SOMA 2012

Identity and Connectivity

Proceedings of the 16th Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, Florence, Italy, 1–3 March 2012

VOLUME II

Edited by

Luca Bombardieri, Anacleto D’Agostino, Guido Guarducci, Valentina Orsi

and Stefano Valentini

BAR International Series 2581 (II)2013

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SOMA 2012. Idenity and Connecivity: Proceedings of the 16th Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, Florence, Italy, 1–3 March 2012. Volume 2

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Christian Sanctuaries in Rome (1st-5th centuries AD) and their Relationship with the Late Roman-imperial Funerary Structures Alessandro Luciano (Università degli Studi di Udine) Abstract The Christian sanctuaries were structured to enhance the value of the relics and house the believers and martyrial liturgies. The solutions adopted to create confessional spaces were different, according to the places, ages and needs. The aim of this study is to analyze the main characteristics of the Christian sanctuaries of Rome and to consider the relationship with the Late-Imperial funerary architecture. During the 2nd and the 3rd century, some humble memoriae on the venerable tombs were built, such as St. Peter’s edicula in Vatican. In the catacombs, we can find some privileged burials grouped together into cubicula or simple loculi. Emperor Constantine built a magnificent basilica in the Vatican and some funerary circiform basilicas in the suburban cemeteries, close to the hypogeal sanctuaries; the saints’ graves weren’t radically transformed. Pope Damasus looked for the venerable graves, enriched them with some marble decorations, dedicated to the saints some touching poetic compositions and enlarged the confessional spaces to make the pilgrims circulation easier; the most important Damasian restorations dealt with the Crypt of the Popes. In the second half of the 4th century, the privileged burials ad sanctos became common. After Damasus’ papacy, the building activity in the catacombs was quite limited. Keywords Christian sanctuaries, Rome, Relics, Emperor Constantine, Pope Damasus, Basilicas, Venerated tombs, Catacombs Introduction The cult of the relics represents one of the main aspects of the Christian religion and, at the same time, a research that fascinated archaeologists and historians for a long time (Grabar 1946, Brown 1981, Geary 1990). Martyrs were the believers who sacrificed themselves for Christ, whereas the relics were their bodies, fragments of them, or, generically, every object dealing with their lives. The Roman persecutions against the “faith witnesses” left us a lot of relics, which became some venerable objects for the Christians, considering the martyr as a pattern of behaviour. The sanctuaries were structured to enhance the value of the relics and house the believers and martyrial liturgies. The solutions adopted to create confessional

spaces were different, according to the places, ages and needs. The aim of this study is to analyse the main characteristics of the Christian sanctuaries of Rome and to consider the relationship with the Late-Imperial funerary architecture. The pre-Constantinian Age During the 2nd and the 3rd century AD, some humble memoriae on the venerable tombs were built, such as St. Peter’s in Vatican, St. Paul’s on Via Ostiense and both apostles’ on Via Appia (Filippi 2011, 97-118; Fiocchi Nicolai 2001, 7-47; Testini 1980, 164-180, 192-197, 216-231; Zander 2007, 6-20, 114-127). The term memoriae refers to the first martyrial buildings: simple funerary structures, poorly decorated, posed as a memento of particularly venerated burials. This kind of building spread quickly, but it is often difficult to reconstruct their original shape. Indeed, later restorations, the wrecking made during the medieval translations and researches of corpisantari have frequently altered the original structures. Nevertheless, these later transformations often allowed the identification of the most venerated tombs. The graves of the founders of the Church were well known to the contemporary Christian community. Indeed, the Roman presbyter Gaius, during Zephyrinus’ pontificate (199-217 AD), mentioned the two apostles’ trophies, lying just in Vatican and on Via Ostiense. The tomb of St. Peter, found under the altar of his basilica, was originally a pit grave, dug during the Neronian Age, in an area already used as a necropolis. Around the mid-second century, a tripartite aedicula was built on the tomb, to indicate its presence (Figure 1). On the right of the median niche, was unearthed a piece of plaster from the back red painted wall, with a scratched inscription (Πετρος ενι, Peter is here) that unequivocally clarified the martyrial nature of the context. Between the aedicula and the grave, there was a reused pagan slab with a confessional hole. During the first half of the 3rd century, the “Graffiti wall”, so called because covered with some devotional graffiti, was leaned against the red wall. The second trophy mentioned by Gaius was discovered beneath the altar of the Basilica of St. Paul. The grave was placed in a cavity protected by a grate, in a columbarium or mausoleum (Figure 2). The inscription SALVS POPVLI, dated to the second half of the 1st century, was found on a stone block of the building. Around the mid-third century, the Memoria Apostolorum was built on a pagan cemetery, which was turning into a Christian cemetery. It consisted of a courtyard surrounded by: an altar, which remembered the bottom of the Vatican trophy; a porch, which was a stopping place for pilgrims and the so-called triclia (Figure 3). This

