Machiavelli's “heroic” political oratory

THE SOUTHERN SPEECH COMMUNICATION JOURNAL47 (FALL, 1981), 10-12

MACHIAVELLI'S "HEROIC"POLITICAL ORATORY

WILLIAM E. WIETHOFF

In promoting military appropriations by the Great Council ofFlorence in March, 1503, Niccold Machiavelli adopted an"heroic" stance on Renaissance political communication. Thisessay examines the classical references for Machiavelli's conceptof orator-as-hero as well as his allied rhetorical artistry with aview toward encouraging the wider study of political communica-tion during the Renaissance.

"D opular perceptions of Machiavellianism tend to obscure•*• Machiavelli's zeal for highly principled rather than gratui-tously expedient conduct: in this respect, "no single politicalthinker has been so abused by posterity as Niccol6 Machiavelli."1

Indeed, the recent interpretation of his criteria for politicalleadership as "pernicious and inhuman" underscores the tradi-tion of denigrating the Florentine's standards.2

Machiavelli's political speech composition provides an es-pecially relevant case for studying related standards. In addition,Machiavelli—or more properly the Renaissance tradition herepresents—retains interdisciplinary significance for historiansand rhetoricians, as well as for researchers in fields as diverseas political science and small group behavior. For example,Chesebro defines "the Machiavellian approach" to politicalcommunication as integral to explaining "an academic areacharacterized by an ever increasing set of complex and diversetheoretical conceptions."3

William E. Wiethoff (Ph.D., University of Michigan, 1974) is AssistantProfessor of Speech Communication at Indiana University.

1Neal Wood, "Machiavelli's Humanism of Action," in The PoliticalCalculus, ed. Anthony Parel (Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 1972), p. 33.

2James McGregor Burns, Leadership (New York: Harper and Row, 1978),p. 443.

3James W. Chesebro, "Political Communication," a review of literaturefor the Quarterly Journal of Speech, 62 (1976), 290-94.

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Machiavelli's "Heroic" Political Oratory 11

This essay, therefore, examines Machiavelli's politicalspeech composition and proposes a modification of criticalthought regarding the Florentine's political communication,arguing that he espoused oratorical tactics which articulatedrelatively timeless standards of "heroism". Initially definingMachiavelli's understanding of heroism in terms of "virtuous"political oratory, the essay then compares Machiavelli'stheoretically heroic principles with his practical design of apublic address. The comparison of "principles" with "design"rather than delivery of the address represents a critical restric-tion made necessary by unresolved scholarly debate over thespeech's actual presentation. Therefore, the rhetorical analysisacknowledges the questions surrounding delivery of Machiavelli'saddress and treats "design" as including all oratorical effortsshort of actual vocalization. Conclusions are drawn relative toMachiavelli's fidelity to humanistic principles of heroism whilehe practiced relevant principles of classical rhetoric.

HEROIC PRINCIPLES

As a Florentine diplomat (1498-1513, 1525-27), Machiavelliinherited the medieval rhetorical duties of dictamen and per-sonally tried to promote the Renaissance humanist's ideal of the"orator as hero."4 His frequent references to virtic have madethe term pivotal in explaining Machiavelli's outlook on personalheroism.

Several scholars have examined the Renaissance meaning ofvirtu. Gilbert, for example, emphasized the biological connota-tion of the term as "life force."5 Stevens detected the two philo-sophical senses of "moral energy" and "political expediency."4

Wood stressed purely martial notions of "courage, fortitude,strength of will, self-discipline, vitality, purposefulness, decisive-

4Hanna H. Gray, "Renaissance Humanism: The Pursuit of Eloquence,"Journal of the History of Ideas, 24 (1963), 504.

5Felix Gilbert, "On Machiavelli's Idea of Virtú," Renaissance News, 4(1951), 54.

6Linton C. Stevens, "Machiavelli's Virtú and the Voluntarism of Mon-taigne," Renaissance Papers, (1967), 123.

12 The Southern Speech Communication Journal

ness."7 Such scholarship has bolstered the interpretation ofMachiavelli's ideal hero as the superman of nineteenth-centuryphilosophy or the dictator of twentieth-century politics.

