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MADHURAV'aJAY am OF GANGA DEVI
EDITED WITH A HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION BY
S. THIRUVENKATACHARI Professor, Dr. Alagappa Chattier Training College
Karaikudi
PUBLISHED BY
ANNAMALAI UNIVERSITY ANNAMALAINAGAR
1957
I PREFACE
a The Madhuravijayam or Vzra Kamparaya caritam
T by Ganga Devi was discovered by accident amidst a
heap of womout palm-leaf manuscripts as part of a
series of Sanskrit works; and, but for the careful
scrutiny of the Head Pandit of the curator of Sanskrit
Mss. Trivandrum, it would have gone the way of many
other works of the past which are not available to us.
The original is in grantha characters and is full of
I errors. The manuscript, as discovered, was incomplete,
with ten leaves missing in the middle and many slokas
incomplete in the available portion. Though it is not
J possible to say how many slokas have been lost, it is
fairly certain that the complete work might have in¬
cluded at least seventy more verses than are extant
now.
The following analysis will show the number of
verses available for scholars in all the nine (?) cantos
of the work.
Canto No. of slokas
in the canto
No. of slokas
missing
No. of slokas
mutilated or
incomplete.
1 75 nil 4
2 42 nil 3 3 47 nil 5
4 83 nil 6
5 76 nil 8
6 69
not definitely
known but
40 8
7 possibly 51 30 7
8 available 36 not known 6
concluding
canto
available 42 not known 11
521 70 58
PREFACE
The manuscript discovered in the condition described
above was first brought to light in 1916 by Pandits
G. Harihara Sastri and V. Srinivasa Sastri of Trivan¬
drum. The manuscript itself was in the possession of
Pandit N. Ramaswami Sastri and the credit of
preserving and publishing the available portion of the
manuscript must go to these three scholars. The
Trivandrum Edition of the work of which the first two
Pandits are the editors is the only available edition of
the work and contains only the text of the work.
The present edition of the Madkurdvijayam is
based on the only manuscript available. The editor has
been in search of a second and more perfect copy of the
manuscript these fifteen years and his efforts have not
sc far met with any success. Yet in publishing the
present edition of the work with the same imperfections
of the original as are found in the Trivandrum edition,
the editor has at least the satisfaction that he is giving
a translation of the whole work for the first time. The
introduction to the Trivandrum edition by the distin¬
guished scholar Sri T. A. Gopinatha Rao throws
welcome light on some of the dark comers of the
history of the “ forgotten empire.” But many of his
conclusions are now in need of revision in the light of
the information that is now available and that was not
available when Sri Gopinatha Rao wrote the introduc¬
tion. Again, Sri Gopinatha Rao has failed to avail fully
of the epigraphical evidence on the two great events
described in the Madhuravijayam: the destruction of
the Sambuvaraya rule in Tondaimandalam and the
destruction of the Madhurai Sultanate. He has depend¬
ed too much on literary evidence without looking for
epigraphical or other kind of corroboration. The result
PREFACE vu
is we rind him questioning even the veracity of the
Madhuravijayavi in regard to the final fate of the
Sambuvaraya rule. The Maclhurdvijayam describes
the total extermination of the Sambuvaraya rule in
Tondaimandalam while Sri Gopinatha Rao doubts if
Ganga Devi’s reference to the killing of the Sambuva¬
raya might not be to “heighten the poetic effect of the
narrative.” Sri Gopinatha Rao lias also mixed up
chronological and genealogical factors of Sambuvaraya
history, depending on literary evidence, and made the
Sambuvaraya a “tributary” of Kampana. This ques¬
tion has been examined thoroughly in the introduction
and it will be seen that new light has been thrown on
Sambuvaraya-Vijayanagar relationship. It has also
been shown that the destruction ot the Sambuvaraya
rule and of the Madhurai Sultanate by Kamp-nn -ere
rmtt^o^^ted e,?nts but two aspects of J grand^
of Madhurah ^ ’ x>iaariUravi-<ayam or the conquest
edition Ccin £>0 niQiifinri j 1
well For the first r J talie& on other grounds as • *or the first time a succinct history of the
Sambuvarayas is supplied. The - no dmifit • • p Sambuvarayas were
the times °\ 'T**** but
history of South India With the H "'T ^ ed to nullity, with the K5k-!t- e,Hoysfla Power reduc-
with the Pdndyas no 1 fame dlmmed for ever-
South India espedallv Tr ,TTigns °£ Madhurai- snlenrlirl ’ . P . y the Daniil country, afforded
catastronheP°hUfiltieS ^ adventurous marauders. The
direct result of^th °Vertook tlle Tamil country was the
genera. MaVk Sim “tS TT^ the feudatory chiefs of the
PREFACE _
Vi“ 1 a great importance South assume iromediately following hdation political vacuum - truction and ons ^
South W;u0; was no easy task _f +he territo y , „ras thus a & , £ re_ tWe'viiayanagarlangUc“;outh That this ^ „y
a boon to th udation was J interest construction ^ro o£ ^ poem, is of espec Kampala, th .
nerioa paiici, ^
l° £ die chronological
haVeSb°:; ten what the editor ^
h° ' ntable solutions. A “ 131l and 1311 has
S. - be been given and mucn
to be new. three great historians rt. editor owes a duty » - to our midst,
of lAm. one of *£££ and’ Dewan Bahadur
?• f- ^“iXiar, ^M^hld^en 'iP
by by their humble s memory. E>r- iN‘ ,
i T bP dedicated to thei Vijayanagar histoiy
»“ "• - “ „ gratitude. late Dr. K. V. Reddi
The editor is to * as Vice-Chancellor
Naidu Garu during whos „ reity for pubhca-
tion. h>r. C. * •
PREFACE ix
speeding up the publication of the work which had been (
long delayed for some reason or other. To him the
editor owes a great debt of gratitude. Dr. S. Venkates-
waran, Professor of Sanskrit, Annamalai University
was kind enough to go through the translation and offer
helpful suggestions. The editor has pleasure in
acknowledging the Professor’s valuable help. Last, but
not the least, the editor’s grateful thanks are due to
Sri G. Srinivasachariar, proprietor of the G. S. Press
for the fine execution of the printing work.
Karaikudi
6—11—1956 S. Thiruvenkatachari
CONTENTS
PART I : INTRODUCTION
I. Authorship and Historical Value
1. The Poet .. 1
2. The Historical Value of the Poem .. 6
II. The Sambuvaeayas
1. Vila Champa .. 11
2. Venrumankonda Sambuvaraya .. 14
III. The Sambuvarayas (Contd.)
Rajanarayana and Venrumankondan II 19
IV. Vijayanagar Invasions of Tondaimandalam
1. The Savanna Interregnum .. 25
2. Kampala’s invasion and Conquest .. 30
V. The Conquest of Madhurai
1. The Political Condition Preceding the Conquest .. 35
2. The Madhurai Sultanate .. 40
3. The Madhuravijayam Account . . 46
4. Earlier Attempts .. 49
5. Kampala’s Conquest .. 51
VI. The Generals of Kampana
1. General Gopana .. 57
2. Saluva Mangu t _ 60
3. Somappa Dandanayaka and his son Maraya Nayaka 63
4. Gandarguli Maraya Nayaka .. 64
Appendix : Ranganatha Inscription of Gopana .. 65
VII. Geographical Notes 66
PART II
Translation .. 1
Text in Sanskrit 73
I. AUTHORSHIP AND HISTORICAL VALUE
1. THE POET
The peculiar interest of this biographical poem is
that its author Ganga Devi was the wife of the hero
whom it celebrates, and that in all probability she ac¬
companied her husband in his sojourns in the South.1
She was the chief queen of Kampana II, and though
nothing is known about her lineage, must have sprung
from a noble family as the Devi suffix would imply.
She was very highly accomplished and was endowed
with all charms and grace. Kampana lavished all his
love and attention on her though he had other wives.2
Ganga Devi was a poet of a very high order. She
was a great student of the classics.3 She was well
versed in the Vedic lore also.4 That she chose Kalidasa
Bhatta Bana, Bharavi, Dandin and Bhavabuti along
with 'Valmiki and 'Vyasa out of a thousand names in
Samskrit is sufficient proof of her discerning abilitv.5
• ^ °J^y a ®uess' ®ut there is, however, an interesting point which need not mean much by way of substantiating the state¬ ment, but which is not wholly unimportant. At the end of canto 1 there is a salutation to goddess Minakshi immediately after the colophon. In all probability this must have been written by Ganga Devi herself,
ecause e origin copyist of the manuscript had written the words hnakshmi namah he would have written them at the end of every
can o. ossi y Ganga Devi had omitted the salutation in the other cantos and in the verbatim copy of the original that omission was perpetuated.
Moreover Kampana lived in Kanclpuram after taking it from the am uvarayas and cantos 6 and 7 describe his happy life with his
queens.
2. Madhurdvijayam. canto 3, slokas 18 and 19; also cantos 6 and 7. 3. Ibid., canto 1. 4. Ibid,, canto 1.
5. Ib’d., canto 1, slokas 5 to 11.
2 M AD HU RAVIJ AY A M
These names are representative of Samskrit literature
at its highest level and Ganga Devi plays, very
remarkably, the critic of these most reputed luminaries.
In a single verse devoted to each she brings out the
special merit of the poet. Kalidasa, according to her,
must prove a model for all writers of good poetry.6
Bhatta Sana s facility of expression and eloquence
appealed to her very much.7 The depth of meaning in
the writings of Bharavi and the literary flourishes of
Acarya Dandin captivated our poet greatly.8 Ac¬
cording to her, Bhavabuti9 the immortal author of
Uttararamacaritam produced in the ears of the learned
a pleasure akin to the tasting of amrita.10
In addition to these “mighty minds of old” many
contemporary poets have come in for notice in the
Madhuravijayam.10 It is not unlikely that some of them
influenced her and inspired her greatly. Of these Kriva-
sakti Pandita gets the pride of place in the poem.11
Immediately after the invocation to god she makes her
obeisance to Guru Kriyasakti. This is significant. Ac¬
cording to Sri Gopinatha Rao, the early kings of Vijaya-
nagara were all Saivas of the Saivagama sect and not
of the Vedanta sect.12 The tradition of the foundation
of Vijayanagara by Madhava Vidyaranya cannot be
given much credence though Vidyaranya did influence
the thought of the age as a great savant. His part at
the time of the inauguration of the kingdom could not
6. Ibid., canto 1 sloka 7.
7. Ibid., canto 1 sloka 8.
8. Ibid., canto 1 sloka 9.
9. Ibid., canto 1 sloka 11.
10. Ibid., canto 1 slokas 13 to 16.
11. Ibid., canto 1 sloka 4.
12. T. A. Gopinatha Rao in his introduction to the Trivandrum
edition of the Madhuravijayam.
1
INTRODUCTION 5
have been as prominent as it is usually made out.,
Vidyaranya’s influence was at its height only in the
last quarter of the fourteenth century, nearly forty
years after the foundation of the kingdom. At the com¬
mencement it was Kriyasakti Pandita, a high-priest of
the Srikanthagama sect who occupied the exalted posi¬
tion of guru to the Vijayanagara monarchs. In a
Mysore inscription Harihara II acknowledges Kriya¬
sakti as the hula guru.13 Kriyasakti was held in such
high veneration that the early Vijayanagara rulers
J looked to him not only for spiritual guidance but also
for advice on matters of state. It is believed that it was
largely through his influence that Vidyaranya under¬
took to write a commentary on the Srauta Sutras.
Even aiter Vidyaranya s ascendancy to fame and in¬
fluence in the last quarter of the fourteenth century,
Kiiyasakti continued to enjoy the same regard and
! esteem as at the inauguration of the kingdom. Natu-
1 rally the fixst kula guru received the obeisance of the
poet in this poem. In all probability Kriyasakti had
j some part in shaping Gangs Devi into a poet and it was
. possibly a high sense of duty and gratitude that prompt-
e ei to give him the place next only to Parvati and j Paramesvara in her invocations.
Among the others of the period mentioned by
Ganga Devi Agastya is described as the author of
seventy-four poetic compositions”.14 This Agastya was
different from the Agastya of ancient tradition. He
was a poet at the court of Prataparudradeva of Warran-
gal and was an elder contemporary of Ganga Devi. It
j *s §uessed, not without sufficient reasons, that he was
13. T. A. Gopinath Rao mentions this.
14. Madhura.vija.yam canto 1 sloka 14.
I
4 M AD HU RAVI JAY AM
under the patronage of Sangama and Bukka I also.
The Prataparudrayasobhushana was among his noted
works. The authorship of this is attributed to Vidya-
natha whom we could easily identify with Agastya from
a verse in the Prataparudiya.15 Possibly Vidyanatha
was a title conferred on poet Agastya in recognition of
his talents. Of the seventy four works attributed to
him a few are extant. These are the Balabharata (a
poem, not a campu, as has been erroneously stated by
both Dr. S. K. Iyengar and Mr. Burnell), Krishnacarita,
the Nalakirtika.um.udi, the Laksmi St.6t.ra, the Sivastava,
the Lalita Sahasranamam, the Manipariksha, the Siva
Samhita and the Sakaladhikdra. Agastya seems to have
distinguished himself as a writer of excellent prose also.
Agastya's nephew Gangadhara was a dramatist
and wrote at least three plays, the Mahabharata, the
Candra Vildsa and the Rdghavabudhayam. Ganga Devi
greets him, appropriately enough, as the second Vyasa
who made the Bharata story visually enjoyable.16
Visvanatha and Narasimha were the two talented sons
of Gangadhara. We do not know why Ganga Devi has
omitted to mention Narasimha. Narasimha dramatised
the Kadambari into a play in eight acts. Visvanatha
was a contemporary of Agastya and graced the court of
Prataparudradeva about the same time as Agastya.
That both Agastya and Visvanatha influenced Ganga
Devi not only by the models of literary works they sup¬
plied but also perhaps directly may be inferred from
Ganga Devi’s style. Her poetry shows no small in¬
fluence of Agastya and her style, though undoubtedly
15. The verse begins with the words aunnatyam yadi varnayate
sikharinah etc.
16. Madhvravijayani, canto 1, sloka 15.
INTRODUCTION 5
her own, has yet the mark of the new literary move¬
ment inaugurated by Kriyasakti and Agastya. While
Ganga Devi stops with paying fitting tributes to each of
the other poets, she acknowledges Visvanatha explicitly
as her guru. Describing him as Kavlsvara she prays
for his longevity. She says, “it is by his grace, even in
individuals like myself has dawned a sense of omniscience’’.17
Ganga Devi was a connoisseur of true poetry. In
the galaxy she has supplied only the most famous find
a place. As a poet herself she has freely imitated the
most eminent writers of Samskrit poetry. She would
considei it a merit of good poetry that it is an imitation
of Kalidasa. 8 Playing the sedulous ape to master minds,
accoidnig io her, is no fault. Being a biographer first
and then only a poet, her literazy “borrowings” do not affect the work in any way.
According to her it is not possible to find a poetical
work in which all the' best ingredients are present. But
that cannot be an excuse for serious literary flaws. A
man of learning will not be satisfied if a poem merely
conformed to the techniques of poetical composi-
lon though the technique is as important as the beauty
of any piece of poetry. Eloquence, depth of meaning,
wea o expression and learning and a power to
affect are among the qualities that a true connoisseur
o poetry will look for in any poem. But Ganga Devi
does not mean to be hypercritical.19
17. Ibid.., canto 1 sloka 16.
18. Ibid., canto 1.
19. Ibid., canto 1 slokas 17 to 24.
6 madhuravijayam
2. THE HISTORICAL VALUE OF THE POEM
It is an irony that the country with the most ancient
civilization should have very few original histories
about its past. Strictly speaking, the only historical
work of the past worth the name of history is Kalhana’s
Rajatarangini, which tells the story of the kings of
Kashmir. Bana’s Harshacariiam is no doubt very
valuable as a biography but there is a great deal in it
that does not partake of the nature of correct history.
It is only when we reach what is often called the
Muslim period of Indian History that we have regular
histories, whatever may be the degree of their objecti¬
vity. Because of this paucity of historical works
belonging to the earlier periods western scholars have
sometimes criticised Indians as lacking any "historical
sense’. But there is a great deal in our ancient litera¬
ture which we can press into service in the writing of
Indian history. It will be profitable to read the Foreword
to the first volume of the Indian History series nublish-
ed by The Bharatiya Itihasa Samiti in which Mr. K. M
Munshi has discussed the scope and limitations of our
literary sources in the reconstruction of India’s past history.
The writing of India’s past history purely from
literature is difficult, because, while literature, more
often than not, gives only meagre history, a good por¬
tion of what it gives may often prove a snare or the
basis of a preconceived theory. There is therefore the
need to develop an objective outlook on the part of the
historians of India. Literature has to be used in most
cases mainly for corroborative purposes. As a hand¬
maid to archaeology, epigraphy and numismatics, it is really most valuable.
INTRODUCTION 7
The Madhuravijayam is perhaps the only histo- ,
rical work for the history of South India, before the
15th century. Ganga Devi may, with some appro¬
priateness, be called the first historian of South India
in any scientific sense. The Madhuravijayam tells the
story of the extension of the Vijayanagar rule into the
Tamil country and the circumstances leading to it. The
book which -is in nine cantos devotes a major part of
the narration to the main factors culminating in the
conquest of Madhurai by Kumara Kampana. The fol¬
lowing is an analysis of its contents, canto by canto.
Canto 1.—This canto contains the following pieces of information :
1. Gives the names of contemporary luminaries.
2. Gives information about the parentage of
Kumara Kampana—mentions Bukka and Harihara and
describes the qualities of the head and heart of Bukka.
Also mentions the name of Bukka’s queen as Devavi.
It may be noted that this is the only source giving infor¬
mation about the chief queen of Bukka.
3. Describes the city of Vijayanagar. Compare
this with the descriptions of the city given by Paes,
Nicolo Conti, Abdur Razaak and others who visited the
city m the hey-day of its prosperity. Pampa is men¬
tioned as the branch of Vijayanagara.
Canto 2. The birth of Kampana and also of the
other two sons of Bukka, Kampana and Sangama.
Canto 3. 1. Gives an account of the early train¬ ing of Kampana.
2. Mentions his marriage with Ganga Devi.
8 M AD HU RAVI JAY AM
3. Contains very interesting and valuable histo¬
rical information which can be analysed as follows:
(a) Bukka’s analysis of the political situation in the Tamil country.
(b) His exhortation to Kampana to destroy the
chieftains in the Tamil country and to esta¬
blish himself at Kanci as its ruler.
(c) After winning over the people of Tondaiman-
dalam Kampana was to march on his conquest
of Madhurai.
Canto 4.— (a) Preparations for the march on the
Sambuvaraya territory.
(b) The size of the Vijayanagar army described.
(c) The allies of Vijayanagar—the Colas, the
Keralas and the Pandyas.
(d) The orderly march of the army.
(e) Camping at Mulbagal. Then the move to
Virincipuram.
(f) The siege of Padaividu and the fight with the
Sambuvarayas.
(g) The defeat of the Sambuvarayas and the death
of the Sambuvaraya king at the hands of Kampana.
Canto 5.—Kampana establishes a just and pros¬
perous rule in Kancipuram.
Cantos 6 & 7.—Contain no historical information.
Canto 8.—The condition of the Tamil country after
the Muslim occupation.
The Concluding Canto.—The final battle with the
Muslims. The conquest of Madhurai by Kampana after
the defeat and death of the Sultan in the battle.
INTRODUCTION &
In the course of the following pages the above his¬
torical details have been examined with reference to
other sources in some detail. There are, however, cer¬
tain aspects which take away from its purely historical
nature; e.g., Cantos 6 and 7 do not seem to contain any
historical information. They describe only the amors
of the prince and his sports with the queens. Of course,
one explanation is possible, i.e., that a chronological
gap is intended between the occupation of the Sambu-
varaya territory and the conquest of Madhurai; and this
gap is conveyed through the two cantos in which there
is absolutely no reference to politics and all reference
is to the private life of the prince. Perhaps it was also
the intention of the poet to convey the idea that after
the conquest of Kanci, Kampana endeared himself to
his subjects by his just and benevolent rule. The fact
that he could enjoy his life in Kaneipuram without any
fear of a coup d’etat must show that his rule was popu¬
lar and when he started on his campaign against
Madhurai he had the fullest support of the people of Tonaaimandalam.
The introduction of the supernatural element in
the biography luckily does not affect the accuracy of
the main details. The appearance of the goddess was
a poetic convention. In Harsha’s Naganandam there is
the episode of a goddess presenting a swoi'd to Jimuta-
vahana. In the Madhuravijayam the episode may be
taken to be symbolic. The goddess that appeared before
him may be taken as the personification of Dharma
which had been so much put to trial during the inter¬
regnum of the Sultanate in Madhurai, and her exhorta¬
tion might be taken to mean that it was incumbent on
2
10 MAD HU RAVI JAY AM
the new Hindu power, viz., Vijayanagar, to reinstall Dharma on its original pedestal.
In shot t, in spite of what according to principles
of modern historiography might be considered defects in
a history, these minor details should not be taken very
serious notice of in the Madhuravijayam because it is
one of the very few wholly historical works of India’s past.
n. THE SAMBUVARAYAS
1. ViRA CHAMPA
The Madhuravijayam, as its title signifies, is the
story of the conquest of Madhurai by Kumara Kampana
told by his wife Ganga Devi. But the poem treats also
of the factors which formed the prelude to the Madhurai
conquest. The way to Madhurai lay through the Tondai-
mandalam which was at that time ruled by the Sambuva-
rayas. It is not certain whether the Sambuvaraya kings
were on friendly terms with the new kingdom of Vijaya-
nagar. Apart from the political ambition to add terri¬
tories to tne kingdom, there was always the danger of
the Muslims overrunning the whole of the Tamil coun-
tiy ana proving a serious menace to Vijayanagar.
iheiefore, there was the need to clear the Tamil coun¬
try of all forces detrimental to the existence and expan¬
sion of Vijayanagar. The Sambuvarayas occupied a
strategic position in the Tamil country between Vijaya-
nagai and the Madhurai Sultanate. They should either
be reduced to the position of feudatories to Vijayanagar
or destroyed. Bukka placed emphasis on the need to
lemove all the political cobwebs before launching the
attack on Madhurai. So the Sambuvarayas were the
first enemies of Vijayanagar that had to be tackled by
Kampana. A brief account of the Sambuvaraya rule in
the Tondaimandalam region will be of interest to students of early Vijayanagar history.
Tiie Sambuvaraya chiefs of the Sengeni family
luled mainly in portions of the present North Arcot and
12 MADHURAVIJAYAM
Chingleput districts.1 They figure very prominently in
the C5]a inscriptions as feudatories of the Cdlas. They
distinguished themselves by leading the important
campaigns on behalf of their overlords. Edirili Cola
Sambuvaraya of the period of Rajadhiraja Cola secur¬
ed the departure from the Tamil country of the
Singalcsc General, Lankapura Dandanayaka who had
invaded the southern part of the C5ja empire.2
After the decline of the Cola imperialism the
Sambuvarayas, like the Kadavarayas, successfully carv¬
ed out an independent principality for themselves
possibly after a short period of subservience to the
Pandyan empire. Kulasekhara Sambuvaraya, who may
be placed between 1278 A.D. and 1304 A.D. was the
first Sambuvaraya whose inscriptions are found with
regnal years.3 Kulasekhara was succeeded by Vira
Champa, also known as Raianarayana Mallinatha.4
We do not know the relationship between Kula¬
sekhara and Vira Champa, but in all probability Vira
Champa was Kulasekhara’s son if the assumption that
the feudatory Sambuvarayas named their eldest son
after their overlord is correct.5
Vira Champa lived during a troubled period in
South Indian history, nay, in Indian history. Northern
India was subject to the Khilji imperialism. For the
1. For an account of the feudatory Sambuvarayas see Professor
K. A. N. Sastri, The Colas.
2 Dr. S. K. Aivangar South India and her Muhammadan Invaders,
page 16. 3. A.R.E.. No. 77 is dated with a regnal year for Kulasekara.
4 There are a few Virachampa inscriptions extant. From the Via
of Irattaiyar we can establish the identity of Virachampa and Mallinatha.
5 There was the practice of feudatories naming their eldest sons
after the ruling sovereign both in the Cola and in the Pandya kingdoms.
INTRODUCTION 13
first time Southern India had to bend before the ,
onslaughts of the Muslim invaders during this period.
In all probability Vira Champa was a witness to many
of the ghastly deeds perpetrated by the invading forces
under the leadership of Malik Kafur. There is no
evidence of Vira Champa having done anything to check
the progress of the invaders. Evidently he had simply
to play the role of a silent spectator as he could not
contend against the superior numbers which laid waste the country.
Vira Champa distinguished himself by his various
acts of charity and piety. Both epigraphical and literary
sources mention these. He made a golden crown fit
enough to adore the head of Lord Ekambaranatha at
Kancipuram. He also presented a beautiful car to the
Lord. He built a huge Tulabharamandapam in the city
of Kanci. The Arulalaperumal inscription of Vira
Champa mentions his having presented another new
car to the deity of that temple. Under his instructions
and at his expense an ascetic by name Gnanatman built
a mandapa called Bhadramandapa to the deity of Tiru-
vallam. The holy man also erected a shrine “in the very
prosperous city of Valla” and named it Maraya Siva.
Here are the reievent portions of the ula of Irattai-
yar celebrating the deeds of Vira Champa:6
1. <8FLEI_| ajsoa; G^rrjjsueSr ■scrrrs^JGinss sitlc gtwtpetflpp
Q^iiQuaebr iDGixfl tc0(_(g; Q&/re8j3;gj
2 .Q&iiugiesiui (Ssekaeir $T)LD<MS\9|Eir^3UiiJir S'6v)g;/£' Q^it Quitgo
3 .uiflusi'etia ear ffiiq geou Gujicirrav eaaipp
jpevirurrir ugsbu—u^^iui
C. Ekambaranatha Ula, (also the Abidhanacintamani).
14 M AD HU R A VIJ A Y A M
Vira Champa was the first Sambuvaraya ruler
known to have struck coins to signify his supremacy.
These coins continued to be in circulation till a very
late period—at least till after fifty years from Iris death.
These coins are referred to in inscriptions as Viracham-
pan Guligai.7
Vira Champa had a highly talented minister by
name Vanabhid who had a profound knowledge of
Samskrit and who could compose poetry. It was he
who gave publicity to the deeds of valour and piety
done by the ruler.
