M. D. M AWAI IATM ,HONOLULU, HI 96822

Economic Botany 57(3) pp. 295–323. 2003q 2003 by The New York Botanical Garden Press, Bronx, NY 10458-5126 U.S.A.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE FOR THE TRADITION OF

PSYCHOACTIVE PLANT USE IN THE OLD WORLD

M. D. MERLIN

UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI’I AT MANOA, HONOLULU, HI 96822

We live in an age when a divine vision isdismissed as an hallucination, and desire to ex-perience a direct communication with god is of-ten interpreted as a sign of mental illness. Nev-ertheless, some scholars and scientists assert thatsuch visions and communications are fundamen-tally derived from an ancient and ongoing cul-tural tradition. The hypothesis presented heresuggests that humans have a very ancient tra-dition involving the use of mind-altering expe-riences to produce profound, more or less spir-itual and cultural understanding.

A cross-cultural survey of ‘‘relevant ethno-graphic literature’’ involving 488 societies in the1970s indicated that 90% (437) of these groups‘‘institutionalized, culturally patterned forms analtered state of consciousness.’’ The highestrates (97%) were among the societies of ‘‘ab-original North America’’ and the lowest (80%)in the ‘‘Circum-Mediterranean region,’’ whichincludes ‘‘North Africa, the Near East, andsouthern and western Europe as well as overseasEuropeans’’ (Bourguignon 1973). A large per-centage of these altered states are producedthrough consumption of psychoactive drug plantsubstances, supporting the idea that ‘‘. . . theubiquity of mind-altering agents in traditionalsocieties cannot be doubted—just as the moodsof industrial societies are set by a balance ofcaffeine, nicotine and alcohol, among many oth-ers’’ (Sherratt 1995a; Fig. 1).

Traditionally, the use of the great majority ofmind-altering drug plants has been strongly as-sociated with ritual and/or religious activity; in-deed, ritualized consumption in various forms,may be unequivocally religious, ‘‘as in theChristian Eucharist or the complex wine-offer-ings to the ancestors in the elaborate bronze ves-sels of Shang and Zhou dynast China’’ (Sherratt1995b). Customary, or pre-industrial, motiva-tions for ingestion of psychoactive organic ma-

terials have been predominantly dictated by spir-itual and/or medicinal requirements. On the oth-er hand, contemporary, modern use in varioussocieties, especially in those areas affected byWestern Civilization, is often inspired by per-sonal ‘‘recreational’’ desires to experience eu-phoria, and frequently is impelled by peer grouppressure.

An early relationship between humans andpsychoactive plants, often within a highly ritu-alized, ceremonial context has been suggestedby a number of authors (Allegro 1970; Emboden1979; Furst 1972; Goodman et al. 1995; LaBarre 1970, 1972, 1980; Schultes et al. 2002;Sherratt 1991, 1995b; Wasson 1968; Wilbert1972; Wohlberg 1990). A number of these au-thors believe this kind of use of consciousness-altering plants provided the inspiration for initialhuman religious experiences, even perhaps threeof the world’s largest religions, Hinduism (Was-son 1968), Judaism (Dure 2001; Merkur 2000),and Christianity (Allegro 1970; Ruck et al.2001). Although this hypothesis and some of thespecific case studies (e.g., Allegro 1970) havebeen widely dismissed as erroneous, others con-tinue to call attention to the importance of psy-choactive drug plant use by humans and the or-igin of spiritual concepts (e.g., Smith 2000, alsosee Rudgley 1994, 1998, and Roberts 2001). Forexample, according to some classical scholars,Christianity evolved within the milieu of Judaicand Hellenistic healing cults, magic, and theMystery initiations: ‘‘All four of these inevitablyimply a sacred ethnopharmacology, with tradi-tions going back to earlier ages of the ancientworld’’ (see Ruck et al. 2001).

This relationship with mind-altering organ-isms is very old. It may have even originatedbefore the evolution of our own genus, but moreprobably within the temporal span of our ownspecies well back into the Pleistocene.

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Fig. 1. Semi-wild opium poppy, Papaver somnifer-um.

In a 1970 journal article in Economic Botany(24: 73–80), the ethnobotanist Richard EvansSchultes asked the anthropologist Weston LaBarre a question concerning the known distri-bution of traditional psychoactive drug plant usein the Old and New Worlds. Schultes wanted toknow why there are so few known psychoactivedrug plants associated with traditional culturaluse in the Old World. He pointed out that al-though there is much more ecological diversityand a much longer history of human occupationin the Old World, the New World has manymore of these known culturally-associated‘‘plants of the gods.’’

La Barre argued that there must have beennumerous other species that were used in theOld World for such purposes, but the rise of civ-ilization, and in particular monotheism eliminat-ed most of these traditions in the Old World (andin those areas of the New World, where Euro-pean religious influence has affected the pre-contact uses of such species). More fundamen-tally, La Barre argued that humans, at least in

pre-industrial contexts, have been ‘‘culturallyprogrammed’’ to find plants (or fungi) that allowthem to communicate with the ancestors (or theirspirit world). He suggested that this traditiongoes back into the Paleolithic Era, long beforethe invention of agriculture when people wereall hunters and gatherers. According to his the-sis, as bands of humans spread out into new re-gions, including new ecological situations, theycarried with them a culturally inspired motiva-tion to find and use species of plants or fungithat would allow them to transcend their ‘‘nor-mal’’ consciousness and enable them to com-municate with their ancestors or gods—in es-sence, their spirit world.

The archaeological and paleobotanical recordsoffer evidence for these assertions, albeit some-what fragmentary now. However, with the pow-erful tools of modern science and human imag-ination, our understanding of our deep-rooteddesire to experience ecstasy in the original senseof the word (to break the mind free from thebody and communicate with the ‘‘gods’’ or theancestors) will become clear with time. This re-view, utilizing archaeology and paleobotany,with its varying time depths in different regions,documents the antiquity of a very widespreadtradition of human association with psychoac-tive species of plants and fungi in the OldWorld, particularly Eurasia.

In modern societies, psychoactive materialsare used in a variety of ways. These include re-ligious, medical, and secular applications, whichin ancient times may or may not have beenviewed as separate. For example, in the case ofNeolithic Europe, Sherratt (1991) argued thatpsychoactive (‘‘narcotic’’) substances were con-sumed in a ritualistic context: ‘‘Such ‘religious’uses would no doubt have included ‘medicinal’uses as well, since it would be artificial to sep-arate physical healing from ritual observance.’’However, Sherratt (1995b) also suggested ‘‘thatevidence for the employment of substances suchas opium or cannabis at various times in the pastshould not immediately be interpreted as an in-dication either of profound ritual significance orof widespread employment for largely hedonis-tic purposes: they may simply belong to the ma-terial medica.’’ Under most conditions, in non-industrial societies, psychoactive substanceswere often, if not always used in ritualistic, re-ligious contexts.

Mind-altering plant species, including the

2003] 297MERLIN: PSYCHOACTIVE PLANT USE IN THE OLD WORLD

Fig. 2. Ancient Greek depiction of opium poppycapsule or pomegranate fruit? (Courtesy of Mrs. Suz-anne Labiner, Beverly Hills, California).

ones discussed below, can produce a variable al-tered state of consciousness depending upon thequality and quantity of the psychoactive chem-icals ingested, as well as the psychological setof the user and the social-environmental settingin which the substance is consumed (Julien2001).

METHODOLOGY

Data used to support the hypothetical, wide-spread, ancient use of psychoactive drug specieshas been extracted from the literature of variousdisciplines such as anthropology, archaeology,ethnobotany, and palynology. Dating of evi-dence varies in technique and relative reliability.Most of the evidence has been dated using theradiocarbon method; some chronological docu-mentation has relied on reference to the writtenrecord.

The archaeological evidence for psychoactivedrug plant research has traditionally come in twoforms, artifactual and paleoethnobotanical. Theadvantages and disadvantages of both forms ofevidence must be considered. All artifactual ev-idence is subject to some type of interpretationand reconstruction. Disagreement may arise con-cerning the specific identification of the organ-ism that the artifact is supposed to represent, aswell as the interpretation of its artistic, religious,medicinal or other practical use or inspiration.The paleoethnobotanical record is much lesssubjective. However difficulties in assigningspecimens to specific taxa may occur (Pearsall1989), and confirmation of its putative use byhumans is also sometimes difficult or even con-tentious. The most reliable information shouldbe a combination of the two types of archaeo-logical evidence. Although scholars ideallyshould identify the species ‘‘symbolic meaningsfrom depictions on artifacts and their [macro-fossil or microfossil] presence in archaeologicalsediments’’ (Popper and Hastorf 1988:2), thediscovery of this kind of corroborative evidencehas been rare.

Much of the evidence from Europe is paleo-botanical, while in other areas such as the NearEast the evidence is usually limited to artifactsand their interpretation. This reflects regionaltechniques, biases, and the amount of researchundertaken by archaeologists working in theseareas. A scarcity or lack of evidence from anarea should not be assumed to represent the ac-tual prehistoric preference or use of a plant.