Renaissance humanists typically referred to classical literaturefor principles and models of conduct. Geerken has providedevidence of this practice in his examination of Machiavelli'sdebt to the classical concept of ceprjrr).8 This ancient Greek termseems especially apt for explaining Machiavelli's "virtuous ideal"because Homeric heroes such as Achilles embodied those excellentqualities of ctpiyrt) which insured success in both speaking andacting.9 Heroes of the classical tradition, though "caught betweenthe jaws of self-esteem and . . . magnanimity toward others,"were not "men of delusion."10 Achilles, for example, would sethis own standards of personal conduct and "then prove his caseby action."11 According to ancient epigraphical evidence, theearly rhetor typically put his heroic principles into actionthrough persuasive addresses to political assemblies.12

The three dimensions of classically heroic ("virtuous") actionsuggest an outline for the rhetorical analysis of Machiavelli'spolitical oratory. Dimension One: Any activity which is to becalled virtuous must begin with the accurate perception andidentification of the situation or circumstances within whichthat activity takes place. Dimension Two: Having begun withthe accurate perception and identification of the prevailing cir-cumstances of a situation, the act of virtue must proceed tothe proper evaluation of alternative courses of action, takingequally into account (a) personal advantages or self interest,(b) emotional or ethical priorities, (c) social imperatives, and (d)likely consequences. Dimension Three: An act is virtuous when

7Neal Wood, "Some Common Aspects of the Thought of Seneca andMachiavelli," Renaissance Quarterly, 21 (1968), 20.

8John H. Geerken, "Homer's Image of the Hero in Machiavelli: A Com-parison of Areti and Virtu," Italian Quarterly, 14 (1970), 45.

9Homer, Iliad, 9. 443, trans. A. T. Murray, Loeb Classical Library (Cam-bridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1946).

10Cedric H. Whitman, Homer and the Heroic Tradition (Cambridge:Harvard Univ. Press, 1958), p. 199.

11Whitman, p. 213.12Otto A. Dieter, "The Rhetor Stone," Quarterly Journal of Speech, 51

(1965), 426-32.

Machiavelli's "Heroic"' Political Oratory 13

after thoughtful consideration of the options in the perceivedsituation, timely, appropriate, successful and superior perform-ance is achieved.13

Integrating "act" with "speech", as did the ancients, criticsmay view the three dimensions of virtuous activity as traditionalsteps in the preparation of a public address: (1) audience andsituational analysis (the dimension also suggests "moral actionthrough discourse" as discussed in recent scholarship on situa-tional analysis);14 (2) comprehensive planning of ethical,emotional, and rational modes of proof; and (3) careful polishingof expression. In addition, critics may view the heroic dimensionsas basic elements of speech disposition: narrative introduction,argumentative development, and actuating conclusion.

The relative ease with which Machiavelli's transposed normsof heroic action can be viewed as rhetorical principles seemsunderstandable. Principles of rhetoric profoundly influenced allRenaissance arts: the classical tenets in Cicero's De Inventioneand the anonymously authored Rhetorica ad Herennium wereespecially influential.15 Furthermore, rhetorical analysis ofMachiavelli's speechmaking would seem particularly relevantwhen confined to the application of only those principles familiarto the rhetor. Consequently, the following assessment of hisdeliberative speech composition refers only to his own trans-posed norms of classical heroism and rhetoric.

HEROIC DESIGN

Machiavelli composed his brief oration, "Words to be spokenon the law for appropriating money, after giving a little intro-duction and excuse" (Parole da dirle sopra la provisione deldanaio, facto un poco di proemio et di scusa), as a response tothe threatening conditions which faced Florence late in March,

13Geerken, pp. 62-76.14Lloyd F. Bitzer, "The Rhetorical Situation," Philosophy and Rhetoric,

I (1968), 1-14. Also see the recent interpretation in John H. Patton,"Causation and Creativity in Rhetorical Situations: Distinctions and Impli-cations," Quarterly Journal of Speech, 65 (1979), 36.

15See Douglas Bush, Classical Influences in Renaissance Literature, MartinClassical Lectures, 13 (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1952), p. 2.