Vira Champa assumed or was given the title of
Nidravasan Vijayi which means “the king who won vic¬
tories at the time cf the completion of his sleep”. The
Bilavanatheswara inscription of the king mentions this
binida of his. This title, and the fact of his having
issued coins are evidences not only of the independent
rule that he had set up over the Tondaimandalam
region but also of the important position he occupied
in the Tamil country.
2. VENRUMANKONDA SAMBUVARAYA
The successor of Vira Champa was Ekambaranatha
Sambuvaraya alias Venrumankondan. He is known
better by the title than by his real name. Only one
inscription refers to his name and even that reference
is incidental.8 The title Venrumankondan was assum¬
ed by him almost at the beginning of his rule. A sug¬
gestion was made that this title might imply his having
7. A.R.E., 94 of 1887.
S. A.E.E.. No- .7? of 1933-34.
INTRODUCTION 15
taken his kingdom from the Muslims.9 This was based
on the incorrect supposition that no inscriptions of his,
dated earlier than his fourteenth year, are available.
But there is a second year inscription dated 1323-
24 A.D., which contains the title Venrumankondan.10
Again there is no break between the periods of Vira
Champ a and Venrumankondan. Even assuming that
Vira Champa ruled for eighteen years, as per an
inscription of his, from 1304, which was the last year
of Kulasekhara, we get 1322-23 as the last regnal year
for Vii'a Champa and the first for his successor. This
is borne out by the data in Venrumankondan’s inscrip¬ tions.
The only explanation for the title seems to be that
Lptureu Kanci from ihe Kakatiya v enrumankondan
general Muppidi Nayaka, who was in occupation of the
cny, having taken it from the Kerala conqueror Ravi-
vaiman, till about the accession of Venrumankondan.11
9. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya: Early Muslim Expansion in South
India. 202, No traces of his (Venrumankonda’s) rule arc found in
any part of the country before his 14th regnal.” Ibid., p. 203. It may
ue reasonably assumed that Ekambaranalha Sambuvaraya reconquered the country from the Mussalmans.
10. Cf. A.R.E., 20G of 1929-30. The exact date of this inscrip¬ tion is 1323—June, 13.
„ jr‘ N‘ Venkataramanayya: The Early Muslim Expansion in South India, p. 90. The departure of Ravivarman Kulasekhara did not however, release the Pandyan dominion from foreign domination. New invaders soon made their appearance, this time from Telungana. Ihe Kakatiya King, Prataparudra, sent a large army in 1317. A.D., to iarry ie country, and his general Muppidi Nayaka led the Telugu army victoriously up to the Kaveri, defeated the Panca Pandyas in a att e near Kanci, and installed a Telugu governor in the city.
Also Prof. K. A. N. Sastri: Pandyan Kingdom, p. 213. This ex- pe hi°n of the Kakatiya general seems therefore to have brought the nort ern part of the Pandyan Empire for a time under the control, more or less effective, of the Telugu rulers of Warrangal.
16 MAD HU RAVIJ AY AM
Perhaps Venrumankondan was a son of Vira Champa,
whom he and his son Rajanarayana might have ad¬
dressed as Anna (father). An inscription of Rajana¬
rayana refers to the former addressing Mallinatha as Annachiyar}2
Venrumankondan’s reign began in 1322, and the
first two years of his reign seem to have gone on un¬
eventfully. But we do not hear of him from his third
to his fourteenth regnal year i.e., 1335-36. The cause
of this interregnum is not far to seek. In 1323 the
Muslims had occupied the southern part of the Tamil
country13 and the horrors of the Muslim invasion had
spread into the entire Tondaimandalam region also. A
fourteenth year inscription of Venrumankondan refers
to the havoc wrought by the Muslims in the region.14
Many inscriptions belonging to Rajanarayana also refer
to the dislocation caused to normal life in the territory
as a result of the Muslim occupation.15 Therefore, as
Dr. Venkataramanayya has pointed out, “the extreme
rarity, if not the total absence of Hindu inscriptions
that are assignable to the interval between 1324 and
1335 seems to indicate that the Hindu political life was
in a state of suspended animation and that the country
was passing through a period of great distress.”10
We do not know the exact nature of the Muslim
occupation in the Tondaimandalam region. The fact
It is likely that Venrumankondan destroyed the Kakatlya rule in Kanci and in memory of the victory took the title of Venrumankondan.
12. Cf. A.R.E., 33 of 1933-34—(page 36 of 1933-34). 13. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya: Ma’bar (J.M.U.), pp. 43-54. 14. Cf. A.R.E., 434 of 1903—S.I.I. Vol. HI. 15. Cf. A.R.E., No. 203 of 1912. 16 Dr. N. Venkataramanayya: Ma'bar, p. 43.
INTRODUCTION 17
that Venrumankondan could begin his reign again in . 1335-36 shows that it had not been actually brought under Muslim rule, as the districts of Madura, Trichi- nopoly and Tanjore had been.17 Perhaps the Muslims in the beginning of their South Indian conquest, scat¬ tered themselves over a very wide area, and after the conquest, consolidated their position in a few districts, having regard to their resources for the upkeep of the conquered territories.
That Venrumankondan had busied himself with administrative arrangements throughout his reign is borne out by all his records. The Muslim invasion had
created many social, economic and political problems. Migrations from one place to another had become the older of the day.18 The shifting of population from one village and the overpopulation of another created pro¬ blems of a tough nature. Refugees came in large num-
beis into his territories and sought his protection.19 The professional communities were suffering want and misery. Venrumankondan thus took charge of an entirely changed kingdom in his 14th year, and no
wonder he had to make it his life-work to restore normal life to it. He filled the Tirumadaivilagams with their usual inhabitants. He provided for his subjects such amenities as water-sheds which had been destroyed during the period of his absence. He
opened out some villages as centres for refugees
Th^ Musllm hold on Tiruchirapalli Tanjore and South Arcot
™! „re ^ VerT Slender- We have evidence that the Muslims had strengthened themselves in Ramnad district.
18. A.R.E., No. 276 of 1912.
19. A.R.E., 35 of 1933-34.
3
18 MADHURAVIJAYAM
and invited the helpless refugees to settle in them.20
He treated these new inhabitants with sympathy and
consideration. He tried his best to encourage handi¬
crafts and gave all sorts of concessions to the profes¬
sional communities.21 He fixed the rates of taxes pay¬
able by these, as low as possible. He also repaired or
reconstructed many temples laid waste by the
Muslims.22 Thus he saved his country from moral and
political degradation.
While that part of the Tamil country south of the
South Arcot district was going through a period of the
worst political ordeal, Tondaimandalam was enjoying
peace and passing through an era of reconstruction;
and the credit cf having restored normal life goes to
a great extent to Venrumankondan.
That. Venrumankondan had succeeded to a great
extent in his uphill work of reconstruction is proved
fcv references to activities of normal and peaceful life.
An inscription of his dated in his seventeenth regnal
year refers to the enactment of street plays in Kanci-
puram and Tondaimandalam. The inscription says
that a licence was obtained by a dramatic troupe from
the ruler for enacting plays.23
20. A.R.E., 35 of 1933-34 coming from Kilminnal. Registers de¬
tails of taxes payable by settlers of the village. The inscription says
that the village was made an Anjinan Puhalidam, a place for refugees
—in the name of the ruler’s son, Rajanarayana, referred to as Ponnin
Perumal.
The taxes leviable from weavers colonising there was fixed
at 1/4 panam per month on two workers of every loom and 1/3
panam on others. The rules relating to taxes on oil press are not clear 21. A.R.E., 47 of 1932.
22. A.R.R.. 45 of 19°0: 453 of 1903; 42 and 48 of 1921.
23. A.R.E.. 42 of 1921.
Ill THE SAMBUVARAYAS (Contd.)
rajanarayana and VENRUMANKONDAN II
Venrumankondan I was succeeded by his son
Rajanarayana, the greatest Sambuvaraya ruler. It was
during his period that the Sambuvaraya kingdom
reached the height of its power and glory. Its terri¬
tories included the entire districts of North Arcot,
Chingleput and a part of South Arcct.1 The date of
Rajanarayana’s accession according to astronomical
data furnished by his inscriptions is 1338-39. The rela¬
tionship between Venrumankondan and Rajanarayana
is mentioned in an inscription at Kuttiyam bearing the
third regnal year of Rajanarayana in which Venruman¬
kondan is referred to as Ayyachiyar or father (of the
ruler).2 On the death of Venrumankondan, Rajana¬
rayana performed the necessary obsequies and also
ananged for the ashes of his father being consigned to
the Ganges, and the srdddha performed at Gaya.2 He
pitched upon an Agambadi Mudaliar of the Palace
Guard for carrying the remains to be mixed in the
Ganges. The name of the Mudaliar, Elumbodan Gan-
gaiyadi Madhavarayan, seems to have been assumed by
im after his return from the Ganges. The Mudaliar,
on his return, was granted the village of Kuttiyam alias
South °f h’S inscriPtior>s. In the
of Rajanarayana, A.R.E. 82 of °m5“ 8 ^ yGar inscription
^alalhha Chakravartin Ponnin Tamb™
villages^^Kuttiy^aliM °- .1933'34' Reeisters the grant of the
gamana vritti foXntX^'amraya*anallur from taxes as Gan-
20 M AD HU RAVI J AY AM
Rajanarayananallur (named after the chief) free of
taxes as Gangagamana Vritti or maintenance for hav¬
ing gone to the Holy Ganges. This Mudaliar was very
much attached to Venrumankondan and he consecrated
the shrine of Ekambranatha in Kuttiyam in the name
of his master and made large endowments to it.4
The first few years of Rajanarayana’s reign passed
off almost uneventfully, but for a heavy flood which
caused extensive damage to crops.5 This was in the
sixth year of his reign. The king adopted relief
measures one of which was the remission of the taxes
payable both in cash and in kind on lands whose crops had suffered.
Rajanarayana’s relationship with Madhurai is
not known.6 There is no evidence of his having
come to any clash with the Sultanate. What
made both keep their mutual peace is a mystery.
What surprises us more is the fact that Raja-
narayana does not appear to have intervened during
the wars in the South. We are now alluding to the
great conflict between the Sultan and the Hoysala
ruler, Vira Ballala III which culminated in the most
tragic battle of Kannanur Koppam. This was the last
4. A.R.E., 33 of 1933-34.
5. Cf. A.R.E., 410 of 1912; 230 of 1901. S.I.I., Vol. VII, No. 410
from Marudur refers to a peruvellam in the 6th year. No. 230 a 7th year
inscription, records that the king remitted taxes payable both in cash
and kind on land whose crops had suffered as such lands could not
be taken up for cultivation. This order was engraved on the walls
of the temples at Tiruvallam, Gudimallur and Kalavai.
6. The Madhura Sultanate lasted between 1323 and 1371. The
period between 1323 and 1334 was the period of the Delhi Viceroyalty
in Madhurai. Cf., Dr. N. Venkalaramanayya: Ma’bar, p. 42. The Sul¬
tanate extended as far north as Chidambaram (roughly). Cf. Madhu- rdvijayam which says that Vyaghrapuri had become the abode of tigers.
INTRODUCTION 21
fight in South India put up in order to save the land
from the onslaughts of the invaders and if Rajanarayana
had followed a policy of “non-intervention” to gain some private ends, and allowed the old Hoysala ruler
to fight his enemy single-handed history would never put it to his credit.
Raj ana ray ana Sambuvaraya enjoyed very good
popularity and the reason for this lies in his various
acts of public charity. He continued the good work
of his father and completed it. He revived worship in
aL temples; he reorganised the temple precincts; he
revived handicrafts. The weavers who played an im¬
portant part in temple life and whom the kings took
into their confidence when settling disputes were still
suffering from the after effects of the anarchy. In their
despair they even deserted their respective Tirumadai-
vilagams and caused a dislocation in temple administra-
tion. An inscription from Nerumbur7 says: “The
mnaouants of the Tiruniadaivilagam along with the
weavers ran away to different villages”. Rajanarayana
coaxed the deserters into returning to their respective
p aces, showing them all concessions. Besides the
h^U aj^V‘ aga“S tiCh he thorouShIy reorganised, he fiUed the empty villages with population and remit- ted taxes due from the new settlers.
. _However> in spite of the good work done by Eaja¬
narayana and his father there were still symptoms of
lawlessness. An inscription8 refers to the treachery
7. A.R.E., 276 of 1912.
of the Tinivm-2^3 1912 (7th year). Many of the valuable belonging
Ltl ITrr mple h3d b6en buried underground for safet during the Muslun occupation of that territory. But most of the*
22 MADHURAV1J AY AM
practised by certain people who took away the valuable
belongings of the temple. The matter had not been
found out until very late, and by the time it was found
out, the culprits had all died. But the king confiscated
their lands and dwellings and made them over to the
temple. The same inscription refers to the sale of lands
and houses belonging to another private individual who
had been punished for committing “a very serious state offence”.
Rajanarayana had also to devote a good part of his
time to the settlement of disputes. The most serious of
these was that the temple servants called Ishaibhattali-
yilar, Devaradiyar and Padiyilar did not agree among
themselves regarding the order of precedence in their
service to the temple.9 The next in importance was a
long standing dispute between the villagers of Uttara-
merur and Tiruppulivanam.10 The disputants were not
amenable to any agreement for a long time. The dis¬
pute itself concerned river-irrigation. Thei'e was a
canal irrigating Uttaramerur, and feeding the tank of
Tirupulivanam. The inhabitants of both the villages
quarrelled about their respective rights over the con¬
trol of the canal. The matter was finally settled
amicably by arbitration and it was agreed that the
canal should irrigate Tiruppulivanam, Mappandar,
Pundi and Uttaramerur.
were removed by the Tulukkar and appropriated. Such of the pro¬
perty as had escaped their clutches (including a metal lamp stand)
was stolen and similar acts of treachery were practised against god
by certain private individuals. The Maheswaras and the trustees of
the temple together with the agent of Bhuvanekabahudeva instituted
enquiries into the matter in the Vyakaranadana Mandapa.
9. A.R.E., 212 of 1912.
10. A.R.E., 200 of 1923.
INTRODUCTION 23
Rajanarayana, though a Saivite, was tolerent
towards all religions. He endowed both Siva and
Vishnu temples.11 The mention of a Jain temple
and the setting up of a Jain image by a pious
lady during the period of Rajanarayana suggests that
Jainism was still enjoying royal patronage.12 It might
also be noted that an earlier Sambuvaraya ruler con¬
structed at Pundi a Jaina temple dedicated to Ponni-
natha but called Vira Vira Jinalaya and gave a large
tax-free village to it for its support.13
Rajanarayana s philanthrophv had become so in¬
fectious that even private individuals came forward to
supplement the noble work of their ruler.14
Turning oui attention to the condition of trade and
commeice during his period, we have some evidence
to conclude that he did his best to promote them. Sadras
was a flourishing trade centre and the suggestion that
Rajanarayana might have taken interest in its growth
is got by the new name Rajanarayanapattanam m^en
to the port, after the ruler.15 The reference to such°com-
munities as Settis, Kaikkolar, Karrai-vada-vanigar and
Sekku-vanigar and Saliyar and such taxes as Tarik-
he endowed °f 1932'33' Am°ng the Vishnu temPles ^at he endowed, the Sthalasayanaperumal temple at Mahabalinuram de-
“T *° be "Med- <•» date of R&aWy«nr£r2e temple was known as Ulagalandaperumal. '
12. South Indian inscriptions, Vol I 70 n in? 13. AJtJS., 58 of 1900. ' P'
14. An inscription dated in the 19th regnal year of Rajanarayana
oTmT, TeStUlg that the various communities, o l-mongers, washermen and others, collected donations and completed
the construct^ of a temple which had been left incomplete, at
Madhevnnang^am. A.R.E., 53 of 1933-34. For this act of chLty the
193.S? ° h°Se COmmunitles were remitted. Also Cf. A.R.E., 36 of
15. A.R.E., 103 of 1932-33.
24 M AD HU RAVI J A YAM
kadamai and Perkkadamai also gives us a hint that
handicrafts had come back to their own thanks to the
interest evinced in them by Rajanarayana and his father.10
The highest regnal year found in Rajanarayana’s
inscriptions is twenty and we can therefore conclude
that his reign ended by 1359 A.D.17 Rajanarayana
assumed a number of titles and they are : Ponnintam- biran and Ponninperumal.18
Rajanaiayana was followed by his son Venruman-
kondan, whom we may call Venrumankondan II, but
he does not appear to have ruled for any length of time.
The final attack of the Vijayanagar prince was directed against him and he did not survive it.
1G. A.R.E.. 29S of 1910 Tarikkadamai and Perkkadamai payable by the Kaikkolar, Saliyar and Vanigar.
17. A.R.E., 36 of 1933-34 from Kilaminnai.
13. A.R.E.. 33 of 1933-34.
IV. VIJAYANAGAR INVASIONS OF
TONDAIMANDALAM
1. THE SAVANNA INTERREGNUM
It is believed by some scholars that it was
Venrumankondan I the Sambuvaraya ruler (1322-
1339) who was overcome by Kampana.1 But this view
is far from correct as the earliest inscription of Kam¬
pala bears only the date 1352.2 His invasion of Tondai-
mandalam could never have taken place prior to that
year. Venrumankondan had a peaceful death and the
period was also calm and quiet in his territory, and
this is borne out by the fact that his son Raj ana ray an a
was able to send the remains of his royal father to be
consigned to the Ganges.3
1. Dr. S. K. Iyengar: South India and her Muhammadan In¬ vaders: p. 15 and pp. C0-G1. The epigraphical reports, too. contain the
mistake. Dr. S. K. Iyengar seems to be caught in confusion when we
read his lectures, two and six. An analysis of the points he has raised
in these two lectures regarding Kampana’s defeat of the Sambuvarayas
will show the confusion. In his second lecture he says: "We find two
rulers who assumed high titles indicating independence. Of these the
first is Sakalaloka Chakravartin Venrumankonda Sambuvarayan whose
date of accession is A.D. 1322-23 followed by Sakalakoka Chakravartin
Rajanarayana Sambuvarayan whose date of accession is 1337-38 and
whose reign extended upto 1356-57. It was apparently this later
ruler that was overcome by Prince Kumara Kampana of Vijayanagar”
He, changes his view in the sixth lecture and states an entirely new
theory: It looks very probable that it was Sakalalokachakravartin
Sambuvalr§ya whose date accession is Saka 1245
which is the °Vertbrown by Kampana, sometime about 1347 hich is the first date of his successor Sakalalokachakravartin Raiana-
E Sambuvarayan.” We are at a loss to understand why “he
leamed professor propunded such theory and how he got 1347 al
\ X A ^ °f Venrumankondan by Kampa. . Cf. A.RE., 297 of 1919, (dated saka 1274).
3. Cf. A.RJ2., 32 of 1933-34.
4
26 MADHURAVIJAYAM
Rajanarayana’s rule must have extended upto, at
least 1359, as we have inscriptions of his bearing his
20th regnal year.4 The presence of Vijayanagar inscrip¬
tions in his territory in the eleventh and twelth years of
his i ule implies that he had come into clash with the
Vijayanagar rulers already.5 6 If Kampala’s invasion
had taken place by about 1351 we have to account for
the following: (1) The Madhurdvijayam explicitly says
that the Sambuvaraya ruler was killed in the battle. If
Rajanarayana had been killed in 1351-52 how could
records have been issued in his name after this date ?
(2) CDome of Kampana s relations and generals who
weie associated with the campaign assumed the title
Sambuvaraya sthdpandcdrya, meaning ‘establisher of
the Sambuvaraya.’5 Where does the question of esta¬
blishing come in, if the Sambuvaraya had been slain in battle ?
in answer to the above it may be pointed out that
the Madhuravijayam refers only to the ultimate con¬
quest of the Tondaimandalam region. We have evi¬
dence from epigraphs also for that conquest.7 There¬
fore, we have to see in Kampala’s Tiruvannamalai
inscription, an evidence of a preliminary conquest in
which Kampana probably played a minor part but
4. Cf., A.R.E., 36 of 1933-34 from Kilminnal.
5. Cf. A.R.E., 297 of 1919 No. 357 of 1928-29.
6. Mangu took this title as will be noted in a later chapter. Some
of the members of the Saluva family also assumed this title till very
long after the actual event of the Sambuvaraya defeat. Savanna
Udaiyar also took the title. Also refer to the Udaharancimala (Sources:
pp. 49 and 50), where another member claims to have overcome
‘Champa’.
7. Eg., Cf. 18 of 1S99 (also p. 22 of the same report) dated saka
1287 (1365 A.D.), ref. to the taking ‘permanent possession of Rajagam-
bhlrarajya.’
INTRODUCTION 27
some one else on Kampana’s side played the significant,
part. We have a number of inscriptions in the Tamil
country, belonging to Savanna Udaiyar, son of Kampa I,
Viceroy of Udaiyagiripattanam.8 These inscriptions
bear regnal years. One of these bearing the regnal year
1350 is possibly one of the eai'liest Vijayanagar inscrip¬
tions discovered in the Tamil country.9 Savanna Udai-
j-az succeeded to his father s Viceroyalty in Udaiyagiri
and assumed the title the Lord of the Eastern Ocean.
He seems to have been fired with the same enthusiasm
as roused Kampana to action and came to the South
as his inscriptions indicate, with the same objects as
Kampana’s, viz., putting an end to the Muslim rule
and vanquishing the ruler of Tundira. Tt i<3 nnt Tin.
-™““jr 11UIU tneir respective headquarters Kampana eastward and Savanna southward.10 Savan- Savan-
10a. A.R.E., 357 of 1928-29.
28 M AD HU RAVI J AY AM
1352. The Tiruvannamalai inscription of Kampa dated 1352 also confirms this.
Vira Savanna seems to have played the most im¬
portant part in this preliminary campaign against the
Sambuvaraya undertaken by about 1350-51. Vira
Savanna’s general Saluva Mangu distinguished himself
in this campaign as his title Sambuvardyasth&pana-
cdrya should indicate.11
Kampana might or might not have actually taken
part in the first campaign. It is likely he sent in his
reinforcements and after the subjugation of the Sam¬
buvaraya territory he stayed in Tiruvannamalai the
temporary capital of the Hoysala ruler Vira Ballala III
for a short time. Vira Savanna, after defeating the
Sambuvaraya, reinstated him in his position evidently
on his recognising Vijayanagar overlordship.12
We do not have inscriptions of Kampana in the
Tamil country for some years after 1352 while we have
inscriptions of Vira Savanna during this period. We
may, therefore, conclude that Kampana returned to
Mulbagal after the end of the first campaign leaving the Tamil country under Savanna’s control.13
11. This title is not only mentioned in some literary works (Ref.
the section of Saluva Mangu in this essay) but also in an inscription coming from Villiyanur (A.R.E., 1936-37, p. 80).
12. Kampana must have started early enough from Mulbagal, say
about 1350 to direct the operations. The whole affair (viz. the subju¬
gation of the Sambuvaraya) must have ended before 1352 and the
Tiruvannamalai inscription of Kampana must have been cut only after
the end of the victory.
There are two records of ‘Savanna deva Maharaja’ at Villiyanallur
(A.R.E., 195 and 196 of 193G-37) which refer to Savanna as Sambuva-
rdyasthdpanagarya. These are among the very last records of Savanna.
13. Cf. Madhuravijayam. Reference is made to Kampana’s start¬
ing from the Vijayanagar capital on his final campaign the Sambuva¬
raya.
INTRODUCTION 29
References to the fact that the Vijayanagar prince
reinstated the Sambuvaraya in his position are found
in literary sources and also inscriptions. The Jaimini
Bharatam which in its introductory verses gives an ac¬
count of the deeds of Mangu says explicitly : *TIe
established the Sambuvaraya in his kingdom and was
dis anguished by the title Sampardyastkdpar^dgdrycL or
the establisher of Champa. The Sdluvabhyudayam,
states : “He then overcame the Sambuvaraya in battle
whom he reinstated in his kingdom.” An inscription
from Villiyanallur refers to the general’s title assumed after the defeat of the Sambuvaraya.14
Savanna Udaiyar seems to have actually set up his
rule over the Tondaimandalam territory, possibly, as
the overlord of Rajanarayana. An inscription of'his
found m Tiruvorriyur, dated 1354-55 refers to the act
o negligence on the part of forty eight Agambadiyars
who were punished by Savanna.15 These Agambadiyars
were doing policing -work for a long time. During
Savanna’s rule, they neglected their duty with the re-
suit that crimes increased. Perhaps by neglecting
eir duty these Agambadiyars wanted to mark their
protest against the foreign rule. For the same inscrip-
tion tel s „s that they had done their duty previously
isfactoiily, without proving refractory. Disturbances
14. Already referred to.
of PaduvOr S“though information. The Agambadiyars
5«55sni Lrfrr ~z sibilitv of the noli™ This incidentally throws light on the respon¬ sibility of the police officers during that period. The practice of DUnU
,n8 undetected theft, <md other crtoe,)Tn„i uncommon the hiatery ot Scud, India. Of. A.R E , 2*”f 1M2.
0/5:S7i /// —r T~» " ?