Artifact interpretation may vary between dif-ferent schools of archaeological theory, or sim-ply may differ in the identification of what spe-cies is represented. For example, an evolution-ary theorist may be hard pressed to refer to aclay figurine as a religious object because it ap-pears to have enormous breasts and hips; or ar-tifacts depicting globular ‘‘fruit’’ may seem tosome to be representations of opium poppy (Pa-paver somniferum L.) capsules, but to othersthey appear be depictions of pomegranate (Pun-ica granatum L.) fruits (see Fig. 2, also see Mer-lin 1984). The most basic biological interpreta-tions of an artifact may be the least controversialand most reliable. For example, a painting in anEgyptian tomb may depict a specific plant spe-cies, such as the Egyptian lotus or blue waterlily (Nymphaea nouchali Burm. f. var. caerulea(Sav.) Verdc.–N. caerulea Savigny), which canbe more clearly identified and referenced. How-ever, any interpretation beyond identificationwithout supplemental evidence such as referenc-es from papyri may be premature or inaccurate.Documentary evidence is usually not available.Therefore, a prudent interpretation of archaeo-logical remains must take into account the con-text and associations of the artifact within thesite.

Paleoethnobotany, as a subfield of ethnobot-any, is ‘‘concerned with elucidating human-plantrelations in the past through study of archaeo-


Fig. 3. Poppy capsules, circa 4,200 years old, re-covered from small grass woven baskets found in aburial cave of Cueva de los Murcielagos near Albunolin the southern Spanish province of Granada (fromNeuwiler 1935).

Fig. 4. Ancient evidence for Papaver somniferumin the Western Mediterranean, comes in the form ofcapsules recovered from small grass woven basketsfound in a burial cave (Cueva de los Murcielagos) nearAlbunol in the southern Spanish province of Granada.

Fig. 5. The small vial holds 4,500 year old, Neo-lithic opium poppy seeds recovered from a Cortaillodsettlement at Seeufersidlung Twann on the shores ofLake Bieler, Switzerland in 1975 (courtesy of Fritz H.Schweingruber, Swiss Federal Institute of Forestry Re-search).

logical plant remains’’ (Pearsall 1989). These re-mains consist of three types: macrofossil re-mains, pollen grains, and phytoliths. Macrofossilremains may be desiccated, burned, or water-logged wood, leaves, fruits or seeds that may berecovered in situ by screening techniques or flo-tation. Some paleoethnobotanical finds recov-ered from ancient sites in the early stages of ar-chaeological research were not carefully extract-ed from non-disturbed contexts, for example,opium poppy capsules from southern Spain,(Gongora 1868; Fig. 3 and 4) and opium poppyseeds from various central European sites (Mer-lin 1984; Fig. 5 and 6). Although these fossilscannot be dated or placed in the most accuratecontexts as possible, they are some the most di-rect ancient evidence of the presence and prob-able use of this species in the region.

Pollen consists of three layers: living cell, in-tine, and exine, and of these three layers onlyexine remains in fossilized pollen. Identificationof fossil pollen is based upon identification ofthe structure, form and apertures of the exine.Phytoliths are opal silica bodies found in plants.They may provide important information fromarchaeological sites that are not conducive to thepreservation of macrofossil remains or pollen.The ability to identify any paleoethnobotanicalremains relies on comparative reference collec-tions. Some pollen is especially difficult to iden-tify, and may only be recognized as belongingto a particular family or genus rather than theexact species. The size and extent of paleoeth-nobotanical collections varies between differentregions and areas, often based on the history andextent of archaeological research. When it is

possible the archaeological finds and referenceswill be analyzed for accuracy and reliability inthe three areas of archaeological interest out-lined above: artifact interpretation, paleoethno-botanical analysis and dating techniques.

RESULTS

Selected evidence is presented below for alimited number of psychoactive species or gen-era in the Old World, especially for those thathave a relatively more extensive, ancient, ar-chaeological record of association with humans.Within the discussion of each taxa, referenceswill be examined, where appropriate and feasi-ble, in an order based on antiquity of the evi-dence, and according to their cultural dispersal


Fig. 6. Ancient fossil evidence for Papaver somniferum in the Swiss Foreland and surrounding areas.


or the geographical distribution of their knownancient use.

The ancient archaeological record is reviewedin detail for the following taxa: Ephedra L., Per-ganum harmala L., Papaver somniferum L.,Cannabis L., Nymphaea nouchali Burm. f. var.caerulea (Sav.) Verdc., and Mandragora offici-narum L. As noted above, some species thathave been used for mind-altering purposes havealso been employed for a variety of other rea-sons. These multi-purpose plants include, for ex-ample, Cannabis (true hemp) which has beengrown for fiber production, seed food for hu-mans and animals, as an oil source, and, ofcourse, for its psychoactive resin. Therefore theneed to verify the archaeological context whichsupports the argument that the species was pre-sent and used as a mind-altering substance isdesirable, if not crucial. This also applies to Pa-paver somniferum (the opium poppy), whoseseeds could come from field ‘‘weeds’’ or havebeen used as a food or oil plant, rather than assource of opiates. Furthermore, in the case ofEphedra, plants in this genus could have beenburned for fuel. Nevertheless, there is strongreason to believe that all of the species featuredin this survey were used, at least in part, forritualistic, spiritual purposes reflecting the an-cient relationships of humans and psychoactiveplants for religious inspiration.

EPHEDRA

As a member of the Gymnosperm DivisionGnetophyta, an enigmatic group of seed plants,the genus Ephedra includes 45 to 50 species.These perennial, dioecious, small shrubs (andone small, tree-like form) are a small, extraor-dinary group of plants adapted to arid condi-tions. They have photosynthetic stems with noleaves, and are found in cool, dry areas of Asia,Europe, Africa, North America and South Amer-ica.

The oldest date for a potentially psychoactiveplant in a cultural context is from the Neander-thal burial site at Shanidar Cave in northern Iraqwhere pollen of an Ephedra species (E. altissimaWillk., cf. Leroi-Gourhan 1975; Solecki 1971)was dated to more than 50,000 B.C. (Solecki1975). The Shanidar limestone cave, now locat-ed over 700 meters above sea level yielded soilsamples extracted from around the male burialknown as Shanidar IV. Two of the samples con-tained a large quantity of pollen grains repre-

senting a number of plant species. This evidencehas been used to support the hypothesis that thehominid body was deliberately, and perhaps rit-ualistically buried on a bed of woody branchesand flowers sometime between May and July,when the flowers of many of the species werein bloom.

Palynological analysis identified a number ofspecies including Achillea-type, Centaurea sol-stitialis, Senecio-type, Muscari-type, Althea-type and Ephedra altissima (Leroi-Gourhan1975); and a subsequent phytopharmacologicalevaluation of the therapeutic potential of theseplants revealed their objective healing activity(Lietava 1992). This medical utility could haveencouraged the intentional selection of theseplant species by the Middle Paleolithic ShanidarNeanderthals. Ephedra altissima yields ephed-rine, an alkaloid that produces sympatomimeticand amphetamine-like effects (Teuscher 1979),as well as euphoria (Wenke 1986:579). There-fore it may have served as an entheogen for rit-ualistic, spiritual purposes, and/or a medicinal.

However, not everyone has agreed with thehypothesis that the placement of the floweringplant offerings at the burial site was a consciouschoice of the Neanderthals (e.g., see Sommer1999). The original report described the exis-tence of animal holes around the burial alongwith the fossil remains of the ‘‘Persian jird’’(Meriones persicus Blanford). This rodent spe-cies lives in large colonies and is known to storelarge amount of seeds and flowers in its bur-rows. Indeed excavators identified numerous jirdburrows near the burial, and 70% of all the ro-dent bone recovered from Shanidar Cave wasfrom this jird species. Analysis of jird burrowshas also revealed the remains of many of thesame flowers that were found around ShanidarIV. Thus the presence of flower pollen aroundthe skeleton may not have been the result of rit-ualistic activity, but simply the establishment ofjird burrows following the burial (Sommer1999).

Ephedra has sometimes been referred to assource of the active ingredient for the ancientsoma (or haoma) beverage that was used for rit-ualistic and religious purposes over a wide re-gion that included areas now referred to as Indiaand Iran, and perhaps a much broader range(e.g., see Rudgley 1998). Soma has been closelyidentified with the Indo-Iranians, people whoseancient home land was located somewhere in


Central Asia. According to most archaeologicalinterpretations, this early culture divided intotwo separate groups approximately 4,000 yearsago. One group became the ancient Iranian peo-ples, the other, the Indo-Aryans, migrated southinto what is now Afganistan and the Indus Val-ley. These two groups of people preserved ex-tensive, religious oral traditions that were sub-sequently rendered in written form as the RigVeda of the Indians and the Avesta of the Ira-nians. Central rituals in both of these ancientcultural traditions involved consumption of anentheogenic (spiritually stimulating) plant orfungus. This psychoactive species (or mixture ofspecies) was called soma by the Indians andhaoma by the Iranians. Similar rituals are per-formed by some of the descendants of these peo-ples who now use substitutes for soma that arenot mind-altering; however, the identity of theoriginal, sacred, mind-altering species has re-mained a mystery for many centuries. A largenumber of species were put forward as putativecandidates for soma during 19th and 20th cen-turies (e.g., see Merlin 1972).

