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04_Scott and Flynn_A2A0108_Ch- 21-Mar-14 For Foucault, power is productive, dispersed throughout society and intimately related to the construction of knowledge. Foucault wished to understand how the power/knowledge’ axis could be deployed not to punish individual crimes so much as to observe and render human beings obedient. Pentru Foucault, puterea este productive, dispersata in intreaga societate si legata intim de constructia cunoasterii. Foucault si-a dorit sa inteleaga cum axa putere-cunoastere poate fi folosita nu pentru a pedepsi crimele individuale ci pentru a face indivizii mai obedienti. MICHEL FOUCAULT Michael Foucault’s Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (1977) is one of the most influential books in modern penology. Taking as his backcloth the ‘great transformation’ from capital punishment to the timetabled regimes of the penitentiaries and the ‘technologies of power’ deployed within them, Foucault rejected the liberal argument that the prison was a form of humanitarian progress, claiming instead that prisons developed ‘not to punish less; [but] to punish better, to insert the power to punish more deeply into the social body’ (p. 82). Although he did not reject the ‘top-down’ Marxist approach of penologists such as Rusche and Kirchheimer, Foucault used a different analytical framework in order to understand how power operates ‘bot- tom up’ as a property of systems. He was interested in how disciplinary power impacted on the human soul (the psyche) at the micro level. Taking Bentham’s panopticon design and inspection principle as his cue, Foucault argued that the wider application of such ‘technologies of power’ had created a modern ‘carceral society’ of disciplinary control. Hunt and Wickham (1994) explain how, for Foucault, disciplinary power operates on three levels:

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Page 1: maicăl tradus

04_Scott and Flynn_A2A0108_Ch-2.2.indd 71

21-Mar-14 3:54:38 PM

For Foucault, power is productive, dispersed throughout society and intimately related to the construction of knowledge. Foucault wished to understand how the ‘power/knowledge’ axis could be deployed not to punish individual crimes so much as to observe and render human beings obedient.

Pentru Foucault, puterea este productive, dispersata in intreaga societate si legata intim de constructia cunoasterii. Foucault si-a dorit sa inteleaga cum axa putere-cunoastere poate fi folosita nu pentru a pedepsi crimele individuale ci pentru a face indivizii mai obedienti.

MICHEL FOUCAULT

Michael Foucault’s Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (1977) is one of the most influential books in modern penology. Taking as his backcloth the ‘great transformation’ from capital punishment to the timetabled regimes of the penitentiaries and the ‘technologies of power’ deployed within them, Foucault rejected the liberal argument that the prison was a form of humanitarian progress, claiming instead that prisons

developed ‘not to punish less; [but] to punish better, to insert the power to punish more deeply into the social body’ (p. 82).Although he did not reject the ‘top-down’ Marxist approach of penologists such as Rusche and Kirchheimer, Foucault used a different analytical framework in order to understand how power operates ‘bot- tom up’ as a property of systems. He was interested in how disciplinary power impacted on the human soul (the psyche) at the micro level.

Taking Bentham’s panopticon design and inspection principle as his cue, Foucault argued that the wider application of such ‘technologies of power’ had created a modern ‘carceral society’ of disciplinary control. Hunt and Wickham (1994) explain how, for Foucault, disciplinary power operates on three levels:

Hierarchical observation Differentiated positions of power that are rooted in surveillance, categorisation and classification.

Normalising judgements Dominant definitions, rules, norms and expected behaviour.

Micro penalties and rewards Means of regulation to ensure conformity and obedience.

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It is not important that imprisonment is a failure in terms of recidivism. To justify wider disciplinary controls, Foucault argues, the prison deliberately invents delinquents. In this sense, a state of permanent conflict exists to meet the needs of a crime control industry and to legitimate wider disciplinary con- trols. Certain illegalities are isolated and made manageable, while offenders are retrained and turned into disciplined, docile and productive human beings.

Preluand proiectul panopticon al lui Bentam si principiul inspectiei ca directive,Foucault a sustinut ca raspandirea extinsa a acestor tehnologii ale puterii a creat societatea carcerala moderna a controlului disciplinar. Hunt si Wickam explica cum, pentru Foucault, puterea opereaza pet rei nivele:1.observarea ierarhica- diferitele pozitii ale puterii sunt fixate in supraveghere, clasificare si categorizare2.normalizarea judecatilor – definitii dominante, reguli, norme si comportament asteptat3. micro pedepse si recompense – mijloace de regularizare folosite pentru asigurarea conformitatii si ascultarii.

The prison was not the only means through which disciplinary power operated—other places included the family, the school, the barracks, the workplace and the hospital—but it was at the pinnacle of a ‘carceral’ continuum.Inchisoarea nu a fost singurul mijloc prin care puterea disciplinara a operat, alte locuri fiind familia, scoala, cazarmile, fabricile si spitalele, dar inchisoarea a fost apogeul continuumului carceral.

Nu este important ca detentia este un esec in cee ace priveste recidivismul. Pentru a justifica controlul disciplinar extins, Foucault sustine ca inchisorile inventeaza in mod deliberat delincventi. In acest sens, o stare de permanent conflict exista pentru a motiva nevoia pentru o industrie de control a criminalitatii si pentru a legitima controlul disciplinar mai extins. Anumite ilegalitati sunt izolate si mai usor de administrat, in timp ce infractorii sunt recalificati si transformati in indivizi disciplinary, docile si productivi.Foucault has been criticised for overgeneralising disciplinary punish- ments used against juveniles to those used against adults and for provid- ing only a partial analysis of punishments that requires synthesis with one or more of the earlier modernist ‘total theories’. His theory that punishment operates through norms and techniques of rationality negates

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any consideration of wider cultural meanings, judgements and understandings punishment has for people. He has also been criticised on the bases that, like the Marxists, his analysis is functionalist and masculinist, and his conception of power simply a restatement of the basic sociological concept of socialisation.