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structure was a room for refrigeria, occupied by a counter and a fountain. The walls and the pillars, decorated with frescoes, were covered by hundreds of scratched inscriptions with invocations to Peter and Paul and allusions to the refrigeria in their honour. During the 3rd century, many memoriae were placed in the catacombs (Bisconti et al., 1998, 13-36; Pergola 2002, 57-81, 107-243). Some privileged burials were grouped together into cubicula (as in the Crypt of the Popes), simple loculi or arcosolia (e.g., Gaius’ tomb, Peter and Marcellinus’, Protus and Hyacinth’s) (Figure 4), or “a mensa” tombs (e.g., Cornelius’ and Novatian’s tomb) that sometimes are recognizable by the inscriptions. The Crypt of the Popes is a cubicle built in 235 AD in the catacomb of St. Callixtus and hosted, by the end of the 3rd century, the graves of nine popes (Fiocchi Nicolai and Guyon 2006) (Figure 5). With one exception, all slabs closing the venerable burial niches were occupied by Greek inscriptions, bearing simply the name and rank of the dead bishop. It is striking that Hyacinth’s tomb was found completely intact. It was just a loculum carved, in the 3rd century, at the entrance of the catacomb of Hermes (Bisconti and Mazzoleni 2005, 26-27). The burial niche, with the burnt bones of the dead martyr, was closed by a large marble slab, with the epitaph that records the saint's name, its status of martyr and the date of depositio (Figure 6). In the upper loculum was also buried his brother Proto; early medieval Itineraria remember their common burial, in spelunca. The depositio of saints at the entrances of the catacombs is not unusual and is often documented by both historical and archaeological sources. Indeed, in many cases was just the presence of a saint's body to determine the development of hypogeal cemeteries. The tomb of Novatian, in a gallery near the entrance of the homonymous catacomb, was marked by an inscription remembering the deacon Gaudenzio’ restorations. Covered with marble, adorned with two columns, frescoes and mosaics (some are preserved), was quite small, perhaps because it contained only fragmentary relics. The saint, in fact, according to tradition, was martyred outside Rome. At the end of the 3rd century AD, is dated the diffusion of the first retro sanctos, funerary spaces built close to the relics and occupied by privileged burials. The development of the Region B in the catacomb of Gordian, close to St. Alexander’s relics, for example, was the consequence of an intense building activity: demolition of walls in some cubicles and galleries; addition of building structures for the excavation of new burial niches. Many venerated tombs were also in areas of the catacombs called sub divo. Pope Zephyrinus (199-217 AD), for example, according to De Locis, was buried, together with the martyr Tarcisius, in St. Callixtus’ cemetery. The corpse of St. Tiburcio, however, according to Pope Damasus, was in a mausoleum above Sts. Peter and Marcellinus’ cubicle. We have few data about these subdial places, because they were poorly investigated archaeologically speaking.