After many decades of debate about the iden-tity of the psychoactive substance in the soma/haoma drink, R. Gordon Wasson’s (1968) pub-lication of Soma: Divine Mushroom of Immor-tality, argued very persuasively that the fly-aga-ric mushroom, Amanita muscaria (Fr. Ex L.)Quel. is the species in question. Wasson’s ar-gument was based mainly on ancient Indiansources. A majority of scholars accepted his the-sis. However, a couple of decades later, Flatteryand Schwartz (1989) argued effectively for Syr-ian rue (Perganum harmala, Zygophyllaceae),which was originally identified as the source ofsoma by Sir William Jones in 1794. Flattery andSchwartz relied primarily upon Iranian evidenceto support their assertion that soma should beidentified with P. harmala since this species isstill well-known for its psychoactive effects inthe home land region of the Indo-Iranians.

Evidence that human used P. harmala in thefifth millennium B.C. has been recovered fromthe Caucasus region (Lisitsyna and Prishcepen-ko 1977); and according to Miller (2003), P.harmala ‘‘becomes more common in the thirdmillennium [B.C.] archaeobotanical samples inthe Near East, and is therefore likely to be as-sociated with overgrazing.’’ However, it mayhave been used for religious purposes, or, as itis employed today in some areas of this region,

simply to ward off evil spirits or as a ‘‘good luckcharm.’’

More recently, however, Ephedra has been re-asserted as the source of the soma drug basedon archaeological evidence recovered from Rus-sian excavations at Gonur depe, the 4,000 year-old ‘‘Zoroastrian capital’’ in the Kara Kum de-sert of Turkmenistan, known in ancient times asMargiana. The Gonur depe complex is part ofthe previously unknown Bronze Age civilizationin Bactria (North Afghanistan) and Margiana(Turkmenistan). Now referred to as the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC), ithad two distinct cultural periods, the first be-tween 1900 and 1700 B.C. and the second be-tween 1700 and 1500 B.C. (Parpola 1994). AtGonur depe, archaeologists found monumentalsites dated to the first half of the second millen-nium B.C. (Sarianidi 1994).

The Gonur South area of this site comprisesa fortified compound of buildings. A large ‘‘sa-cred fire temple’’ shrine situated within thiscompound has two parts; one appears to havebeen used for public worship, but the other wasa hidden ‘‘inner sanctum of the priesthood’’which consists of private rooms (cf. Rudgley1998). Analysis of the contents in ceramic bowlsfound in at least one of these private rooms byProfessor Meier-Melikyan (1990) revealed thetraces of both Cannabis and Ephedra. It hasbeen suggested that both of these psychoactivesubstances had been used in conjunction in themaking of psychoactive drinks. Ten ceramic pot-stands found in a room adjoining the ‘‘innersanctum’’ seem to have been used in combina-tion with strainers designed to separate the‘‘juices from the twigs, stems and leaves of theplants’’ (Rudgley 1998; cf. Sarianidi 1994). Abasin in another room at the other end of theshrine contained a large quantity of Cannabis,along with pottery stands and strainers that alsoappear to have used to make mind-altering, rit-ualistic beverages.

A pottery strainer, comparable to those foundat shrine at Gonur South, that was also used ap-parently to concoct psychoactive beverages, wasrecovered from the shrine at the site of Togoluk1 (mid-second millennium B.C.), although re-mains of mind-altering plants have not been dis-covered in this site. In addition, vessels found inshrine at a third settlement, Togoluk 21 (late sec-ond millennium B.C.) contained remains ofEphedra and the opium poppy (P. somniferum);


moreover, an engraved bone tube containing‘‘poppy pollen’’ was also recovered from thissame shrine (Sarianidi 1994).

The architecturally impressive temples in theGonur depe complex of the BMAC are dated tothe period of the early Mesopotamian civiliza-tion; and the discovery of ritual vessels datedbetween 2000–1000 B.C. with the remains ofmind-altering drug plants in these temple shrines‘‘show that soma in its Iranian form haoma maybe considered as a composite psychoactive sub-stance comprising of Ephedra and Cannabis(see Cannabis section below) in one instanceand Ephedra and opium (see Papaver somnifer-um section below) in another.’’ (Rudgley 1998;cf. Parpola 1994).

According to Miller (2003), photographs ofthe Ephedra, Cannabis, and Papaver, and ar-chaeological specimens presented in the Togo-lok-21 report by Meier-Melikyan (1990), appearto be consistent with the respective species;however, the determination of the Papaver spe-cies needs further study to confirm that it is P.somniferum. Indeed, Miller suggests that thepoppy seeds could have come from field weedsor have been used as a food plant rather than asan opiate source for medicine or ritual. Milleralso points out that in an arid climate, the woodof Ephedra could have been burned for fuel.Other scientists, who have critically reviewedthe evidence for Cannabis in the Central AsianBMAC sites, concluded that the clay impres-sions from Gonur Temenos which are claimedto have been made with hemp (Cannabis) bySarianidi (in Appendix I of ‘Margiana and pro-tozorastrism’) ‘‘are clearly of [Millet] Panicummiliaceum’’ (Bakels 2003; Nesbitt 2002).

Ephedra species have, indeed, been used me-dicinally for hundreds, even thousands of yearsin the regions where they grow. Ma huang(Ephedra sinica Stapf.), also known as Tsaopen-Ma Huang, is a shrub, 30 to 50 cm in height,native to East Asia. An oral tradition in Chinadating back to approximately 2800 B.C., whichis associated with the legendary first Chineseemperor and herbalist or shaman, Shen Nong (orShen Nung), refers to the medicinal use of thedried stems of Ma Huang to cure multiple ail-ments such as the common cold, coughs, asth-ma, headaches, and hay fever. Ephedra (‘‘ma-huang’’) pollen has been recovered from theBanpo sites (dated to ca. 4800 to 4300 B.C.) ofthe Neolithic Yangshao culture in east Xi’an, in

the Shaanxi Province of China (Manhong andJianzhong 1990). The earliest written records ofMa Huang use can be found in a classic Chinesecompilation of herbs called Shen Nong Ben CaoJing (Flaws 1998), which dates back to the firstcentury A.D. This early, studious treatise is acompilation of the greater part of all the knowl-edge about herbal medicine before the Han dy-nasty, discussing the uses of 365 ancient medic-inal plants.’’

PAPAVER SOMNIFERUM

The most ancient evidence for opium poppyuse comes from sites in the Mediterranean re-gion. Remarkable new evidence for a very oldopium poppy association with humans was re-cently discovered in the underwater La Mar-motta site in Lake Bracciano, Italy, northwest ofRome about 35 kilometers from the TyrrhenianSea. This site has been submerged by rising wa-ters of the lake; however, approximately 7,700years ago this small ‘‘city’’ was accessible fromthe sea by boat via the Arrone River. Italian ar-chaeologists, sifting through the ruins of thisStone Age settlement, believe the La Marmottasite was occupied by an early European Neolith-ic farming community which lasted for about500 years (Kunzig 2002). Many organic remainswere well preserved underneath 3 meters of limeat the bottom of lake. Among the remarkablediscoveries of preserved remains of plant andanimal material are P. somniferum seeds whichwere presumably cultivated for food, oil, medi-cine, and possibly cult use (Fugazzola 2003).‘‘The bigger discovery concerns a ‘great moth-er’ [with] palaeolithic [features] in a room ofthis Neolithic settlement [and thus the] poppyseeds of La Marmotta have been found in as-sociation with [a] religious [cult] room’’ (Sa-morini 2003). The fossil seeds from this Italiansite are the oldest known seeds of P. somniferumfound in association with humans, indicatingthat use and cultivation of the opium poppydates back at least to the early Neolithic.

Although the archaeological evidence for P.somniferum presented above does not necessar-ily point toward mind-altering use, the followingremark is insightful: ‘‘The opium poppy hasbeen cultivated since Neolithic times, perhaps inthe first place for poppy-seed oil, but who candoubt that its narcotic property enhanced its val-ue’’ (Dimbleby 1967; also see Merlin 1984).

Cult use of the opium poppy approximately


2500 years ago (VIII–VI century B.C.) in south-east region of the Italian peninsula (FoggiaProvince) has been interpreted from the archae-ological remains (steles) of the pre-Roman Dau-ni culture (Leone 1995, 1995-96; Nava 1988).Leone (1995) hypothesizes that the sphere-shaped ‘‘pendants worn at the belt by the femi-nine Daunian Stelae represent opium plants, Pa-paver Somniferum.’’ She believes that the sig-nificant ‘‘spiritual role the plant played mayhave made it a monopoly of the priestly caste,’’and that these illustrated pillars bearing inscrip-tions ‘‘assume a new significance in the light ofthis hypothesis.’’