30 m A D HU R AVIJ AY A M
similar to this seem to have characterised the Vijaya-
nagar rule. Another inscription bears evidence to
this.10 It says that the images of Nayanmars in
the Tirukkariswara temple were desecrated during
the period of confusion in the days of Savanna and
these images had to be reconsecrated in 1367 by
Kampala. All these suggest, that while the Viiaya-
nagar overlordship had been accepted by Rajanarayana
by about 1352 the subjects of Rajanarayana did not leave the conqueror in peace.
rr a T\/rr> a m a XU Xnil U JxJVASIOaT A?m r'r'^roTTr'OrT' X. XA\ A_> V ^V_/1 i!» l y
Inscriptions and other sources are silent on the
circumstances leading to the second and the final in¬
vasion of the Tondaimandalam region by Vijayanagar
The ‘disturbances’ during Savanna’s rule caused by the
people of Tondaimandalam might have suggested the
unwisdom of the overlord and his vassal ruling side
The vassal was the beloved of the subjects TTT 1 I /-V rUr* A\TTr\1ll **nxxu wxc o V v^a XU1 \.i
rT-» t 7 fk ATTAiil J I r 1 • A-t w cio yjxLxy Kjii account Ox nis
superior strength. To remove the danger of a possible
surprise rising against the overlord, a total destruction
of the vassal’s rule might have suggested itself to the
Vijayanagar prince. Or could it be that he feared an
alliance between the Sambuvaraya and the Sultan of
Madhurai? Even if there were no basis for this doubt the
destruction of the Sambuvaraya rule in Tondaimanda¬
lam might have been considered a necessary prelude to
the invasion of Madhurai; for there was no depending
on the ruler of Tondaimandalam when such a mighty
task, likely to yield the best results if completed success¬
fully, was undertaken. So by way of abundant pre-
16 Of. A.R.E., 110 of 1921.
1NT RODUCTIO IV n< OX
caution, Kampana might have wiped out the indepen¬
dent kingdom of the Sambuvaraya before making his
historic march on Madhurai. The fact that he under¬
took the Madhurai campaign only a decade later (i.e.
m 1371) suggests that he took time to stabilise himself
in the conquered territory and did his best to endear
--5 tc his nevv subjects.17 Inscriptions and the Madhuravijayam refer to a large scale remission of taxes
during this period and also to various acts of philanthro¬
pic character.19 Pie conferred high honours, titles and
privileges on the leading men in the conquered territory
to win their co-operation and support.19 All these
perhaps enabled him to get the whole-hearted support
of his new subjects which would be impossible if the
^embuvaraya rule had been allowed to continue
!nVasion must ilave teken place only after 1359, the last regnal year of Rajanarayana, but before
lobd, for by that time, as an inscription denotes it
was a .ait accompli.20 Only one inscription mentions the
defend L e . °ambuvaraya ruler whom Kampana
^ ins* eSerUVasayv ^ ^ if™’ Wh°m W* have Teierr^ as Venrumankondan II.2‘ This Venruman-
his ^ *« to the wishes of fc ~opU « , 1 T'”5 ”“h d« red»d Alaka.” The interesting Lnt r! 1 d, °f Wealth does in the city of
that, “it would be easy “for you tTbrLw^63 theSC suggGstions so (Canto HI). Y y t0 break 1116 P°wer of the Turushka”
£ ,?aS (£rL“ka,'C?“i «* <*"»* of Vifayanagar.
20. XrI.'ISZ Z *• **** 1946).
gelj Maraya Navfk'f 1319 dated Saka 1285—1363 states that Gandar- 1 ■ "y!,la oanquished Vcnjumarikondan.
32 M AD HU RAVI J AY AM
kondan might have, in all probability, provoked the
Vijayanagar prince even during the life-time of Raja¬
narayana. That we have no record of the successor of
Rajanarayana clearly indicates that he was not allowed
to rule over his father’s kingdom for any length of time,
but was opposed, overthrown, and slain at his acces¬
sion.
As we have already stated, Kampana returned to
his seat of Viceroyalty (Mulbagal) soon after finishing
his work in the Tamil country in 1352, and spent the
period between 1353 and 1359 there. This is suggested
not only by the total absence of his inscriptions in the
Tamil country, but also by an explicit statement in the
Madhuravijayam,22 According to it Kampana stayed with
his father for sometime, took his advice and then went
and stayed at Mulbagal, biding his time. The news
about the death of Rajanarayana and the state of affairs
existing in the Tamil country would have been com¬
municated by Savanna who was closely watching
events in the Tondaimandalam region as its overlord.
We do not know the exact date on which Kampana
started on his campaign. In all probability it must have
been soon after Rajanarayana’s death, which must have
taken place sometime about 1362. Kampana started
with a large force consisting of “more than a hundred
troops of formidable-looking elephants, war-steeds
faster than wind and foot-soldiers in proper dress”.23
He placed Maraya Nayaka at the command. Starting
from the capital of Vijayanagar he crossed the Karnata
province in five or six days and reached the city of
22. Madhuravijayam: Canto III.
23. Madhuravijayam: Canto IV.
INTRODUCTION 0*3 v/w
Kantakanana (Mulbagal-or-Mul Vai). He spent some
days in that city biding his time to march against the
Sambuvaraya ruler.24 Starting on an auspicious day,
he reached the enemy country by stages. He first halted
at Viringipuram for sometime and when the hour for
striking arrived, he dashed on the Sambuvaraya capital,
Kangi, and laid siege to it. A fierce battle followed
between the Vijayanagar forces and the ‘dramila’
forces. The dramila forces were put to rout by the
superior forces of Vijayanagar. “A large number of
the Tamil soldiers threw away their weapons in their
flight.” The Sambuvaraya himself ran away to his
Padaividu fortress and took refuge in it. Kampana and
his forces stayed at Kangi for sometime, perhaps to pre¬
pare themselves for the final attack. Then they started
to attack the impregnable Rajagambhiranmalai. They
succeeded in scaling the walls of the fort and reached
the heights of the hill. The entire forces of the
Sambuvaraya on the; hill were blocked up and they
suffered seriously at the hands of the Vijayanagar
troops. The inscriptions credit Maraya Nayaka with
having destroyed the formidable enemy (Aliya Aran)
while the Madhurdvijayam refers to a duel fought
between Kampana and the Sambuvaraya in which the latter lost his life.25
After the destruction of the Sambuvaraya, the
whole of Tondaimandalam was annexed to the Mulba-
gal Viceroyalty of Vijayanagar. Kangi became the
secondary capital for the Mulbagal Governor. The
Madhurdvijayam concludes the account of the Vijaya-
24. Ibid.
25. A.R.E., 255 of 1934-35 also 267 of 1919,
34 MAD HU RAVI JAY AM
nagar victory thus : “After his (Kampala's) victory,
he established himself at Kangi and ruled the
Tundira (Tondaimandalam) kingdom protecting it
from anarchy. From that great city of Maratakanagara,
he ruled the earth peacefully and well”.26 An inscrip¬
tion corroborates the poet thus : “Kampana Udaiyar
became permanent on the throne after taking vossession of Rdjagambhirarajya”.27
26. Madhurdvijayam: Canto IV end and Canto V, commencement.
There is absolutely no need for any doubt regarding the identification
of Maratakanagara. ‘Maratakanagara’ and ‘Kanci’ have been used
as alternative names in the kavya. Also see Dr. N. Venkataramanayya: Early Muslim Expansion in South India, page 63.
27. A.R.E., 18 of 1899.
V. THE CONQUEST OF MADHURAI
1. THE POLITICAL CONDITION PRECEDING THE CONQUEST
Among the territories that suffered the worst
rapine and plunder was Ma’bar. According to Khusrau1
Ma bar lay within that distance from Delhi which could
be reached after a normal journey of twelve months.
As Khusrau says, the Muslim arrows had “never
leached that distant land . As regards the identity of
Ma’bar there is no doubt. The region of the Coroman-
dal east of Peninsular India might be said to corres¬
pond roughly to what was known to Arab geographers
as Ma bar. The author of Taquivim ul-Buldan quoted
by Al-Qalquashandi (Subh ul-A-sha) (Ed. by Otto
Spies) says that Ma bar lies to the east of Kaulam
(possibly Kollam or Quilon at three or four days
journey in a southerly direction”).2 Ibn Sa’ib quoted
by the same source says, “it is well-known and muslin
is exported from there; its washermen are proverbial”
What was the condition of Ma’bar at that time ?
The Pandyas who had taken the sovereignty of the
South from the Colas were ruling with Madhurai as
their capital and Bihr dhal or Vira Dhavalpattanam as
a sort of a secondary capital. The empire had, probably
as a result of a dynastic feud, come under the rule of
more than one king. Marco Polo testifies to the plural
monarchy in Ma’bar. Epigraphical evidence lends con¬
firmation to this position just on the eve of Malik
1. Khaza’n-Futuh. 2. Otto Spies: An Arab
(page 38). account of India in the 14th century,
56 M A D HU R AVIJ AY AM
Kafur’s invasion. Dr. Venkataramanyya is of the view,
which is tenable, that “each of these five princes seems
to have held independent sway over some part of the
empire, though the senior most or the most powerful
of them was recognised as the supreme head of the
state. He alone was most probably crowned; and on
him devolved the right of directing the general policy
of the empire”
Troubles set in when a war of succession started
in the Pandyan Kingdom. Maravarman Kulasekhara
had two sons, Sundara and Vira, the former born of his
queen and the latter bom of a concubine. Kulasekhara
nominated Vira Pandya to be his successor as he dis¬
played great talents and remarkable shrewdness.
Sundara Pandya in great fury assassinated his father
and crowned himself king. Vira Pandya the heir-
designate met his half-brother in a battle near Madhurai
and though he was not successful in the beginning,
ultimately managed to drive away Sundara Pandya and
seized the throne.
According to Wassaf, “Sunder Pandi, trembling
and alarmed, fled from his native country and took
refuge under the protection of Ala-ud-din of Delhi and
Tira Pandi (Vira Pandya) become firmly established
in his hereditary kingdom”.3 4 This story is not easily
acceptable as the event is placed in the middle of June
1310*. Prof. Nilakanta Sastri rightly doubts its veracity
because there are inscriptions of Kulasekhara dated in
his forty-fourth regnal year which commenced only in
3. Dr. N. Vcnkafaramanayya: Early Muslim. Expansion in South
India.
4. Wassaf.
INTRODUCTION 31
the middle of A.D. 1311.5 “It is very unlikely that re¬
cords continued to be dated in the regnal years of a
monarch who had died at his son’s hands till more than
a year after the event and that too near the capital of
the kingdom”. Again while Amir Khusrau refers to
the enmity between the two brothers (“the two Rais
of Ma’bar, Bir Pandya and Sundar Pandya”) he does
not mention Sundara’s taking asylum in Delhi. But on
the authority of Wassaf, most of the historians who
have written on Malik Kafur’s South Indian raids, say
that it was Sundara Pandya’s treachery to vent a private
wrath against his rival Vira Pandya that brought
the Mussalman invader to the distant South. Even
Wassaf does not connect the alleged flight of Sundara
Pandya to Delhi with the raids of Malik Kafur. There¬
fore we will not be wrong in taking the raid of Malik
Kafur as being timed at an opportune moment and that
the Muslim invader was interested neither in Sundara
Pandya nor Vira Pandya but in the fabulous wealth
that belonged to both.
After a halt in the Yadava capital of Devagiri dur¬
ing which Malik Kafur obtained from Ramadeva (the
Rayi-Rayan) all the materials needed for the Southern
campaigns, the Malik started on his campaign guided
in his route by one Parasuram Dalavai a deputy of
Ramadeva who had been instructed to lead the Muslim
invader safe out of the Yadava territory. Dr. Venkata-
ramanayya thinks that the Yadava ruler who had been
nurturing a deep grievance against the Hoysala Vira
Ballala III gave all possible assistance to Malik Kafur
5. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri: The Pandyan Kingdom.
38 M AD HU RAVI J AY AM
in his campaign against Dwarasamudra.6 But, while
such a view is not wholly untenable, there being noth¬
ing to the contrary in the available sources, it will not
be fair to question the conduct of the Yadava king by
suggesting that he betrayed a fellow-Hindu ruler to
avenge former wrongs on the part of the Hoysala. The
Yadava king was helpless when the Malik led his
incredibly strong army into Devagiri and demanded
help, not as an ally, but as a bully, on the point of the
sword. Dr. Venkataramanayya himself refers to the
fact of Malik Kafur having brought a “formidable
force” with superior weapons. Naturally the same fear
that later made Vira Ballala meekly submit to the mis¬
deeds of the Malik made Ramadeva offer all the help
that the invader needed in his onward march against Dwarasamudra and Ma’bar.
Malik Kafur raided Dwarasamudra when Vira
Ballala III was absent at Ma’bar trying to capitalise the
situation that had arisen as a result of the quarrels
between Sundara Pandya and Vira Pandya. As
Dr. Venkataramanayya thinks, Vira Ballala must have
considered the outbreak of civil dissensions in the
Pandyan kingdom, “a favourable opportunity for re¬
gaining what his uncle and grandfather had lost”.
Malik Kafur entered Dwarasumudra in February
1311 after doing great havoc en route. Vira Ballala
who had to hurry back from the Tamil country did not
put forth any stout resistance to the Muslim invader
because he knew that his military strength was nothing
6. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya: Early Muslim Expansion in South
India: (M. U. Historical Series No. 17) Chap, on Alauddin Khilji. The
learned author has shown that the invasion of the Malik had no poli¬
tical significance.
INTRODUCTION 39
before that of Malik Kafur. He sued for peace and
accepting humiliating conditions from the Malik,
e agreed to be an ally of the invader in the latter’s invasion of Ma’bar.
Malik Kafur’s forces reached the frontiers of Mabar on the ides of March. 1311. Vlra Pandya
unhke Ramadeva and Vira Ballala, preferred to give
kght to the Muslims rather than meekly submit to them
tie put all his strength into the fight and when the reck¬
less invaders advanced, Vira Pandya decided to flee for
sarety and from Bir Dhul, where he was encamped he
escaped, much to the consternation and chagrin of the
avengefu! Malik. As sobn as Malik Naib discovered that
he had been outwitted by Vira Pandya, he resolved to
go to Kannanur and proceeded with a regiment to
Kannanur. But Vira Pandya gave the slip here also.
1 bus it was a regular game of hide and seek between
Vira Pandya and Malik Kafur. It was a great tragedy
ummh however could not be helped, that Ballala had to
P ay e faithful ally”, to the marauding forces. After
vam pursuits Malik Kafur gave up the idea of
capturing Vira Papdya but turned his attention on the
primary object of his raid, viz., plunder. From Kanna-
nrn he proceeded to Kancipuram and laid waste the tem-
§reat dty* After Peering the tern-
wW he hi, went *>ack with his army to Bhir Dhul where he had originally struck camp. From Bhir Dhul
idea was to make a surprise attack on the Pandyan
dara P-Wd61e PSndya WSS in ®«*ority. Sxm-
cautta h^h Iff ^warned; and by way of abundant . , f e t le city with his household, leaving
assault onMedhP e elefhantS “ "Ie city' The Malik’s assault on Madhura. therefore proved a first rate mis-
40 M AD HU RAVIJ AY AM
calculation. All that he could do was to set fire to the
temple. Madhurai appeared to him to be too distant
and unsafe a place for any lengthy halt. So he had to
be more on the defensive in Madhurai. The Pandyan
princes forgot their private quarrels at this hour of
danger and under the leadership of Vikrama Pandya
launched an attack on the invading Muslims. This
time Malik Kafur sustained a crushing defeat and had
to beat a hasty retreat. But by now he had accumulated
in his Southern raids a fabulous booty and he carried
it safe to Delhi. In recognition of the loyal help that
Ballala III rendered to Malik Kafur, Alauddin decorat¬
ed the Hoysala ruler’s son at a special Durbar and
presented him with the usual robes of honour.
Not a small number of historians have exaggerated
the significance of the raids of Malik Kafur. The
Tarikh-i-Firoz-Shahi mentions a larger booty than that
mentioned by the Tarikli-i-Alai quoted above:7 The in¬
vasion of Malik Kafur had of course no political
significance but as a brilliant military raid it had caused
as much havoc as one could imagine.
2. THE MADHURAI SULTANATE
Thus troubles had set in for the South with the
expedition of Malik Kafur. In 1323 there was another
invasion of the South by the Muslims of Delhi during
the reign of Ghiyasuddin Tughlak when the Mussal-
mans succeeded in establishing a Viceroyalty for the
7. Elliot and Dowson—Vol. HI, p. 204. “The army reached Delhi
bringing with it six hundred and twelve elephants ninety-six thousand
horses”°_ “No one could remember anything like it nor was there
anything like it recorded in history.”
INTRODUCTION 41
Delhi Empire in the distant Madhurai.8 This Viceroyalty
lasted a decade, i.e., till 1334. In 1333 taking advantage
of the distance that separated Delhi and Madhurai, one
Jalal-Uddin Ahsan Shah put an end to the Viceroyalty
and became the independent ruler of Madhurai. His
rule lasted for five years and he was succeeded by a number of Sultans, the ehief +i-i_
Ghaiyas-uddin Damghani at one time trooper in
the service of Malik Majur Abu Raja, the Commandar
of the Imperial Army stationed in Devagiri.9
The Muslim rule lasted for forty-eight years in
Madhurai i.e., between 1323 and 1371.10 The sufferings
of the people, especially non-Muslims during the period
have been described by both Hindu and Muslim
historians. One has only to read the frightful accounts
of Ibn Batuta, the Moorish traveller11 and the Madhurd-
8. For an account of the history of the Sultanate of Madura see
4L n ' f°Uth India and Her Muhammadan Invaders.
IfIa'haT from 1325 t0 1317 fj. M. U )
Te p^dofle rS-h2>-0n 'b3' n0tHing ^ ^ Said definite1^ about me period of the Muslim Viceroyalty hi Madhurai. But he says- •'Thoueh
zrszzfz zssrzrl rsr Muh“””d ™
mV™° <S" *PP' E- t0 Sri E- S*y*»** Iyer’s
rem"kD? s°kTlble ,o rr,hese “d d«ef,s Even Ibn Batut Jd ^ l°f^ndia and Her Muhammadan Invaders.
IQDrNVW t 3t Ghy™d-d~d™ was the worst tyrant. ChroLle Ar Je,nkataramanayya= Ma’bar (J.M.U.) also the Pandyan
‘F^om he t ^ 1° U the Muslim "lie lasted forty-eight yeL. From the year Salivahana (Saka 124R_041 (t „ , ,
ruled the kingdom (Vol. I of TayUor p^5) } Muhammadan
m j,11 ^ Nilakantasastri: Foreign Notices: also Briggs- Ferishta’s
1 pp-.347-352- Also Elliot and Dowson, Vol.
been given above."*" lr°Z~Shahl’ pp- 184’185- Extracts from both have
fi
42 M AD HU R A VIJ AY AM
vijayam of Ganga Devi12 to get the details of the Muslim policy towards the Hindus. Inscriptions too refer to the terrible ‘Mussalman days’.13
The statements of Ibn Batuta must be of especial importance to us as they are records of his own per¬
sonal experiences and not based on heresay or previous chronicles. Ibn Batuta had himself, though reluctantly, to witness some of the most ghastly sights. Thus he describes his experience when he went with Ghiyasud-d- din in the latter’s anti-Hindu campaigns: “The coun¬ try we had to traverse was an impenetrable jungle of trees and reeds .... All the infidels found in the jungle were taken prisoners. Each was accompanied by his wife and children and they were thus held to the camp. It is practice here to surround the camp with a palisade having four gates. There may be a second palisade round the king’s habitation. Outside the principal enclosure they raise platforms three feet high and light fires on them at night”.
“Slaves and sentinels spend the night here, each holding in his hand, a bundle of very thin reeds. When the infidels approach for a night attack on the camp, all the sentries light their faggots, and thanks to the flames, the night becomes as bright as day and the cavalry sets out in pursuit of the idolators. In the morn¬ ing the Hindus who had been made prisoners the day before were divided into four groups and each of these
was led to one of the four gates of the main enclosure. There they were impaled on the posts they had them-
12. Madhuravijayam,—Canto VIII.
13. Cf. A.R.E., 434 of 1903 (also S.I.I., Vol. VIII), A.R.E., for 1913,
page 128, No. 203 of 1913, a seventh year inscription of Rajanarayana
Sambuvaraya.
t M H1 I? O n TT /~i m T A t\t 42
selves carried. Afterwards their wives were butchered
and tied to the stakes by the hair. The children were
massacred on the bosoms of their mothers and their
corpses left there. Then they struck camp and started
cutting down the trees in another forest and all the
Hindus who were made captive were treated in the
same manner. This is shameful practice and I have
not seen any other sovereign adopt it; it was because
of this that God hastened the end of Ghiyasud-d-din”.14
The above gives an idea of the treatment accorded
to prisoners. From what has been said above it will
become clear that the Sultan without actually facing
opposition went on campaigns just for the sake of strik¬
ing terror in the minds of the ‘infidels’. Ibn Batuta’s
account reads mere kiic tne description of an animal
hunt of an idle autocrat than the military expedition
of a powerful sovereign. Even the Moorish traveller
whose sympathy naturally ought to be with his distin¬
guished host, points his finger of scorn at the way in
which he treated his subjects and sees in his incredible
cruelty the reason for his early death.
More paining is the account that the traveller gives
about the Sultan’s treatment of his Hindu subjects in
his day to day administration. One day the Qazi and
he (the traveller) were with the Sultan, the Qazi being
to his right and he to his left. An idolator was brought
before the Sultan with his wife and son aged seven
years. The Sultan made a sign with his hand to the
executioners to cut off the head of the idolator. Then
he said to them in Arabic ‘‘and his son and wife”. They
cut off their heads and at this the traveller turned his
14. Foreign Notices.
44 M AD HU RAVI J AY AM
eyes away. When he composed himself he found then- heads lying on the ground.
On another occasion he was with Sultan Ghiyasud-
d-din when a Hindu was brought to him. He spoke
words that his guest (the traveller) could not under¬
stand and at once many of his followers drew their
swords. Ibn Batuta got up hurriedly and the Sultan
asked, “Where do you go?” The guest replied: “I go
to my afternoon prayers”. He understood the guest’s
motive, laughed and ordered the hands and feet of the
idolator to be cut off. On his return Ibn Batuta found
that unhappy man swimming in his blood.
The temples suffered no better fate than men. Amir
Khusrau gives a painful account of what Malik Kafur
did in one place in the Tamil country.15 “In Brahmatspuri
there was a golden idol round which many elephants
were stabled. The Malik started on a night expedition
against this place and in the morning seized no less
than two hundred and fifty elephants. He then de¬
termined on razing the beautiful temple to the ground.
You might say that it was the Paradise of Shahdad
which after being lost, these hellites had found and
that it was the golden Lanka of Ram. The roof was
covered with rubies and emeralds. The malik dug this
up from its foundations with the greatest care. The
heads of the Brahmins and the idolators danced from
their necks and fell to the ground at their feet. The
stone image called Ling Mahadeo which had been a
/
15. The Tarikh-i- Alai of Amir Kliusru (Elliot and Dowson Vol.
Ill) p. 01- Brahmatspuri has been identified with Chidambaram by Dr.
S. K. Iyengar. This can be accepted only as a possible identification. Cf.'
South India and Her Muhammadan invaders. Also Historical Inscrip¬
tions of South India by Sewell, p. 177.
INTRODUCTION 45
long time established at that place, upto this time the
kick of the horse of Islam had not attempted to break.
The Mussalmans destroyed all the beings and Deo
Narain fell down and the other gods who had fixed
their seats there raised their feet and jumped so high
that at one leap they reached the foot of Lanka and in
that fright the beings would have themselves fled
had they any. legs to stand on”. This was the fate that
many other temples suffered during this period
We have a number of inscriptions referring to the
damages and desecretion caused to Hindu temples 16
A reference to open plunder of the temple proper¬
ties by the invaders is found in an inscription of Raja
narayana Sambuvaraya coming from Tiruvorriyur17
Berore the Muslims took possession of the temple the
temple authorities had hidden all the valuable belong!
r,°Lthe tempIe Underground- The Muslims located the hidden treasure and carried away a large Part of
s,„tTh: g“Tie!ifect of establishment Sultanate at Madhurai was disastrous.
of the
Hindu religious
capital
of Posaliswaram Udaiyar constructed by Vlra Som^ ‘ t6mpIe lished upto the Adharasilai and converted into Someswara waa demo-
madans during their occupation of the place * Y *** Muham' pana’s conquest that the terrmle was; ™ ^ 0nly after Kam-
The temple of ***' °‘ I909:
the encamped Muhammadans ‘whose time it , was “eui“ed by
sequence of this the inhabitantsof n. rU'"e4 h C01"
this juncture a certain Visalayadeva rf Ka' u a ' A>
temple and saved the people from moral YY* reCOnsecrated the
Therefore tlie villagers conferred on him T* rellgl0us degradation”.
assigning a specified quantity of corn fronTtheY and besides individual. Also 434 of 1903 arvest reaped by each
17. A.R.E., 203 of 1912. '
46 M AD MU RAV J ,7 A Y A M
activities ceased; temple properties were confiscated.
Large scale migrations became the order of the day;18
handicrafts suffered; there was a large number of un¬
employed workmen suffering from want.19 Cultivation
was not regular and many fields were lying empty.20 In
the field of art the product of many years’ labour all
perished.
3. THE MADHURAVIJAYAM ACCOUNT
The Madhuravijayam gives a graphic account of
the condition in which the Vijayanagar conqueror of
the Tamil country found the various holy cities. In
Srirangam the Lord of Serpents was warding off the
heaps of bricks with the hood lest their fall should
disturb the sleep of Yoga in which Hari was worship¬
ped. When one looked at the state of the temples of
the other gods also, one’s distress knew no bounds.
The foldings of their doors were eaten up by wood¬
worms. The arches over the inner sanctuaries were
rent with wild growths of grass. Those temples which
were once resonant, with the sounds of Mridanga
drums were now echoing the fearful howls of jackals.
The river Kaveri became deflected very much from
her time honoured course and was flowing in all sorts
of wrong directions imitating the ruthless invaders.
The Brahmin streets where once the sacrificial smoke
was seen rising and the chanting of the Vedas always
is. A.R.E., 276.
19. Ibid. 20 A.RJ5-, 64 of 1916. “The times were Tulukkan times: The
devadana lands of the gods were taxed with kadamai; the temple wor¬
ship, however, had to be conducted without any reduction! the iilavu
or cultivation had to be d<-ne by turns (for want of sufficient number
of men)”.
I NTRQDUCT I iN 47
greeted the ear, now sent out the musty odour of meat
and resounded with the war-cries of the drunken marauders.21
The groves of Madhurai had all been destroyed.
The cocoanut trees had all been cut and in their places
were to be seen rows of iron spikes with human heads
sucking at the points.22 In the highways which were
charming with the sounds of anklets of beautiful
women, one heard the ear-piercing noise of the Brah¬ mins being dragged, bound in iron-fetters.