The Constantinian Age The Peace of the Church in 313 gave strength to the cult of the saints. Emperor Constantine patronized the cult of the relics and enhanced the value of the sites linked to the memory of Christ, apostles and the most venerated martyrs. The Emperor built a small church on St. Paul's tomb, with a single nave and an apse, and a magnificent basilica in the Vatican, with atrium, five naves, transept and a semicircular apse (Fiocchi Nicolai 2001, 49-62; Testini 1980, 180-185; Delle Rose 2003, 106-111; Zander 2007, 21-23, 128-130) (Figure 7). The aedicula of St. Peter was enclosed in a parallelepiped marble structure, located in the presbytery. It was isolated by a bronze railing and topped by a pergula with four spiral columns holding up a gold chandelier. It seems that Paul's tomb was enclosed in a similar structure, in which was used the marble slab with three confessional holes and the inscription PAVLO APOSTOLO MART (yri) found during the archaeological researches (Figure 8). In the suburban cemeteries, close to the hypogeal sanctuaries, were built some funerary circiform basilicas, characterized by a specific plan with ambulatory (Barcellona 2005, 124-129; Ferrua 1990, 20-27; Fiocchi Nicolai 1996, 69-139; Guyon 1987, 207-260; Nieddu 2009; Pavolini 2004, 126-144) (Figure 9). The construction of basilicas close to the relics, but not above them, was made necessary by the need to not affect the saints’ tombs. Furthermore, it was linked to the Roman tradition: the places used for the celebration of funerary liturgies had to be separate from the burial rooms. Architectural accommodations, such as staircases or galleries, allowed the necessary link between the basilicas and hypogeal sanctuaries nearby. The Constantinian basilicas were funerary churches, coemeteria subteglata according to the ancient Christians, and used to perform martyrial ceremonies and refrigeria. The floors were intensively occupied by the graves of the faithful who aspired to a privileged burial; Pope Mark also, probably, was buried in a sarcophagus in the centre of the exedra of his basilica. As in the Vatican, outside the circiform basilicas were built great mausoleums in a privileged position, as the monumenta of Empress Helena near the Basilica of Sts. Peter and Marcellinus, and Constantina, close to St. Agnes. In Constantinian Age, and later, under Julius’ (337-352 AD) and Liberius’ (352-366 AD) pontificates, the graves of the saints were not radically transformed; some remarkable restorations interested only the confessiones of Lawrence and Agnes (Fiocchi Nicolai 2001, 75-6). The Liber pontificalis recalls the construction of stairs at the tomb of the martyr Lawrence, to facilitate the attendance of his sanctuary. The grave was included in a silver lattice with fenestella confessionis, enclosed by plutei, covered with marble, lit by chandeliers and lamps and framed by an apse covered with porphyry. Even the tomb of St. Agnes, according to the Liber, was surrounded by a chapel and enclosed by plutei donated by Liberius, one of which, still preserved, represents the martyr (Figure 10). The archaeological sources testify the construction of simple mensae in the confessiones of popes Callixtus and Cornelius and martyrs Felicissimus and Agapitus. If the restorations of