Archaeobotanical evidence for opium poppyuse has also been found recently in an ancientRoman farmhouse (villa rustica) excavated in1996 near Pompeii (at Villa Vesuvio, southernItaly). At the bottom of one of the storage vats(dolia) discovered in the cellar of this farmhouse(which is typical of other such structures of thesame time of the great eruption, 79 A.D.) was ahigh percentage of seeds from plants associatedwith medicinal use, including Papaver somni-ferum; these seeds were recovered along withbones of reptiles and amphibians, suggestingthat this assemblage is the residue of a ‘‘medic-inal’’ preparation (Ciaraldi 2000). Remains of a‘‘poppy seed cake’’ were also found in a ‘‘ritualcontext from the city of Pompeii,’’ in a ‘‘typicalatrium’’ building known as the ‘‘House of theWedding of Hercules’’ (Ciaraldi and Richardson2000). These ‘‘votive offerings’’ probably hon-ored the goddess ‘‘Isis/Demeter.’’ Although thisevidence of opium poppy use was excavated‘‘from deposits dated to the end of the secondcentury BC to AD 79, it is more likely that theywere probably deposited in the 1st century A.D.’’(Ciaraldi 2003).

Ancient evidence for P. somniferum in theWestern Mediterranean, comes in the form ofcapsules recovered from small grass woven bas-kets from a burial cave (Cueva de los Murcie-lagos) near Albunol in the southern Spanishprovince of Granada (Gongora 1868; Neuwiler1935; see Fig. 3). These capsules have been ra-diocarbon-dated to c. 4,200 years old (Giner1980).

A relatively large amount of archaeologicalevidence and literary reference to the ancient useof the opium poppy from the Eastern Mediter-ranean region has been uncovered for its use asfood, medicine, and cult activities. This evi-

dence reaches as far back as the Late BronzeAge, and possibly earlier. In this region evidencefor P. somniferum comes predominantly in theform of artifacts recovered from Late BronzeAge sites in Greece, Crete, Cyprus, Egypt, Pal-estine, and Syria (e.g., Emboden 1981, 1989;Gabra 1956; Kritikos and Papadaki 1967; Mar-inatos 1937; Merlin 1984; Merrillees 1968,1999; Mylonas 1966; Quibell and Hayter 1927;Randall-MacIver and Wooley 1911; Sciaparelli1927). The types of archaeological evidence andadditional references can be found in Table 1.Some key examples of related artifacts and re-cent direct evidence are discussed below.

According to Merrillees (1999), ‘‘Possibly theearliest representation of the poppy capsule inthe Aegean world is a small limestone half-cap-ital, about 5 inches high [12.5 cm], from thePalace of Knossos in Crete.’’ This small artifactresembling a ‘‘dried-out poppy capsule’’ has aflat top representing the stigma, and sphericalbody similar to the poppy seed capsule and thal-amus; it dates to the Late Minoan I (1600–1450B.C.), and was no doubt made to fit on the upperpart of a pillar to resemble a real poppy capsulefastened to its stem (see Evans 1928; Zervos1956).

Most of the evidence for the presence and useof the opium poppy on mainland Greece in theMycenaean period (ca. 1550–1100 B.C.) is in theform of artifacts with representations of the seedcapsule. However, certitude of these represen-tations has been debated as to whether they de-pict poppy capsules or pomegranate fruits; thelatter also are spherically shaped and havecrowns that are serrated (e.g., see Seeberg 1969,also see Fig. 2). Some of the artifacts in questiondefinitely do represent opium poppy capsules, orat least resemble P. somniferum much moreclosely. Among these are two examples from thePeleponnesus that date to approximately 1500B.C. (the transition period from Late Helladic Ito Late Helladic II) which have ribbed bodieswith serrated stigmas. One is a brooch-pine thathas a gold head and a silver stem; the other is agold pendant, from Mycenae. As Merrillees(1979) has pointed out, these artifacts with rep-resentations of opium poppy capsules are verysimilar to two gold pins from Anatolia, datingto about 1400–1200 B.C. (the pins are part of theNorbert Schimmel collection in the New York’sMetropolitan Museum). Besides the exterior fea-tures of these pins that have heads resembling


TA

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foss

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ki,

1975

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0B

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nabi

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iwan

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ifac

ts:

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ery

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mp

rope

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mil

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ng,

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g,C

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1959

5700

B.C

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ake

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mB

.C.

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anun

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ala

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s?

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itsy

naan

dP

rish

cepe

nko

1977

4800

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0B

.C.

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som

nife

rum

Lac

De

Cha

lain

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e,S

wit

zerl

and,

lake

side

habi

tati

onM

acro

foss

ils:

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pyse

eds

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wei

ler

1935

;M

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84

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nabi

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ge,

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wea

ving

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gnon

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tery

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hem

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oth

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ints

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r.

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1974

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–300

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.C.

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som

nife

rum

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enha

usen

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tlem

ent,

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itz.

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rofo

ssil

s:se

eds

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eun

ripe

caps

ule

Hee

r18

66;

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lin

1979

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B.C

.P

.so

mni

feru

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orns

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ake

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ance

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man

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ils:

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er18

)61

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p-py

seed

s,48

%of

laye

rsa

mpl

eF

reds

kild

1978

;M

erli

n19

84

3300

B.C

.P

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feru

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es,

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eP

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nce

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3200

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rum

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eebe

rg,

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itz.

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rofo

ssil

s:30

00po

ppy

seed

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illa

ret-

Von

Roc

how

1967

;M

er-

lin

1984

3200

–260

0B

.C.

P.

som

nife

rum

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derw

ilB

ogS

ite,

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itz.

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icro

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mni

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umin

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ting

pres

ence

asim

-po

rtan

tdo

mes

tica

ted

spec

ies

van

Zei

stan

dC

aspa

rie

1974

;M

erli

n19

84

3000

B.C

.P

.so

mni

feru

mV

avro

vice

,C

zech

oslo

vaki

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ttle

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ent,

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rofo

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ent

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ulov

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prav

il19

74;

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-li

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.P

.so

mni

feru

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agoz

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Ital

yM

acro

foss

ils:

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mpo

ppy

seed

s,in

dica

ting

dom

esti

cati

onS

orde

lli

1880

;H

oops

1905

;M

er-

lin

1984

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yn.

2720

2560

B.C

.N

ymph

aea

nouc

hali

(syn

N.

caer

ulea

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gypt

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ifac

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resc

ode

pict

sw

ater

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feri

ngto

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ris

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yte

1875

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mbo

den

1989

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oda

te)

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som

nife

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and,

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law

ice,

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ial

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o-ra

ted

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tery

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ture

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rofo

ssil

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opiu

mpo

ppy

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foss

ils

Giz

bert

1961

;M

erli

n19

84


TA

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CO

NT

INU

ED

.

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eSp

ecie

sL

ocat

ion

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ence

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.P

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urci

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os,

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in,

cave

buri

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teM

acro

foss

ils:

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ppy

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sule

s&

seed

sin

espa

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gras

sha

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g

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gora

1868

;M

erli

n19

84

2000

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0B

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som

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ltr

ench

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ve)

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ach,

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tria

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ave

site

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rofo

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oppy

seed

foss

ils

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neck

1949

;M

erli

n19

84

2100

B.C

.?P

.so

mni

feru

mN

ippu

r,Ir

anA

rtif

act:

may

cont

ain

refe

renc

eto

opiu

mpo

ppy

asin

gred

ient

inpr

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ipti

on?

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v.P

enn.

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ifac

t#C

BS

1422

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erli

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84

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gdom

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bs,

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en,

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ptA

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elia

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vasi

form

’’po

ppy

caps

ule

bead

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lace

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ley

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.

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ra,

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iona

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caps

ule’

’ea

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din

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n

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bbel

and

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ter

1927

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andr

ake

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1989

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oda

te)

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som

nife

rum

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yria

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ifac

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ants

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lin

1984

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ewK

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som

nife

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bof

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it,

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bes

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nce

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ium

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ogo

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ith

caps

ule

repr

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-ta

tion

;go

ldne

ckla

cew

ith

gold

popp

yca

psul

epe

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ts

Mer

rill

ees

1968

16th

or15

thce

ntur

yB

.C.

P.

som

nife

rum

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ptB

ase-

ring

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ude

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rved

asth

eso

lven

t

Bis

set,

N.

G.

etal

.19

96;

Kas

-ch

el,

K.

1996

15th

cent

ury

B.C

.P

.so

mni

feru

mP

ales

tine

(pro

babl

y)an

dE

gypt

(Tel

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aza)

Bas

e-ri

ngju

glet

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held

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ning

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ium

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rill

ees

1989

1500

–135

0B

.C.

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ptL

iter

atur

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81


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18th

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.

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us.

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rum

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mni

feru

m

Em

bode

n19

81

18th

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.