Vvebs woven by spiders took the place of silk veils
wit.i which the dolls adorning the outer-towers of the
city were once covered. Royal courtyards which were
nee cool with the spraying of ice-cold sandal, now con-
ta,nM only the tears of the afflicted Brahmins. The
waters of the Tamraparni which were white with the
maiden-PaSt0 Ta.Shod fr°m the breasts of charming
sla.whto-.^K,,“°'V ‘ °Wmg le,:’ with the blood o£ c°ws ° worn ScrecCmiigs or owis in
worn-out pleasure m-mtoo ^ * i_ pc £ o s-- “ia not ahiict one so much
to —‘
the W°me ” £aC‘
faileef aiThpVaS T l°Tr the producer of wealth. Rains
was left of fr i°f Death t0°k his Undue to11 of what
The Kaliyuga LervSedntheddeStr°y+d ^ inVaderS' ea deepest congratulation; for
21. Madhur&vijayam, canto VIII.
his accounts have< been °n !"nentl0n,s ^ faCt‘ Rclevant passages from pp. 278-279. ^ °lc aueacJy- Cf. K. A. N. Sastri, Sources,
48 MADHURAVIJ AY AM
it was now at the zenith of its power. “Hidden is refine¬
ment; hushed is the voice of Dharma; destroyed is discipline and gone is nobility of birth”.
The state of affairs described above made an im¬
mense impression in the minds of the Hindus of South
India. In the significant words of Sewell,23 “Although
fighting had been incessant throughout the cen¬
turies it had been only between Hindus and what¬
ever suffering was entailed on the mass of the
population it did not touch the Brahmin priests
or the temple. Dynasties might be wiped out for
ever; the chiefs killed, the country devastated but
the temples and the persons of the Brahmins
were inviolate and these temples were immensely
wealthy. For many centuries the civil rulers had
lavished on them the revenues of innumerable villages,
laid enforced taxes for their support on the people and
presented them v/ith all kinds of valuables, precious
stones and gold in quantities. And whatever slaughter
of people went on the Brahmin remained untouched.
The deadliest curse that could be pronounced on a
man was as is evidenced by the inscriptions that his
punishment hereafter should be like that awarded by
the high gods to a man who had killed a Brahmin. And
yet there now came down on the Hindus those masses
of marauding foreigners sacking the cities, slaughter¬
ing the people destroying the ancient fanes and killing
even the sacred Brahmins in the name and for the
glory of God. The thing was monstrous-unheard of. The
result was that the whole of Southern India was con¬
vulsed by this catastrophe; the one hope in men’s minds
23 Sewell: Historical Inscriptions of South India, p. 177.
Ulf
cuct
*.
INTRODUCTION 49
was that some Hindu power would arise to defend the
country from any such disaster in future; and when, a
few years later, certain princes took the lead, they were
enthusiastically supported by almost all parties”.
4. EARLIER ATTEMPTS
The first attempt made by any Hindu ruler in the
South to relieve the situation was undoubtedly that of
the Hoysala ruler Vira Ballala III. He moved from
Dwarasamudra and was camping at Tiruvannamalai
between 1328 and 1340 waiting for an opportunity to
strike.- He did strike in 1341 at the battle of Kanna-
nur Koppam and was very near ousting the Muslims
He put his entire strength into this final struggle and
ooCennmlt0 Ibn Batuta he had men besid- 20,000 Mussulmans, rakes, criminals and fugitive
saves, while the Muslim army numbered only 6000
roops . With his large army he “routed the Muslims
A** He b6sieged * for six months at the end of which , yjx wiixv.il me garrisons naa provisions +nr only fourteen days”. S ‘or
The Muslims made overtures for peace and Ballala said he would agree if he was allowed to occupy the
town. The Muslim soldiers said they would not accept
sl,reST ^ ^ Sh0Uld get the consent of the Sultam Tie Hoysala ruler offered them a truce for
a fortnight and informed the Sultan about the terms
of the peace The ‘Faithful’ wept and said, “We ^
sacrifice our lives to God; if the infidel takes that to™ ( uppaml he will then lay siege to us; we prefer to
45. K. A. N. Sastn: Foreign Notices, p. 2S0.
7
50 M A u H U R AV i J AY A M
die by the sword”. Then the Muslims soldiers engaged
to expose themselves to death and set out the very
next day removing their turbans from their heads and
placing them round the necks of their horses to indicate
that each of them sought death.26
In the battle that followed again, between the forces
of Ballala and those of the Sultan, luck was on the side
of the Muslims; Ballala was captured and later put to
death in a very cruel manner. “His skin was stuffed
with straw and hung up on the wall of Madhurai where
I saw it in the same position”.27
Thus Ballala III the most persistent and dangerous
enemy of the Sultanate was destroyed.
For a period of thirty years after the Hoysala defeat
no organised attempt was made by any Hindu ruler to
strike again. But the ground was kept ready for Kam¬
pala by Savanna Udaiyar who began his work of clear¬
ing even as early as 1352. The presence of his inscrip¬
tion dated 1352-53 at Sendalai shows that he had clear¬
ed the path for his cousin as far as the Tanjore District.28
It is very likely he had been helped by the Mulbagal
army, for Kampana was then camping at Tiruvanna-
malai and it is not unlikely that Savanna had been fully
instructed by him in regard to the work to be done by
him.29
After his occupation of Kancipuram in 1359,
Kampana took time to stabilise his position in Tondai-
mandalam. It may be assumed on the strength of the
26. Ibn Batuta. Cf. Foreign Notices.
27. Ibid.
28. Refer to section on Vijayanagar invasions of Tondaimandalam.
29. This has been already discussed.
INTRODUCTION 51
available evidence that he waited for over a decade to
launch his attack on Madhurai.
5. KAMPALA’S CONQUEST
The favourable circumstances which Kampana
awaited came during the rule of Qurbat Hassan Kangu
the last ruler of Madhurai. He had absolutely no pre¬
vious experience in South India for he had been
brought froni Daulatabad to fill a vacant throne in
Madhurai.30 Evidently there was no suitable person to
rule over Madhurai after Nasiruddin. To go to Delhi with
a request for a suitable occupant was out of the ques¬
tion not only because the Muslims had severed their
connection with it but also because it was very distant.
Again the Muslims of the Madhurai Kingdom had al¬
ready a powerful Hindu neighbour in Kampana whom
they had to guard against. By this time the B ahmani
and Vijayanagar kingdoms had come to look upon each
other as rivals. So the Muslims of Madhurai wanted
to get into touch with the Bahmani kingdom with
whose assistance they could destroy the Vijayanagar
power near their own territories. This Qurbat Hassan
was a relative of Hassan Kangu, most probably his son-
in-law; for Qurbat means son-in-law.31 In a sense by
the election and elevation of Qurbat to the throne the
Bahmani rule was established in Madhurai. It is in¬
teresting now to note that while in the Deccan the
Vijayanagar and Bahmani kingdoms stood side by side,
frowning upon each other, in the South their viceroyal-
30. Cf., Tankh-i-Firoz-Shahi: “When the great king Sultan Mu¬
hammad died firmans bearing our signatures were despatched to you.
You had shown no obedience to our orders and went to Dau-
brought Qurbat Hassan Kangu and set him up in Ma’bar.” (Tr. by Dr. N. Venkataramanayya, Ma’bar, pp. 58-59).
31. S. H, O. Hodivala: Studies in Indo-MusUm History, p. 326.
52 M A D H U R A VIJ A Y A M
ties stood side by side in mutual fear and suspicion.
But the choice of Qurbat, though based on high politi¬
cal and ambitious considerations, was not at all a satis¬
factory choice. And this was the Vijayanagara ruler's golden opportunity.
Qurbat did not get on well with his own people.
He had displeased them by foolish and vulgar acts.'
When he held court in the hall of audience “he would
put on his hanus anu ieet and neck all the ornaments
of women; he would engage himself_in base
actions. In short when Qurbat Hassan Kangu com¬
menced to do such things in the city of Ma’bar
the people of Ma bar were indefinitely distressed
on account of him and were disgusted with him and his activities.”32
The opportunity was made use of by Kampana
who marched against Madhurai sometime before 1371.
Kampana had a vast force which included a good num¬
ber of well-trained war elephants.33 This fact re¬
ceives connrmation both from the Muslim and Hindu
sources.34 The battle between the Hindu and Muslim
forces was a tough one and was for a time undecisive.
32. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya’s Translation, p. 63 of Ma’bar. Elliot
and Dowson have translated the passage in Shams-Siraj Afif’s Tarikh-i-
Firoz Shahi thus. When this Kurbat held his court he appeared
decked in hand and foot with female ornaments and made himself
notorious for his puerile actions.” (Page 339 of Vol. Ill). But Mr. S. H.
Hodivala in his Indo-Muslim History, (pp. 326-327) says: “What Shams
really charges him with is something much more culpable and flagitious
than puerility. It is pederasty or homo-sexual vice.”
33. Canto VIII.
34. Cf. Shams-Siraj Afif: Tarikh-i-Firoz-Shahi: (Elliot and Dow¬
son, Vol. Ill, p. 339). A neighbouring chief named Bukkan at the
head of a body of men and elephants marched into Ma’bar. Cf. Madhu-
ravijayam. Canto VIII. According to this work the Muslims also
employed a large number of elephants.
introduction 06
But when the crow banner” of the Yavana king which
worked like the personification of the crown of Kali
s destroyed by Kampana the Muslim hope of victory
Yaava^1S°n^ Determined to make an end of the
sworf ' an\'K,a“pa?a armed htaself with the divine sword which looked as terrible as Yama himself’
That sword, as it was being waved by the ~f
Kampa, looked like a serpent about to drtk'^Me
“mself o” T7 KamPa5a havinS ^ated bvTe V ^ 8 i?°rS° a™iding the bIows aimed by the Yavana cut off the head of the Yavana The neau or tire Suratrana fell on the ground™^ hlad
the helderth^Tad 7 °f. b°Wing down aarvantlike,
the Turushka SamrSjva^d £?£ °f
death. In the former the duel is said tn h ^ ^ hlS
between Kampana and the Sultan 7?*
SulW> TOUeVesutStfPlaCetbetTen M“gU *0
Kam a‘ aU lh°Ugh tHe finaI result’ i’e” victor of Kampana is beyond dispute. So far is Pn™- n- account of the battle. G^ga Devi s
35. Madhur&vijayam, Canto VIIT 36. Ibid.
37. Ibid. Also, Ramdbhyudhayam.
54 MAD HU RAVI JAY AM
The Muslim account is different: “A neighbouring
chief named Bukka at the head of a body of men and
elephants marched into Ma’bar and made Qurbat Hasan
Kangu prisoner. He made himself master of all Ma’bar
which had belonged to Muhammadans; their women
suffered violence and captivity in the hands of the
Hindus and Bukka established himself as ruler of Ma’bar”.38
The death of the Sultan was not however im¬
mediately followed by the surrender of the Muslims.
The Muslims seem to have shut themselves up inside
the fort while the battle was going on between Kam¬
pala and Qurbat outside the gate. As soon as the
Sultan fell, the Hindu troops began to march towards
the interior, but the gate was closed. The Jaimini
Bharatam refers to the smashing of the gate by Saluva
Mangu after which the Muslims were forced to sur¬
render.39 According to the last stanza of the Madhura-
vijayam which is incomplete, the king (Kampa)
“vouchsafed safety to the defeated warriors in the
enemy rank” though Shams-Siraj Afif says that the
vanquished (especially women) suffered violence at
the hands of the Hindus.40
Even after their defeat the Muslims made frantic
attempts to revive their Sultanate at Madhurai. Now
that an experiment with a representative from the
Bahmani dynasty had been tried and had failed
miserably, they could only think of Delhi. The Tarikh-i-
Firoz-Shahi gives us the interesting information that the
38. Cf. Shams-Siraj Afif.
39. Jaimini Bliaratam (Sources: p. 29.)
40. Madhuravijayam. (last canto, last stanza) and Elliot and Dow-
sen, Vol. Ill, p. 239-
INTRODUCTION 55
vanquished Muslims went to Delhi and pleaded forgive¬
ness for their folly and requested Firoz Shah the
Emperor to give them help. But Firoz Shah seems to
have sent them away with an evasive reply.
“When Firoz Shah succeeded to the throne, his
edicts were sent into Ma’bar but the people of the
country rebelled and going to Daulatabad they made
Qurbat Kangii king of Ma’bar. So as soon as the mes¬
sengers from Madhurai gave the woeful tidings and
craved pardon for overthrowing the Imperial Authority,
the Sultan reproached them for their repudiation of
his authority and for now resorting to him in their
distress. He told them that his army was weary and
exhausted with the late campaign (at Thatta) and long
marches but that after it had rested and recouped its
strength he would proceed towards Ma’bar. The ambas¬
sadors were sent back with assurance of forgiveness and he devoted himself to business.”41
Firoz Shah being the wisest Sultan of the Tughlak
dynasty did not think it worthwhile to keen his pmniise
of capturing Madhurai. For besides the%train it'm-
volved on the army there was no guarantee if the
second viceroyalty of Madhurai would not shake off its
allegiance to Delhi and with the lesson he had learnt
once he took a vow never more to trust distant viceroys. So the Muslim rule ended for ever in Madhurai iii 1371, with its destruction by Vijayanagar.42
41. Elliot and Dowson, Vol. Ill, p. 339.
42. There is a theory, resting on flimsy grounds that tt-,_
restored the Phndyas to their former position in Madhurai after
tutrng enquiries regarding a suitable representative from the Pandvan
amily. This receives the support of no less a scholar than the Rev. Father Heras himself, (cf. The Aravidu Dynasty p. 106) “Onp nf
transcendental acts Kwnara Kampala fa"*.
56 MADHURAVIJ AY AM
Appendix The Sultans of Madhurai
Jalal-ud-din Ahsan Shah
’Ala-ud-din Udaiji
Qutb-ud-Din
Ghiyas-ud-din Damghani
Nasir-ud-din
Qurbat Hassan Kangu
(1334 to 1371) -
• • 1334-1339
.. 1339-1340 •. 1340
• • 1341-43
• • 1343-1352
■ • 1353-1371
sons of their race and their respective rights. The result of these in quiries was the coronation of Soma Sekhara Pandya as the Pf.Jl' sovereign.” uya
Except the evidence of the Taylor O. H. Mss., on which Rev Father Heras has based his theory we have ™ . ., (ret Taylor O. H. ^
VI. THE GENERALS OF KAMPANA
1. GENERAL GOPANA
We do not have much information about Gopana
the Brahmin general of Kampana from inscriptions.
The only inscription that gives us valuable, though
brief, account of the general s exploits, is the famous
Srirangam inscription,1 which is appended to this sec¬
tion translated into English. Our entire knowledge of
GSpana is obtained only from references in literary
works, the important among which are, the Koilolunu
and the Prapannamrtam of Anantarya.2 The informa¬
tion contained in the inscription at. Srirangam is
available in the same form in the Prapannamrtam in
which Desika, the author of the verse inscribed at Srirangam is quoted by Anantarya.3
So long as we lack further epigraphies confirm*,
bon we cannot say if Gopana played so great a part in
debating the Muslims as he played in the restoration of
God Ranganatha to the shrine at Srirangam. Of course
there is no doubt that he was an important officer of
Kampana for an inscription contains Saluva Mangu’s
reference to G5pana as his superior officer (Annar)'4
but beyond this reference there is no other information
about ‘he nature of the help he gave Kampana in the
alter s defeat of the Sultan of Madhurai. It is probable
that Kampana took with him a force under Gopana's
33, edited by Dr. E. Hultzsch. Also see Ap- 1. E.I., Vol. VI, No.
pendix at the end.
2. See Sources (The Prapannamrtam, pp. 34-40)
I'S; ot mYxtTact on p40
8
58 M A D HU R AVIJ AY AM
lead which was required only to restore order in the
temples conquered back from the Muslims on his way
to Madhurai. Gbpana was left at Srirangam to watch
over the temple with a small garrison. Gopana’s part
in the campaign was perhaps mostly confined to res¬
toring order in the temples retaken from the Muslims.5
The literary sources give us the interesting infor¬
mation that the images of Sriranganatha were taken
away by Vedanta Desika and Lokagarya before the
Muslim entry into the temple, first, to Sundarachalam
(Alagarmalai) and then to the Kerala country.6 After
a short stay in that country, Desika took these images
to Tirunarayanapuram in Mysore and finally installed
them at Tirupati. By this time the Sultanate had grown
and declined. Kampana had made up his mind to wipe
it out. Gopana removed the idols to Ginjee, his own
headquarters, and worshipped them in a cave-temple
till he started with Kampana.
Regarding Gopana being a contemporary of
Desika therp is no doubt. Hultzch says,7 that the
Guruparamparaprabhava must be wrong in making
Gopanarayar a contemporary of Vedanta Desika. As
the Gurupararapara gives 1270 A.D. as the date of Sri
Vedanta Desika’s birth, Hultzch thought that Desika
could not have lived till the days of Kampana and com¬
posed the verse on Gopana. Therefore, he says, “the
alleged birthday of Vedanta Desika in Kaliyuga 4370,
the Sukla Samvatsara is a pure invention.” While
5. Dr. N. Venkataramanyya: Ma'bar (J.M.U.).
“It was on this occasion that Gopana installed the images of Sri¬
ranganatha and His Consorts which he brought from Ginjee/1
6. Cf. Prapanndmrtam, (Sources: pp. 38-39). (Trans, appended). 7. Epigraphia Indica. Vol. VI, p. 323.
53 INTRODUCTION
there is some reason for such a belief, however, it is
not unlikely that Desika was born in 1270 and did live
till 1371. For the tradition preserved in Vaishnavite
literature gives us the information that Desika lived for
a hundred years. In that case the verse inscribed on
the Srxrangam temple must have been composed by
him shortly before his death. The Guruparampara
information .regarding the date of Vedanta Desika ^and
his being a contemporary of Gopana may not be incor¬
rect, though Hultzch has thought otherwise. There is
no disputing the fact that Desika lived during this
period of stress and storm. His work, the Abhitistava,s
is a book containing the prayer that he offered to god
or protecting Hinduism from the disasters of the
foieign invasion. By the time the Abhitistava was com-
posed the Muslims were in actual occupation of Srl-
rangam as is evident from the work itself.
As we have remarked in the beginning, till we get
more epigraphical information regarding Gdpana’s ex¬
ploits, we must resist all temptation to over-estimate
^‘e Pal 1 Played *n removing Muslim influence from
~ .°^ ! '^ie only *bat can be said about him
. 6 c ^ was resPonsible for restoring order m Snrangam and reconsecrating the Ranganatha tem¬ ple with its original deities.9
The title if j suggests the fear “bhlti” caused by the Muslims.
Sd fo r "f ^lish would mean “Prayer to
n J g fear (from Muslims) ” 9. My attention has been drawn +n , ,
called Sindhumatwilasamu written bv O °f * T,elug^ W°f storv of the u *, rucen hy Gopana. The book tells the
the stores 2 Jaya Sindh^ati and the scene of
is mentioned as the disciple of VgSnta ? V , W°
the Astdksari mantra. I have notrSth u taUugh\hm informatJnn io • . x 0t reac* manuscript, but the above
Vedanta Desika v C1Cn ° strenStllen my suggestion that Gopana and Vedanta Desika were contemporaries. I am grateful to Sri N. Venkata
60 M AD HU R A V1J AY AM
2. SAIUVA MANGU
We have already seen that Mangu was the general
under Savanna, the prince of Udaiyagiri, who distin¬
guished himself by defeating the Sambuvaraya ruler
and making him accept the Vijayanagar overlordship.
The references to Mangu are found, mostly in literary
sources, and if literature alone should be taken into ac¬
count in assessing the respective worths of the various
generals that aided Kampana in his mission, Mangu
easily gets the first place. We have some interesting
information about the family of Mangu in both the
Saruvabhyudayam of Kajanatha Dindima and the
Rarn.abhyua.ayam of Saiuva Narasimha.10 According to
the^e, Mangu Was the son of one Gunda, the chief of
Kalyana. Three other members of the Saiuva dynastv
prior to Gunda have been mentioned—Maliideva,
Mangide /a and Mangatha, but Gunda alone became
famous by his fine qualities and valour. The city of
iicjjcna whien was his capital outrivalled Amaravati
in splendour, Gunda distinguished himself by leading
an expedition into Kamadurga where he subdued the
uncontrolled ruler of the Sabharas and also annexed his territories.
The information given above is contained only in
the two works already mentioned. But his exploits in
the Tamil country have been mentioned and described
in all the other sources—the Jaimini Bhdratam of
Pillalamarri Pinavirabhadrudu,11 and epigraphical re¬ cords.
Kao, Head of the Department of Telugu, University
giving me information about the Sindhumativilasamu.
in. Sources of Vijayanagar: (Madras University) 11. lulu., pp. 29-30.
of Madras, for
pp. 32-34.
INTRODUCTION 61
Regarding the status of Mangu, the Rdmabhyu-
dayam gives him equal status with Kampana’s. It
states that he became a close friend of Kampana.12 The
author, Narasimha, the first king of the Saluva dynasty
mentions him as an accredited ancestor of his. But,
while Mangu did occupy an important position, he could
not have been an equal of Kampana in status, accord¬
ing to epigraphical information which should’be con¬
sidered more reliable than that found in literary sources
which have a tendency to exaggerate. He had close
association with Kampana only after coming to the
Tamil country as the general of Savanna. Even in the
Tamil country he was not the Commander-in-chief Ke
was subordinate in rank even to Gopana This is
acknowledged by Mangu himself who refers to Gopana as Annar Gopana”13 (the senior officer).
There is no doubt that Mangu contributed a good
deal towards the success of Vijayanagar arms against
Tondaimandalam and Madhurai. In the first camoaieu
against the Sambuvaraya led by Savanna, he influenced
his master to pardon the Sambuvaraya ruler and
restored him to the kingdom and took the title of
Sambuvarayasthapanagarya.11 Except the Madhuri-
ITT Tl tha‘ 016 Sultaa °f Madhurai died in a duel with Kampana, all the other literary works make
Mangu the victor against the Sultan.1* He celebrated his
12. Sources (page 33).
datefsaS^lfaSGS AU)19%~;rdf,i0n f (S' A- »•> Maharaja issued according to a I 7 Cr °f S51uva deva
14. Cf. Dr. Vcnkataramanayyas LT
(J.M.U., Vol. XI, No. 1 pp. 41-G5), PPge t.' ^ 1323 t0 1371
Sdluvdbhyudayam^aim ni Bkaratamv’> the Ramabhyudayam and the
62 MAD Ii U R A VIJ A YAM
success against the Muslims by erecting a pillar of vic¬ tory on the banks of the Tamraparni.16
Regai ding Mangu s service to his gods and reli¬
gion we have some information. After his defeat of the
Sultan he straight went to Srirangam “round which
the Kaven flows, with her lotuses, as if in worship of
Ranganatha.”17 He bathed in the Kaveri and gave away
a thousand Salagramas besides making all the “sixteen
different gifts.” He also presented eight agraharas,
well-formed clean, and every way worthy to be present¬
ed to the temple, as if to signify his conquest of the
eight Directions.18 Besides these, he made a large endow¬
ment of sixty-thousand madas of gold to the temple.”19
The Venkateswara temple at Tirupati was also the recipient or rich gifts from the General. Mangu made
a golden kalasam and fixed it over the vimanam of the shrine of Sri Venkateswara.
Mangu assumed high sounding titles and some of
f3! 2oreLG?rjfriyattf Vip5ta’ Saluvendra, Katarika- saluta (the last two Deing common to all Saluvasf
Maharaja, Gandarguli, Dakshina Suratrana Tribhu-
vanaraya Sthapanacarya Sambuvarayasthapanacarya 21 and Srirangasthapanagarya.22 ’
16. Ramabliyudayam.
17. Ibid.
18. Both the Saluyabhyudayam and Ramabliyudayam mention this but we lack epigraphical confirmation. mention this,
19. The Jaimini Bharatamu.
20. Sdluvahh yu day a m (Sources: p. 31)
rrLSt if; 1232 !,s7° “•>• for 1936-37, p. 80. ln the ^cription. A.R.E.,
22. Sdluvabliyudayam (Sources: p 3J)
63 INTRODUCTIQ N
3. SOMAPPA DANDANAYAKA
The parts played by Mahapradhani Somappa Dan-
, y, a ™'3 his son were as important as those played y e Brahmm General Gopanna and literature is silent
on Somappa and his son Maraya Nayaka. This silence
recoXdThamPm ”ade “P by which have ecorded the noble services rendered by these generals.
pana^atvMiTb XX ^ the minister of Kam- X The? Hewas very popular and loved by ail. The following tribute is paid to his sehohrshin
capacity and statesmanship in an inscription at Kolar**
Kampanas minister, magnanimous, endowed with
numerous good qualities, of upright conduct, versed in
peri yras?:d Tin& eXaIted by “• Perfect"roi w u -n J d polltlCS was the illustrious Somanoa”
Endowed XTft ter’e ‘° ^ S5m“Btha ^ ndowed it. After the completion of the shrine he in
decfare I, open" ‘° “ PerhapS Rested U» to' lare it open on an auspicious day. “Somanna in
Someana0thaqUA! ^ ^ t6mple °f S* F for the god.” grant of a larSe village for the god
Somappa was also a great Sanskrit scholar.-
himself as^DannSyaka TeTh distin§uished nayaKa. Perhaps he continued to dis-
p g23. E.c., vol. x, part i, No. 222 of Kolar; No. 58 of Mulbagal,
24. No. 222 of Kolar E C Vnl v 25. Cf„ 118 of 191 q ’ 7 ’ Vcl- X> P- 64.
record from Kadiri. No. 523 of 1906.
64 M AD HU RAVI JAY AM
charge his ministerial duties during Kampala’s cam¬
paigns in the Tamil country when he also stayed in the
Tamil country. His title ‘Dannayaka’ had evidently
no military significance but only denoted that he was
engaged in civil affairs during war-period. Somappa
helped Kampana to inspect and supervise the temples in
the Tamil country so that worship in all the temples
might be conducted as of old. He also helped Kampana
to reorganise the temple-precincts.26 (Tirumadi- vilagam).
4. GANuARGULI MARAYA NAYAKA
Sdmappa had two sons. One was the glorious
Maraya Nayaka and the other was Dharani Appar. We
do not know anything about the second son except that
he is mentioned in an inscription. But Maraya Nayaka
distinguished himself very creditably by his exploits the
chief of them being his capture of the Rajagambhlra
fortress and defeat of the last Sambuvaraya ruler.27 He
well deserved the title !AIiya Aran Alitta’28 which he
assumed or which he was given for he fulfilled a part
of Kampana s mission in the Tamil country. In memory
of his historic victory over the Sambuvaraya he con¬
structed a huge Gopura and named it Gandarguli
Maraya Nayaka-tiru-Gopuram.