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memoriae were still limited, the proliferation of retro sanctos had more impact on the topography of the catacombs. The presence of the venerated tombs, in fact, led to the development of new regions (two of them behind St. Agnes’ tomb), simple privileged rooms (like the one behind the Crypt of the Popes), big rooms intensively used (as in the catacomb of St. Thecla). In the mid-fourth century was the construction of the first hypogeal basilica, St. Thecla (Pergola 2002, 222-225). It was divided into three naves, occupied by graves, decorated with frescoes; the venerated tomb was kept visible on the Western side. At the same time, some small funerary basilicas were built in sub divo spaces of the catacombs, close to the venerated tombs. The construction of three basilicas “Iuliae extra muros”, for example, was sponsored by Pope Julius on the Viae Aurelia, Portuense and Flaminia. Some remains of St. Valentine funerary church were found near the tomb of the martyr, on Flaminia (Belardini 2003, 122-123). It was a small single-nave building, occupied by tombs dated between 318 and 523 AD. In Constantinian Age were also restructured the mausoleums of the catacomb, among which was also that of the saint, near the entrance. Particularly popular in Rome, in the first half of the 4th century, were the cellae trichorae, trefoil martyria (Luciano 2012, 363-365). The Western Tricora, in St. Callixtus’ cemetery, occupied by a mound covered with marble and equipped with fenestella confessionis, which is closed by barrier, was the mausoleum of Popes Tarcisius and Zephyrinus (Figure 11). Next to the martyrium of St. Sinforosa, however, was built a basilica; the respective central apses were combined and connected through an opening. The trichorae close to the circiform basilicas of St. Lawrence and St. Agnes, however, were, respectively, Pope Leo’s mausoleum, and perhaps, a first sanctuary of the martyr. In the first half of the 4th century, the restorations interested not only the tombs of the martyrs but also the places hallowed by their praesentia. The so-called “Regione delle Cattedre”, in the Coemeterium Maius, for example, was arranged in the first half of the 4th century AD to valorise, perhaps, the “cathedra Petri”, the place where Peter baptized. The papacy of Damasus The second half of the 4th century was characterized by the enhancement of the sanctuaries in the catacombs (Pergola 2002, 97-101, 108-239; Fiocchi Nicolai 2001, 79-92; Bisconti et al., 1998, 48-57; Bisconti and Mazzoleni 2005, 25-61). Pope Damasus (366-384 AD) looked for the venerated graves, enriched them with some marble decorations, dedicated to the saints some touching poetic compositions inscribed on epigraphs and enlarged the confessional spaces to make the pilgrims circulation easier. The Damasian restorations were characterized by architectural elements built against the walls, and the martyrs’ tombs were in the centre (Figure 12). Columns or pillars supported arches and lintels and contained the filocalian inscriptions and perforated barriers designed to protect the tombs. The adjacent mensae served to accommodate the lights or the offerings of the faithful.

The necessity to keep the attention of the pilgrims focused on the tombs, determined the scarce use of frescoes and mosaics. The confessional crypts were made larger and brighter trough marble facing, white plastering, openings or enlargements of the skylights. The strengthening of the sanctuaries is also manifested in the creation of devotional itinera through the construction of new stairs. The most important Damasian restorations dealt with the Crypt of the Popes, Peter and Marcellinus’ sanctuary, Ianuarius’ in Praetextatus, Sebastian’s in his catacomb and Nereus and Achilleus’ in Domitilla. The renovations of the Crypt of the Popes were very significant and concerned the reconstruction of the original scale, the building of a third staircase and the construction of an altar supported by pillars (Figure 13). The cult of Sixtus II was particularly strong, as evidenced by the epigraph prepared for him (another one, generically, remembered all the martyrs of the catacombs) and devotional inscriptions scratched in his honour on the walls of the staircase. The other works sponsored by the pope in the catacomb determined: the expansion of the adjacent St. Cecilia’s crypt; the enhancement of the tombs of Cornelius (a skylight was opened in cubicle L, an inscription was affixed to the tomb), Gaius (inscription on the burial niche), Eusebio (the original a mensa tombs were transformed into a large niche covered with mosaics, the confessional room was decorated with opus sectile while on the right wall was placed the commemorative inscription). If not Constantinian, it certainly is Damasian the column with a representation in relief of the Achilleus’ martyrdom, found in the catacomb of Domitilla (Figure 14). The saint, identified by an inscription, wears a military tunic. His hands are tied behind the back as the executioner is going to decapitate him with a sword; the laurel wreath in the background alludes to the prize of martyrdom. The architectural element was probably related to a ciborium with enclosure, placed over the tomb of the saint and his companion Nereus. The ciborium was topped with the filocalian inscription attested in early medieval sylloges, two fragments of which have been preserved. In the second half of the 4th century AD, the privileged burials (tombs ad sanctos) and the hypogeal and semi-hypogeal funerary basilicas (like that dedicated to Generosa) became common. The diffusion of tombs ad sanctos is documented by: extension of existing cemeteries, building of new burial spaces (like in Domitilla), opening of monumental and richly decorated retro sanctos (like in St. Callixtus), sets of poor burials grafted into tight spaces (like in Commodilla). During Damasus’ pontificate, the use of the funerary basilica built by Constantine and his successors went on. Unlike the first half of the 4th century, in the second half the principal patrons of the churches were no longer the imperial authorities, but the popes. Damasus himself sponsored the building of new churches, uniquely decorated according to historical sources. Indeed, the priests Faustino and Marcellinus, addressing to Emperor Theodosius, criticized the excessive wealth of the contemporaneous basilicas, full of gold and marble coverings. In the cemetery of Generosa, the apse of the funerary church of Damasus, dedicated to three martyrs

