MIRRORS

Algonquian

Blackfoot. meaning, ritual, social category, use.

BIG KNIVES/ MISSOURITo encourage the Indians to bring in more and more buffalo robes, the traders offered a greater variety of wares. The great manufacturing centers of Europe and eastern America supplied the growing wants of the Indians. There were bells and mirrors from Leipzig, clay pipes from Cologne, beads from Venice, calico and other cloths from France, woolen goods and firearms from England, clothing and knives from New York and vicinity, shell ornaments from the Bahamas and the West Coast, guns from Pennsylvania, and powder and shot from St. Louis. An inventory of goods remaining after the spring trade at Fort Benton in 1851 shows the great variety of goods offered the discriminating Indian in the dry-goods and hardware fields. Among the items listed were twenty-two kinds of yard goods (some in several colors), fourteen types or colors of blankets, three kinds of shawls, four kinds of handkerchiefs, four types of men's headgear, twenty-one kinds of men's or boys' coats or overcoats, and at least eight varieties of beads (some in several colors). There were also four sizes of tin kettles, six kinds of knives, four kinds of axes (including one termed "battle axes"), four varieties of guns and all the parts needed to keep them in repair, ready-made ammunition, and both molds and lead for making one's own shot. There were also the old favorites, carrot and twist tobacco43 (Ewers 1958:69).

Note 43: McDonnell, "Fort Benton Journal," MHSC, Vol. X, 199-205.

"Life with Our Father"Of what did these annuities consist? The list of annuities for the year 1858, distributed to the Piegan tribe (with a population of 460 lodges), reveals a considerable quantity and wide variety of goods. Of foodstuffs it included 10,000 pounds of flour, 57,000 pounds of rice, 7,600 pounds of sugar, 7,400 pounds of pilot bread, and 2,500 pounds of coffee. Among the many articles of cloth were 401 pairs of blankets, 2,280 yards of calico, 2,967 yards of checked, striped, and plaid material, 500 yards of flannel, and 152 flannel shirts. For the craft workers there were 128 pounds of black and white beads, 84 pounds of ruby and blue beads, 4 gross squaw awls, and 25 pounds of linen thread. Household utensils included 9 dozen tin cups, 119 pounds of brass kettles, 26 dozen two-quart pans, 36 dozen butcher knives, 138 dozen frying pans, and 7 dozen fire steels. Toilet articles and cosmetics included 37 dozen combs, 10 dozen zinc mirrors, and 201 pounds of vermilion for face painting. Of tools there were 8 dozen files and 7 dozen half-axes. The quantity of weapons alone was impressive—108 Northwest guns (each valued at $6.50), 1,300 gun flints, 16 kegs of powder, 29 bags of bullets, more than 7 dozen powder horns, and 400 pounds of hoop iron for making arrow-heads. In addition, the annuities included such odd items as 13 gross fish hooks and 23 dozen fish lines. And last, but not least appreciated, there were 2,660 pounds of tobacco9 (Ewers 1958:230).

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Note 9: Annuities paid to the Piegans, August 28, 1858, Indian Office Records.

Major Vaughan found some of the items included in the Indians annuities very impractical. He recommended that flour be substituted for the pilot bread, which had become quite stale during its two months' journey up the Missouri, and that the amount of coffee, a drink little desired by the Blackfeet at that [page 231] time, be reduced by one-half. He found the calico too flimsy to be useful, the American vermilion so inferior to Chinese vermilion that a far smaller quantity of the latter would be preferred. As for the fish hooks, combs, mirrors, and thread—the Blackfeet had no use for them whatever. He requested that the government send in their stead shirts, bed ticking, more powder and ball, one-point blankets, and about three dozen plain substantial saddles for the chiefs.10 Probably in answer to his last request, "Eight Spanish Saddles" were included in the annuities for the Blackfoot tribes in 186011 (Ewers 1958:230-231).

Note 10: Reports of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1858, 82.Note 11: Annuities for the use of the Indians of the Blackfoot Agency, received in St. Louis, May 3, 1860. Indian Office Records.