1503." However, he probably did not deliver the orationhimself. Rather, this speech art can be compared with that workperformed by ancient logographers and modern ghostwriters.17

Nevertheless, the speech merits critical attention because thewords comprise Machiavelli's only surviving oration which fitsthe classical mold of a persuasive address to a political assembly.In addition, the historical context of the address suggests acrisis demanding political conduct of heroic proportions. Forexample, Pope Alexander VI and Cesare Borgia's political aimsthreatened Florence from the south. Furthermore, the uncertaintyof Louis XII's imperial ambitions for France and a long-livedrivalry with Venice loomed ominously in the north and east.Finally, Florence's inveterate enemy, Pisa, stood defiantly in thewest. Indeed, Francesco Guicciardini, a contemporary ofMachiavelli, observed that Borgia plots were a "great cause forfear," that the "avarice, . . . levity, and . . . self interest" of theFrench were especially suspicious, and that the rival Venetianswielded "great power."18 The Pisan affair was particularlytroublesome, since "Pisan obstinacy was such that they would

16"Citations of the oration within the text refer to pages in Machiavelli:The Chief Works and Others, trans. Allan Gilbert (Durham: Duke Univ.Press, 1965), 3: 1439-43.

17Serious doubt exists as to whether Machiavelli actually delivered thespeech himself, and some critics disagree as to whether the speech waswritten as a manuscript for delivery in the Council or composed as aliterary device for Machiavelli's History of Florence. At the time the orationwas composed Machiavelli was "constantly involved in the most urgent andvital affairs" of Florence (see Fredi Chiapelli, "Machiavelli as Secretary,"Italian Quarterly, 14 [1970], 29). Because there is "no essential distinctionbetween the secretary and the writer" in artifacts of Machiavelli's discourse(Chiapelli, p. 42), his oratorical design can be examined as substantiallyconsistent with what he would have vocalized himself at the time were henot technically ineligible to speak in the Great Council. His speech(concione) is examined here as having been composed for delivery by aFlorentine official (probably the Gonfalonier Piero Soderini) who wastechnically eligible to speak in the Council. See allied interpretations inPasquale Villari, The Life and Times of Niccoló Machiavelli, trans. LindaVillari (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1914) (1883), pp. 315-16; and in RobertoRidolfi, The Life of Niccoló Machiavelli, trans. Cecil Grayson (London:Routlege and Kegan Paul, 1963), p. 66.

18Francesco Guicciardini, The History of Florence, trans. Mario Domandi(New York: Harper and Row, 1970), p. 232.

Machiavellis "Heroic" Political Oratory 15

have submitted to anything rather than . . . subjection (toFlorence)."19 Florence had tried to reduce Pisa through siegeand devastation of the surrounding territory, but these measureshad been only partially effective.

During the two months preceeding Machiavelli's speech act,,the chief executive of the Florentine republic, Piero Soderini,saw at least seven different proposals for financing new militaryoperations against Pisa fail to win approval in the Great Council.Furthermore, at the time of his election Soderini found "thefinancial administration in great disaster, the city burdenedwith great expenses and heavy taxes."20 Fresh taxes, regardless,of the need, offended both the rich and less prosperous classesof the city. This was true in part because Florence had evolvedfrom a "society of merchants" who had set profit as "the supremelaw of every action."21 The continuing war with Pisa did notpromise monetary gain for anyone. Thus, in the Council'sdeliberations, the rich objected to a special tax (actually a forcedloan to the city) which would drain their private treasuries, andthe poorer merchants objected to a general tax which wouldfurther strain their finances. Extended economic troubles hadmade "the wise and honored citizens malcontent and desperate,and estranged them completely from the government."22

When Soderini's chancellor, Niccol6 Machiavelli, first assumedhis duties "the Pisan war" dominated "every internal or externalpiece of business which passed through the chancery."23

Machiavelli sincerely believed in the value of decisive politicalaction, especially as translated into military preparedness. Conse-quently, he attempted to counter the deterioration of both moraland economic support for the Pisan war with an "heroic" speechact.

Dimension One: Narrative Introduction

Machiavelli designed his oration initially to recount the19Guicciardini, p. 238.20Guicciardini, p. 248.21Guido Biagi, Men and Manners of Old Florence (Chicago: A. C. McClurg,

1909), p. 98.22Guicciardini, p. 220.28Ridolfi. p. 22.


crisis facing Florence and to promote the civil desirability ofmilitary appropriations. Early compliments to Florentine coun-cillors on their past recognition of "force and prudence" as thefoundations of successful states soon gave way to an expressionof alarm that the Council had recently been temporizing at theexpense of sound civil philosophy (p. 1489). Despite the barelyaverted loss of Arezzo to Cesare Borgia several weeks earlier, thecouncillors were not following Soderini's advice about militaryaffairs and seemed to be ignoring Soderini's potential for leader-ship (virtu). Machiavelli's introduction deferred to Soderini forspecific financial remedies to the immediate problem and en-couraged members of the Council to "be of the same opinion"(p. 1440).

