

1 Std. 1 After 1 Before

Language

Religion

Creation Yr.

Adoption Yr.

Ind J Unif. Yr.

Col. Power

Event

Pol. Arrange

Table C.2

Categorical Regression (S tep 2)

Tolerance Standardised Coefficients

1 Std. After Before

.353 .454 ,507

Correlations

1

1 1 1 1 1 1

Language 1 .767 1 .O82 1 88.040 1 .O98 1 -674 1 -543

1 Beta Region 1 -727

1 1 1 1 1 1

Creation Yr. 1 -.149 / .O96 1 2.396 1 -242 1 -.149 1 -.O90

Error .O86

Religion

I l I l I I

IndJ Unif. Yr. 1 -.IO7 1 -090 1 1.392 1 -.339 1 -.Il4 1 -.O68 1 I I l 1 I

Col. Power 1 -.634 1 .O67 1 88.685 1 -.340 1 -.675 1 -.545

F 71.495

-272

I 1 I I I I

Event 1 -147 1 .O60 1 6.067 1 .O64 1 -233 1 -143

Zero .3 14

.O58 I 1 1

21.712 1 -.196 1 -.412 1 -.270

Pol. Arrange

Partial -635

Part .490

-.129 I

-062 1 4.291 .O97 -.197 -.120

Table C.3

Linear Regression Through the Origin Dep.variable: Anthem's Grade of Bellicosity

Ind. Variables: Regions

1 Uns tandardized 1 Standardized 1 I Coefficients 1 Coeff'icient 1 I

America 1 1 1 1 1

B -468

Australia I I I 1 l

West Europe 1 I 1 1 I

Std. Error -163

East Europe

-.6 14

.183

1

1 1 r 1 1

Beta .206

-342 -. 129

-279 Middle East

Central Asia

Far East

Table C.4

-183 .O72

.192

-.500

1 1 l 1

Linear Regression Through the Origin Dep.variable: Anthem's Length

Ind. Variables: Regions

t

- 1 -796

-228 .O6 1 -845

-.129

-.329

-.O28

Af rica

Sig.

.O74

1 .O0 1

-399

2.867 1 .O05

-3 18

- 1.793 ,268

-242

-. 180

America

.O75

1 Australia I 1 I

1 I 1 1 I

East Europe 1 -. 149 -190 -.O52 -.783 -434 1

-.OS8 I

-.O08 1 -.Il7

.134

I 1 1

-907

Unstandardized Coefficients

West Europe

- 1 227

Standardized Coefficient

Beta -400

B -824

-219 1 .2S6

Middle East

777

-182 -.O96

Std. Error -137

-.O99

1 Central Asia I 1 1 I I

- 1.340

t 6.038

-.O5 1

-.595

-.287

Far East

Sig, .O00

.155

Africa

-.767

233

-224

-.5 12

-444

-.O42

-.161

-.639 1 -524

-. 169

-.O85 1 - 1 -282

2 0 2

.20 1

-1 12

-2.554

-.168

.O 1 1

-.O95

-2.536 .O 12 I

- 1.435 .153

Table C S

Linear Regression Through the Origin Dep.variable: Anthern's Grade of Bellicosity

Ind. Variables: Languages

Unstandardized 1 Standardized 1 I 1 I

English 1 -.430 1 -150 1 -.192 1 -2.866 1 .O05 1 Coefficients

B 1 Std. Error Coefficient

Beta

I 1 I I 1

Spanish 1 1.137 1 -20 1 I 1 1 1 1

. -

Arab 1 -.O729 ( -218 ( -.O22 ( -.334 1 -739 /

t

French 1 -0299 1 2 0 1 I 1 I I 1

1 1 I 1 I

Other Languages 1 -.306 1 -148 -.138 -2.065 .O40 1

Sig.