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buried in cubicle 3, was equipped with fenestella connected to the sanctuary (Loreti and Martorelli 2003, 392-397) (Figure 15). The basilica, with three asymmetric naves, was semi-hypogeal and preceded by a narthex. Late 4th - 5th century AD After Damasus’ papacy, the building activity in the catacombs was quite limited (Pergola 2002, 98-101, 108-239; Fiocchi Nicolai 2001, 113-118; Bisconti et al., 1998, 59-65). In some cases they were mere embellishments or renovations: between the late 4th and early 5th century AD, new decorations with marble and frescoes were made, respectively, in Coemeterium Maius and in the catacomb of Peter and Marcellinus. In Nucleo A of the Coemeterium Maius some walls were built to strengthen the side of the scale, a niche was opened in front of the venerated tombs, while an arcosolium was built above them. The commissioner of works, as often in this period, is not a member of the church hierarchy. The barrier (found in fragments) that enclosed the holy tombs, in fact, was a Patricia’s ex voto (Figure 16) and carried the names of local saints Alexander, Victor, Mauro, Papias and Felix. In a cubicle of the cemetery of Peter and Marcellinus (Region X), however, was found the fresco representing the martyrs Marcellinus, Peter, Gorgonius and Tiburcio (identified by the inscribed names) to the sides of the mystic lamb. Rarely, the construction of new confessional spaces was linked to the late deposition of relics. In the cemetery of Pamphilus, for example, the double cubicle f-g was white-washed when the saint was buried, in the second half of the century, in the arcosolium which occupied the back wall (Figure 17). The sanctuary was enhanced through a small altar with a confessional niche (covered with an inscribed pagan slab), a floor paved with reused marble and holes for trailer lights close to the arcosolium. The interest of the faithful for this sanctuary was manifested early: some tombs occupied the floor, while some graffiti, with invocations and names, were drawn on the walls. In subdial St. Sebastian's cemetery, a mausoleum was built for the relics of St. Quirinus, close to the apse of the Basilica Apostolorum. Although greatly reduced, the proliferation of privileged burials in the catacombs did not end. Also the funerary use of the circiform basilicas went on, as well as the construction of new churches on the initiative of Popes Siricius (384-399 AD) and Leo (440-461 AD). Buildings for the reception of pilgrims and the management of the sanctuaries spread close to the suburban basilicas. The church of St. Paul, on the initiative of Valentinian II, Theodosius and Arcadius, was at last widened and became an important worship place, like the basilica of St. Peter’s, which the plan derived from (Figure 18). Large privileged mausoleums, with central plan, were built close to the most important basilicas, like those leaned against the basilica of St. Peter, belonged probably to Emperors Honorius and Theodosius. Between the first and the second half of the 5th century, according to the Liber Pontificalis, many buildings designed to ensure the management and maintenance of sanctuaries and to facilitate the reception