26. Cf. A.R.E., 34 of 1919. Marakanam (S. Arcot). Reference to
Tirumadaivilagam and ‘a newly formed street’. Also A.R.E., 203 of
1921 at Serkad (Saka 1283 or 13G1 A.D.). Registers free colonisation
of the Tirumadaivilagam ... at the instance of Somappa Udaiyar “for
the continuity of the rule of Kampana.” And A.R.E.. 203 of 1931-32 Punganur.
Somappa is also mentioned along with Annar Goppannar in the
Koyilolugu (cf.: Introduction by Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao to the Madhuravi jayam).
27. Cf. A.R.E., Nos. 267 and 26S of 1919 dated 13G3.
28. Cf. Chapter: Vijayanagar Invasions of Tondaimandalam.
INTRODUCTION 65
APPENDIX
Ranganatha Inscription of Gopana
Hail! Prosperity ! In the Saka year (expressed
by the chronogram) bandhupriya (i.e. Saka-Samvat
1293)’.
(Verse I). Having brought (the god) from the
Anjanadri (mountain), the splendour of whose darkish
peaks gives delight to the world, having worshipped
(Him) at Chenchi for some time, then having slain the
Tulushkas whose bows were raised,—Gopanarya, the
mirror of fame, placing Ranganatha together with both
Lakshmi and the Bu Devi in his own town, again duly
performed excellent worship.
(Verse II) Having carried Rangaraja, the Lord of
the world, from the slope of the Vrishabhagiri (moun¬
tain) to his capital, having slain by his army the proud
Tulushka soldiers, having made the site of Sriranga
united with the golden age (Kritayuga) and having
placed there this (god) together with Lakshmi and the
Bu Devi, the Brahman G5pana duly performs, like the
lotus-bom (Brahma) the worship which has to be practised.
9
VII. GEOGRAPHICAL NOTES
1. Dugdhavdhini or kshlratarangini means the
Palar river.
2. Kantakananapattanam is the same as Mulvai-
pattanam, the modem Mulbagal, or, more properly,
Mudlabagalu (the eastern gate, so-called from its loca¬
tion at the eastern pass from the table-land of Mysore
to the temple of Tirupathi). The name also appears
as Mulvayi in old inscriptions. It is an important town
eighteen miles east-north-east of Kolar on the old
Bangalore-Madras road by the Mugli pass. It is now the
headquarters of the Mulbagal taluk. The taluk formed
part of the Mahavali or Bana territory from the begin¬
ning of the Christian era. Later, the Pallavas became
the overlords of the area, while the Vaidumbas held
some portion of the northern region. The Cola kings,
Parantaka and Virarajendra subdued the Vaidumbas
in the 10th and 11th centuries. Vira Cola and Vikrama
Cola are held to have erected shasanas at Mulbagal and
other places in the vicinity. This area was known as
niharili Cola mandala.
About 1117 A.D. the Hoysalas under Vishnu-
vardhana captured Talakar and KSlalapura (Kolar).
On the death of Somesvara in 1254, a partition of the
Hoysala dominions took place between his two sons
and the Mulbagal region was included in the Tamil pro¬
vinces which fell to the share of Ramanatha. Soon after¬
wards when the two portions of the Hoysala dominions
were reunited under Ballala III we find him residing,
after the destruction of Dwarasamudra, in Hosur,
INTRODUCTION 67
Under Bukkaraya I this region was the eastern march '
of the kingdom of Vijayanagar. It came to be the seat
of government for the Kolar province.
3. Maratakanagara : This used to be identified
with Virincipuram in the North Arcot district on the
basis of the name of a local goddess called Marakatha-
valli. But if the Madhurdvijayam were closely looked
into, Kancipuram would appear a better choice. Bukka
in the course of his exhortation to Prince Kampana on
the eve of the Tondaimandalam campaigns, asks him
to -march successfully to Tundira (Tondaimandalam)
and overcome the people headed by the Sambuvaraya
who are preparing for war.” Then the king continues:
1 llen establish yourself at Kdnci and rule there with
uue regard to the wishes of the people, even like the Lord
of Wealth does in the city of Alaka.” (Canto HI, sloka
Vr 5Tr thZG 18 thlS information 111 the stanza ? Tl ;.?aVr“g thus kiUed Sambuvaraya in
f h f ba,U e' Alng Kampana received the decree of his father that he should rule the conquered Wi.
KaTei T fa”eJof his victory duly established ‘in
SndT 'TgUrfed a Just Prosperous rule over Tondaimandalam destroying all confusion in castes and
?ri"’th“^Uowt. established himself and ruled the earl peacefX^
possible to say when this alternate name for Knci puram became well-known Ksno- ^anci tal tu q • i Nancipuram was the capi- tal of the Sambuvarayas and Kampana’s residence in it after the destruction of the SarnKi normal sambuvaraya rule is quite
gg M A D ii U R A v IJ A Y A M
■ 4. Rajagambhira: This is identified with Padai-
vldu which was the hill fortress of the Sambuvaraya’s.
It was also known as Rajagambhiranmalai. Kampana
captured the fortress and slew his enemy in a single
fort. As regards Padaividu, it was originally the seat
of a Kurumba dynasty of indigenous tribal rulers. It was
once a large city, about sixteen miles in circumference,
and full of temples and fine private residences. “The
extent of the city may be judged from the fact that the
present villages of Sandaivasal where the fair or sandai
was held and Pushpagiri, the site of the flower market,
are four miles apart. The city is believed to have been
entombed by a shower of dust and stones. There are
two extensive but ruined forts upon the plains, built
doubtless by the Kurumbas and another upon a peak
of the Javadi hills which overlooks the city.” (cf:
Manual of the North Arcot District, Vol. II, page 401).
5. Srirangam : The island town of Srirangam is
contiguous to the Tiruchirapalli Municipality. It should
have suffered both from Malik Kafur’s raids and from
those of the Madhurai Sultans. The battle of Kannanur
Koppam (Kandur) should have been preceded by the
destruction of a good part of Srirangam. The Madhura-
vijayam mentions the lamentable condition of the city
on the eve of Kampala’s march on Madhurai.
6. Virincinagara was included in the Padaividu
Rajya. It is situated about eight miles to the west of
Vellore and is noted for its temple of Margasahaya
(Vajittunai Nainar). The name Virinci signifies
Brahma. The temple was greatly beautified by Bommi
Reddi of Vellore and his successors. The temple is
celebrated in a work called Virincivuranatha carita by
Navanito Kavi.
INTRODUCTION 69
7. Vyagrapuri.: There is no doubt that it is the
same as Chidambaram. The Brahmatspuri of Amir
Khusrau is also identified with Chidambaram by
Dr. S. K. Aiyangar (vide South India and her Muham¬
madan Invaders, page 108). Though such an identifi¬
cation is not borne out by other sources, there is no harm
m tentahvely accepting it. The Madhurdvimvam refers
to the damage suffered by Chidambaram' possibly as the result of the campaigns of Malik Kafur. Ganga
Devi plays on the name Vyagrapuri so that it might also give the meaning “the abode of tigers.”
THE MADHURAVIJAYAM OF GANGA DEVI
(Translation)
Canto : I
Slokas 1 to 16: Gancid Devi's obeisance to the poets who
influenced her.
1. May the elephant-faced God, who, like the
divine Kalpavrksa fulfils the desires of those that sur¬
render to His Grace, be propitious to the good.
2. For the sake of wisdom, I prayerfully approach
God siva and His Spouse, who embody the light of
Universal Consciousness and who bear the form of the
Creator’s model for making man and woman.
3. I make obeisance to Goddess Saraswati who
lives in the lotus-like mouths of great poets, as a
Sdrika bird in a jewelled cage and who acts like moon¬
light on the ocean of Universal Intelligence.
4. I bow to Guru Kriyasakti, unparalleled in
wisdom and resplendent with auspiciousness like
another Trilocana (Siva) with Sarvamangala (Par-
vati) shining (by his side).
5. May the sage Valmiki, who is (as it were) the
first foot set on this earth by poesy, bring cheerfulness
to the minds of the virtuous.
6. Just as there is delicious juice in every joint
of red sugar-cane, there is sweet essence in every sec¬
tion of Vyasa’s string of expressions (the Mahdbhdrata)
M A DHU RAVI JAY A M 2
whicli imparls immediate enjoyment to men of good
taste.
7. Who are the poets that do not play the role of
a slave to Kfiiidasa? For even now those that are, live
by his ideas.
8. How could others comprehend the eloquence
of Bhatta Buna, which captivates like the musical sound
of ihe vina played by Saraswati’s own hand?
9. Just as the garland of vakula flowers yields its
sweet fragrance only when pressed, so too, the language
of Bharavi discloses its excellence and gives delight to
the learned only if pondered upon.
10. The flourish of expressions of Agarya
Dandin, drunk (as it were) with the wealth of nectar,
shines like the fashionable precious stone-mirror of the
Creator’s Spouse.
xl. I fancy that Bhavabhuti’s compositions must
be some species of Kamadhenu; for they produce in the
ears of the learned a pleasure akin to the drinking of
ambrosia.
12. Whom would the expressions of the poet of
Karnamrta fail to delight—expressions which are an
ocean of honey flowing from the flower clusters of the
mcindara tree?
13. Even as the thirsty cdkora birds love to drink
the rays of ihe moon, poets find immense relish in the
composition of Kavi Tikkayya.
14. Bieathes there the man of learning who will
not be jealous of the poet Agastya whose wealth of
M A D H U R A V I J AY A M 3
learning is demonstrated by the production of as many
as seventyfour poetic compositions?
15. We respectfully greet the great poet Ganga-
dhara as a second Vyasa, in that he has made the story
of the Bharata actually seen by the device of dramati¬
zation.
16. May the lord of poets, Visvanatha, flourish
long; for it is by his grace, even in individuals like my¬
self, has dawned a sense of omniscience.
Sloktis 17 to 24: Gancjd Devi on literary criticism.
17. There is sense in some, idea in some, and sen¬
timent m some; but nowhere is found a work where all
these exist together.
18. ttiven as a single salt particle from an oyster-
shed spons the liquid essence of black sandal, so too,
even the smallest flaw found in a poetic work renders it censurable.
19. Just as an ugly woman, though virtuous, is
not pleasing to her husband, a faultless poetic compo¬
sition, if devoid of qualities (fineness), does not satisfy the man of learning.
20. A vile man searches for faults in a poetic
composition, in disregard of its merits, even as the crow
shows a preference to the nimba (fruit) without caring
for the mango in the forest.
21. How long can a plagiarist dally with poesy
obtained by stealing? For shortlived is the radiance of
artificial colouring in a fictitious stone.
4 madhuravijayam
22. Logicians, there are many; grammarians—they abound in thousands; but scarcely can be found poets
who are charming by reason of their beautiful songs.
23. What is there that the composition of a poet
does not yield? It promotes fame, serves for wealth,
destroys baseness and awakens delight.
24. A connoisseur of learning needs no invitation
to listen to good poetry. Who urges the bee to taste
the sweetness of honey?
Slakes 25 to 42: The greatness of Bukka, the father of
Kampana, is described.
25. Oh learned men, please listen, therefore, to
this poem of mine dealing with the history of king
Kampana, going by the famous title of the Conquest of
Madhura (Madhura Vijayam).
2G. There was a famous king called Bukka who
was the younger brother of Harihara and whose com¬
mands were borne on their heads by all the neighbour¬
ing vassals.
27. Like Sesa among serpents, Himavan among
mountains, and Visnu among gods, he occupied the
first place among the lords of the earth.
28. Severer than the sun and pleasanter than the
moon was he. In depth he excelled the ocean, and in
firmness, the mountain Sumeru.
29. With discernment alone for his minister, and
the bow alone for his army, he counted on his arms
as his only ally in the heart of battle.
M ADHURAV I J AYAM 5
30. He demonsti'ated the presence of the (four)
guardian deities of the universe even on this earth:
Indra by being victorious, Varuna by being the over-
lord of the waters, Kubera by giving away wealth and
Yama by being impartial.
31. His immense fame displayed its existence
among his subjects as sandal paste on their chests, as
pearl ear-rings in their ears, and camphor powder on
their faces.
32. By (the might of) his arm which confounded
the army generals of his enemies, fame was won by
him, even as nectar (by the gods) by using the Man-
thara mountain with which was churned the boundless
lord of the rivers (viz., ocean).
33. His fame, as a person of delightful qualities,
spread so envelopingly that it appeared like a coverlet
of white silk on the oval shape of the universe.
34. The sword wielded by his hand, terrible as it
looked, feasting on the life-breath of his royal oppo¬
nents, begot glory, even as a ferocious serpent feeding
on air produces its cover of slough.
35. His right hand which to all appearance seemed
to be drawing the sword was in fact practising the art
of drawing, by her braided hair, the goddess of
prosperity of his adversaries.
36. Having, after a long time, come to him who
was ever wakeful in protecting this universe, Goddess
Laksmi never again remembered Visnu who was in¬
sensible, wrapped up in yogic sleep.
6 M A D H U R Av~ IJ AY A M
37. The tree of Dharma which had withered
away by the scorching heat of this Kali age sprouted
again by the water that flowed (from his hands) while making gifts of charity.
38. Iiis very enemy-kings who bore on their head
scars caused by rubbing against his foot-rest stood on
all quarters as so many pillars of his triumph.
39. The reputations of his adversaries, as if they
were enveloped by rows of flames of the fire of his
prowess, looked dark in appearance.
40. Chained in the grounds of his halls, his vic-
toiious elephants looked like clouds, imprisoned, be¬
cause they stood in the way of his triumphal expeditions.
41. The (cloud of) dust raised by the hoofs of his
war-horses made the sun apprehensive of an unexpect¬ edly sudden approach of Rahu.
42. ±5y the side of his prosperity, the prosperity
-if Kubera or Indra looked insignificant; and far remote
became the question of any comparison between the
fortunes of personages like Duryodhana and him.
SldkdS 43 to 66: The City of Vijayanagar.
43. He who augmented his riches by conquest,
had the famous Vijayanagar a for his capital city. That
city won the approbation of knowing men, as Indra’s Amaravati. won that of the gods.
44. As if in rivalry with the heavenly Ganges
that flowed round the borders of swargaldka, the river
Tungabhadra encircled the city as a formidable moat.
7 madhuravijayam
45. The city was also surrounded by ramparts on
all sides which were high as the Cakrdgala mountains;
and it had the beauty of a water-trench round the
creeper Laksmi and looked like the navel of goddess Earth.
46. Lofty and gem-set towers like the peaks of
the Sumeru emitting rainbow colours adorned the city.
47. The city was also surrounded by pleasure-
groves which looked like abodes of Spring and which
were tub or flowering trees like campaka. asoka, ndga and kesara.
48- Pleasure~hillocks in the city were fre¬ quented by the musk deer that sought the shade of the
P antains and karpura plants in them. These hillocks lodged like the veritable hidi„g places of £ “
smell49/ T!’e City wf sportinS-Iakes, fragrant with the 116 o. lotuses. Those lakes had gem-set steos and
weie always inhabited by beautiful swans.
buil.5°Palacese whlT ^7 *he d*y had h'^h-
autumn. Z tltJZ ^ ^ ** d°“ds °f which the fame of the l. . y "ele so “any shapes
itself had taken. “1S S COnquest of world-cities
female1 heTh,8 C'tyi°0ked like «*> *‘age set for flowering emale beauty to d,splay its charms: or it may even be
the forehS T fashi°n md IoveIiness adorning
Qu JZ ‘he hdy kn°™ as Southern
8 M AD HU RAVI JAY A M
52. The city was full of virtuous Brahmans, and
armies of musicians ever strode its expansive grounds.
Thus, like the full-moon night, or the world of celestial
baids, serenity and music reigned unceasingly all round.
53. Bhujangas, or youths of fashion, made that
city their favourite haunt, even as bhujangas, or
seipents, make the crown of Siva their chosen abode.
Good-hearted people in large numbers loved to wander
m its precincts like gods in the regions of the Sumeru.
54. The city was the play-ground of all good
fortune. Prosperity in all its aspects delighted to live
in its saloons. The city looked like a garland of precious
stones on the shores of the sea of virtue.
55 The disc of the sun caught in the heights of
the city s palaces produced on the on-lookers the illu¬ sion of a golden jar.
■jv, The ctamsels playing on the grounds of the top
floor of the city’s mansions often laid their hands on
the lounded body of the moon, mistaking it for their plav-ball of pearls.
57. Hearing the sound of the drum accompanying
the music played in the city’s palaces, the peacock began
to dance even in the absence of any appropriate occa¬
sion (viz., the appearance of a thunder-cloud).
58. The clouds that hung about the sides of the
city’s palaces with the colour of padmaraga gems reflect¬
ed in them, always looked brown like evening clouds.
59. The clouds of smoke that rushed through the crevices in the buildings of the city at the evening-time
MADHURAVIJAYA M 9
appeared like darkness effecting its escape afraid of be¬
ing caught in the effulgence of approaching lamp-light inside.
60. As the lustre of the gems with which the steps
were paved in the lakes always drove darkness away,
the cakiavnka birds were no^ separated v'irTh^- fall. .
61- The moon, as if ashamed hv reason of the shin¬
ing beauty marking the lotus-like faces of the lovely
women in the city, ever wore a mourning black on her body known as kalanka.
62. The god of love never thought of resorting to
his flower-arrows to effect his conquests in the face of
oh«_ lowly glances shot from the eyes of beautiful women
there to subdue the hearts of youth.
63. As if to take their lessons in graceful walking
the swans ever sought the company of women there,
attracted by the sweet jingling of their foot-ornaments.
64. The blooming breasts of the maidens of the
city were beautifully set off by their slender waists even
as thick clouds in the void above.
65. Theie was no hardness there in the city ex¬
cept in the breasts of beautiful damsels, nor crooked¬
ness except in their curly locks, nor thinness except in their waists.
66. Pampa was the branch city of Vijaya. Many
a Kubera (lords of wealth) were there so much so that B
10 Iv! A n H U R A V IJ AY A M
God Virupaksa (Siva) who was enshrined there never
spent a thought about his original home at Alaka.
Slolcas Cu to 75: Bukka as king. Of special interest is the
■mention of Devdyi, the queen of Bukka.
6«. Installed in that city, he, of undiminished
prowess, ruled over the earth even as Indra ruled the
heavenly regions from his seat in Amaravati.
68. By contemplating on his prosperity that was
at the service of friends, and his politics that was wide
and comprehensive, his subjects imagined that Manu himself had in him his second birth.
69. Though impartial to all the three purusartas—
dharma, artha and kama—the king, who was the idol
of ah virtuous people, had a special regard for dharma
even as Visnu, the Lord of all, has for satva. among his tnree gitnas satva, rajas and tamas.
70. His hand gave freely, his ear heard the Sastras
well, his head was always crowned with the sandals of
Lord Siva. The sense of decorative fineness that he
thereby evinced became the means of his achieving his desire to get and keep prosperity.
71. The kings that ruled over the territories of
which the mountains of Vindhya, Malaya, Astha and
Rohana were the four boundaries paid homage to him
and those that were enemies shook with fear.
72. Always awake at his post of guarding the
kingdom that came to him from his ancestors in an
M AD HU RAVI J AY AM 11
unbroken line of succession, the king enjoyed the
immense pleasures befitting his royal rank yet with
complete detachment.
73. Like Laksmi to Narayana and Parvati to
Sankara, queen Devayi was to the king the chosen consort.
74. Though the king had other wives also, she
alone became the object of his love and regard, even as
Rohini to the moon among celestial luminaries.
75. The brave king who was pleasing like the full-
moon to the eyes of the people of Karnata dwelt along
at the city of Vijaya and enjoyed the delights of his
youth with her who was his heart’s beloved-
Thus ends the first canto of Virakamparaya yaritam
called Madhuravijavam. composed by Sri Ganga Devi.
Obeisance to Goddess Minak?i !
Canto : II
Slokas 1 to 13: Queen Devayi conceives. Her longings
during pregnancy are described.
1. The queen conceived by the king and bore in
her womb, the seed of royal race, as the cosmic waters
held in them the tejas virile of Brahma with which the three worlds were created.
2. The queen put aside her jewels. Her face was
somewhat pale like the sara reed and her form unusually
slender. She shone like a river in autumn with lotuses
gone and with the globe of the moon reflected on its watery surface.
3. She who was the beloved consort of the lord of
this eaith, indulged in tasting particles of it as if to
teach the responsibility of earth-sway to the infant in her womb.
4. The very nature of her longings in her
pregnancy which always took a daring turn suggested
that her would-be son would be wedded to heroic accomplishments.
5. Without caring for the Tungabhadra which
flowed nearby and which was easily fordable, she desir¬
ed to spoi t in the Tamiaparni in company with her army
of elephants that would raise waves in its waters (while
they submerged with their huge bodies).
6. Though she was physically unable to walk as
far as the pleasure-hill where the deer were quietly
MADHURAVIJAY AM 13
grazing, she, in her mental flights, was on the tops of
the Malaya mountain inhabited by (ferocious) lions.
7. She heard of Visnu’s miraculous exploits
underneath the earth and wanted to imitate Him .... (sloka imperfect).
8. She .laughed at Siva’s valour in reducing
Tripura aided by all such paraphernalia as the Earth
foi the chariot, Brahma for the charioteer, Sesa for the
bowstring, the mountain for the bow and Hari for the arrow.
9. As time advanced, the limbs of her body began
to put on flesh; he.r face regained its sweet and lazy
eye-looks; her belly began to show its folds distinctly;
and this change in his beloved filled the king with delight.
10. The auspicious line of hair that was on her
abdomen looked like a black serpent on guard in order to protect the infant within.
11. Her breasts, with black nipples, surpassed in
them attractiveness the gakravdka couple with a bit of blue utpala flower in their beaks.
12. The lord of earth regarded her being in an
interesting condition, as if she were a rain-cloud full of
water within, a pearl oyster with pearl inside and night¬
time foreshadowing the rise of the moon.
13. The king who was as prosperous as Indra and
who was ever bent on the amelioration of his subjects,
celebrated the ceremony of pumsavana as ordered by
14 MADHURAVIJA YAM
his preceptor, at the appointed time, on a scale befitting his royal rank.
Slokds 14 to 42: The birth of Kampana, the hero of the
poem. The birth of the other tioo sons of Bukka, Kampana and Sanyama. is also mentioned.
14. Then on an auspicious day, at the hour pro¬
nounced most auspicious by astrologers, the queen
presented her lord with a boy, as Goddess Parvati bore
to Siva the child Subi’ahmanya.
15. The quarters then shone with spotless lustre
as if they had been newly washed by royal fame which
was fit to be likened to the whiteness of milk that filled the milky ocean.
16. Cool breeze scented with the flower-dusts
from heavenly trees began to blow gently as if afraid of
the new-born infant who was soon to attain the mastery of his earth.
i S°d of fire seemed to dance with joy, uescribing auspicious circles with his bright ends; and
this betokened that fruitful sacrifices would soon be
peifoimed all over the southern countries in abundance.
18. The kalpa vrksas by showering down flowers
thiough clouds looked as if courting in advance the
friendship of the royal child who was soon to excel them in the glory of giving.
19. The wild elephants, with ichor flowing down
their cheeks, trumpeted in joy, as if in contemplation of
the destruction that awaited their enemies.- the lions, at
M ADHURAVJJA Y .4 M 15
the hands of the royal baby who would soon grow up to be a daring hunter.
20. The horses also neighed with joy, tearing the
ground with their large hoofs, perhaps thinking, that
they would soon be mounted upon by the child and a
great glory awaited them in that role.
21. Tumultuous rejoicings among the people of
tie city aiose, with trumpets blowing and qaranas shouting auspicious words.
22. The monarch of Kuntala wished to give away
even himself bodily to those that bore the glad tidings of his son s birth.
23. By his royal word of command the prisons
weie thrown open and prisoners were unchained and
the tuLZl ° ”a * r°°m f0V fU,Ure inCumbents' viz"
24. Duly bathed and clad in via*- -si. .. v,. _
after doling out immense riches *7^ =h.he lyin,in room with a glJ t;—
featured HC Sar,the Ch"d lyillg on the laP of his slim-
of the autumnal riverSWa" 'V°lmgling 0n ^ «ed
played an fl!t u n'v °/ llgbt’ wbitisl1 as camphor dust,
the lamps h C •' S f°‘m which sllbdued the lustre of “ ,he fving-in-chamber. With his
practising chi,ld a* if already
dess of prosperity fb°ldlng wlth,n his «‘'asp the god- sinned f + i ‘ ^1S enem*es' His two gracefully
aped feet bore auspicious marks indicative of conch.
16 M A D H II Tt A VIJ A Y „4 M
disc, umbrella, lotus, banner, and fish. His tiny fingers,
reddish and soft as tender foliage, were also beautiful to
look at. He bore the hairy sign of Srwatsa on his breast
which suggested that he was an avatara of Visnu, and,
that unbroken prosperity would mark his life. His
forehead was adorned with a circle of hair between the
eye-brows. His eyes were large like the petals of
o coming lotus. His nose was lofty; and a sweet smile
played on Ins red lips. Altogether, the child’s face was ■surpassingly beautiful.
31. Tears of joy, for a while, acted as a check on
the steadfast look of his eyes that feasted on the cherubic form of the child.
32. The king embraced the child with his eyes;
11 ' -'.cessive emotion in his mind burst out as manifest by horripulation.
3o. On an auspicious day, the jcita karmcin rites
m me ....da were performed as directed by the priest,
and the child grew in splendour like the god of five that witnesses those rites.
The king who always looked ahead named his child Kampana. as he clearly foresaw in his mind that,
m proper time, the latter would become a matchless
warrior, and was sure to make his enemies in the field of battle quake with fear.
35. Just as the sacrificer tends the fire with ghee
offerings, and just as the cloud sustains the corn with
rains, so too, the king had his child brought up by trustworthy nurses.
36. He was overjoyed to hear the lisping words
and to look at the tottering gaits of his child, who had
MAD HU RAVI JAY AM 17
his lessons on talking and walking from his foster- mother.
37. Like a swan that ever loves the touch of
budding lotuses, the king was never satisfied with kis¬
sing the flagrant mouth of his child with no teeth yet perceptible in it.
38. The pleasurable feeling which the king had
while embracing his cherub boy, was not to be matched
by the contact of camphor, pearl, sandal-paste or moon¬ beams.