1 -378

Other Eur. Langs. 1 -2 18

Table C.6

.O10

Linear Regression Through the Origin Dep.variable: Anthem's Length

5 -646

Ind. VariabIes: Languages

.O00

1 -149

1.643 1 -102 -133

-882

-1 10

English 1 1 1 l

Spanish 1 1 1 I

French 1 1 1 1 l

S tandardized Coefficient

Beta -.O80

t -1.316

Unstandardized Coefficients

1.443

1 1 I I I

Sig. -190

B -. 162

2 0 1

Other Eur. Langs. -.O735 1 .110

Other Languages

Std. Error -123

-.O40 -.668

Arab 1 -.396 1 -179

.165

-505

-. 134 -3.2 1 O

-.433

-529 8.740

1.220 1 -224 -165

.O28

.O00

.O74

.121 -.216 -3.569 .O00

Table (2.7

Linear Regression Through the Origin Dep.variable: Anthem's Grade of BelIicosity

Ind. Variables: Colonial Powers

1 Unstandardized 1 Standardized 1 1 Coefflcien ts 1 Coefficient 1 1

England 1 I

B -.427

Spain 1 1.108 1 -205

France

-359 1 5.400 1 .O00

1 1 1 1 1

Std. Error -120

-.O566

1 1 1 1 1

-602 -548

Other Eur. Power 1 -.383 1 .316 1 -.O8 1 1 1 1 1 1

Beta -238

-166

.O40 Portugal

S.U. or Yugoslav 1 -.465 1 .224 I 1 I 1 1

Table C.8

-1.21 1

Without C. P.

Linear Regression Through the Origin Dep.variable: Anthem's Length Ind. Variables: Colonial Powers

t -3 -574

-.O23

-230

-228

-.138

Other

Sig. .O00

.365

.114 1.7 13 1

-.34 1

-2.078

.O88 .30 1 1

-733

.O39

-175 I 1

268

, England 1 t 1 1 1

.O9 1 .195

S tandardized Coefficient

Beta -. 179

Spain 1 1.516 1 -178

France

Unstandardized Coefficients

1 1 I 1

1.375

t -2.886

B -.292

529

-.O366

1 1 1 1 1

-171

Sig. .O04

Std. Error .IO1

Portugal

Other Eur. Power 1 -.O688 1 267

S.U. or Yugoslav

8 -508

-140

.O12

1 1 1 1 1

.O00

.O57

-.O16

-.244

1 1 1 r 1

-.O10

-309 -186

Other

Without C. P. 1 -245 1 .165

-853

-25%

-189

-.O89 -1 -433 I

-.26 1

-797

-212 -139

-.O92

.795

-.O80

-148

- 1 -485

-1.291

.154

.195

Table C.9

Linear Regression Through the Origin Dep.variable: Anthem's Grade of Bellicosity

Ind. Variables: Religions

1 One Majority Religion 0050%) 1 -.30 1 1 -177 / -.127 / -! -702 1 -09 1

1 Two Majority

One dominant religion (X>70%)