Blood Economy and Social ChangeReserve Period, 1894-1910:Squirrel Man, Yellow Wolf's poor son-in-law, stuck it out. His behavior bespeaks his frustrations. A year after marriage, the young groom brought his bride to her father's place. Here they were given a home of their own, "for Squirrel Man had nothing except what he got from his father-in-law for whom he worked from that time on." He sat in the Sun Lodge which his "chaste" wife put up, but it was her brother, Pointed Plume, who paid most of the expenses, made the large distributions at the give-away, and gained in prestige. Later, when Squirrel Man's sons wanted to farm, they had to borrow horses and wagons from their wealthy uncle. In time, "although he always acted like a brother to Pointed Plume," as one informant put it, the unhappy husband could tolerate his lot no longer. He feigned suicide when his wife persisted in visiting her brother; he flashed a mirror from the hill-top (a conventional invitation to assignation) in an attempt to bolster his ego and make his wife jealous—but in his case there was no eager mistress to answer it; he abandoned his wife and home, only to return meekly a short time later led by the agent; and as a final symbol of his castration, he hastily donned woman's clothes and hid when he was called by the court as a witness121 (Goldfrank 1966:27).

Note 121: Here and in the case of the man who wanted to murder his wife because he believed she was sleeping with a ghost (see p. 51), abnormal behavior was laid to the eating of peyote. This is particularly interesting since peyote is rarely used by the Blackfoot. Squirrel Man got it from a visiting medicine man—one informant said he was a Crow, another an Osage—who put on a peyote cure for Mrs. Squirrel Man. The other secured the buttons while he was visiting the Crow.

HOW SPIDER GOT HIS NAMEThe finest dancer in the memory of most of our People was a man named Spider, who died a few years back. He was not known for having much interest in our sacred

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ceremonies, or for having fancy clothes like eagle headdresses and buckskin suits. Yet he was always perfectly groomed, kept his face and hair painted, wore pleasing clothing, and carried an oblong mirror in one hand while he danced (a custom among many Grass Dancers) (Hungry Wolf 1977:283).

Spider's favorite dance shirt was made from green wool cloth. It had strips of beadwork on the arms and over the shoulders, like a buckskin shirt but more subtle. This shirt was originally given to our uncle, Atsitsina, by a Sioux man. Atsitsina gave the shirt to his brother, Jack Low Horn, who later gave it to his relative, Spider. Spider was buried in that shirt. He usually used yellow paint to cover his face and bangs, which he wore straight-up, over his forehead, in the style of the Crows. Mrs. Walters wrote that she saw Spider dance during the social dance at a Sun Dance Encampment, and that he wore a "buckskin outfit colored green, with wide bands of lavender and green beadwork and matching moccasins....In one hand he held an oblong mirror about fifteen inches long, with a hand loop that also had green and lavender colors on it. With his mirror held stiffly downward and his other hand on his hip, he drifted around that circle like a bit of down. His feet seemed scarcely to touch the ground. Even the Indians burst into applause." At that time, in the early 1930s, he was sixty-five years old. His other name was Long Hair; he never cut his hair (Hungry Wolf 1977:283).

PORTRAITSBear Shield, around 1900. Also known as Pig Shirt, he was a brother of the chief, One Spot, and was best known for being a lady fancier and user of Love Medicine. He married a number of times, once even to a white woman. He is wearing one of the holy war-shirts, said to have been bullet proof. Around his neck is a large brass bell, perhaps to call attention to himself, and a beaded case for a pocket mirror. His rings are made of brass wire. From his gun hangs an iron, which was struck with flint to make sparks for fires (Hungry Wolf 1977:316).

FATHER DE SMET"The following day, when the sun was high, we saw objects moving on a distant ridge. At first we thought it was a herd of buffalo, but, when they came nearer, we saw that a large party of Gros Ventres were approaching. They flashed mirrors into our camp, making signs and daring us to come out and fight. Our people hurriedly prepared for battle. The warriors marched out fully armed, while our women followed, carrying additional powder and bullets. Scar Cheek, the Black Robe, also came upon the battle field to encourage the warriors, and to help our wounded. It was midday when we began the fight, but before the sun was setting the Gros Ventres were in flight. We followed them until dark, shooting them down like buffalos, and taking their scalps. Sitting Woman, who was their war chief, saved himself by hiding in the underbrush. We have always taunted him with this fight; even his own people ridiculed him. After this battle Scar Cheek had great influence over both Gros Ventres and Blackfeet" (McClintock 1968:161).