39. The king and the queen felt themselves bathed
in an ocean of nectar as they enjoyed looking at their
child crawling on his knees on the floor of the palace,
with the small bells in his ornaments tinkling.
40. Then, in course of time, the queen bore to the
king two other sons called Kampana and Sangama who
were like pdrijdta and gintdmani that sprang from the milky ocean.
41. The prince (viz, Kampana), along with his
two brothers, began to grow, day by day ; and people
were in ecstasies when they looked at him as at the (waxing) moon.
42. The king, with his three children, shone like
Siva with his three eyes, the moon, the sun and the fire-
or like statesmanship, with its three unfailing aspects’
Power, Daring and Counsel; or like life with its three
ends, Virtue, Wealth and Enjoyment.
. Thus ends the second canto of Virakamparaya gantam, called Madhuravijayam, composed bv Sri Gan^a TIoitT -
C
Canto : III
Slokas 1 to 20; The early training of Kampana. His bodily
charm and qualities are also described. His marriage with Ganga Devi and other princesses is mentioned.
.1. The tonsure ceremony over, the prince be¬ came proficient in all the arts and humanities without any external help, and tuition by gurus in his case was more or less a superfluity.
2. He was trained in military science by his own father who had acquired its secret from an excellent
master. Thus tutored, he became a pastmaster in wielding the bow and the sword and in the use of all miraculous weapons.
3. He spoke the truth, had immense bodily strength and was an expert in handling the bow. A
fine horseman and a master in sword-play, he
possessed all the accomplishments for each of which were the Pandavas separately noted.
4. He now attained his youthhood which could be described as the sporting lake of the elephant called Ivfanmatha, as the bunch of flowers called love, as the moon-light for the gakora birds called women’s eyes.
5. His body shone distinctly in its full contours, now that boyhood had entirely passed away and youth-
hood had asserted itself, even as the sun shines in his total brilliance after the passing away of the dewy season.
6. His walking was graceful and stately. It looked as if the elephants dwelling in the mountain cave gave
MAD HU RAVI 3 AY A M ' 19
it as a present in advance to get themselves caught and
kept by him—a favour for which they always longed.
7. In the excessively beautiful palm of his hands
there was the auspicious fish-mark. Why should such
a mark appear there unless it be that Kama had sur¬
rendered his fish-banner by way of accepting his defeat
by the beauty of the prince’s feet?
8. The loins of the beautiful prince, hard as stone
with their golden band, resembled the base of the
anjana hill encircled by a fresh streak of red coloured mineral.
9. His waist, shapely and slender, which greatly
enhanced the beauty of h:s person, suggested the idea
of the lions having yielded their monopoly, as a sort of
hush-money in his favour, as they were extremely afraid of his strength.
j.0. His panei-iike chest shone just so broad as to
be able to hold in its expanse the breasts of beautiful
women, breasts which can well compare with the frontal
globes on an elephant’s head.
11. His beam-like hands with strong reddish
fingers at their end hung up to his knees. They were
attractive and immensely powerful. Springing as they
did from his thickset shoulders, they were always a
sight for people to see.
12. If the black spot in the moon could be
removed from its place in the centre and drawn as a
line at the edge of her orb, then it might be likened to
his face, with the beard just making its appearance.
20 M AD HU RAVI J AY AM
13. The redness that appeared in the comer o£
h,s lotus-hke eyes suggested anger against the ears that
set^a hunt to the freedom of their (eyes') expansive-
14. The world thought of his long and lofty nose
as a demarcatmg line that prevented each one of the
eyes from encroaching on the province of the other.
with !!d nPri“Cf had his i0ng tuft of llis hair dressed w. h tod blossom which looked like emblems expressing led hearts of beautiful women.
16 His body and prowess grew side by side. Side
y side also did his eyes and fame become more and more
whi e coloured. His neck, along with his qualities
, ----ecomgij,. Aim uotn ms mind and voice together gamed in depth.
j. 17'., TheklnS> seeing that the prince had attained us youtnhood, married him to several princesses; and
" Uni°nS par,took the grandeur of the ocean receiving the rivers at the advent of the rainy season.
18. Like Sasi to Cakra (Indra), Rama (Laksmi) to Sarngin (Vispu), and Sati (Parvati) to
(Siva).... (possibly, the name of the poetess who
was his principal consort is introduced).
tl i l9' Jih rr enj°yed C°njUgal kaPPbiess with that beautiful-looking princess. They loved each other
so well and their happiness was so perfect that even the gods could not but feel envious.
20. Perfectly disciplined as the prince was, the
kmg one day wishing to make him famous by the con-
-tti
jtij
lMiM
iiate
Mil
asr
iifc
wan
itn
MI
madhtjravijayam 21
quest of the enemies began to give him pregnant words of advice.
Siokas 21 to 48: The mission of Kampana in the Tamil
countra ,s explained by Bukka. Here is another Polonius.
destZC'V'3e T" '* the exh°rtMi°' "•« Kampana must destroy the Sambuvaraya as a prelude to his conquest of Madhura from the Sultan.
21. “A darkness always infests youthful age. and wise men have found out that onlv the lamo nf
gence lighted by proper advice is able to dispel it. So
it behoves you to lend me your ears and listen to what 1 am about to say.
22. Wise men consider instruction imparted bv
a guru, as a jewelled ear-ring bereft of hardness a
potent ointment without colour, and a wonderful fom
of penance involving no self-mortification.
23 “Perverse rogues do not mind the nromnt
”f of good leaders. They elose their eves in theh
intoxication. They are unclean because of the dust of
tondeeny aga,nSt themsel''«‘' They tie themselves P prejudices as if to firm posts. In all this thev
resemble elephants in rut. y
tt jThe darkness of intoxication such as of youthhood is akin to that of a starless night. Nothing
trTmfh Tkening ^ expect d7ng “t!
blfpeld aorfS,i7no,U7-,0f S6X » embodied state. V °''erC°me by °“ ™
22 M AD HU R AV1 J AY AM
25. When the tree of egotism puts forth its
shoots, it dries up the springs of mercy. The dawning
of youthhood is really the vanishing of light from the
intellect; and how can one have anything like proper
perception at such a dark hour?
26. Youth deprived of discretion, and rulers
blinded by prosperity, going their own way, soon became
the favourites oi danger which overtakes them as a
night of eclipse does in the case of full moon.
27. Which wise man would trust women who are
the aDode of ail foibles and who are like nets ensnaring
the mind resembling the frolic-blind deer?
28. “AH that a gambler has—fruitful earth, valu¬
able ornaments, riches, and even his own body, his
strength, his wives and his sons—does not belong to him, but belongs to others.
2^. Which wise man will indulge in hunting wild
beasts risking in vain his own life? Those that know
chaiacteuse it as a bottomless pit into which kings, like
i ut-elephants, fall in their unguarded state.
30. When the intoxication of youthhood is on,
and when wealth is making one falter at every step,
who could think of getting into the habit of drinking?
It would be like getting a bad complication in typhoid fever.
31. “However much you may be wedded to doing
good, popularity could never be gained if you are in the
habit of bursting into harsh words. A cloud may give
welcome showers; but, at the same time, no one will
cease dreading its lightning and thunder.
MADHU RAVI JAY A M 23
32. “Subjects are the wealth of kings. When that
is so, who could think of inflicting a reign of terror on
them by having recourse to brutal punishments?
Nobody would go up a tree and apply the axe to its roots.
33. An idiot who, in blind ignorance, throws
away wealth as gifts to the undeserving—wealth which
is indispensable for the upkeep of dharma—really
thiows oblations that deserve to be used in holy sacri¬
fices, into the fire that is consuming a dead body.
j4. Ignorance-ridden monarchs overcome by
vices such as these vices, which, like consumption, eat
into the body politic become in course of time objects of contempt to their enemies.
35. Those fools that are not able to preserve by
their good qualities wealth begotten by them on account
of merit in previous birth are to be likened to monkeys
in whose hands a garland of flowers has been given.
The formei. like the latter in their unbalanced state,
know only to destroy what they have been given.
36. But youth like you who have their intelli¬
gence duly shaped and purified by instruction received
rom piopei gums know how to keep away from vices
and act always in the proper manner.
, beh°VeS y°U’ therefore- to take courage in both hands, consider the pros and cons of everything
deeply, and act in such a way that the goddess of pros¬
perity notorious for her fickle mind, does not turn aside from you even for a moment
24 MAD HU RAVI J AY AM
38. “Rulers of earth, who are men of action, and
my heieditaiy fiiends, in whose heart no malice dwells,
and who, though unostentatious, are famed in quelling
rebellious spirits are now camping near you here by my command, my dear son!
3J. You know you are surrounded now by an
ocean-like army. Horses in thousands act as its waves,
elephants in rut appear in its midst like huge islands,
and destructive weapons like sharks abound in its waters.
40. So. I would ask you to exhibit your manli¬
ness and ever increasing prowess and strike at your
enemies and subdue them, even as the Lord of the Gods
(India) did in the case of the (winged) mountains,
eni aged at their efforts to destroy the world.
41. So, you had better march successfully to
Tundira (Tondaimandala) and overcome the people
headed by the Champa (Sambuvaraya) who are pre-
paiing for war. Then establish yourself at Kanci and
lule there, with due regard to the wishes of the people,
even like the Lord of Wealth (Kubera) does in the city of Alaka.
42. Then if you subdue all the Vauya kings, it
would be easy for you to break the power of the
Turuska. Would it be difficult for the fire that had
consumed with its flames hundreds of branches of a tree, to destroy the trunk also?
43. “This Turuska is acting like Ravana in regard
to the Southern Kingdoms. If you play the praise-
MADHURAV1J AY AM 25
worthy part of Sri Rama in reducing him you will be
rendering a service to the world and allay affliction.’
44. Having delivered this speech, the king stop¬
ped, even as the cloud does after pouring down its
watery contents. The prince bowed low, and took to
heart, like the good son he was, the advice of his father.
45. Then the king took off invaluable ornaments
from his own person and adorned the prince with them.
And, after fixing, that the latter should start on his vic¬
torious expedition on the next day, he retired to his
own apartments in an elated mood.
46. The sun. as if anxious to inform the serpent
king who bore this earth fSesaf that his burden would
soon be lightened, sank in haste into the nether regions.
47. The prince, after finishing his daily worship
of the sandhya, and after acquainting his eager attend¬
ants with the commands of his father and dismissing
them, entered his private apartments to enjoy the com¬
pany of his beautiful princesses.
Thus ends the third canto of Virakamparaya
garitam, called Madhuravijayam, composed by Sri Ganga
Devi.
o
Canto : IV
Sldktis 1 to 16:
buvardya territory. Preparations jor the march on the Sam-
& 2. When the divine sun, the sustainer of
lotuses, and the unequalled lamp of universe, rose the
next day the prince woke up from his sleep, and after
u y performing the morning rites of worship, ordered
is geneials to get the army ready for marching.
3. Then, like the noise of the ocean, churned with
the mountain of Mandhara, the sound of war-drums
beaten by drum-sticks arose at the beginning of the
■ 7)10 sound Srew louder and louder, and filled the skies as if it emanated from Candisa’s damaru
(drum) beaten at the time of the Great Deluge.
5. It raised echoes from the caverns in the moun-
ams as if to scare the fear-ridden enemies who might otherwise take shelter in them.
6 As the uproar entered the bowels of earth, Sesa closed his eyes (which were also his ears), and he
became both blind and deaf by a single act.
7. . The army at once got ready with each of its
units, viz., elephants, horses and foot soldiers, suitably
coveied and dressed; elephants with carpets on their
backs, horses fully caparisoned and men protected in their mailed coats.
8. There mustered hundreds of formidable war-
elephants with ichor streaming forth from their exten¬ sive temples.
M AD HU RAVI J A YAM 27
9. Horses with foaming mouths, and swift as wind,
were seen bounding like waves in the army-ocean.
10. There gathered in no time, hosts of footmen
from different countries, armed with swords, daggers,
lances and bows.
11. Wearing suitable ornaments, kings renowned
for the might of their arm, waited near the outer gate
awaiting the arrival of their overlord (Kampana).
12. The space of the sky was completely filled
with uplifted umbrellas, resembling white lotuses in the
liver of the army, and also looking like the play mirrors of the Goddess of Victory.
13. Should the stirring period of the march be
compared to the advent of the autumnal season, the fly-
whisks waving by the side of kings appeared like swans hovering about.
14. The rays of the sun never left their natural
redness, as the colour of the sparking gems set in royal
ciowns, beautiful as a cluster of flowers, was ceaselessly mingling with them.
15- As the passage of the sky was completely
blocked by the flags flying aloft, Aruna experienced
much difficulty in conducting the chariot of the sun across.
16. Fed by the neighing of the horses, intensified
by the loud trumpeting of the elephants and extended
by the sound of the instruments of war-music (w’ar-
diums) the din that arose was something inconceivable.
28 MA DHURA V IJ AYAM
SLOkas 17 to 35: Prince Kampana starts on the campaign
He is accompanied by the Cola. Kerala and Pdndya kings.
17. The king who had himself knowledge of the
appropriate hour, however, awaited with his retinue,
the formal fixing of the auspicious moment by his loyal priests.
18. His throbbing right hand foretold the auspi¬
cious event of the forthcoming embrace by the Goddess of Valour, before everybody else.
19. Brahmins chanting the Atharva Veda, aug¬
mented the chances of his victory with their (hearty)
blessings, just as the sacrificial fire is made to glow by oblations sanctified by hymns.
-0. The i\ing now came out of his palace and had
a good look at his tall agile horse saddled in readiness near the outer gate.
21. Like an ally of Garuda, like the next of kin of
th® ™ind’ a^d llke a friend of Vayu. the agile animal looked like tspeed itself in its aggregate.
22. As if the horse felt that the space of the earth
was inadequate for the demonstration of his great speed
which was faster than even that of the mind, he seemed
extending it by constantly beating with his hoofs.
23. Excelling the horse of Indra in speed, he
appeared to be attacking his own image reflected in the
crystal walls (which he was facing).
24. With neigh attended with white foam, he
seemed to mock at Hanuman who took great pride in
having merely crossed the saltish ocean.
MADHURAVIJ AY AM 29
25. With the bit in his mouth looking like a
serpent, and with the wing-like cover (on his back)
spariding with the colour of tender foliage, he seemed
to imitate Garuda even in his bodily form.
26. The wind, blowing from the end of his
waving tail which attended on him, was like a disciple
taking secret.lessons in speed.
27. By raising his head up. and letting it down
again, frequently, to keep his swiftness in bounds, he
appeared to be offering salutations to the Goddess of
Victory standing in front of him.
28. With the heaps of dust raised by his hoofs,
the legions of the sky were rendered like floor; and this
served to give the he direct to the claims of the sun’s hoises that they trod on airy tract.
29. The king mounted the horse, the personifica¬
tion of stiength, ana (in nis elation) felt as if the entire
kingdom of the earln haa already passed into his hands.
30. With numberless troops pouring in from all
directions, the king, with his view unconcealed, crossed the outer gate.
31. With crowns on their bent heads, with their
an s folded (in leverence), the monarchs of earth
saluted him, as he emerged, seated on the back of his horse.
32. With shouts of joy on seeing him, the Cola,
Kerala and Pandya monarchs assumed the role of staff- bearers, and chose to walk in front of him.
30 M AD HU RAVI J AY AM
33. Like a row of clouds raining drops of water
on a mountain, the respectable matrons of the town,
showered the customary parched grain on him.
34. As he marched in state, king Kampana caused
a quivei in the hearts of his rivals, and turned to the
direction of the quarter which had the Malaya moun¬ tains for its boundary.
Slokds 35 to 46: The orderly march of the Karndta forces.
35. Leading such a huge army, the great hero
looked like the eastern wind dragging behind it a string of heavy clouds.
36. The load of the earth having become lightened
by heaps of dust rising up, Adisesa managed to bear the weight of the royal army.
37. The dust that rose up acted simultaneously as
an eclipse of both the sun of prowess and the moon of
fame of the enemy (and thus effected a double eclipse at the same time).
38. The aggregate of dust caused the illusion of
a huge dung heap capable of manuring the creepers of
(Kampana s) fame that had begun to sprout out in all the quarters.
39. Undei the pretext of being hidden away by
the dust, the sun (in fact) fled to some unknown
quarter, afraid that he might be pierced through by
warriors transformed into gods in the approaching
conflict. (Warriors who go to vira-swarga after a heroic
end may pierce the sun in their journey to that destination).
MADHURAVIJAYAM 31
40. As if apprehending early extinction, grains
of dust entered the pores of glands of lordly elephants
through which ichor was coming out.
41. The collection of dust plunged into the great
oceans having been subjected, as it were, to unbearable
heat when trying to absorb the rays of the sun.
42. Water particles sprayed from the trunks of
female elephants gave the shape of a fine hail to the
cloud of dust raised by the marching army.
“iS. Paitides of dust fanned out by big war-
elephants flapping their ears were kept back by the rain
of spray from the trunks of elephants.
44. The army which looked like the grand con¬
fluence of all the seven oceans at the time of Mahd
pralaya (the Great Deluge) began its orderly march with a great uproar.
45. Caught up in the temples of great elephants
overflowing with ichor, dust no longer rose, though the
giound was continuously being broken by the toe-like hoofs of horses.
46. The cool breeze, cool by reason of its contact
with fine drops of water from the waves of the Tunga-
bhadra, proved quite welcome for the onward march of the army.
M. 4\ 5°: PHnce KamP“W at first struck camp at Mulbagal and then arrived in Virinchipuram for the fight.
47. King Kampana reached Muluvayipattanam
after crossing the Karnata country within five or six
ays (i.e. after a march of five or six days).
32 madhuravijayam
48. In that city he was biding his time; and when
the appropriate hour arrived he started to launch his attack against the Sambuvaraya ruler.
__._49" The dust ralsed by his army made both the Pa ar and the fame of the Sambuvaraya monarch look dirty,
5U;r. Klng KamPana struck camp with his army
near Vmnchinagara (Virinchipuram) where the
Blanches of the trees were being shaken by the wind
proceeding from the (waves) ripples of the Palar.
Slokas 51 to 66: The siege of PadaivUu the stronghold
of the Sambnvarayds. The defeat of the Tamil forces.
51 Having come m all readiness, king Kampana
j, ai ted to lay siege to the town of the Lord of the Tamils
ike the dewy season blocking up the course of the sun with intermittent snow.
. rr arrayed fo«es of both the Karnata and the Tamil kings attacked each other, like two oceans
brought against each other by stormy winds at the time of the Great Deluge.
53. The fight began to rage, foot-soldiers falling
on foot-soldiers elephant-herds attacking elephant-
herds, troops of horses colliding with troops of horses
54. Unable to bear the lion-like roars emanating
from warriors on both sides, the elephants of the
quarters, with their trumpeting completely silenced, almost lost their consciousness.
55. Sparks generated in large numbers by the
clash of the weapons of the warriors on either side bore
MADHURA V I J AY AM 33
a close likeness to a collection of glow-worms in the
darkness of the dust.
56. Even like the fancied side-glances of the
amourous Goddess of fight, the sharp-pointed arrows
let fly against one another by bow-men fell to the ground.
57. The blood-stained sword-blades waving in the
hands of heroic warriors appeared like the lolling tongue
of Yama eager to make a meal of them.
58. In the countless x’ivers of blood which began
to flow on all sides, the faces of soldiers cut off by the bhalla arrow looked like lotuses.
59. The arms of kings severed by swords
lesembled the trunks of elephants but were mistaken
for snakes by the eagles that snatched them away.
60. The blood flowing from human trunks was
very much liked by the Raksasis who deftly seated
themselves on the trunks of elephants as if on tops of places.
61. Biave fighters sent to (everlasting) sleep by
enemy arrows on the protrusion of their elephants,
soon woke up on the pot-like breasts of divine damsels.’
62. Then the army of the Tamil king routed by
the mighty forces of Kampana took to flight.
63. Some men fleeing in great disorder let fall
their weapons in great terror and swore they would never fight again.
E
34 M A D H V R A VIJ A Y A M
64. Others, feigning death, dropped down; but
feanng the presence of jackals, they at once rose up
and started running pell-mell, affording no small mirth to the Karnata forces.
friverh Y? mistakin§ a mirage for water ( vei) made futile attempts to cross it with a boat
improvised out of the shields which they had forgotten to abandon (in their flight).
. . J'1161’6 Wei'e StiH °thers who m their flight mistook their own shadows for the pursuing enemy in
before theU flight 9nd began t0 Prostrate bexore them, biting their fingers.
°l J the Snmbuvaraya by Kampana.
67. King Kampana, then converted the Tamil
mgs town into an encampment for his own forces
and from there began to lay seige to the hill fortress
thTeen RaJgga/'bhira ^S^frammalai) in which the enemy had sought asylum.
68. The sound of his war-drums raised echoes
from every cave of the hill and it looked as if the hill itself had begun to yell out in fright.
69 With flags flying in the direction of high
winds, the lull (fort) gave the impression that it was
greeting king (Kampana) and welcoming him with its arms (the flags) to come to its top.
70. Again, fierce fighting commenced between the
two sides and the weapons falling down and shooting
up. lit up both earth and sky by their resplendanee.
M AD HU RAVI J AY AM 35
71. Heads severed by arrows resembled palmyra-
fruits as they fell down from the ramparts and caused
an illusion of balls belonging to the Deity of War (for
playing with).
72. Like messengers (tax-collectors) sent by the
stronghold itself claiming the tolls for the entry (of the
Karnata troops) the stones let down from catapults fell just in front of the king.
73. The hill, with the houses lit up by the fire from
the missiles of bow-men, looked like holding lamps in
readiness for the happy ceremony of harati to mark the
auspicious victory of the king.
7a. The ascent of the hill was accomplished bv
heroic men by means of rows of lances planted as
ladders and climbing up to the tops of sala trees.
75 & 76. With all means (and chances) of (escape)
coming out completely blocked, the stronghold was
subjected to such great distress that the embryos of
women, big with children, slipped out at the very sight
of the fierce troops jumping in, and people immersed in
the river of blood of the slain prayed for their lives.
77. The Sambuvaraya monarch, with drawn
sword, came out of his palace in great anger, even as a
snake with its lolling tongue might come out of a mole¬ hill.
78. Though many a soldier of valour eagerly
came forward to fight saying, “let me do it”, king
Kampana preferred to face the Sambuvaraya himself.
3fi mad HU RAVI.JAY AM
79. With the forepart of their bodies bent and
eyes fixed, the two kings, sword in hand, stood still for
a moment like a picture on a piece of painting.
80 The gods were thankful for the total absence
of winking in their eyes, as they were looking on with
fixed gaze, the flight (of the two heroes), their bodies divided at the waist.
1 • Kampala’s sword, reflecting as it did, the
image of the Sambuvaraya monarch, looked like a
pregnant daughter about to give birth to a husband for the celestial nymphs.
82. Then escaping deftly a sword thrust, king
Kampana despatched the Sambuvaraya (monarch) as a guest to Indra’s city.
. S3‘ Havin§ thus reduced (killed) the Sambuva¬ raya in the field of battle, king Kampana received the
decree of his father that he should rule (the tern tor”
thus conquered). With the fame of his victory duly
established in Kanci, he inaugurated a just and
prosperous rule over Tundiramandalam destroying all confusion m castes and religious orders.
Thus ends the fourth canto of Virakamparaya (jaritam, called Madhuravijayam, composed bv Sri Ganga Devi.
Canto : V
Sldkds 1 to 11: Kampana installed himself Governor of
his father at Marakatanagara (Kanci) and established good
government.
1. Then in the great city called Marataka which
was like an- ornament of this earth, king Kampana
established himself and ruled the earth peacefully and well.
2. His subjects thought that he was another
incarnation of Visnu that had come down to this earth,
because he was so victorious, and such a favourite of gods and virtuous men.
3. His prowess was recognised everywhere; his
actions were always fruitful. He increased the scope
of negotiation among other strategems in achieving his
purpose. Highly intelligent and politic, he was. There
was something original in his statecraft, which showed he was a real master.
4. Even as the sun with his bright rays unveils
every object on earth, the king, by his skilful employ¬
ment of spies, knew everything that was being done by friends and foes alike.
5. The system of light taxation which he practised
pleased his subjects in his kingdom, and earth herself
showed a great satisfaction by her excellent yield of corn and other produce.
6. Earth, by finding rest on his strong, attractive,
ornamented and liberal hands, lightened the burden of Sesa who was her prime support.
38 MAD HURA V IJ AYAM
7' -1'he threshoId of his palace was ever thronged with elephants and also kings waiting for audience.
The former made it muddy with their flowing ichor,
while the latter made it dry with gem-dusts falling
down from ornaments broken as a result of jostling.
8- Every day kings that had cast off their old
enmity nibbed their forehead against his royal foot-
stooh And their resultant change of fortune suggested
e idea that new letters of prosperity were written on
hen foreheads tin lieu of those that were already there from their birth). y
!! T)6 \°ya* t}iresl10^ was always beseiged by
S' h i ° n mSS’ SUCh aS °f MaSadha> Malava, Sevuna Simhala Dramila, Kerala and Gauda. waiting for an opportunity to pay their homage,
, °,n sic*es beautiful damsels waved the chowri and m the jingling of their golden bracelet the
drowned. ^ ^ ^ - alm^
11. Kampana loved very much to listen to com-
posi ions o good poets in his court, compositions which
Z SW“ 'lke the mounding of Saraswati's anklets as she practised graceful walking.
Slokas 12 to 76- The m’
,he Prince. f SeaS0,!S' The amors °f
. 12v The]adiesoi the court played on the Vina with their slim fingers, singing songs that told his world-
known acts of glory. Sweet notes of gamaka that
v fitted from the music made it most attractive.
M At) Hu' n A VIJ A V A M 36
13. Very often the ladies of his harem entertained
the king with dancing, perfect in every respect, beat¬
ing time, making gestures and movements.
14. In his hunting expeditions, the king cleared
the forest by killing hyenas, wounding buffaloes, scat¬
tering deer, and slaughtering wild boars. He also
subdued rhinoceroses and caught elephants.
15. Then summer set in. It made women have
lecourse to scented snows, fans and sandal. They also loved moonlit nights.
16. Days enjoyed bright and long sun-shine, and
nights were short; young women loved to enjoy water-
sports. Gentle winds, fragrant with the smell of full- bloomed patala flowers, blew.