Standardize d Coefficient

Beta

Table C.10

Unstandardized Coefficients

Religions (XI, X2 > 35%) Multiple religions

Linear Regression Through Dep.variable: Anthem's

t B -178

the Origin Length

Ind. Variables: Religions

Sig. -137 1 1.844

Std. Error .O96

-.206

.O67

1 One Majority Religion 1 -.IO0 1 .l65 1 -.O16 / -.606 1 -545

232

One dominant religion

-.O66

t -98 1

(XSO % ) Two Majority Religions

Sig. -328

(XI, X2 > 35%) Multiple religions

-.888

Standardize d Coefficient

Beta .O74

Unstandardized Coefficients

-227

.376

B -0883

-.298

Std. Error .O90

,196

-.IO1 1 -1.337 I

-.O88

-183

-1.158 -249

Table C.11

Linear Regression Through the Origin Dep.variable: Anthem's Grade of BeIlicosity

Ind. Variables: Social Events

l High Focus

Table C.12

Mixed Focus

Moderate Focus

Low Focus

Linear Regression Through the Origin Dep.variable: Anthem's Length

Ind. Variables: Social Events

Unstandardized 1 Standardized 1 1

Unstandardized Coefficients

-343

.O6 13

-742

I I Coefficients I Coefficient I f I

B -.268

Sig. .O20

Std. Error -1 14

S tandardized Coefficient

,174

.174

Beta -. 180

High Focus

t -2.343

-15 1

.O27

I 1

.239 1 -238

I I t I

Table C.13

1.967

.353

B 1 Std. Error

Mixed Focus

1 1

Linear Regression Through the Origin Dep.variable: Anthem's Grade of Bellicosity

Ind. Variables: Political Arranges

.O5 1

-725

3.110

Beta -202 -.282

.155 -156

Moderate Focus

Low Focus 1 1.088 1 2 12

.O02

-103

-. 105

t -2.754

.O74

-155

376 1 5.125

I

Authoritarian

Sig. .O07

-.O50 -.676

.O00

1.010

-500

-3 14

Unstandardized Coefficients

Standardized Coefficient

Beta B 289

Std. Error .150

t Sig. .O55 -155 1 -93 1

Table C.14

Linear Regression Through the Origin Dep.variable: Anthem's Length

Ind. Variables: Political Arranges

Unstandardized 1 Standardized 1

Authoritarian

Table C.15

I I 1

Linear Regression (Stepwise method) Dependent Variable: Anthem's bellicosity Independent Variables: 32 dummy variables, Nation's independence

or unification year, and Anthem's creation year

Democratic

Std. Error of the Estimate = 3.15825

Coefficients

Constant Spanish Language

Other European Lang. East Europe Region

Coefficient Beta -.O 14

B -.O0252

.O068

S.U. - Yug. Col. Powers Excluded Variables:

Std. Error -143

America Australia

West Europe MiddIe East Central Asia

Far East Africa

t -. 176

.O93

English

Sig. -86 1

Unstandardized

.O06

icients Std. Err.

.343

.785

.75 1 1.275 1.680

S td. Coefficient

Beta

.O73

Beta In

-.O0 1 -.O72 .O67 -.O68 .O63 -.O05 .O 19 -.O99

-942

Sig.

.O00

.O00

.O02

.O04

.O 17

-995 -3 15 .50 1 .353 -390 .94 1 .802 .202

Arab Other Languages

Dominant Religion 1 Major Religion

Two major religions Multiple Religions British Col. Power

Spanish Col. Power French Col. Power

Portuguese Col. Power Other European Col. P

Without Col. Power Other Col. Power

High Focus Events Mixed Focus Events

Moderate Focus Events Low Focus Events

Authoritarian Regimens Democratic Regimens

Nation's 1nd.-Unif year Anthem's Creation Year

Table C.16

Linear Regression (Stepwise method) Dependent Variable: Anthem's bellicosity Independent Variables: 32 dummy variables, Nation's independence

or unification year, and Anthem 's adoption year

Std. Error of the Estimate = 3.1 1700

Constant Spanish Language

Other European Lang. East Europe Region

S.U. - Yug. Cal. Powers British Col. Powers

Sig. + Uns tandardized

Coefficients B

2.733 4.693 1.483 4.198 -3.378 - 1.345

Std. Err. -476 -844 -808 1.339 1.502 .649

Excluded Variables: Arnerica

Beta In .O37 -399 , 691

Australia West Europe Middle East Central Asia

Far East Af rica

Engiish French

Arab Other Languages

Dominant Religion Major Religion

Two major religions Multiple Religions

Spanish Col. Power French Col. Power

Portuguese Col. Power Other European Col. P

Without Col. Power Other Col. Power

High Focus Events Mixed Focus Evcnts

Moderate Focus Events Low Focus Events

Authoritarian Regimens Democratic Regimens

Nation's 1nd.-Unif year Anthem's Adoption Year

Table C.17

Linear Regression (Stepwise method)

Dep.variable: Anthem's Grade of Bellicosity Ind. Variables: America, Australia, Middle East, English, Spanish, Other Languages,

Dominant Religion, British Colonial Power, Spanish Colonial Power, S.U. or Yugoslavian Colonial Power, High Focus Events, Mixed Focus Events, Low Focus Events, Authoritarian Regimes, Nation's independence or unification Year and Anthem's Creation Year.