Machiavelli's speech act, the "first important utterance inthe canon of his political writings,"24 emphasized the grandscale of his political vision by dwelling on philosophical as wellas pragmatic issues. His introductory remarks indicated a sensi-tivity to audience and situation that was demanded of heroes inthe classical tradition. Indeed, Machiavelli accurately perceivedthe economic priorities of Florence and their profound influenceon foreign policy. In addition, he urged the Council's membersto fulfill demands of the public trust placed in them "by all thosecitizens who so many times have striven in vain to make pro-vision for you" (p. 1440).

Machiavelli also closely followed classical prescriptions byemphasizing deliberative themes of "might" and "virtue."25

Initially stressing the "might" to be derived from combinedreserves of "prudence and force," Machiavelli pointed out the"virtue" inherent in sustaining such a policy. Following tra-ditional rules for "direct" openings,26 the introduction called

24John R. Hale, Machiavelli and Renaissance Italy (New York: The Mac-millan Co., 1960), p. 75.

25Cicero, De Inventione 2. 52. 158, trans. Harry M. Hubbell, Loeb ClassicalLibrary (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1960); and Rhetorica ad Heren-nium 3. 2. 3, trans. Harry Caplan, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge:Harvard Univ. Press, 1954).

26De Inv. I. 15. 20; Rhet. Her. 3. 4. 7. Machiavelli might also be citedtechnically for including within his introduction a narratio, or simple ex-position of the facts of political life (De Inv. 1. 19. 27; Rhet. Her. 3. 47) as


for the attention, good will, and receptiveness of the Councilby bluntly asserting the councillors' stakes in the importantmatters at hand.27 Indeed, Machiavelli found himself "muchalarmed" at the "Excellencies'" weakening resolve to maintaina policy of prudence and force (pp. 1439-40). Avoiding a verboseexposition of points common to both sides in debate,28 Machia-velli concisely expressed his strong hope that the Council wouldabandon indecision (p. 1440).

The hard-hitting introduction demonstrated Machiavelli'sdeveloping "powers as a thinker and writer."29 His attention toethical appeals seems especially effective. Although De Jn-ventione and Rhetorica ad Herennium did not offer extensiveanalysis of ethical appeals, they did provide practical guide-lines. Discussing habitum, or the orator's personal constitution,as a support for argument, Cicero cited personal "capacity,""special knowledge," and "bodily dexterity" as examples ofdesirable attributes.30 The author of Rhetorica ad Herenniumstressed personal qualities such as "wisdom, justice, courage,temperance" in outlining tactics for epideictic discourse.31 Closelyreflecting the classical guides, Machiavelli's balancing of praiseand blame for members of the Council exhibited a personalcapacity for temperate evaluations of colleagues; Machiavelli'snarrative of pressing political needs expressed the specialknowledge available to a wise officer of the republic. Consistentreferences to Ciceronian rhetorical precepts reflected Machiavelli'sregard for classical standards in general, including the ancientperception of heroic individuals as both active and eloquent. Re-sponding to the ancient perception of heroes as dynamic andwell-spoken, the design of Machiavelli's introduction articulatedbriefly but impressively his personal need to respond with publicdiscourse to a moral crisis.

-----well as a partitio, or preliminary outline of the matters relating to securityand virtue (De Inv. 1. 22. 31; Rhet. Her. 3. 4. 8).

27De Inv. 1. 16. 23.28De Inv. 1. 18. 26.29Ridolfi, p. 66.30De Inv. 1. 25. 36.31Rhet. Her. 3. 6. 10.


Dimension Two: Argument

Machiavelli evaluated the courses of action open to Florenceby first refuting the predictable objections to his "maxims ofgeneral policy."32 For example, after being exposed to Machia-velli's words, Council members could not claim ignorance of the"destruction or servitude" which awaited cities without forces attheir disposal (p. 1440). In addition, conciliar objections to thebasic need for forces—whether based on the past promises ofFrench aid, the presently stable political atmosphere in Tuscany,or the lack of Borgia hostility in the foreseeable future—wouldbe extremely rash because "every city, every state ought toconsider as her enemies all those who can hope to take posses-sion of her territory and against whom she cannot defend her-self" (p. 1440). Machiavelli's axiomatic reasoning in refutingpossible objections suited his "virtuous" evaluation of alter-natives. Thus, broadly philosophical values and social impera-tives dictated which courses of action were preferable.