17. By the decree of eternal law, the sun had to
leave the southern region, in order to obtain, as it were,
the cooling influence of the ice-clad Himalayas.
^.8. To the delight of the gakravdka birds, the
days became longer and longer. In the unbearable heat
of summer, it seemed that even the horses of the
tottered and had to move with less speed. sun
19. The elephant Cupid, getting scorched in the
sun found shelter in the breasts of beautiful ladies,
which were wet with pastes of sandal and had the cooling contact of pearl strings.
20. Day by day, waters in the pleasure-lakes in the pa ace-grounds of the king were found receding further
an fuithei fiom the shores. This made one fancy that
t ey were getting more and more afi'aid of receiving
4n 0 madhvravuayam
knocks fr°m the breasts of Kuntala damsels who delighted m sporting in them.
21. The king was delighted with the unadorned
placed | aUt,fU' ladi6S W“h lhe ***• wreaths placed on lhe ear. and pearl-like drops of sweat
appearing on them (the faces).
, . f2' ,The king couW no‘ contain his emotion when
ieadfof hirVranSfiX,id ‘° the blaids °f hair on the eads of Ins charming women, which wafted sweet
tZTZ “ng, fr°m the evening-blossoming • a,a flowers with which they were decked.
23 T,hJ j** So‘ over the heat of the day by ng with the choicest ladies to his summer-house
whore water-particles sparkling like stars were b2g sprayed incessantly. g
, ,24' ,A.fter summer. came winter which the cataka birds welcomed with delight, and which, by
chowr" r°edS' P1'°duced aittaion of
The,,2!5' drUdS begar‘ ‘° aPPear hore and there. They looked like the sporting pavilions of women called
igh nings. and the thunder that was heard resembled
the sounds of mndangci drums.
26. The bee-black clouds looked like dark colour¬
ed petticoats flashes of lightning that appeared now and
hen glittered l.ke borders of gold-lace, and rain drops like pearl-countings. e
27 The rain-bow with its colours, green, red and
white, shone like the girdle, set with emerald, coral and pearl of the Beauty Goddess of sky.
MADHURAVIJ AY AM 41
28. Red insects looking like blood drops, began
to swarm the earth. They looked like the sparks of the
lightning fire that had dropped down on earth when
clouds clashed with clouds in a violent manner.
29. Frozen rain drops fell from clouds that
whirled round with the blowing of the eastern wind.
Looking at them, one wondered if they were not pearls
which were taken along with the sea-water during the
latter’s formation.
30. o.n mountainous plateaus peacocks danced
singing sweet notes of shadjci at the appearance of
clouds that were their favourites.
31. Travellers with desperate courage heard the
thundeiing of clouds in the sky which sounded like
celestial kettle-drums which Cupid beat with sticks of lightning.
o^. r or some days tne rorest presented +bi^
appearance: Plantains put forth new shoots. Arjuv.a
trees blossomed and also the kadamba and ketaka.
Cdtaka birds were in great glee, and also the peacocks.
33. Through winds, as if with hands, clouds
sprinkled ketaka dusts resembling holy ashes. The
murmuring of thunder was like the uttering of hum
And all this was effective in exorcising the evil-spirit
of love-anger which sometimes possessed the ladies of the harem.
34. The mind of the king was very much attract¬
ed by pleasure-hillocks. Eyes in the tails of dancing
peacocks rendered them very picturesque, and camphor f
42 M adhuravijayam
deposits in them exuded the most agreeable odour. The
numberless kadamba trees there were in full blossom.
35. The king was also attracted by his beautiful
< oils « lose curling locks were decorated with the
evening-blossoming moiatf flowers. Their clothes were scented with agaru fumes and smelling like musk. ^ w"w
36, The king's love passion was very much excit-
fld by gem-set pavilions, by fragrant breezes wafting
mu-icT ,TaJ“ k6Ulka n°Wers and bv musical notes of intoxicated peacocks.
role !f' ThC adVe,n‘ °f *he cIoudy season enacted the ole a romance confidant to the king in the night
time, as „ made even the newly married shy girls
embrace him at every sound of thunder-murmurings.
* ,Then, “T ^ autumn' the jester that made lotus-clusters laugh, the thief that stole India's h0,„
(rain bow) and the treasury officer that set his seal on me mouths of peacocks.
39. The season resembled a lion in dispersing the elephant-like clouds. His face was the sun. The Las
were his manes and the blossoming China roses his red eyes.
40. It was no empty saying that the sun and the
moon are the eyes of Visnu. Now that He has woken
up from sleep, these two also opened in their proper splendour. F
41. By reason of the rise of the brilliant Agastya-
St0r> the waters were c]ea^d of their muddy condition.
MADHURAVIJ AY AM <13
and shone as clear as the minds of men that had received
proper instruction from a merciful guru.
42. White clouds lined the sky, and lightning dis-
appeaied. In that state the sky resembled the watery
expanse of the sea with clusters of foam here and there and coral reefs gone.
43. The clouds in winter seemed to have acted
like a whet-stone and a wash in the case of the sun
and the moon, respectively, for they both shone now
with increased brightness and splendour.
44. The rivers were rid of impurities and looked
slimmer. And by uniting them with the swans, their
lovers, the season really enacted the role of a dear
female friend effecting reconciliation between angry lovers.
j-i very where there were heard sweet sounds
fom swans resembling the music of Laksmi’s feet wan-
enng on lotus-beds or the auspicious sounding of Cupid’s turya (musical instrument).
46 Autumn, like a beautiful lady with lotus eyes,
esired as it were to see her face every now and then
in the mirror of the sun whom she, therefore, frequently
drew out from his wrapper of white clouds.
47. The king enjoyed the autumnal nights fully;
for in their contents they resembled his ladies in every
respect; blue water-lilies had the beauty of their eyes,
t e moon of their face, white water-lilies of their smile and stars of the pupil of their eyes.
44 M AD HU RAVI J AY A M
48 The young women guarding rice fields sane
e spotless fame of lire king, decked as their persons
were with garlands of pearls that had come out of the bursting of ripe red sugarcane.
chainfwilh wl!ant,tSin rUt’ 3gain and a«ain' PU'M Ac chains with which they were fastened, as forest winds fuden with the smell nf hi™ • ut>
blew over their bodies W#Wm"ng <"«
withbloesE’Cly'liele f°ieSt grounds were adorned
tie w d , B ?SCS- And - *e latter stirred in he wind. „ seemed as if, by orders of the king, they were
flame 10 ■* —^
.he at J^kinr^otdt eS ,<>ng: T “ » much thPro ° en,,oy nig^t sports very much, theie came the dewy season.
52 Lotus clusters were hit by snow ard -he
moon became pa.e „ colour. Only fte‘faces ff £
ngs beloved consorts gained unmatched charm.
5 j' r°ya^ ladles’ as .hey shivered in cold seemed to be m an uninterrupted state of love passion, the hairs in .heir breasts always standing on end, and
their mouths always uttering murmuring sounds.
54. The king's beloveds made him fancy that they
were decking their hair with pearls, in season and out
of season, as the cluster of their curls were always
diessed with the white blossoms of jasmine.
55. The king loved to remain in his inner apart¬
ments, sweetly scented with agaru fumes, in company
M AD HU R AV1J AY AM 45
of his beautiful consorts whose breasts were warm and
painted with saffron paste.
56. The king who incarnated Cupid in point of
peisonal charm, thus enjoying the comforts of the cold
season desired to sport with his ladies in the nights in spite of the chilly weather.
57. He very much liked to lie down on beds
strewn with fresh foliage of clove plants, beds that were
also dotted with particles of agaru fallen from the fore¬
head of his ladies in their amorous practices.
58. His ladies presented a particularly attractive
appearance to the king, with their faces white with the
dust of ludra flowers and with their foreheads anointed with musk paste.
59. Young girls who got horripilation by reason
of them proximity to their royal lover ascribed it to
cold. But they felt ashamed, as beads of sweat, sug¬
gestive of their unmistakable love passion, began to coiiect on their persons.
60. Young ladies feigning anger, but glad at
heart, looked at the king, as he practised acts of love
passion, such as biting the lips, drawing by the hair, and kissing all over.
61. The breasts of his ladies warm with blossom¬
ing youthfulness drove away the cold of the season
when the king cast longing looks on them: they were
very attractive also in their semi-covered state with
marks of nail scratches, and without the strings of pearls on them.
MADHURAVIJ AY AM
62. Then spring came, with trees full of flowers
as if for an offering, with sprouting foliage like hands
folded m veneration. With the cooings of cuckoos, as if
uttering humble words of obeisance, the season seemed
to have come to pay homage to the king.
66. The gentle southern breezes that blew scatter¬ ing ragiant mango leaf-dust seemed like sorcerers
sprinkling ashes to turn the mind of anger-ridden dam¬ sels that spurned their lovers.
64 Kimsvka trees with buds of dazzlmg red
s..one like ftons with blood-stained nails—lions that had torn die deer of lovely travellers.
65. Rows of campaka clusters with collyrium-
ike bees settling on them looked like lamps lighted by
c sPnn§ w commemoration of Cupid’s festival.
, f.p Sweet odour oi wine in the mouths of beautiful-eyed ladies travelled to the vakula flowers
rom which the southern breeze took it. Thu<= it had its spreading in an appropriate manner.
. 67' Asokas> Wlth bees humming around in thick rows indicated a sort of appropriateness to the manure
wlncn the tree had by the touch of the tender feet of
Kuntala ladies resounding with ornaments.
68. The kuravakas that looked like hairs stand¬
ing on end in the act of mutual embrace of lovers, raised
Jove passion even in the hearts of insentient beings.
69. The sweet pangama notes of cuckoos delighted
the world immensely. Lonely travellers that heard it
lelt as if they heard sounds of Cupid’s bow shooting arrows at them. 5
M AD HU R AVI JAY AM 47
70. Wild creepers that were the beloved of the
black bee attracted the latter very much as clusters of
buds looking like breasts sprouted in them, in the flower¬
ing season of spring.
71. In the spring festival ladies wanted to paint
forms of Cupid on picture-boards. But they ended by
painting the form of king Kampana who was always in their heart.
72. Certain ladies smeared the Cupid-like person
of the king with sandal paste, and their hands evidenced
love passion by sweat drops and horripilation that marked them in the act.
73- The tinkling of bracelets, the tossing of
girdles, the dropping of garlands and the dying of curls
that marked the practice in swinging play, looked like
a rehearsal on the part of lovely ladies of love sports with their lover.
74 :ome queens felt cislismccl !ds£oi'w
companions; and in singing songs in praise of Kama
they often introduced the name of the king in their for¬ getfulness.
75. They desired to splash on the king paste of
saffron, but they were not aware that the substance had
already leaked out of their sweat-bathed hands.
76. King Kampana thus rendered the third end
of life (Kama) fruitful by sporting to his heart’s con¬
tent with the ladies of his harem whose passion was not
dimmed even in unbroken union.
Thus ends the fifth canto of Virakamparaya
?antam, called Madhuravijayam, composed by Ganga Devi.
Canto : VI
SI°kab 1 t0 ^ Tkc water'sP°rts of the Prince.
nymphs, the king with hkHad' by celesti«l
garden which resembled
move to the garden withT,"1 ■ the ki"g “ h® began to
si/h, 0ru :aik Z7ZT1 rdhs sowd- moving in ,he wake of the southern ^e ™8 ^
red lac-dye drfoping^rom^ ‘^T '°0k WaS Iined with if a cover of tender h> L1GU 6et’ an<^ ^ seemed as
4. t: WaS betag 'a,d °n tha gr™nd.
red hues, seemeTto KneTh'5’ '"ud'a.tlrig blue> white and
lilies and red lotuses S "y Wltb b*ue Id‘es> white
they fell Inethe°k”deS's0l ankIets °f ladi“. « his mind, that it mi“ | t ars'ProtJueed the impression in
Cupid’s bow. g ‘ “ ‘he noise ‘he stringing „f
they followed the kimTh jd by the ,adies' as sweetness. ®’ 6 heard in varying notes of
7. Oh ye beautiful friend „„ -i , rest lest you injure vnur f , , ’ g sI°wly after the
dropped down on the way fromftl'tok en gari^
sleeping swans,* with the^ ound>of°b 76 ,0tus-fa-d. ‘he
M AD HU RAVI J AY AM 49
the same for lotuses and thus cause obstruction to your speedy going.”
9. Look you here, friend, this thirsty deer which
eagerly approaches you mistaking the brilliance radiat¬
ing fiom your finger-nails for water, will surely move
away in shame, once the mistake is found out.”
10. You, moon-faced dear, move not a step lest
you knock against the moon-stone wall. But the reflec¬
tion of your lotus-like face has already entered it.”
11. ‘Oh, my foolish friend, why do you v/cilk so
slow. You don t seem to realise that your roguish
lover will exploit this to court the company of other
women. For, this pleasure-forest, darkish with such
Luck dust of fresh flowers, is eminently filled for secret meeting even in day time.
Oh friend, I know you walk very fast so that
you may overtake your lover in order to look back and
see his face. But you don't seem to realise that women m their minds have the lover’s face them!
always in front of
13. “I know you could not walk fast because of
your burdensome breasts. But, friend, walk fast you must. (Sloka incomplete).*
57. The king splashed water on a lotus in the
pleasure lake. And this made a lady cast on him angry
looks of jealousy, the fringes of her eye-lashes wet with tears.
touched nicely the upper part of a a y s thigh underneath the water, she feigned fish-
*Slokas 14 to 56 missing.
G
50 M Ar>HVRAVlJAYAM
bite and embraced her lover u ^ were looking on, ^ Wh<!n her ““P^ns
j>9. Another lady, afraid of being struck with
^ire,^ry ium,ed’ “ ^ as if it were C vt’ u ^ C3St 0ngln§ giances on it,
were Cupid s slab with his sword placed on it.
th tf°'u Thf Sheet °f Water first touched the feet then
thGn the — a“d th-S ’ 1 llU a les as they slowly descended it.
n i 01.
as if in Ilf5' Uindld the ki"S b>' Ashing water.
turned to look af the nail ^ °‘he1' kdieS riva] 91 malks on the person of her
if they had^ust'hadti?16 Waters made the ladies look as were colour free th thelr saxual satisfaction. Their lips
foreheads without T
-ght pleased the king immensely0 ^ 8
pas«e63wasF:a”hedeawaySt: °f^Untala Iadiaa *»da>
which took its place effective^ c Tf n l0‘US-dust on them. Actively concealed all nail marks
( 6,4’ ?e cu™nl °f Water floated away the wreaths *at had dropped from the Srutis (earn) of Iad‘s
Whtch man, however ignorant, (also cold) make friend sh,p of one who had fallen from the path o ^ (Vedic injunction)? 1 srutl
65. Though their royal lover askerl .
H,S kdieS Had n° mind t0 do so’ as they were ver/much
MADHURAV1JAY AM 51
attracted by the love of sport; and so they did not leave
the pleasure lake though its water had completely
washed away their decorative marks.
66. Then, at last, tired of sport, they came out;
the king started (home) with them; he then resembled
the Xalpaka Vrksa moving from the milky‘Ocean in company of water nymphs fatigued with the tossings in churning.
67. The king was delighted to look at his beloved
ones as they emerged out of the lake, with nail marks
on their persons distinctly visible, with their thighs
revealed through the waving cover of wet clothing, and
water particles dripping from their long braids of hair.
68. King Kampana thought himself more fortu¬
nate than even Cupid, as he feasted his eyes on the
person of his ladies between tying their hair and wear¬ ing fresh dress.
69. Then, dressing maids put his royal garments
on him, and he left his harem; and after offering due
worship to Siva, whose glory is sung by Vedas, attended
to duties of state for the rest of the day.
Thus ends the sixth canto of Virakamparaya
garitam. called Madhuravijayam, composed by Ganga Devi.
Lanto : VII
description of Night ^olerhusUnd^^' D°Vl’S
given toTt ^ bf ^ °* ** ^ ^ ^
beauty 0f their faces m*klng lotuses imitate the
western mountains ’ “* the — <* the
the Western Ocean as^f ®“bmerSed mto the waters of
submarine fire tbe~c 1 • *?P 6nisb bls heat ^rom the
^ - ™M„g ,o;rsrbw»:ch had been speni in ,he
globe of the sun to hi $ harem fancied the
Goddess of Day hacj j g“ den ear‘™g which the depart. 7 d dropped d°wn in her haste to
the its^^^^^ies-eddened with
w ;rdrkcWks) - -- - ^:;°:z
lotuses, abandonedSamh!ra"fnk W-‘h ^ h°ney in the
^ ™d ■" ** ZbeZu(Z7! weys’,r revered as Varuna’s queen Wh„ • T reg,on
immune to the injurious influence of drinktogV ^ “
The minds of ,000^^^^™-^
53 M AD HU RAVI J AY AM
7. The lotus ponds with closed flowers of lotuses
looked as if offering their prayer with folded hands for
the return of the sun who had left them for another hemisphere.
TAe ocean, with the folds of evening clouds
reflected in the waves raised by the wind, looked as if
putting up steps of gems for the sun to descend from the sky.
9. The globe of the setting sun. as it. touched its
own reflection in the waves of the western ocean, raised
in one’s mind the idea of the Golden cymbals, for the evening dancer, Siva.
10. Cakravaka couples with their pitiful looks at
the setting sun, and with bits of lotus-stalk dropping
down from their beaks, looked very miserable on the
eve of their mutual separation at nightfall.
11. A few streaks of light still lined the sky even
? fihriSUnL Had SUnk in the ocean waters. These looked like the remnant branches of the tree of Day which the elephant Time had uprooted.
12. The ocean, with the beams of the setting sun,
reminded one of the time-honoured anecdote of its
avmg been stained with the blood of Madhu and Kaitabha.
u *he sun> with its lustre gone, rolled, scattered by the ocean waves. Sea-fishes licked
i o ten and often, mistaking it for the broken remains of a fruit.
54 madhuravij ay am
14. Small remnants of light j , dark shadows of trees to be oaf, ^ hundreds of these looked like the forces of 1'l 6 S''0Und And the army of the sun fle“feaf ’
of the day^ntnrsiedT”8 <’"-t -°" 3 l0urney at thr- end to be kept b” 'be he- t ^ fantapa (Jleat, also distress)
lovers, ind his lm S W°men Separated ‘hi
(tha«,,sed,„;l0tlt:i;;;mb:;af-'a*d by herbs
stepping VisnupSda (the feet of v‘ , °* ^ °Vei"
other khagas (birds! , T °J V‘Snv’ sls° »*»). the nests in trees. q ‘y hld themselves in their
eonsidLd1TL.CSTIr 1l0tUSeS Which “
hees going roun a„d ro Jd “g ^ tha “«* role of n,vht wafnu d’ humming, enacted the -- t- w a tchrnen
- js»•
part of Night havins taken
fancied that it should have got its characterise!W
MADHURAVIJAYAM 55
by coming into contact with the dust raised by the hoofs
of the sun’s horses as they trod on the red layers of the
western mountains.
21. Red clouds travelled in the evening sky, and
their colour was imitative of the hue of the red dye
adorning the face of the Damsel, Night, who was about to set foot on the horizon.
22. The reddish hues of twilight, as of tender
leaves, began to show themselves in the western horizon
like coral reefs revealed by the western ocean in the
agitation caused by the rapid fall of the sun into its depth.
23 to 25. Then darkness began to set in. now
obscuring trees, now the sky, now the regions; and it
gave rise to various fancies such as: that they were
tendei leaves of lamala with which the regions deco-
lated their ears; or thgt they were musk-paste draw¬
ings on the face of the lady called Night; or that they
were smokes rising from the quenching of the sun’s
heated surface; or that they were black bees disguised
as darkness filling the regions after leaving the closing
lotuses, or the black waters of the Jumna rising up, tall
as trees, when disturbed by Sri Krsna.
26. People’s eyes suddenly lost their power (of
seeing). It seemed as if the burning lamp of the sun
was put out, and from the lamp-pot of sky. lamp-black was being scattered all round.
27. The stars began to show themselves in the
dark sky, and people fancied that God Siva was lettin-
go his elephant-skin clothing dotted with drops of blood (after his dance was over).
50 MADHURAVIJAYAM
28. The stars looked as if they were beads of
ZZnl T "g “ ‘he ““ Sky “ a "»* of it day. ning hea‘ °f the su" durinS
29. Time was certainly the ploughman; the stars
",7 WejWajhed Seeds °f grain; *he dark skies were
hv Wm? f mUddy' Wherei" those wo- sown y in order to raise the crop of moon-light. Such
Vvcts the fancy m the mind of all.
30- F^cy the horizon as a tree. Twilight was the
ro™ iJ TV!0 aPPear ** was the fut giown ieat. The regions were its branches wherein one saw the numberless buds of little stars.
But ILdTt'TT1 !° their loveis rendezvous.
ware tv tt f ” '* ^ *hat were " 6 by the fragrance of breath in the darkness.
„t 'tu Lamps bt m houses’ which were the children
tho f , .. . \ \ Lcnuea with great care which took ^h6 of oil-fed widc^ > .. - 'dam’ wick). ( Sneha means ot! also, and
33. Lady Darkness decking her plait of hair with oweis of stars waited for a short time for her lover,
;e ™°°,n’ S™lmg> as ,l were, with the blossoms of the white lily.
34. Then a few rays of the moon, like glitterin-
ocean-waves, were to be noticed in the eastern horizon.
35. The eastern quarter, hiding the moon about
to rise, with her pale appearance, looked like a woman
oig with child of whom she was about to be delivered.
M AD HU RAVI J A Y A M 57
36. A portion of the reddish orb of the moon
appeared on the eastern region like the mark on the
forehead of a beautiful maiden whom that region (of
Indra) might be imagined to incarnate.
37. The reddish globe of the rising moon looked
like the victorious umbrella of Cupid made of red sandhyaka flowers.
38. Just as a new king who after the departure of
the poweiful peisonality of an old monarch ministers
consolation to the world by his gentle levies, so also, the
moon, after the splenderous sun had disappeared,
pleased the world with his cool pleasant rays.
39. Then the dutiful king Kampana duly per¬
formed the worship of sandhya, and afterwards,
addressed his queen who was near and whom the world
was delighted to call Ganga, thus:
40. “Oh, my lotus-eyed dear, let this hour be
honoured by your sweet description. This servant of
yours eagerly waits to drink the nectar of your expres¬ sion with his ears.”
41. Thus spoken to by her Lord, the queen slightly
lowered her lotus-like face in bashfulness, and slowly
began to give utterance to her charming words.
42. “Oh, my dearest, see how pleasant is this hour
and how propitious to Cupid, with fragrant breeze
gently blowing and with the charming moon just rising.
43. “The lord of night hugs the eastern region to
his bosom m an ardent embrace, and with his nail-like
rays unties her braid of hair which incarnates darkness. H
58 M AD HU RAVI JAY AM
44. Having got up the eastern mountain, the
moon looks as if sucking darkness from the cup of sky
his rays acting as lotus stalks to suck through.*
45. The moon who is the lord of miraculous herbs,
practises alchemy, as it were, by transforming the
lion called darkness into the ‘silver' called moonlight
by sunjectmg the former to a fire-process called ud!ya- ra9a (redness of dawn). U
46. The damsel called the Eastern Region draws
°U , Aei W lte si^ m°onlight presented to her by - & L iom the conch-white box of moon-globe and dresses herself with it, and looks splendid.
47. The moon embraces with his hands of rays
the damsel ot Eastern Region, and at the same time,
also touches another called Kumudvati (bed of night
lotuses). This shows, that lustful men ought not to be trusted.
Though the moon touches incessantly with
15 rays, as with hands, the lotus clusters, the latter
do not look up to him nor return his attentions. That
proves how virtuous women are firm in their vow of chastity.
49. The sun enters the moon every new-moon,
and so, the latter is also endowed with the heating qua¬
lity of the former. And this, he exhibits in the case of lovers in separation.
50- The bee-black spot that is observed in the
centre of the moon’s globe is not the sign of deer as
* In Sanskrit, unlike in English, ‘moon’ is masculine.
MADHU RAVIJ AY AM 59
some suppose. But what it evidences is the applica¬
tion of lamp-black which he had while being used as
one of the wheels of Rudra’s chariot at the time of Tri¬
pura destruction.
51. Or, you may even consider that spot blue as
indra-nlla gem, as night herself who is his beloved lying
there is love’s repose.”
Thus ends the seventh canto of Virakamparaya
garitam, called Madhuravijayam composed by Ganga
Devi.
Canto : VIII
The condition of the Tamil
occupation. country after the Muslim
..Ven> has become the abode of tigers, true to its name. . . . (incomplete).
In Srlrangam the lord of serpents is seen
ll r °f n !-tUmbIing debl’is of b-k with his hood 16U 3 dl£LUrb tbe sleep of yoga in which Hari
is wrapped up there.
Whe.. I look at the state of the temples of other
go s a so my distress knows no bounds. The foldings
of their door are eaten up by wood worms. The arches
over their inner sanctuaries are rent with wild growths ot vegetation.
Those temples which were
the sounds of mridanga drums.
fearful howls of .jackals-
once resonant with
are now echoing the
“ nver haven, uncurbed by proper bunds or dams, has become deflected very much from her
time-honoured course, and flows in all sorts of wrong
directions as if imitating the Turuskas in their actions
The Brahmin streets, where once the sacrifi¬
cial smoke was ever seen rising, and the chanting of
Vedas always greeted the ears, now exhude the musty
odour of meat, and resound with the Iion-roars of drunken Turuskas.
I very much lament for what has happened to
I lie groves in Madhura. The cocoanut trees have all
M A D II U R A V I JAY A M 61
been cut and in their place are to be seen rows of iron
spikes with human skulls dangling at the points.
In the highways which were once charming
with the sounds of anklets of beautiful women, are now-
heard ear-piercing noises of Brahmins being dragged,
bound in iron-fetters.
vVebs worn by spiders have since taken the
place of silk veils with which the dolls adorning the
outei-towers of the city were once covered. Royal
couit-yaius which were once cool with the spraying
of ice-cold sandal, now distress me, wet as they are with
the tears of Bx-ahmins taken as prisonei-s.
Screechings of owls in worn-out pleasure groves
do not afflict me so much as the voice of parrots
taught to speak Persian in the houses of Yavanas
(Turuskas).
The waters of Tambraparni
white with sandal paste rubbed _
breasts of charming girls are now flowing red with the
blood of cows slaughtered by the miscreants.
which were once
away from the
Eaxth is no longer the producer of wealth.