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rum

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bof

Cha

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gypt

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rofo

ssil

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abas

ter

vess

elco

n-ta

inin

gop

ium

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apar

elli

1927

;G

abra

1956

;E

mbo

den

1981

1350

B.C

.N

.no

ucha

li,

M.

offi-

cina

rum

Tom

bof

Sem

enkh

ara,

Egy

ptA

rtif

act:

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esto

nere

lief

,hi

sco

n-so

rtM

eria

thon

offe

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lill

ies

toS

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khar

a

Em

bode

n19

81

1350

–133

8B

.C.

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nouc

hali

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.of

fi-ci

naru

mE

gypt

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mb

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enA

rtif

act:

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uent

jar

depi

cts

Hat

hor

wit

hne

ckla

ceof

wat

erli

lies

and

man

drak

e

Em

bode

n19

89

14th

cent

.B

.C.

N.

nouc

hali

,M

.of

fi-ci

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81

16th

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gypt

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vesi

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acts

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ring

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eva

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info

rmof

un-

ripe

popp

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e;ju

glet

sco

ntai

ning

crud

eop

ium

Mer

rill

ees

1962

;S

joqu

ist

1940

;M

erli

n19

84

16th

or15

thce

nt.

B.C

.P

.so

mni

feru

mE

gypt

Bas

e-ri

ngW

are

vase

info

rmof

unri

pepo

ppy

caps

ule,

cont

ain-

ing

crud

eop

ium

Bis

set

etal

.19

96;

Koc

hel

1996

)

15th

cent

.B

.C.

P.

som

nife

rum

Pal

esti

ne,

Tell

el-A

jjul

near

Gaz

aan

dan

othe

run

know

nsi

tein

Pal

esti

ne

2B

ase-

ring

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eva

ses

info

rmof

unri

pepo

ppy

caps

ule,

con-

tain

ing

crud

eop

ium

Bis

set

etal

.19

96;

Koc

hel

1996

1450

–110

0B

.C.

P.

som

nife

rum

Bur

ied

cham

ber

atG

azi,

Cre

teA

rtif

acts

:80

cmta

llte

rrac

otta

stat

ue,

wit

h3

pins

repr

esen

ting

popp

yca

psul

esin

head

Ble

gen

1936

;M

erli

n19

84

1350

B.C

.P

.so

mni

feru

mR

oyal

Tom

b,Te

llE

l-A

mar

na,

Egy

ptA

rtif

act:

neck

lace

wit

hgo

ld‘‘

popp

yca

psul

e’’

bead

sM

erli

n19

84


TA

BL

E1.

CO

NT

INU

ED

.

Dat

eSp

ecie

sL

ocat

ion

Evi

denc

eR

efer

ence

1309

–122

4B

.C.

N.

nouc

hali

Tem

ple

ofS

etho

sI,

Aby

dos,

Egy

ptA

rtif

act:

reli

giou

ssc

ene

show

sbl

uew

ater

-lil

yof

feri

ngto

Ho-

rus

Jam

es19

82

1230

B.C

.N

ymph

aea

alba

sav.

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bsof

Ram

ses

II&

Am

enho

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pI,

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ptM

acro

foss

ils:

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alba

peta

lsin

fune

ral

wre

aths

abou

tm

um-

mie

s

Em

bode

n19

81;

Sch

wei

nfur

th18

84

1230

B.C

.N

.no

ucha

liE

gypt

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mbs

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amse

sII

and

Am

enho

tep

IM

acro

foss

il:

fune

ral

garl

ands

Ple

yte

1875

;E

mbo

den

1989

1220

B.C

.P

.so

mni

feru

mB

urne

dP

alac

e,B

eyee

sult

an,

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-to

lia,

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rus

Tem

ple

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rtif

act/

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rofo

ssil

:‘‘

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popp

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eds

foun

din

afo

oted

bow

l

Kar

ageo

rghi

s19

76

20th

Dyn

.12

0010

85B

.C.

N.

nouc

hali

The

bes,

Egy

ptA

rtif

act:

Fre

sco

depi

cts

wat

erli

lyfo

rpu

rifi

cati

onof

nost

rils

Em

bode

n19

89

1122

–249

B.C

.C

anna

bis.

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ial

site

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hina

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hou

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asty

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fact

/Mac

rofo

ssil

:C

loth

frag

-m

ents

mad

eof

hem

pL

i19

74

1000

B.C

.C

anna

bis

Deb

ris

pile

,G

ordi

on,

(nea

rA

nja-

ra)

Turk

eyA

rtif

act:

piec

esof

hem

pcl

oth

Bel

inge

r19

62

900

B.C

.P

.so

mni

feru

mIr

aqA

rtif

act:

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reli

ef,

phys

icia

nho

ldin

gpo

ppy

plan

t(d

ispu

ted

inte

rpre

tati

on)

Kil

gour

1962

807–

779

B.C

.P

.so

mni

feru

mA

uver

nier

-Nor

d,L

ake

Neu

chat

el,

Sw

itz.

Mac

rofo

ssil

:S

ugge

sts

cult

ivat

ion

Col

esan

dC

oles

1989

668–

626

B.C

.P

.so

mni

feru

mIr

anA

rtif

act:

Ass

yria

nm

edic

alta

blet

may

show

know

ledg

eof

me-

dici

nal

use

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Fig. 7. Tubular vase probably used to inhale opi-um vapors. It was recovered from a subterranean‘‘cult’’ chamber in Gazi, Crete (near Knossos), datedto 1450–1100 B.C. (Courtesy of Vassos Karageorghis,former director, National Museum of Antiquities, Nic-osia, Cyprus).

the poppy capsule, inside each of the hollowpinheads ‘‘is a loose object that rattles when theobject is shaken. This was clearly done to mimicthe seeds in dried-out poppy capsules. The mod-el for these pieces of jewelry was not the unripe,juice-laden bulb, but rather the desiccated cap-sule, which is often included in modern dried-flower arrangements’’ (Merrillees 1999).

Certainly one of the prime examples of a con-nection of the opium poppy with ritual and/orspiritual use in the Eastern Mediterranean areais a large terracotta goddess figurine (ht. 80 cm)recovered from a subterranean ‘‘cult’’ chamberin Gazi, Crete (near Knossos). This ‘‘PoppyGoddess’’ statue has a half-length body with up-lifted hands and a trance-like facial expression(Blegen 1936; Marinatos 1937, see Cover Illus-tration). The artifact has been dated to Late Mi-noan III (1450–1100 B.C.). It has three move-able, incised pins in the head which have beenidentified as representations of opium poppycapsules tapped for the alkaloid-rich sap; in ad-dition, it was found in association with para-phernalia (including a tubular vase, Fig. 7) thatindicate probable inhalation of opium vapors(Kritikos and Papadaki 1967; Merlin 1984). The‘‘Poppy Goddess’’ may also represent ‘‘a priest-


Fig. 8. Cylindrical, engraved, ivory ‘‘pipe’’ (13.5cm long) with ‘‘distinct traces of burning,’’ probablyshowing the stains from inhaled opium smoke, foundin ritualistic context (12th century B.C.) at Kition onCyprus. (Courtesy of Vassos Karageorghis, former Di-rector, National Museum of Antiquities, Nicosia, Cy-prus).

Fig. 9. Late Bronze Age ceramic juglets (Base-ring ware), most of them similar in shape and approximately10–15 cm tall, have been found in tombs and settlements throughout much of the Middle East. Turned upsidedown, these thin-necked, pear-shaped, small vessels with their round bases resemble opium poppy pods (Courtesyof the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, England).

ess hallucinating for the purpose of utteringprophecies’’ (Merrillees 1999).

Similar, or associated, opium use parapher-nalia (e.g., a comparable tubular vase) were alsofound in a roughly contemporaneous, ritualisticcontext (12th century B.C.) at Kition on Cyprus.One of the most remarkable artifacts from thisLate Bronze Age site is a 13.5 cm long, cylin-drical (slightly tapered), carefully engraved, ivo-ry ‘‘pipe’’ with ‘‘distinct traces of burning,’’probably showing the stains from inhaled opiumsmoke (Karageorghis 1976; Merlin 1984; seeFig. 8).

By the 12th century B.C. ‘‘Cyprus already had

a long-standing familiarity with [opium]’’ (Mer-rillees 1999). An extensive late Bronze Agetrade network for the production and export ofopium latex, apparently centered in Cyprus, sup-plied a variety of ancient cultures in the easternMediterranean as a medicinal balm or a ritualsubstance. Late Bronze Age ceramic juglets(Base-ring ware, Fig. 9), most of them similarin shape and approximately 10–15 cm tall, havebeen found in tombs and settlements throughoutmuch of the Middle East. Turned upside down,these thin-necked, pear-shaped, small vesselswith their round bases resemble opium poppiespods. Further indication of what was containedinside is indicated by the swollen bodies thathave white markings symbolizing knife inci-sions made on poppies capsules to allow opiumlatex to ooze out for collection (see Fig. 10).

Hundreds of the Late Bronze Age, Base-ringjuglets have been found in sites in areas includ-ing Syria, Palestine, and Egypt. Some of them,analyzed with the gas chromatography proce-dure in the 1980s and 1990s, have turned uptraces of opium (Bisset et al. 1996; Koschel1996; Merrillees 1989). Since many of theseCypriot juglets were recovered from LateBronze Age tombs in the Levant, we can sur-mise that these poppy capsule-shaped vesselswere ‘‘believed to be magically invested withthe same therapeutic properties as its contents;


Fig. 10. Incised, unripe opium poppy capsule withlatex (opium) oozing out.