of pilgrims were built close to the martyrial churches: monasteries, balnea, libraries, chapels, baptisteries, hospitalia and housing staff (Tarquini 2005, 1-133). Conclusion The cult of the martyrs is not an original culture phenomenon and was certainly influenced by Roman tradition. The veneration of exceptional men, in particular, was typical of many ancient cultures, even before the advent of Christianity. The cult of the heroes, typical of the Greek world as early as the Mycenaean Age, led to veneration of the places where famous warriors and “founders” were buried (Brown 1983, 13-14; Canetti 2002, 43-44, 79, 148). This form of devotion is also evident in Roman culture. Indeed, large mausoleums with a central plan (heroa), often equipped with a space for refrigeria in honour of the deceased, were built on the graves of important emperors or leaders. Despite the numerous similarities with the heroes’ worship, the cult of the martyrs had a stronger relationship with the divinity. Although the Greek-Roman heroes, through their deeds, had acquired divine attributes, only the martyr, who became a friend of God, could intercede on behalf of men. The cult of Peter and Paul, re-founders of Rome, is often lumped together, by ancient Christian writers, with that of Romulus and Remus. The attribute of nova sidera, new stars, awarded to the two saints in Damasus’ Elogia and in the Liber Pontificalis, indeed, traditionally connoted the famous twins. Even the most ancient Christian calendars show that the syncretism with Roman culture was very strong. In the calendar of Polemio Silvio (around mid-fifth century) the celebration of Peter’s and Paul’s lodging, the Natale Petri de cathedra, was juxtaposed to the ceremony of the Roman Cara cognatio; both included a banquet. From the archaeological point of view, the earliest tombs of the martyrs, usually, spread in pagan cemeteries were turning into Christian cemeteries. They weren’t different from the common Christian tombs: pit graves in subdial spaces, burial niches and arcosolia in the galleries or in the cubicles of catacombs. In some cases, there is a clear link with the Roman building tradition, as evidenced by St. Peter’s shrine, St. Paul’s burial in a mausoleum and the reuse of the trefoil plan for building the cellae trichorae. Also the continuous use of refrigeria, shown by the construction of the Triclia, and reuse of pagan tombstones in confessional contexts, attests the influence of pagan tradition on the Christian spirituality. The presence of cavities on the slabs covering the tombs of Peter and Paul were used to obtain ex contactu relics but, perhaps, also to allow the libations. The term Tropaion (trophy), used to designate just the graves of Peter and Paul, is of classical origin. In Roman Age, the term was usually reported in these monuments, similar to mausoleums that had exclusively memorial function; see the Augustan Tropaeum Alpium of Tourbie and Tropaeum Traiani of Adamclissi. The well-known parallelism between the cult of the saints and the cult of classical heroes and Imperial family is clear from the historical sources but not from the archaeological ones.

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Indeed, the tombs of the saints never had the monumentality of Imperial mausoleums. Those of Helena and Constantina, for example, were richer than the graves venerated nearby. The simplicity of the first memoriae and the lack of spaces for liturgical ceremonies show the scanty organization of the early Church; the inability of the community (yet economically poor and politically irrelevant) to affect the urban topography; the absence of an organized cult of the saints; the intention to make equal the graves of all the faithful. The veneration for the holy tombs is attested, in many cases, from simple inscriptions: funerary epigraphs and graffiti drawn by the Christian believers. In Constantinian Age, the inviolability of confessional graves, determined by adherence to the Roman tradition, was balanced by the reinforcement of spaces for the reception of faithful. The construction of churches with liturgical and funerary functions is the real innovation of the time. The resumption of Roman constructive models (like the judicial basilica and the circus), however, shows that the cord tied Christianity to romanitas was never severed. If the funerary basilicas resembled the circuses, however, the saints were compared to athletes who competed in those places. The choice of a circus plan is perhaps tied to the circumstance that Peter was martyred in Nero’s circus. This plan became a positive symbol of the Christian religion, like the cross, an instrument of torture that was considered an emblem of the liberation from the sin. In the second half of the 4th century AD, the enhancement of the venerated tombs, the upgrading of hypogeal sanctuaries, the building of funerary churches close to the tombs, the diffusion of fenestellae confessionis and privileged burials, are evidence of a change-taking place. In the pagan world, there was repulsion against a corpse: the tomb was a place untouchable, rarely available, separated by the spaces used for funerary ceremonies. In Pope Damasus’ time the faithful, even after death, were received in large numbers into the sanctuaries. They approached the graves, could touch and kiss them and, through fenestellae, came into direct communion with the relics. The approach of the faithful to holiness is a characteristic of the period. Even the churches were accessible to the faithful, while the pagan temples, as well known, were accessible only to pagan priests. In the 5th century AD, the buildings for the reception of pilgrims at the suburban sanctuaries, such as balnea and xenodochia, became common. Indeed, as stated St. Jerome, “the city had changed location”. In the Early Middle Age, this culture phenomenon led to the spread of new settlements. Bibliography Barcellona, F. S. 2005. Le fondazioni ecclesiastiche di Costantino e il culto dei martiri. In A. Donati and G. Gentili (eds.), Costantino il Grande. La civiltà antica al bivio tra Occidente e Oriente, 124-129. Rimini, Silvana. Belardini, B. 2003. San Valentino. In M. Cecchelli (ed.), Le chiese paleocristiane di Roma. I luoghi di culto