Nor does Indra give timely rains. The God of death
takes his undue toll of what are left lives of undestroyed
by the Yavanas-
I am very much distressed by looking at the
tearful faces of Dravidas, their lips parched by hot
sighs, and their hair worn in utter disorder.
The Kali age desei-ves now deepest congratu¬
lations for being at the zenith of its power: for, gone is
62 MAD HU RAV IJ AYAM
sacred learning; hidden is refinement; hushed is the
voice of Bharma; destroyed is discipline, and discounted is nobility of birth.
Having thus narrated the sickening career of
the Yavanas, she (the strange woman that appeared
before Kampana) by her wonderful power of magic
caused a terrible-looking sword to appear.
The description of the sioord presented to Kampana. The
exhortation of the female Apparition to Kampaixa to rid Madhurai of the Muslim rule.
In its shining silver sheath and handle, it looked like
a serpent that had recently sloughed. In its darkish
brilliance 7t resembled the ogam paste that one might
imagine on the person of Bhadrakali whose advent
marks the end or this universe. With the images of
burning lamps reflected in its surface, it looked like a
fresh cloud bright with lightening within it. This
sword, efficacious in drawing tears of sorrow from the
eyes of enemies spouses, she placed before the king,
as if it were the personification of the Prosperity-God¬
dess of C5las and Pandyas and began to further address him thus :
“Oh king, in olden times, this sword was made by
Viswakarma with the melted splinters of all divine
missiles, and he gave it as a present to God Siva for the
destruction of asuras.”
“And that God gave it as a boon to the
Pdndya king, pleased with his severe austerities. And
his successors had it for a long time and were the
unchallenged rulers of their earth.
M AD HU RAVI J AY AM 63
“Sage Agastya, seeing that the Pandya race
has lost its old virility by the wearing influence of time,
has new sent this scimitar to you, oh powerful king.”
You are by nature daring and wedded to risky
enterprises. The possession of this weapon will
make you formidable in battle. Forest fire is terrible
enough, and if -high winds also assist it, who can gauge its all-consuming ferocity?”
By the wonderful virtue of being armed with this
weapon you will never flag in the field of battle; nor
would any haim result fi’om enemy missiles such as sword, disc or bow.”
As you wave this lightning-like sword in battle,
not even the God of death can dare oppose you. let alone, others.”
Do you now proceed to Southern Madhura and
destroy the cruel king of Yavanas who is the enemy
of the world, even as Sri Krsna killed the demo¬
nic Kamsa who once ruled there (viz., Northern Madhura).”
Not for the first time will you now be wear¬
ing this bracelet on your hand, which has been (even
on prior occasions) the emblem of your vow of protect¬
ing the three worlds, bracelet which none but you can wear.”
Do you scatter the heads of Turuskas, heads
w t t ose swinging tufts, those blood-shot eyes, those
erocious beards and furious-browed foreheads.”
MAD HU R A V IJ AY AM 64
‘May the sun of your prowess in battle wipe
off the smile of moon-light from the faces of the drunken Yavana ladies.”
Dhaima is in great distress by being now sub¬
jected to the scorching influence of the evil-natured
\ avanas, and earth in consequence looks parched, as
it were; and so may you, by the rain of enemies’ blood, allay the latter’s sufferings.”
‘May this sword of yours feast the evil spirits
such as katas, pulanus and yatudhanas with the blood
flowing down from the headless trunks of your evil adversaries.”
i.mj 3,0m erect many a pillar of triumph in
the middle of Ramasetu by dealing destruction to the
Turuska lord who is wedded to nothing but evil do¬
ings and who therefore is to be regarded as the thorny shrub of the three worlds-”
The Kaveri like a tamed female elephant will
tegain her normal course in the proper pace only
if when you become supreme Governor, Oh Your Majesty”.
(N. B. Only the slokas available in the printed
book in ivhole are translated here and as in the original no numbers are given.)
Thus ends the eighth canto of Virakamparaya
Saritam, called Madhuravijayam, composed by Ganga Devi.
The Concluding Canto
(Translation of slokas available completely in the
concluding canto)
Slokas 1 to 20: The final battle xoith the Muslims.
1. Bow^men severed the hands of elephant riders
with Ardhachandra arrows; and they fell down in the
pool of blood in the battle field like serpents in the
sacrificial fire of Parikshit’s son.
2. Pearls from the broken heads of elephants in
lut attacked by heroic warriors, fell down blood-tinged
like sparks produced in sudden collision.
3. No sooner did a horseman begin to return after
having cut with his sword the frontal globe of an
elephant than that elephant was seen seizing his horse
between his legs and squeezing him.
4. The blood flowing from the wounded frontal
globes of elephants was seen, being drunk through
their trunks by some night-prowling demons in great
glee, spitting the pearls that also came with the blood stream.
5. Birds of prey with a view to taste the inner
flesh entered into the body of a dead elephant making
it quiver; jackals that mistook it for sign of life fled
away, though they very much loved to feast on the body.
6. Just as the heads cut by wheels were about to
fall down, they were snatched away quite afresh with i
66 MAD HU RAVI JAY AM
life by Rakshasa women who desired to wear them as
wreaths on their ears.
7. A certain elephant having seized by the foot,
and thrown up a warrior with his trunk, wanted to
catch him again, as he fell, with his pair of tusks.
8. A certain brave warrior thrown up by his
adversary’s elephant alighted on his back with his
sword with which he despatched the enemy rider, and
installed himself in his place.
9. A certain warrior, after having been killed by
the rain of arrows of his angry adversary, became a
god and from his place in swarga rained flowers upon
the latter praising his valour with genuine delight.
10. A certain warrior was struck with a (double-
edged) lance by his opposing foe. and by embracing
the latter with the same lance sticking in his body,
wounded him. This act evoked great admiration.
Who is there that is not moved by real exhibition of
daring qualities?
11. Two warriors, meeting in single combat, cut
each other’s head with their swords after a long fight;
leaving their bodies there, they went up together at
once to celestial regions as close friends.
12. Some royal warriors, like lions, wandered in
the field of battle, and tore the heads of their adver¬
saries with their sharp nails as if the latter were oppos¬
ing elephants.
M AD HU R A V1J A Y A M 67
13. With one blow of his sword he (king) split
in two both the elephants and their riders with their
coat of mail. Their bodies, lying mingled, gave but a
slender clue for distinguishing the ranks of elephants
from those of foot-soldiers.
14. The king, by smiting the elephants on their
globes, produced many a river of blood scattering the pearls on their head like sands.
15. One thought, by looking at them, that there
was not only one lamraparni river out several hun¬ dreds of Tamraparnis.
16. The heads of other elephants he pierced with
his javelins and pearls came out from them. This
reminded one of Subrahmanya boring a hole in the
kroionga mountain through which hosts of swans came out.
17. The agile king cut and wounded the bodies
of those that opposed him, even as a hyena destroys,
with his sharp nails, deer caught in front of him-
18. The brave king pounded the turbaned heads
of his enemies with his mace in such a way that the
eyes which came out of the sockets sank again in their old places.
19. When the king, thus began to work destruc¬
tion in the enemy ranks with his several weapons, the
opposing army fled before him and disappeared like
rains in the huge fires that are started at the end of universe fPralaya).
6S M A D H U RAVI J A Y A M
20. Nol even Parasurama, Rama, Bhima or Arjuna provided such entertainment as the king did to that sage (Narada) who always loved the sight of good battle.
Stilcas 21 to 40: Kampana met the Sultan in a duel and
killed him. The conquest of Madhurai was accomplished.
21. Then seeing all his Turuska forces routed in battle, the Yavana king, stringing his fearful bow, met
the king Kampa in single comba: even as Vritra did the king of the gods.
22. The warriors regarded him as the embodi¬ ment of both anger and intoxication, his eyes red with the drink of vlra-pdna, and knitted brows on his fore¬ head fearful to look at.
23. His jewelled tuft in a line of unbroken bril¬ liance as be rode on his fast horse looked like the wreath of his smoking anger which was about to blaze.
24. The sound produced by his forceful stringing of the bow seemed as if it were emanating from the anklets of the Goddess of Victory, who, after having
deserted him so long, was now returning to him in haste.
25. The brave king Kampa delighted in his hav¬
ing an opponent like the Suratrana (Sultan) who had
by his valour reduced the Colas and Pandyas and despoiled the wealth of Vira Ballala (the Third)-
26. The two proud opponents fought in a manner
befitting the respective might of their arms, by shower-
mi
III
M AD HU RAVI J AY AM 69
ing arrows on each other with their bows bent up to their ears.
27- The king of the Yavanas warded off the arrows
let fly by king Kampa, which were like the side glances
of the Goddess of Heroism. And the king, similarly,
checked the Parasika’s (Persian's) arrows which
resembled the ’eye-darts of Yama’s sister.
28. King Kampa let fly against the Yavana king
his arrows that had, like serpents, drunk the life-
breaths of Keralas, like fire had consumed the lords of
the Vanya Kingdom, and like the sun had destroyed the dark Andhras.
29. The scratches caused by the Yavana king’s
arrow on the person of king Kampa shone like the nail
marks of the Goddess of Victory that was so passionate to enjoy her privacy.
i , 3?‘1.1The Crow banner of the Yavana king which oo ed like the typification of the crown of Kali age
was destroyed by king Kampa, and with that the ormer s hope of victory also.
31. The king, with his arrow, cut the bow-string
° tbe Turuska king who was, in his fury, raining
arrows at the former. It was as if the knife was laid
on the auspicious chord round the neck of the Rajya-
laksmi (kingly prosperity) of the Turuskas.
32. The Turuska hero blazing with anger, then nrew away his bow, and hastily drew out his terrible
70 1 M ADHURAV1J AY AM
sword that was hanging on the side of his horse’s
saddle.
33. Determined to make an end of the Yavana
king, king Kampa also armed himself with that sword
which Agastya had sent him, and which looked as terri¬
ble as Yama himself.
34. That sword, grey-coloured like poisoned
fumes as it was being waved by the hand of king
Kampa, looked like a serpent about to drink the life-
breath from the Yavana’s body.
35. Seated on his agile horse, king Kampa, who
was the glory of the Karnata race, avoiding the sword
blow aimed by the Yavana, cut off in an instant the head of the latter.
36. The head of the Suratrana (Sultan) fell on
the ground, the head that never knew the art of cajol¬
ing servant-like, the head that had borne the royal
burden of the Turuska Samrajya (Supremacy) and
had not bowed down even to gods.
37. The hero, Kampa, was astonished to see that,
even after the head had fallen, the trunk on the horse¬
back still held the reins, checking the horse’s course
with one hand, while the other was uplifted to return
the blow of the adversary.
38. On the head of king Kampa, held high in
pride, fell heaps of flowers rained from the celestial
legions, and those heaps had the appearance of auspi-
M ADHURAV1JAY AM 71
cious yellow-rice (aksata) let fall by the Goddess of
Kingly Prosperity, on Her self-chosen Lord.
39. Like the beauty of the forest saved from
forest-fire, like the view of the sky after the vanishing
of an eclipse, or the calm appearance of the river
Yamuna after the eradication of the serpent Kaliya, the
legion of the South shone after the overthrow of the Parasikas.
40. King Kamparaya guaranteed the safety of the
lemaining men in his enemy ranks and was crowned with happiness and glory.
Thus ends the poem Virakamparaya garitam called
Madhuravijayam, composed by Ganga Devi.
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FHR^IF 1ffilJ#cT#cTF || S ||
q?c?3 ! 1R: Wife JR 3*1: RlffllRR; |
qfo qi 1 flf: II ^ II
! 31111 sfpiftf qfo33*feiflRi i^R i
?1JRlfl1RW#11JRt 11 q^q^f: || <T || V3
3R55If1f pff: I
^qiri ftmvmt u%! fiii i ftiii rq^; u ^ n
M ADHURAV1J AY AM 109
sifsigfe! RjRRftqj q q?R qq qqife i
fqfof q^f^Rif^ra q gqqqqfqtqfR: n $o n
fqmfo ^c[ qqira ! qg to: m *nfa i
qqfiq^qqsRq^toqiitftt qq ftqjft n ?? 11
m fqfqqfqq gen qf^cr RqqqRmg fq?R q§: I
q tow to cii^ toqw gfeif qqfra h ^ 11
RqSRR'qt qqifo ! 3R ^fq qfq^q*qi ?qqf tol |
q q^qfe fq to ftto gqM%*.11 \\ n
.q?ftr i
q^l^qRoiRisifT qqft qw q^toRRR ii ,j>,j. ii
^grofoags: m^riRT qftqftoftoq^RR i
.q^5F?toq RR3R: qtoftqto' II ^ II
toqftto^) qtftoF g^to to^q siftog i
fwfq qfwRq&toq q^qq^tow q?Rf; 11 *vs n
toft *to to i
qtowifttoito)to toqgtoftw qto n v II
qf^£fafcqR?TRT5RT: totowijH; q^RF: |
q#iqftto toto q^qRqto^qsqqtoR; n ^ n
110 M AD HU RAVI J AY AM
TOZgfef: rift mf II So ||
fqsj^gq? qq: m^J....^ 'Wfa RRWw I
fqgfola^ qqfei qf|ri3^ qfcfei$fo*i n s^ n
fallow fetfr v?m i
?faftq ^%fesRRRqftq^: ^dtawRft^ n ^ n
qf?gfeqji#q^[cq*J^?^?Te^5i%^3 i f^35Trtzg ^Toltar ^ sfsRR^ II S3 II
fqiftRqfrspR # Rrc: i
# SJTt^fcffitefq sptsfq qfet: RR II
sifq ff^rfr}^ gifenftjJfHwt fqsrt * qjft cnf^r: i
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3W Hf RRR gq: fRlR: |
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tTttwumzTimi qfo^it^f^rlrate i
qq^^^sici fsRRTt 5R5fm5Fg^iqfnigpni u s^ n
fqqw zFvmsr: u s/ n
MADHURAVIJ AY AM 111
cTcf:
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JT^Tirasra'-
'!&■ *T*7: I
3T«? |
m gSNSJRgfrf q^: |
n ? u
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Tfiws&Rlffilfwt zfWRf:3&I*1$lsHJ: M II
Ff^or^afr^j: i
^riR^gqrc^ n » n
q^1% qRi i
*55# w risj q%# g q?: sfR faWQWi II 'A II
zm fftcf qqf# fq^RfRR mm qg 1
srnigw q 5f0 i?4 ^ qfq JiRT^rg n ^ n
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qf^q^jg^^qs^^Fmfssrqt 11 ^ 11
qfqfawq^q) qqql|qq?$rq%qt 1
qqqfsqqfcq^ Rjffamfaiqfqq <: n
q^ #: |
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M AD HU RAVI J AY AM
!
113
^R^qrTfl^T^f^RIsnfqcT^IslIf^: I
*3Tftfosai*TI3^ TOligfopa II ?o II
35$l qfsETC? qiFR: SiSftfsRl I
17^ ?R^(^fe3Il|*RnfeTOW: II ft II
qg^qwtfengqfq: Rjq g^rif qsnq n n
qqfeqjfeqi 4ifoq f^r>?^}: j
TO: q^foSTOI tfRlfcT$fo§g|g§: 11 ^ II
^foTO^RqtRifq^smtfq ^ i
qqfq^TOfq^' PjffR: awq || $» ||
qqqq fqqqj^ i
1^3 fqqlfqqtfqqf qfcnq Rqqqtqq^ q n ^ n
^fr^q%Kq ^ qfera fqcjgqqif^fqi^ |
fqqq qfiar fqfof^rc; ^f: n ^ h
qzqR^Rlijj ?#q i
qftwft w hto qf^ qiftq^Rpq: n ^ n
3#q^|^Ri^ qf|?]#iq^q^5iq i
^IWSTO^I 3^1 sngqq || ^ ||
p
^q^qqqiR qiftqtagqi To: i
to figqqfqfq qqs-wta qizsi n ^ h
114 M AD HU RAVI J AY AM
flsawr WWJTfSf ?*W: II <o ||
are^ra qqtefl: tszflsanqfiqizafaq: i
vfevmfemfazviw'm^iRvr: n ^ n
flpsft ^ i
(RR??rq)qjci^ egfe^i^fc? fewto*: n ^ n
5&?rc <ral i n ^ n
,%S WR: qsTIR-lI |fTRRq-iqR nSRT: I
TO? f^^I^fTJqift'7Ic^ f%3 jft3^J}55|foflgq: || II
vo
qfe^?^ qRa: ^rRRcWtofl: II H II
3RR cROTtafe R cTO: I
#^q^si5rf>q^3?R5i^335T^^ n ^ u
^9R2R^3pg^iRfere? *RRH SRI: II ^vs
f^f^r.3R%: I
mWJiftWHt || =<^ ||
3?qqcj rjr i
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ii'Jhi
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MADHURAVIJAYAM 115
wm--1
s# ^ ii \o ii
TOraPraifon i
31: 33:*#^ gnfcttl 3RI: II \\ II
SRqtoqswi qift^TRfqw^nMwi: I
^ J%7t 3J|^hl 3|?Sr5I ^ || ^ II
aiga^M 3*I:TOlt ^cft Fralfoft I
3i%if^wqq^ n ^ n
^ WI^l: SlfSTC: TO# II V* II
^ ^Rq^qp*^ 1
f%reftFrcFRi # iftoninPloSt n n
m 33*ij$wi#rtfw i
ii ii
qRfilroTOTOtf ft^rwi°^ i
to ^q^e^ilr%q^wqr^3T^: n v3 n
q^sfq m q»#tl Eg* qqgfq i
ttfl ^RT^ql^I: || \<1 ||
aw q-.S'H’fofq fc#q flTOJsmwqlfqafe?: I
3^ *#> feat fori gfq n \\\\
no MADHURAVIJAYAM
! $ZIWPf WftZfl I
m mm qrcfqg n v0 n
ei qifqqr ^ toi1^ i
q?rR m $1% mmwit ii ^ ii
I faftztfdm [&&:*] II II
qjfaw? u foam: wmm^i ftmfo: i
ii ii
a?*rag3Wfef>ig^f*lfft =f^ra>J sp^f: II *V II
Rfo^5*rcpi#n i
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$rqqr i
§g^si? %^|qq ^ |lw? n 11
fftq qR^-q m ?fan$: vmvtwi i
mft *?« gptff sRf! fivim q n w n
qpjj^q qmiq/q ?w: & i
q?q qR qq^fFql IPR^ qfifangor: II || VO VO vo
'^^qjjqq^qqqi^Rwqiq qifq^H i
fqqq rtvinWm: ami imim n v% n
M AD HU RAV I J AY AM 117
II ^o II
^RR^RI ^1% 3: I
II ^ II
qf^lR 9Rq^. I *
[Cft sfriwr^n crgrr^sre-
^fc'-r.+'K^Rn ^THJT; I*]
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SlY wi^tt s*n«dti
I
mm: I
...II
^ftrcWRIRRfo? ifisgRcTTR siEPJtfa: I
qftci JisRWsiftfR rmkvj family n 'O '■*
.d’^^RW i
fq*aRqR^qq# rr i?ar 1 *rannnf«Rra: n
gw^RRiz^gjiR ^qf^efcrcRqift i
WMCifa qiR ^ ^5i*RRfq ^aipsift ii
S^ifoi 3*1 ^rrr i
33®IH RR taoif ^\rjr ||
3^55fsr fRSFcRi ^Rw^ffofasfflsRl: |
gp?w#^ ga^RR^ u-p^fs n
3TRR^ II
JT^rrq^R ft*lR fj 5?pi: #cHlfs%*q°3*C I
qf^al II
R#?R ^J'l qfrttf ?rM *#33*W: I
fg^ffeq^felfr: pR *RR: ||
MADHURAVIJAYAM 119
^ ^fa<RiRg°3^Rq; n
%Rq^Rir^#iRra qrft ^rg i
^ m aift ii
* cTs-n 7mi % ift #nfq^3 i qfti^aqK^qjJvqt 3T=RRT ^ m g%«I: ||
wR^JR]0! cTTWRTif^oiMfqq^ W q^R: ;
5T)fnRR ftfcTRRftat mi %W: ||
g# q mijt q#i fg# qqft ww. m: i swM 5H 5raaw& fqqqsfrR R^rfdiRfesg n
^FT#^a^I!R sfosRi qgqjft $ ||
gfefam swr; rsr) %a? «rfas*n i
g$? ftftRRg rr *ro: n
ffa si ftfsra ^ q^nf 5rt#t Rftsg i
a^tfWTRR: RRRR RRPT RI^STRRg Wig ||
3R 3 ^^[S: SI R5*]^5JT^^^R sregg |
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sisi TO^hrf {%Rfq eiFafa R$Ri*Rig n
120 MADHURAVIJA YAM
mwfii n
i
%fj^^ ii
(^c>5R^ /)
falWA ’ll-, wmipl! l^W 5F<ZIWt^ II
WW ! Ill ZlMj Kl^im&lll'JW: I
aq^srcrc oiRf fesim femivf n
37331^:^31?: ^ TP^g'7FT eisfa i
93^7 m i&tu n
m ^J55#3 crr^^^TT^ ?p>T5RI1
#terc! wzzmfa wz sferct 3513^7? n
^r # &*£ m era i
37$ort ^ffa: fogqra'WTktf^ II
arftfl^P? =E? qvTRI? »T%J ^ fj ^|fq flcTO-* I
57 *nftw: 11
3fg^?7i3#nr^feii^cifegzi^5TO^ 1
pasra %fs3 im^ mi^sfq wra f^t: 11
swig r5tr? $$mi irgmi ifi u
mW'JVicT zjilxllfli |%$«7f: l$Z^l&l3dllf^ II
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MADHURAVU AY AM m
^f>: II
*HTg fcllll WTl# *ffil: 9aiq^: I
qgqFra^Rtass ^nfpTT n
RT^cTife^if^rn^^q^q! Fmrqq ?nqgt*raj: n
qf^Tfew^q^q: g^ref^qi^i w: i
atq 11
srnvmqi^r^m i — VO ’-S ^
qftifaq *m%rpT^ fq^f^nr^ifa g[|5Tife^ ! ||
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122 madhuravijayam
%/^cJ qafiRf j
gqq^$q$: jj ||
srrafe ^rngm^Eq.gq% qs%:,
ZTIiWi-vW BfaffllR^q ||
nmfirfi: ^rM^f I
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013^ f^I^R fqqpT fecf^ tirfiH’tffR: I
vifaw <img*ih n
RMI: p?*|0|f f^praife^wra^ I
fiff f^a^^RS^ot; 11
RT: q-W: RR&: jPN fgqSJ I
fWJWiefg ajg Bgwftsft # &V$: II
£rt% mzrfiwnt b i qcfisiR ferwOw: n
q^°r qj%i q?q^K^i fef fqqf^ ftfc?: i
qcFcWI^'3?r?W?fe: II
f$# f^OT? g^R# I
faqra qrlwiq s# II
?<T: 'iq itfni fcl?.>&l%lq-vii^<.iAVttzn *T j?l%jj ^T^qr
MADHURAVIJ AY AM 123
f§FF I
^ q*qiqft yqqq «|%iSlfqqqi§qR: II
f^R q>faj^ fgqm ftforcalq (
frq^q 3^3 # *rarc*TRqifa ii
%q ^3 q^iqqRiq;%q|||rqq^R$T)ff i
fq^l q?3W flotill fcq^tTOR n
fl^raqRjqfaf£R;% ^fel: %^T ?I^TT?F^T: I
WRT qifemi'JJr Rl?f^fe^5^R:[^l§':* II]
. I
....^ra fq^fqqlqi^ m sif&q qsiqfnqR; II
^£k°t ^fOTRi^Ri ^Roqf =q If: 1
fgR7 fqfttTO fqq^rtoq^si fqj&TRi: n
fR3 IRR ^q^rl^R Sniim- 5Rfc5FRlft: I
qiqfc? *qjq#oftft: qTOf; to crremf: u
?R fg3f#wi fqfefl: I
$lgR 5T|3^fipnqq#q^q^ siton ii VO
tifaq: *q[f%qR jftr q*ro w 1
gfq qqAwq §^Rq#*fftqiTgiqq n
qifq s^rctt %qf %rrf^r i
w fqrroqqift m reg amjsg: ^ li
M A D H U R A VI J A Y A M
qf*qfc#g|: i
strait ?qig ^[g^J n
a SIR^H a WI cT^TI ^ *flfo a I
^rcifcfp?R m agfo |qf q?q; raffora n
gfa [?lf^5jT]^R|^Rq |
'TTR%cfF? ?THRifq?|3I: |5f II
i 3ftqionftw3i$i i
m faw q mm mi: ii
^ 5?^%nr ^fuj^rat^PT^cft R^I5T I
3OTf#^rg?fRq ^ITcTfjfeWI ||
r ita mi ziiww Mfm^R I
i%77c^ qf?fqsq qg^^f ^qfspft gq?€iq?iffn u
qTRiqrq^q^n^nu^ij i
q>: ||
3WJT[f^5Rm^ It far: r%^D fq^Rof^ i
atft ^qjpf^swit^ mm mim u
mi fm mm afaswtwm & i
^f^hrrrmrmrctm mi: RZWl ?q qqeRR: ||
fr ^qiqq^r^iR i
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^r: TT qqqq rV^t ?qqFf I
MADHURAV1J A YAM 125
HTO 5lt: SRft gaprita I
Hlft TOIf^nsf Ht*IH3<?J^RI: II
3 q@g HR «PR>?5i$&I WfRTRR RHHft m «??4t II
aptffaflW sf^T I
H gg^|3qf«^ II
RfR 5TI^ ^3ft^Xl^^d'3!'^['^7'ta*]Rii\3^ri i
g^qqfDifqq^fq^(fH:?il) HR^ITfR II
3RRft^ R,T7dHRtR 4>$PR» I
RI*]RRHR q: RPR: Rffi ||
fRR^jnp#l%R ^McTI |
[f%i ^*]RRRfvKnrRiqiferR fsraffl^snt: n
H RlRR^IlfRRT RRlf#JRRq|qRiir: I
3T5IR2RTR fl?t R^lfef55RCn: II
^ i^rftRr: qqm ii
spsft #? ^^RFufHRRoiRi^THqifoR; i
Rf^RR?RP^ % 3RR II
HRls# qqjeT I vo °
* sissg^r^: i