Fig. 11. This terra cotta relief was recovered from Magna Graecia (ancient Greek colonies of South Italy).It depicts the Goddess of Spring (Persephon) emerging from the underworld with poppy capsules, sheaves ofgrain, and lilies in both hands (from Evans 1925:16, Fig. 18, Courtesy of the Journal of Hellenic Studies).

the juglet itself may have symbolized the eternalsleep of the dead’’ (Merrillees 1999).

In Classical Greece, the opium poppy was amultipurpose plant that had secular and sacreduses, including mundane medicinal and food ap-plications, as well as muiltifarious associationswith divine aspects of the Greek culture (seeKritikos and Papadaki 1967; Merlin 1984; Mer-rillees 1999). Ancient Greeks associated fertilityand abundance with the opium poppy, and there-

fore with the goddess Demeter. This deity in par-ticular was connected with the opium poppy,and as such she was frequently depicted withstemmed grains of barley or wheat and opiumpoppy capsules in her hands or headdresses(e.g., Evans 1925; Kritikos and Papadaki 1967;Merrillees 1999, Fig. 11). In fact, P. somniferumwas a weedy or cultivated plant intimately in-volved in the cultural ecology of ancient Greek,and probably many other agricultural societiesof the ancient world (Merlin 1984). The divine,twin brothers, Hypnos and Thanatos, represent-ing sleep and death, were also often showedwith poppies in their crowns or their hands,manifesting the Greek awareness that sleep in-duced by opium brought rest and oblivion, butan overdose might be fatal.

The opium poppy, both in plant and in capsuleform, appears on various coins of the ancientGreek and Roman periods, at least in some cas-es, testament to the use of the poppy as a symbolof various divinities (e.g., see Kritikos and Pa-padaki 1967; Merlin 1984). The capsule of theopium poppy is also shown on Jewish coinagedated to the 2nd and 1st centuries B.C. (Meshorer1982). Recent North African evidence for opiumpoppy in association with people comes from asite in Tunisia that yielded P. somniferum ma-terials from the Carthaginian, Iron Age, Punic,Roman, Medieval, and Byzantine periods (vanZeist et al. 2001).

Macrofossil and microfossil evidence fromancient Neolithic European sites north of theMediterranean prior to 2000 B.C. for the opiumpoppy, Papaver somniferum, is relatively abun-dant, especially in the Swiss Foreland and other


Fig. 12. Cannabis plant (courtesy of Robert ConnellClarke).

Fig. 13. Hemp twine and rope made from Cannabis.

Fig. 14. Hemp seed from Cannabis (Courtesy ofRichard Evans Schultes).

areas in Central Europe (Fig. 5 and 6). Theseremains, excluding the recent discovery at LaMarmotta site (north of Rome) described above,(e.g., in Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Aus-tria, Switzerland, Germany, northern Italy,France, Belgium, the Netherlands and the UnitedKingdom) date back variously to about 3000 B.C.based on radiocarbon dating and stratigraphicanalysis (Merlin 1984; Coles and Coles 1989;for additional references see chronological table1).

Many recent references for the opium poppyevidence in ancient Europe have been providedby Kroll (2003). For example, see the following:Gyulai (1996) for late Bronze Age and Iron Agesites (Urn field period) of the Hallstatt and La-tene cultures in Hungary; Kroll (2001) for mid-dle Neolithic Funnel Beaker, TRB culture, atWangels, Eastern Holsatia, in Northwestern Ger-many; Castelletti and Rottoli (1999) for the Neo-lithic period in Italy; Heim and Hauzeur (2002)for the Neolithic period from the Rubane andBlicquy culture in Belgium; Heim and Jadin

(1998) for the Neolithic period from the Hes-bayan Linear Pottery culture in Belgium; andMonckton (2000) for Iron Age and Roman sitesin the Arrow Valley, Great Britain. Many Me-dieval archaeological sites have also been shownto contain remains of P. somniferum; for ex-ample, Wiethold (1995) documented evidencefrom 14th century A.D. well/cesspits from Kiel,in Schleswig-Hostein, Germany.

CANNABIS

Much evidence for the early use of Cannabisfor fiber, food, medicine, ceremony and recrea-tion can be gleaned from ancient written records(Fig. 12, 13, 14, and 15). However, the archae-


Fig. 15. Female inflorescence of Cannabis.

ological record for early use of Cannabis ismuch less extensive. Nevertheless, the macro-fossil, pollen, and indirect material evidencefrom prehistory are substantial.

The earliest human use of Cannabis appearsto have occurred in the steppe regions of CentralAsia or in China (e.g., see Merlin 1972; Lu andClarke 1995; Fleming and Clarke 1998). Hempwas certainly one of the earliest crop plants ofChina. Over hundreds, perhaps thousands ofyears, early inhabitants of Central and/or EasternAsia domesticated Cannabis varieties from wildplants into artificially selected, cultivated crops.Chinese historical records and archeologicaldata suggest that the history of hemp cultivationand use in Eastern Asia is approximately 5,000to 6,000 years old. China therefore may havebeen the first region to cultivate, and even usehemp. ‘‘From the time of the earliest primitivesocieties (about 4,000–5,000 years ago) to theQin and Han dynasties (221 BC to 220 AD) an-cient Chinese techniques of hemp sowing, cul-tivation, and processing developed rapidly andbecame fairly advanced’’ (Lu and Clarke 1995).The earliest Neolithic farming communitiesalong the Wei and Huang He (Yellow) riverscultivated hemp as well as millet, wheat, beans,and rice. The oldest Chinese agricultural treatise

is the Xia Xiao Zheng written around the 16thcentury B.C. It refers to hemp as one of the maincrops grown in ancient China (Yu 1987). Re-mains of Cannabis fibers, along with probablefiber impressions and hemp seeds have been re-covered from a variety of archeological sites, es-pecially near the Huang He and Yangtze rivers.

Cord impressed pottery with possible fiber ev-idence of Cannibis use has been dated to ap-proximately 10,000 B.C. in early post-glacialfishing sites on the south China coast, especiallyat the Yuan-Shun site in Taiwan (Chang 1968);and others dating from the fifth millennium B.C.up to the second century A.D. have been foundin several regions on the mainland of China (Li1974a,b). Sherratt (1997) noted ‘‘that the earlyuse of cord-impressed pottery in China—the so-called Sheng-wen horizon—was associated withan early use of hemp and an appreciation (ex-plicit in the early historical records) of its nar-cotic properties.’’

More recent evidence of actual hemp fibercomes from the Song Dynasty (c. 960–1280A.D.) in the form of statuary fabricated withhemp cordage that was recovered from a sitenear Chin-Ch’eng in Shanxi Province, northeastChina (Kuo 1978), and from a Shan Kingdomsite (c. 1520–1030 B.C.) at Anyang in HenanProvince, eastern China (Chang 1968). Evenolder Cannabis fiber material has been excavat-ed from a Zhou Dynasty tomb in Shanxi Prov-ince; and complete hemp cloth specimens havebeen found in Han Dynasty tombs (ca. 100 B.C.–100 A.D.) in Gansu Province, northern China(Kansu Museum 1972; for additional ancientChinese fiber and hemp paper artifact evidence,see e.g., Cheng 1959, 1963, 1966; Li 1974a,b;and Yin 1978). Cannabis seeds dated to the 9thcentury A.D. have been recovered from Hokkai-do, Japan (Crawford and Takamiya 1990); Can-nabis along with significant uses in ritual, cloth-ing production, and early papermaking were in-troduced to Japan from China via Korea approx-imately 1400 years ago (Hunter 1943).

The use of Cannabis to the west of China hasa very ancient history, perhaps older and some-what different than that in China. Sherratt (1987,1997) suggests that early inhabitants of the Eur-asian steppes, members of the Sredni Stog cul-ture that flourished about 4500–3500 B.C., usedCannabis to make a ‘‘socially approved intoxi-cant,’’ celebrating its significance ‘‘by imprint-ing it on their pottery.’’ The crucial relationship


Fig. 16. Tent frame and bronze vessels with stonesand Cannabis seeds found in a series of burial moundsat Pazyryk in the Altai Mountains of Siberia dating tothe fifth century B.C. (Courtesy of Sir Harry Godwinand the Journal Antiquity).

between horse and human rider originated in theSredni Stog culture which flourished in theUkraine 6,000 years ago (Anthony et al. 1991).The origin of horse riding was the first signifi-cant innovation in human land transport predat-ing the invention of the wheel, and hemp fibersmay have played an important role in this crucialinvention of horse riding.