Coefficients

Model

( Unstandardized 1 Standardized 1 1

(Constant) 1 34.093 1 10.545 1 1 3.233 1 .O02

Coefficients B 1 Std. Error

Excluded Variables

Coefficient Beta

Spanish Creation British Col. P.

Model América Australia Middle East English Other Languages Dominant Religion Spanish Col. Power S.U. or Yug. Col. P. H g h Focus Events Mixed Focus Events Low Focus Events Authoritarian Regimes Unification. or Indep Yr.

Beta In

t

3.123 -.O 1595 - 1.522

Sig. -94 1

Sig.

-860 -006 .660

. O00

.O04

.O23

.289 1 3.630 -.24 1 -. 188

-2.89 1 -2.307

Table C.18

Linear Regression (Step wise met hod)

Dep.variable: Anthem's Grade of Bellicosity Ind. Variables: America, Australia, Middle East, English, Spanish, Other Languages,

Dominant Religion, British Colonial Power, Spanish Coloniai Power, SU. or Yugoslavian Colonial Power, High Focus Events, Mixed Focus Events, Low Focus Events, Authoritarian Regimes, Nation's independence or unification Year and Anthem's Adoption Year.

Coefficients

Excluded Variables

Model América

Mode1 (Constant) Spanish British Col. P.

Australia Middle East English Other Languages Dominant Religion Spanish Col. Power S.U. or Yug. Col. P. High Focus Events Mixed Focus Events Low Focus Events Authoritarian Regimes Unification. or Indep Yr. Adoption

t 9.185 4.468 -3 -464

- .-

Beta In -036

Sig. .O00 .O00 .O0 1

Sig. -795

Standardized Coefficient

Beta

-349 -.27 1

Unstandardized Coefficients

B 3.644 3.782 -2.192

Std. Error ,397 -846 -633

Table C.19

Linear Regression (Stepwise method) Dependent Variable: Anthem's length Independent Variables: 32 dummy variables, Nation's independence

or unification year, and Anthem 's creation year

R' = -461 Std. Error of the Estimate = 13 -02

Constant Spanish Language Low Focus Events French Language

America Region Anthem's Creation Year

Excluded Variables:

Australia West Europe East Europe Middle East Central Asia

Far East Af rica

English Other European Lang.

Arab Other Languages

Dominant Religion Major Religion

Two major religions Muitiple Religions British Col. Power

Spanish Col. Power French Col. Power

Portuguese Col. Power Other European Col. P.

S.U. and Yug. Col. P. Without Col. Power

Other Col. Power High Focus Events

Mixed Focus Events Moderate Focus Events

Unstandardized Coefficients

Std. Err.

Std. Coefficient

Beta

.376 -226 -188 .179 -. 147

Beta In

.O44 -.O86 .O36 -.O68 .O40 -.O52 -.O90 .O45 .O52 -.O08 .O23 -.O37 -102 -.O34 -.O4 1 .O 19 -152 -.O34 .O85 .O05 .O00 -.O78 -.O06 .O25 .O24 -.O46

--

Sig. .O 16 .O00 .O0 1 .O05 .O35 .O37

Table C.20

Linear Regression (Stepwise method) Dependent Variable: Anthem's Length Independent Variables: 32 dummy variables, Nation's independence

or unification year, and Anthem 's adoption year

Authoritarian Regimens Democratic Regimens

Nation's Ind.-Uni f year

= .458 Std. Error of the Estimate = 12-99

Constant Spanish Language Low Focus Events French Language

America Region Anthem's Adoption Yr.