The refutation of opposing lines of argument followedclassical rules for attacking defective reasoning.33 For example,the councillors' anticipated appeals to ignorance and their pre-dicted misinterpretation of complicated political conditionscomprised thoroughly reprehensible arguments. Moreover,Machiavelli's refutation paralleled the Ciceronian method "usedparticularly in speaking before a deliberative body."34 Thoughthe ancient senator or the Renaissance chancellor might be forcedto admit the attractiveness and economic advantages of trustingin allies' forces, they could readily castigate the transitorybenefits of such a policy when compared to the more virtuouscondition of political and military self-sufficiency.

After refuting potential objections, Machiavelli confirmedhis own policies. Successful confirmation relied heavily on how"reasonable" his view of military options seemed (p. 1440). There-fore, by clearly partitioning the threats posed by local, regional,and national enemies, Machiavelli urged the Council to accept

32Villari, p. 317.33Cf. the stress on identifying opponents' fallacies or "defective" argu-

ments in one's reprehensio in De Inv. 1. 42. 79, and in Rhet. Her. 2. 20. 31.34De Inv. 1. 51. 96.


self-evident characteristics of the military "situation" (p. 1440).Locally, Florence had demonstrated her inability either to defendor punish Pistoia, Romagna, and Barza—"places which havebecome nests and refuges for every sort of thief" (p. 1441).Regionally, the councillors must recognize that "two or threecities," notably Pisa, desired Florence's destruction above all else(p. 1441). Nationally, the ambitions of the French, the Venetians,and the Borgias all required immediate rebuffs to secureFlorence's integrity (pp. 1441-42). Comparing the councillors"inertia to that of the citizens of Constantinople immediatelybefore its fall to the Turks, as well as to the more recent lack ofFlorentine preparations to defend Faenza and Firenzuola againstCesare Borgia (pp. 1442-43), Machiavelli reasoned: "[Y]ou arelike those who, wrong all the time, do not admit that they haveever been wrong, and when you see the sun, do not believe thatit is ever going to rain. So it happens now" (p. 1443).

Having previously used broadly philosophical values andsocial imperatives as maxims in refuting opponents, Machiavellistressed self-interest and the likely practical consequences in con-firming his preferences among military options. The partitionof his main points stressed the classically approved theme of "se-curity,"35 and indicated that Machiavelli relied on the type ofepicheirematic reasoning outlined in Rhetorica ad Herennium.se

For example, the proposition that military threats to Florencewere real and immediate was reasonable "because men cannotbe, and ought not to be, faithful servants of that master bywhom they cannot be either defended or punished" (p. 1441).Further, this line of reasoning was supported with citations ofthe local insurrections, regional plots, and national mobilizationsby several powers—especially the Borgias. Topical analysis of theBorgias' threat—"of what sort it is, their procedure, of whatkind it is, and what fidelity can be given or received" (pp. 1441-42)—also suggests Cicero's initial directions on the use of common-

35Rhet. Her. 3. 4. 8.36Contrast the sequence of proposition, reason, proof of reason, embellish-

ment, and resume outlined in Rhet. Her. 2. 18. 28 with Cicero's format ofproposition, proof of proposition, assumption, proof of assumption, andcomplexio outlined in De Inv. 1. 37. 67.


places in.confirmation.37 In addition, historical allusions to theruin of Constantinople and previous slights against Florenceembellished Machiavelli's proofs. Finally, his summationstressed the very few days in which hostile troops could reachFlorence and the "uncertainty of Fortune" surroundingFlorentine deliberations.

The second dimension of the Parole, then, properly assessedvarious courses of action which Florence might adopt. Indeed,lack of resolution in earlier debate and the continuing indecisionin the Council mandated a clear summary of available options.Faithful to classical models such as the Homeric Achilles,Machiavelli attempted to compel adoption of the course he per-ceived as best. For example, he contrasted continued inactivityunfavorably with his personal norm of military preparednessand then "proved" his case by citing the vigorous actions hewould have taken in past crises. Thus, Machiavelli's blend ofrefutation and confirmation delivered a combination of delibera-tive blows designed to shake the Council out of lethargy.