One very notable historic reference supportsthe first ethnographic evidence of an early‘‘smoking culture’’ in temperate Eurasia (Sher-ratt 1995). This indication concerning Cannabiscomes from Herodotus (c. 446 B.C.), in whichhe describes the post-funeral purification ritualof Scythians on the Pontic steppes: ‘‘On aframework of three sticks meeting at the top,they stretch pieces of woolen cloth, taking careto get the joins as perfect as they can, and insidethis little tent they put a dish with red-hot stoneson it. Then they take some hemp seed, creep intothe tent, and throw the seeds on the hot stones.At once it began to smoke, giving off vapor un-surpassed by any vapor-bath one could find inGreece. The Scythians enjoy it so much thatthey would howl with pleasure’’ (Herodotus, IV,75).

The accuracy of this ancient account was es-tablished by archaeological excavations in 1947of a series of burial mounds at Pazyryk in theAltai Mountains of Siberia dating to the fifthcentury B.C. In each burial a 1.2 m-high woodenframe tent was found; and each tent enclosed abronze vessel with stones and hemp seeds, pre-sumably left smoking in the grave (Fig. 16). ‘‘Aleather pouch with hemp seeds provided sup-plies, and scattered hemp, coriander and melilotseeds were also recovered’’ (Sherratt 1995; cf.Rudenko 1970). New evidence for Cannabis useby the Scythian tribes during the early Iron Agehas been uncovered in the Ukraine (Pashkevich1999).

From two earlier cultures, one in Romaniafrom a Kurgan Pit-grave at Gurbanesti near Bu-charest dated to the ‘‘later third millennium BC,’’and the other in a northern Caucasian EarlyBronze Age site (more or less comparable thirdmillennium age) from which similar ‘‘pipe-cup’’vessels (polypod, i.e., footed bowls) containinghemp seeds were recovered (Ecsedy 1979).Based on the Herodotus quote and these seeddiscoveries in widely separated locations, Sher-ratt (1991) argues that ‘‘the practice of burningcannabis as a narcotic is a tradition which goes

back in this area some five or six thousand yearsand was the focus of the social and religiousrituals of the pastoral peoples of central Eurasiain prehistoric and early historic times.’’

According to Sherratt (1987) ‘‘The first cer-tain identification of hemp [fiber, or any form]in Europe is in the Hallstatt-period Furstengrab[grave] of Hochdorf near Stuttgart, dated to c.500 BC’’ (cf. Korber-Grohne 1985; also see Mer-lin 1972 for an older, general review). Kroll(2003) asserts that the only definite Neolithic re-mains of Cannabis are from ‘‘Russia, Ukraineor westernmost China.’’ He refers to Larina(1999) for evidence of Cannabis from the Neo-lithic Linear Pottery Culture in the Russian areaof the interfluve between the Prut and Dniesterrivers, Pashkevich (1997) for early farmers uti-lizing hemp in the Ukraine (Neolithic andBronze Age), and Rosch (1998, 1999) for ref-erence to Neolithic use of hemp (Hanf) as a fiberplant (Gespinstpflanzen). According to Kroll(2003), Cannabis was certainly part of theBronze Age southeastern European steppe en-vironment ‘‘even in late Neolithic settlements.’’However, he points out that similar to the nettle,Urtica dioica, ‘‘feral forms of Cannabis may beruderals, like nowadays in [all of] southeast Eu-rope. The question is: feral forms from domesticones? Or domestic forms from wild ones? Thereis no answer, one may use feral forms as wellas domestic or true wild ones.’’


Many other ancient sites, with evidence ofCannabis in Europe have been documented. Forexample, see the following: Gyulai (1996) forevidence from Bronze Age and Iron Age (Urnfield period) Hallstatt and Latene cultures inHungary; Robinson and Karg (2000) for Bronzeor Iron Age remains at Vallensbæk in Denmark;Konig (2001) for Roman Iron Age evidencefrom Trier in Germany; Opravil (2000) for earlyMiddle Age evidence from Mikulcice in theCzech Republic; and Lempiainen (1999) for areview of the history of hemp (Cannabis sativaL.) in Finland including archaeobotanical evi-dence from 800–1600 A.D.

Archaeological evidence of Cannabis fromNear Eastern sites is scarce, but an intriguingpiece of hemp fabric was recovered from a Phyr-gian Kingdom grave mound site at Gordion,near Ankara in Turkey which has been dated tothe late 8th century B.C. (Bellinger 1962; God-win 1967).

Remarkable evidence for Cannabis use in theNear East was found more recently in centralIsrael. In the town of Beit Shemesh, near Jeru-salem, archaeologists uncovered the skeleton ofa girl about 14 years old in a tomb from the lateRoman period who died in childbirth; ‘‘Threebronze coins found in the tomb dating to AD

315–392 indicate that the tomb was in use dur-ing the fourth century AD’’ (Zias et al. 1993). Asmall amount (6.97 g) of a dark burnt substancewas found in the abdominal area of the skeleton.Initially thought to have been incense, analysisby Israeli police and botanists at Hebrew Uni-versity determined that the ancient material is amixture of Cannabis resin (hashish), dried seeds,fruit and common reeds (Phragmites). Direct ev-idence of ancient drug substances themselves israre because organic compounds decay rapidly;however, the substance found in this person’sskeleton was preserved because it had been car-bonized through burning. The archaeologistswho uncovered this evidence believe the drugmaterial was used as an aid in child birth, sinceit increases the strength and rate of recurringcontractions in women giving birth; it was usedin deliveries until the 19th century, after whichit was replaced by newly developed drugs. How-ever, others have disagreed with the strict me-dicinal use hypothesis (Prioreschi and Babin1993), and argued that ritualistic use cannot yetbe discounted. Unfortunately this short, youngfemale probably died due to excessive bleeding.

Whether or not Cannabis was first used tomake fiber, for food (seed of hemp), as a psy-choactive resin for medicine, for ritual or spiri-tual purposes, or a combination of these moti-vations, the archaeological record provides evi-dence that it was a significant ethnobotanicalsource in antiquity. The ancient medical, psy-choactive, and ritual uses of Cannabis are oftendifficult to separate, especially those mind-alter-ing preparations used for medicine, psychologi-cal stimulation, and ritual use; and, of course,the interrelationships of traditional religious be-lief, ritualistic practice, and medicinal applica-tions among psychoactive plants is not limitedto Cannabis. In any case, the therapeutic use ofCannabis has a lengthy and ongoing history,with very diverse reports of its medicinal appli-cations. It is well known, for example, that theancient medicinal texts (Materia medica) ofGreece and India, as well as China (see above)refer to specific uses for this plant. In shouldalso be noted here that recent archeobotanicalevidence for Cannabis dating between 400 B.C.–100 A.D. has been found in the Kali GandakiValley of Nepal which connects the Tibetan pla-teau with the plains of India (Knorzer 2000).

In Africa the archaeological evidence for an-cient Cannabis is not substantial yet; but its firstpresence and use on the African continent maydate back as much as 2,000 years ago. All ofthe historical references suggest dispersal fromCentral, South, or Southeast Asia into Africa pri-or to European contact. Indeed, the archeologi-cal, linguistic, and historical evidence from the12th century A.D. to the present indicates thatCannabis was brought to Africa by Moslem seatraders from the Indian subcontinent, via Arabia,possibly as early as the 1st century A.D. (du Toit1980; also see Emboden 1972 and LaBarre1980). Cannabis appears to have spread downthe eastern coast of Africa and then inlandthroughout the tropical sub-Saharan region. Dis-persal across Africa was most likely slow, asonly scattered sedentary farming cultures inhab-ited this region.

According to Emboden (1972), ‘‘None of themore elaborate techniques of using Cannabis inthe Mediterranean or the Near East accompaniedthe plant into Africa, and practices in the centralpart of the continent in the thirteenth centurywere very simple.’’ Direct evidence of Cannabisuse comes from ‘‘two ceramic smoking-pipebowls, excavated in Lalibela Cave, Begemeder


Fig. 17. Clay pipe bowls found in Lalibela Cave,Begemeder Province, Ethiopia, dated to 1320 6 80A.D. (Courtesy of Nikolaas van der Merwe).

Fig. 18. Radiocarbon dating graph for ‘‘cannabis-derived compounds’’ found in ceramic smoking-pipebowls excavated from Lalibela Cave, BegemederProvince, Ethiopia (Courtesy of Nikolaas van der Mer-we).

Province, Ethiopia’’ (van der Merwe 1975; cf.Dombrowski 1971; Fig. 17). Modified thin-layerchromatography indicated the pipe residues con-tained ‘‘cannabis-derived compounds.’’ Thebowls were dated to 1320 6 80 A.D. Accordingto van der Merwe, this evidence suggests that‘‘some variety of Cannabis sativa was smokedaround Lake Tana in the 13th–14th century, inmuch the same way as it is today.’’ Subsequentrelated dates for charcoal at 630 6 80 B.P. andresidue in one of the pipes at 510 6 90 (Fig. 18)have been reported (van der Merwe 2003). LaBarre (1980) notes that ‘‘the hypothesis of Af-rican pipe smoking in the fourteenth centurymust, however, run the gauntlet of Americanistopinion that the smoking of plant narcoticswould be post-Columbian, after the pattern ofAmerindian tobacco smoking.’’