THE OLD NORTH TRAIL

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"Many years ago, when we were at war with the whites, and in great dread of them, our tribe was camped near the Cypress Mountains. It was then that my husband, Screaming Owl, made a treaty with the white men. Early one morning he awoke me, saying, 'Catch our best horses and dress in your finest clothes, for I intend to start to-day for the camp of the Long Knives' (United States Cavalry). When this news had spread throughout the camp, there was great excitement. The people thought we were going to certain death and, crowding round our lodge, urged us not to go. But Screaming Owl said to them, 'Are you all women, that you should so fear the Long Knives? I know the whites will do me no harm, for I go to make friends with them. Many times in the past I have advised you not to fight. It does no good to kill them, for they are as many as the grass on the prairies. Whenever we have taken their scalps they have brought bad luck and caused us much trouble.' We started off on our long journey and travelled towards the south for many days. When we drew near the white settlement, my husband rode to the summit of a high butte. He made signals with a mirror, flashing it into the fort, and then walked four times along the butte, backwards and forwards. The white chief rode towards us with some other men, making signs of peace. My husband also made signs to them that his heart was good, and we rode together down the hill. They shook hands with us, and, having entered their camp, we smoked a pipe with them. We remained there ten days, and [page 331] then returned again to our people. We found the Blackfeet camped on Milk River. They were anxious for our safety and had followed our trail, but turned back, when it approached the white settlement. Screaming Owl told them of our journey, and how kindly the white men had received us. He finally persuaded the whole tribe to return with him to Fort Benton, where they camped many days. The great treaty was then made. My husband was given a medal by the Great Father, and he was also made head chief of the Blackfeet" (McClintock 1968:330-331).

PROPER NAMESThe art of talking by sign language, i.e. by a combination of facial expressions and bodily movements, which is natural to man, attained a high degree of perfection among the plains-tribes. Having different vocal languages, their contact, when coming together in war or in hunting buffalo, of necessity developed the use of gesture-speech in the remote past. A tradition of the Arapahoe tells us that the original Arapahoe, the creator of all things, "taught them to talk with their hands." Iron Hawk, a Sioux chief, said to Captain W. P. Clark, "the sign language was the gift of the Great Spirit. He gave the whites the power to read and write and convey information in this way. He gave us the power to talk with our hands and arms and to send information to a distance with the mirror, blanket and pony, and when we meet with Indians who have a different spoken language from ours, we can talk to them with signs." Alex. Henry, a partner of the North Western Company (Montreal), [page 403] records in his journal (1806), "It is surprising how dexterous these natives of the plains are, in the art of communicating their ideas by signs. They will hold conference for several hours together upon different subjects and, during the whole time, not a single word will be pronounced on either side, and still they appear to understand each other perfectly" (McClintock 1968:402-403).

Hair-Parters or Grass Dance

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There was no apparent regularity (except in the women's headgear) either in paint or costume, but the regalia were rather lavish. Several feathered crooks were noted, one man carried a double-bent bow, mirrors were common, and some carried swords. Some danced practically naked, save for moccasins, breechclout, and ornaments, but fringed and beaded leggings and buckskin shirts were more common (Wissler 1913:456).

Delaware. meaning, ritual, social category, use.

SoulsThese three souls comprised a related set, those of blood and ghost forming an opposition, mediated by that of the body. The sphere and skeleton were confined to the earth for an uncertain period, eventually decomposing after many years. As the Delawares may have formerly believed blood came from the mother, bone from the father, and thought from the Creator, the blood soul is spherical, womanly, and exclusive, while the ghost is lineal, manly, and inclusive. As the body soul comes from the Creator (in the form of a homunculus or spark) and returns to Him, it is inclusive. The combination of all three helped create a living person, albeit an empty one. Becoming a Christian seems to have added another soul to the person, but did not convert or remove other souls. Moravians used the Lenape word for "mirror" to refer to this Christian soul, which traditional Delawares recognize but find confusing. Such usage, however, may explain why some Delaware families cover all mirrors in their homes during mourning periods (Miller 1991:26).

Education and Training of ChildrenPuberty:Girls. — When a girl menstruated for the first time she was secluded in a hut45 (Newcomb 1956:35).

Note 45: Zeisberger, 1910, p. 77; Beatty, 1798, pp. 84-85; Loskiel, 1794, p. 56; N.D., O.A.