Dimension Three: Conclusion

Machiavelli's peroration recounted the "dangers" whichshould remind Florentines that decisive military action wasmandatory. Furthermore, the councillors' temporizing—whichthey "will weep for, and without result"—has been costly (p.1443). Stressing the definite though limited influence mankindcan exert on Fortune, the peroration also exhorted the councillorsto act as "free Florentines" who held their city's destiny in theirhands: "For that liberty . . . you will have such regard as theyalways have had who are born free and hope to live free" (p.1443). As one critic has observed, Machiavelli's "energetictemperament suggested that resolution was better than hesitancy;his observation of foreign states confirmed it."88

The oration might be considered heroic solely on thetechnical criterion of appropriate design. For instance, at leastone other speech on the same occasion caused its author to be

37De Inv. 1. 24. US.38Hale, p. 75.


imprisoned for faulty rhetorical preparation.39 On the otherhand, Machiavelli's speech act might be assessed as a virtuouseffort because of its reputedly superior level of success. Comparedto the two months of deliberative stalemate preceeding composi-tion of the address, the Council voted a tithe on all propertyto finance new military operations. In addition, the Councilapproved an arbitrary tax on professions to generate increasedrevenue for military disbursement. Therefore, the Parole at leastadded to a political climate in which "matters then speedilyreturned to their normal condition, all difficulties having beenovercome far more easily than was anticipated."40

Machiavelli concluded his address with classical precision. Forexample, his "summing up" of main points (the needs dictatedby past and present crises and his own perceived solutions) satis-fied a traditional requirement for perorations.41 Further, theconcluding appeal concerning the "uncertainty of Fortune"paralleled a classical conquestio, or "appeal to pity."42 Byaddressing the councillors' desire for freedom and by depictingthat desire's clash with the vagaries of fortune, Machiavelli de-signed a beleaguered plea for Florentine rights. Tactical identifi-cation of the Parole as a rustic plea, not a polished demand, evi-dently achieved the desired sympathetic response.

SUMMARY

Classical authors measured heroic conduct against dualstandards including greatness of conception and eloquence ofenactment. Niccol6 Machiavelli's rhetorical pursuit of politicalambitions in March, 1503, reflected his consciously humanisticdeference to classical standards. Furthermore, for a classicalhumanist, a hero was "an exceptional man" who provided"leadership in a time of crisis."43 Thus, Machiavelli's design of anoration to check the growth of critical conditions by spurring

39Villari, p. 316, note.40Villari, p. 315.41De Inv. 1. 52. 98; Rhet. Her. 2. 30. 47.42Cf. the commonplace citations of "the power of Fortune" in De Inv.

1. 55. 106, and the "vicissitudes of Fortune" in Rhet. Her. 2. 31. 50.43Geerken, p. 45.


the Florentine government into action satisfied classical normsfor the conception of heroic ventures. In addition, Machiavelli'spolished exordium, refutation, partitioned proofs, and perora-tion reflected his fidelity to classical standards of eloquence.

Machiavelli's political oratory cannot be acclaimed in generalbased on this essay's restricted scope; however, Machiavelli'sdemonstrable concern for both matter and form in the orationhe designed for March, 1503, suggests the need for greater criticalattention to developments in political communication duringthe Renaissance. Specifically, chroniclers of Renaissance rhetoricshould resist the temptation to trace only medieval arts such aspreaching and letter-writing while neglecting the relativelylonger-lived genre of political speechmaking.44 This essay hasproposed that Machiavelli personally molded a notable speechact to fit an heroic pattern which demanded eloquence as a con-spicuous personal asset. Moreover, commentators such as ErnstCassirer have concluded that Machiavelli's political career pro-vides us with "a typical witness to the Renaissance."45 If Machia-velli, the orator and "hero," typifies a Renaissance tradition, thenhistorians of rhetoric might well investigate the period morethoroughly to gauge the influence of classical rules for politicaloratory on an intellectually reborn Italy and Western world.

44Consider, for example, the dismissal of "deliberative oratory" as asignificant area of rhetorical achievement in sixteenth-century England inWilbur Samuel Howell, Logic and Rhetoric in England, 1500-1700 (New York:Russell and Russell, 1961), p. 106.

45Ernst Cassirer, The Myth of the State (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press,1946), p. 129.

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Machiavelli's “heroic” political oratory