However smoking, as noted above, mostprobably took place in Africa, at least in someregions, well before European exploration. Forexample, Leonotus leonurus (wild ‘‘dagga’’),various species of Salsola (‘‘ganna’’), and mostubiquitously Cannabis were smoked as far backas the Iron Age in South Africa, predominantlyamong Bantu speakers (du Toit 1975).

According to Emboden (1972), in Sub-Sahar-

an Africa, ‘‘The simple but efficacious practiceof throwing hemp plants on burning coals of afire and staging what might today be called a‘‘breath in’’ seems to have been popular initially.This was elaborated into a ritual in which mem-bers of a given tribal unit would prostrate them-selves in a circle around the fire and each wouldextend a reed into the fumes in order to capturethe volatized resins, without the accompanyingirritation produced by standing over the vaporsand inhaling. At a later date the fire was elevatedto an altar, where humans could sit or standwhile inhaling through a tube extending into thesmoke.’’

Excavations at the Iron Age site of SebanziHill on the southern edge of the Central Kafuebasin in the Southern Province of Zambia byFagan and Phillipson (1965) uncovered fourbaked clay, non-Arab designed smoking pipes(Fig. 19 and 20). Radiocarbon dating, along withrelated pottery sequences, for the oldest twospecimens indicates that these were in use about1100–1300 A.D., and the others from the 13th–14th century (van der Merwe 2003). Althoughchemical tests of the these pipes from Zambiahave not yet been possible, the excavators of thepipes argued that they were used for smokingCannabis because tobacco could not have beenknown in Zambia at the time (Phillipson 1965).

An unusual find reported from the KalahariDesert of Botswana provides a ‘‘prehistoric’’ re-cord of pollen from about 130 km west of theOkavango River delta. In association with thecalcite cave deposits (speleothem) that have pre-


Fig. 19. Iron Age clay pipe bowl fragments from Sa-banzi, Zambia (Courtesy of Nikolaas van der Merwe).

Fig. 20. A contemporary smoking pipe from Kariba,Zambia (Courtesy of Nikolaas van der Merwe).

cipitated from solution in a cave scientists haverecovered a series of pollen fossils: ‘‘Only onepollen type was identified that may directly in-dicate human activity, Cannabis/Humulus (Bur-ney 1987a,b, 1988), which first appears in thesample dated to c. 3827 6 298 BP’’ (Burney etal. 1994). For a number of reasons Burney be-lieves that this pollen fossil type can be bestidentified as Cannabis (Burney 2003).

Perhaps the most remarkable recent archaeo-logical or paleobotanical evidence for Cannabiscomes from Madagascar. The pollen record forCannabis in lake sediment cores on this largeisland about 300 miles east of southern Africaare derived from several sites, with some datingback to approximately 2000 YBP. ‘‘Pollen of theintroduced hemp plant, Cannabis sativa, first ap-pears at Lake Tritrivakely in the Central high-lands about this time (Burney 1987a), and waspresent in a core from Lake Kavitaha about 200km to the north from the beginning of the recordat ca. 1500 years B.P.’’ (Burney 1987b, also seeBurney 1988).

This ancient evidence for the Cannabis in theSouthern Hemisphere coincides roughly with theearliest human arrivals in Madagascar (Austro-nesians colonists or traders from elsewhere?) ap-proximately 2,000 years ago. These early ex-plorers or traders undoubtedly brought Cannabisalong as part of their ‘‘transported landscape’’(Anderson 1967) or ‘‘portmanteau biota’’ (Cros-

by 1973) that was consciously or inadvertentlyintroduced into Madagascar. Burney believes thewidespread wild (?) distribution of hemp plantsis a ‘‘regional-scale signal’’ of human impact inMadagascar, and that Cannabis was an early hu-man introduction by ancient seafarers who usedthe plant for various maritime uses to makerope, sails, water-resistant clothing, and hullcaulking. ‘‘Therefore hemp would, like goats,pigs, and rats, be among the first species intro-duced to new lands by Indian Ocean sailorscoming ashore for provisioning and, eventually,longer stays (Burney 1997; cf. Vavilov 1949).Cannabis was not introduced to the New Worlduntil after 1492 A.D.

NYMPHAEA NOUCHALI AND MANDRAGORA

OFFICINARUM

The genus Nymphaea included approximately40 species found in tropical and temperate cli-mates of both hemispheres. For a variety of rea-sons, much synonymy occurs. The blue waterlily, Nymphaea caerulea Sav., is now lumpedwith Nymphaea capensis Thunb. into Nymphaeanouchali Burm. f. var. caerulea (Sav.) Verdc(Fig. 21).

Emboden (1978, 1981, 1989) combined artis-tic, papyri, and paleoethnobotanical sources asevidence for ancient Egyptian use of two taxa,the ‘‘sacred blue water lily,’’ Nymphaea caeru-lea (5 nouchali) and the mandrake, Mandrag-ora officinarum (Fig. 22) in shamanistic practic-es. Representations of the water lily in wall


Fig. 21. The Blue Water Lily, Nymphaea nouchalivar. Caerulea (Courtesy of William A. Emboden).

Fig. 22. Mandragora officinarum from Matthiasde L’Obel 1581, Plantarum sev Stirpium Icones, An-twerp.paintings began during the Fourth Dynasty in

ancient Egypt and increased in frequency untilthe Eighteenth Dynasty when this lily was unitedwith the ‘‘golden’’ (deep yellow when ripe) fruitof the mandrake (Fig. 23). Depictions of thesemind-altering species in Egyptian frescos wereoriginally interpreted as components of funeralscenes, with the plants as offerings. However,more recently this graphic evidence has been in-terpreted, with the help of various papyri, as por-trayals of ritual healing: ‘‘The abundant data in-dicate that the shamanistic priest, who was high-ly placed in the stratified society, guided thesouls of the living and dead, provided for thetransmutation of souls into other bodies and thepersonification of plants as possessed by humanspirits, as well as performing other shamanisticactivities’’ (Emboden 1989).

The interpretation of ancient literary, artistic,or artifact interpretation without actual botanicalevidence to support the identification of psycho-active drug plant use in antiquity limits a con-clusive determination. In any case, the most sig-nificant forms of evidence that seem to link thesacred blue lily and mandrake, along with the

opium poppy, Papaver somniferum, to thepriestly caste are the papyri, ‘‘. . . books of thedead, books of ritual magic, and related pictorialevidence—which were never meant to be seenby the public—present those same plants thatare the vehicles to ecstasy’’ (Emboden 1989).For more evidence for these three species fromEgypt in the form of artifacts, papyri, and frescoscenes see James (1982), Randall-MacIver andWooley (1911), Quibbel and Hayter (1927),Merrillees (1968), and Merlin (1984).

In a recent issue of Economic Botany, Mc-Donald (2002) has attempted to determine theMiddle Eastern Tree of Life, which he concludesis none other than ‘‘the Egyptian lotus’’ or ‘‘Lilyof the Nile’’ (Nymphaea nouchali). Indeed,McDonald argues that we must ‘‘identify the‘sacral tree’ of Mesopotamia as a stylized lotusshoot rather than a palm tree,’’ and that ‘‘theclassical lotus bud-and-blossom motif that weencounter in Egypt as early as 3000 BCE and inMesopotamia by the second millennium BCE is


Fig. 23. In a scene depicting ritual healing, Se-menkhkara, who is leaning on a crutch, is offered twomandrake fruits and a bud of Nymphaea nouchali byhis consort, Meriton, who also holds more N. nouchaliflowers in her left hand (colored limestone from theStaatliche Mussen, Berlin-Dahlem, Courtesy of Wil-liam A. Emboden).

widely recognized as a symbol of rebirth andimmortal life.’’ McDonald further asserts thatthrough a great depth of time there has been aloss of ‘‘. . . our understanding of the mythic sig-nificance of the plant, and the ritualistic role itonce played in the religious traditions of our dis-tant forebears.’’

CONCLUSION

The world-wide chronology, biological diver-sity, and geographical range of human use ofpsychoactive drug plants are neither completenor unchangeable. Numerous psychoactiveplants and regions are under-researched and re-quire initial or additional research on this topic.Many scholars would believe it to be safe toassume that most psychoactive plants have alonger history of use than that recorded here. Inany case, it is hoped that this paper provides astarting point from which other scholars maybuild upon. With a critical application of ar-chaeology, paleobotany, anthropology, culturalgeography, history, and other research disci-plines the picture may become more complete.

The evidence provided here should reveal thepotential for such work in the future.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTSI would like to thank the following people for kindly sharing relevant

information: Corrie Bakels, David Burney, Robert C. Clarke, MarinaCiaraldi, Maria Fugazzola, Helmut Kroll, Naomi Miller, Mark Nesbitt,Forest Pitts, Timothy Rieth, Karl Reinhard, Giorgio Samorini, Don Ug-ent, Nikolaas van der Merwe, Joseph Zias, and especially the late RichardEvans Schultes for his inspiration and encouragement to keep trackingthe ancient, traditional use of the ‘‘Plants of the Gods.’’

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