Anthony Zamora

23 Mar. 2012

Suzanne Duncan

MAOR102

All About Tapu

Growing up today, a young child of Maori descent may hear from his parents, “Don’t touch

that, it’s tapu (set apart)!” or “Don’t go back there, the area is tapu.” Context clues lead one to

believe the concept of tapu designates something as off limits. Tapu is a much more complex and

sacred concept than off limits though. To begin to understand tapu it is essential to know there are

two different types, positive tapu and negative tapu. These types can also be more or less tapu,

depending on what has been denoted as tapu and also depending on who labeled the item as tapu

(Knappert 1995:18). Sometimes distinguishing between the two can be difficult, but the majority of

the time is is quite easy to determine which type something is. The concept of tapu also spreads

over people, places and objects. Anything holy or sacred is considered to be tapu, but if something

is tapu it is not necessarily sacred (Knappert 1995:15).

First, positive tapu will be discussed. The purpose of someone, some place, or some object

having positive tapu is meant to keep that item safe (Duncan 2012). Some examples of positive

tapu include one’s head, when a woman is pregnant, and the peak of Mt. Cook. The peak of the

mountain resembles its own head and therefore, since one’s head is tapu, people are discouraged

from standing on the peak of the mountain (Duncan 2012).

Tapu can be negative. Items labeled as negative tapu are labeled that way so as to protect

people from harm. Some examples of negative tapu include urupā (burial ground, cemetery, or

graveyard), when a woman is menstruating, and uncooked or unclean food. It is said that positive

tapu and negative tapu are not meant to be mixed. For example, a pregnant woman should not enter

the urupā as this act is mixing the positive tapu of new life with the negative tapu associated with

death (Duncan 2012).

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How does something become tapu in the first place? There are several ways this can occur.

A person in the tribe who possesses a high level of mana (power, authority) can label something as

tapu. The level of this person’s mana will designate how great a level of tapu the object will receive

(Duncan 2012). Someone performing an important job may be placed under tapu, since this person

is working under the atua (gods) (Knappert 1995:17). Another way something becomes tapu is by

the spilling of blood. If one’s blood is shed on something, that thing automatically becomes tapu.

An example from Knappert discusses men being given an entire piece of land solely because his

blood had been spilled on it (1995:25). Bodies of water can be made tapu, so that no one fishes or

travels across that water. Whether the Māori were aware of it or not, this was an early form of

species conservation and environmental ethics (Williams 2012). The use of tapu enables a form of

protection without having distinct laws, only the principle of tapu (Knappert 1995:18). The Māori

follow these guidelines so as not to offend the atua. By placing protections and restrictions on

certain items, the society is able to maximise efficiency and also produce positive growth.

In some cases it is necessary to remove tapu from something or someone. For Māori,

consuming food acts as whakanoa (the removal of tapu) (Higgins & Moorfield 2004:76). It is

important to note that uncooked food is tapu, therefore before consumption the food must be

cooked, washed or both. Washing and cooking render the food to be noa (free from tapu) (Duncan

2012). Since eating lifts away tapu, it is essential that one does not place anything associated with

the head, such as hats, eye glasses, or combs, in an area where food is to be prepared or consumed.

If blood is spilled on someone’s personal property, rendering it tapu, then washing the property

with water will act as whakanoa, lifting away the tapu (Knappert 1995:28).

Tapu is still very prevalent today in the modern world. In the present Māori work with non-

Māori leaders to reach a common ground with Māori and non-Māori concepts (Hewison 2000:131-

32) . The concept of tapu is currently employed in over 80 pieces of legislation, including the

Fisheries Act of 1996, the Resource Management Act of 1991, and the Historic Places Act of 1993

(Duncan 2012). These legislative acts are in place to ensure special places and things remain special

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and undisturbed. Another example regarding modern day acknowledgement of tapu can be seen in

health care practices. Before the doctor examines a patient, he will ask permission before touching

the patient’s head (Duncan 2012). A third example pertaining to the removal of tapu is employed

with the police forces. When a death occurs in a public place a capable Māori individual of high

status will come to perform a whakanoa ritual in the area where the death occurred, before the area

is inspected or cleaned up by the police, ultimately removing the negative tapu (Duncan 2012). This

process occurs when an automobile accident or murder happens.

To rehash, the concept of tapu is defined in many ways and can have several meanings and

purposes. Tapu is used for protection and protecting. Items are labeled with positive tapu when they

need to be kept safe, and items are labeled with negative tapu when the people need to be kept safe

from that item (Duncan 2012). Tapu can manifest upon something through the power of a chief or

by bloodshed, and tapu can be removed through the cleansing processes of whakanoa (Knappert

2005:25-28). In modern use the concept of tapu is still employed through legislation, health care,

and police. It is important to keep this concept alive. Some may disagree with this previous

statement because they do not believe in the atua, but as citizens they are forced to cooperate with

the laws in place and ultimately respect the concept of tapu throughout their lives.

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Bibliography

Duncan, S. 2012. Cultural Concepts and Māori Worldview – PART ONE & TWO. March 6,8.

[lecture] Dunedin: University of Otago.

Hewison, G. (2000), ‘Agreements between Maori and Local Authorities’, New Zealand Journal of

Environmental Law, Vol. 4, pp.121-145.

Higgins, R. & Moorfield, J.C. (2004), ‘Ngā tikanga o te marae - Marae practices’. In: Ka’ai, T.M.,

Moorfield, J.C., Reilly, M.P.J. & Mosely, S. (eds.) Ki te Whaiao: An Introduction to Māori

Culture and Society, Auckland: Pearson Education, pp. 73-84.

Knappert, J. (1995), Pacific Mythology: An Encyclopaedia of Myth and Legend, London: Diamond

Books.

Williams, J. 2012. Māori Attitudes Toward the Environment. March 7,9. [lecture] Dunedin:

University of Otago.