nell’Urbe dal I al VII secolo, Guida alle Antichità della città eterna 16-17, 122-123. Roma, Elio de Rosa. Bisconti, F. and Mazzoleni, D. 2005. Alle origini del culto dei martiri. Testimonianze nell’archeologia cristiana. Roma, Aracne. Bisconti, F., Fiocchi Nicolai, V. and Mazzoleni, D. 1998. Le catacombe cristiane di Roma. Origini, sviluppo, apparati decorativi, documentazione epigrafica. Regensburg, Schnell & Steiner. Brown, P. 1981. Il culto dei santi, l’origine e la diffusione di una nuova religiosità. Chicago, University of Chicago. Canetti, L. 2002. Frammenti di eternità, corpi e reliquie tra Antichità e Medioevo. Roma, Viella. Delle Rose, M. 2003. San Paolo fuori le Mura. In M. Cecchelli (ed.), Le chiese paleocristiane di Roma. I luoghi di culto nell’Urbe dal I al VII secolo, Guida alle Antichità della città eterna 16-17, 106-111. Roma, Elio de Rosa. Fasola, U. M. 1980. Indagini nel sopraterra della catacomba di S. Callisto. Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana LVI. Ferrua, A. 1990. La basilica e la catacomba di S. Sebastiano. Città del Vaticano, Edipuglia. Filippi, G. 2011. La tomba dell’apostolo Paolo: nuovi dati dai recenti scavi. Notizie storiche e archeologiche. In O. Bucarelli and M. M. Morales (eds.), Paulo Apostolo Martyri. L’apostolo San Paolo nella storia, nell’arte e nell’archeologia, Miscellanea Historiae Pontificiae 69, 97-118. Roma, Gregorian & Biblical. Fiocchi Nicolai, V. 2001. Strutture funerarie ed edifici di culto paleocristiani di Roma dal IV al VI secolo. Città del Vaticano, Pontificia Commissione di Archeologia Sacra. Fiocchi Nicolai, V. 1996. La nuova Basilica Circiforme della via Ardeatina, Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia LXVIII. Città del Vaticano. Fiocchi Nicolai, V. and Guyon, J. 2006. Relire styger: les origines de l’Area I du cimetière de Calliste et la crypte des papes. In V. Fiocchi Nicolai and J. Guyon (eds.), Origine delle catacombe romane, Atti della giornata tematica dei Seminari di Archeologia Cristiana (Roma, 21 marzo 2005), 121-161. Città del Vaticano, Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana. Geary, P. J. 1990. Furta Sacra. Thefts of relics in the central Middle Ages. Princeton, Princeton University. Grabar, A. 1946. Martyrium. Reserches sur le culte des reliques et l’art chrètien antique. Paris, Collège de France.

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