-.O32 -032 -.O27

Excluded Variables:

-.480 -480 -.393

Australia West Europe East Europe Middle East Central Asia

Far East Africa

English Other Eiiropean Lang.

Arab Other Languages

Dominant Religion Major Religion

Two major religions Multiple Religions British Col. Power

Spanish Col. Power French Col. Power

Portuguese Col. Power

U nstandardized Coef B

115.277 17.673 1 3 -604 9.752 7.182 -.O52 18

icients Std. Err. 50.122 4.458 3.766 3.6 14 3.382 .O26

Std. Coefficient

Beta

-362 -246 -177 -178 -. 143

Beta In

.O52 -. 124 .O86 -.O78 .O58 -.O63 .O64 .O36 .O62 -.O26 .O27 -.O27 ,101 -.O43 -.O44 -002 .154 -.O44 .O87

Sig. .O23 .O00 .O00 .O08 .O36 .O45

S.U. and Yug. Col. P. Without Col. Power

Other Col. Power High Focus Events

Mixed Focus Events Moderate Focus Events

Authoritarian Regimens Democratic Regimens

Nation's Ind.-Unif year

Other European Col. P. 1

Table C.21

Linear Regression (Stepwise method)

Dep.variable: Anthem's Length

-003 1 -041 1 -968

Ind. Variables: Arnerica, Middle East, Far East, Spanish, Arab, Other Languages, British Colonial Power, Spanish Colonial Power, High Focus Events, Low Focus Events, Nation's independence or unification -

Year and Anthern's Creation Year.

Coefficients

Unstandardized 1 Stnndardized 1

Excluded Variables

Model (Constant) Spanish Low Focus E..

Model América Middle East Far East Arab Other Languages British Col. Power Spanish Col. Power High Focus Events Creation Unification. or Indep. Yr.

Coefficients

Beta In -154 -.121 -.O95 -.O8 1 -.O6 1 -.O60 .153 -.O34 -. 1 19 -.O77

Coefficient Beta

-51 1 239

B 15.801 25 .O99 13.286

Std. Error 1.239 3.414 3.864

t 1.839 - 1.835 - 1 . M O -1.221 -.go9 -.872 .775 -.459 - 1.689 -1.162

I

Sig. .O68 .O69 -153 -224 .365 -384 -43 9 -647 -094 247

t 12.750 7.35 1 3.438

Sig. .O00 .O00 .O0 1

Table C.22

Linear Regression (Stepwise method)

Dep.variable: Anthem's Length Ind. Variables: America, Middle East, Far East, Spanish, Arab, Other Languages,

British Colonial Power, Spanish Colonial Power, High Focus Events, Low Focus Events, Nation's independence or unification Year and Anthem's Adoption Year.

Coefficients

1 Unstandardized 1 Standardized 1 1

Excluded Variables

Mode1 (Constant) Spanish Low Focus E..

Model America Middle East Far East Arab Other Languages British Col. Power Spanish Col. Power High Focus Events Creation Unification. or Indep. Yr.

Beta In Sig. .O77 .O59 -146 .202 .369 -336 -466 .436 -34 1 .O98

Coefficients Coefficient Beta

-497 ,268

B 15.889 24.568 14.550

Std. Error 1.213 3.359 3 -698

t 13.103 7.3 13 3.935

Sig. .O00 .O00 .O00

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Electronic Sources:

Présidence de la République: www.elysee.fr/instiVsymb1-. htm

Cop City Police Department: www.copsrus.com/anthems.html

Wales Calling: www.wales-calling .com/culture/anthem. htm

World Anthem Database: www.geocities.com/CoIlegePark/library/9897/

National Antherns: www.thenationalanthems.com