Zeisberger said of the Munsis: ...being the more strict and having more ceremonies in the observance of the custom than the Miamis. They build for such a girl, a separate hut, apart from the rest, where her mother or some old female acquaintance cares for her [page 36] De Vries also noted that these girls hid behind a garment "which they throw over their body drawing it over the head so that one can barely see their eyes."47 The emphasis during menstruation was on uncleanliness and the necessity of isolation from society.48 A girl could not touch her hair during her first isolation, food was eaten with a stick, and no meat was eaten.49 In the last century, and perhaps earlier, a girl could not look in a mirror or talk to people (N.D.). At the end of the seclusion the girl's mother washed her hair, bathed her, and gave her new clothes. The idea was impressed upon the girl that she was now a woman and was henceforth to give up the toys and activities of childhood.50 The same general restrictions applied to menstruating women51 (Newcomb 1956:35-36).

Note 47: De Vries, 1909, p. 218; also Loskiel, 1794, p. 56.

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Note 48: Zeisberger, 1910, p. 77; N.D., O.A. Note 49: Penn, 1912, p. 232. Note 50: N.D. See section on Mythology in Chap. IV for an account of a girl who refused to part with her dolls. Note 51: Zeisberger, 1910, p. 77.

The Contact Period (1524-1690)Acculturation:From the time of their first contacts with the Europeans, the Indians had wanted to acquire guns, powder, cloth, lead, copper, kettles, axes, hoes, picks, spades, shovels, glass beads, awls, bodkins, scissors, knives, mirrors, and needles. William Penn, for example, purchased land in 1683 from Tamanend and other Delawares by the payment of: ... 5 pairs of stockings, 20 bars of lead, 10 tobacco boxes, 6 coats, 2 guns, 8 shirts, 2 kettles, 12 awls, 5 hats, 25 pounds of powder, 1 peck of pipes, 38 yards of "duffields," 16 knives, 100 needles, 10 glasses, 5 caps, 15 combs, 5 hoes, 9 gimlets, 20 fish hooks, 10 tobacco tongs, 10 pairs of scissors, 7 half-gills, 6 axes, 2 blankets, 4 handfuls of bells, 4 yards of "stroudswaters" and 20 handfuls of wampum19 (Newcomb 1956:82).

Note 19: Sipe, 1931, p. 70.

Nativistic Period (1750-1814)Acculturation:Page: During this period there was a continuous flow of European technological articles, yet there was no diffusion of new kinds of technological traits. Zeisberger's list of items which the Indians acquired from traders was similar to that given for the Contact Period: For their skins the Indians get from the traders powder, lead, rifle-barrelled guns — for other weapons they do not value — blankets, strouds, linen, shirts, cotton, callemanco, knives, needles, thread, woolen and silken ribbon, wire and kettles of brass, silver buckles ... bracelets, thimbles, rings, combs, mirrors, axes, hatchets and other tools68 (Newcomb 1956:90).

Note 68: Zeisberger, 1910, p. 118.

CONCEPT OF THE SOUL.—A distinction observed between the phraseology of the unconverted and the Christian Delawares in referring to the soul, which has already been mentioned, is of some significance in this connection. The former group employs the term lschwa:nape-revc:'k·an "human sign, or evidence of existence." The terminal element, -revc:k·an appears in combinations lekhgr:elee·'khgr:eeyrevc:'k·an "breath of life, actual life" meaning "my life"2 (leexee'yan, "my breathing"), wihilaa'revc:k·an "clan-name emblem." Its obscure abstract meaning, however, seems to lie beyond the scope of any specific English equivalent. The Christian Delawares use the term tci·'tcagr:eng:g giving the significance in Delaware of an image, an appearance visible but without substance, an incorporeal image or phantom as an image in a mirror. The same term actually designates a mirror in the language (Speck 1931:25).

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Note 2: A more general term for "life," in Delaware, is pema'usowak·an, with the sense of "being among the living."

The second term, now of the Christian Delaware religious vernacular, has a wide distribution among eastern Algonkian languages indicating that, while the synonymy noted has taken place in Delaware since the introduction of Christianity, the element tci·'tcaeng:g for soul is an archaic property of the family of tongues3 (Speck 1931:25).

Note 3: Mitschitschank, Munsee (Brinton, Lenape Dictionary, p. 83): djedja'kcw, Wabanaki (St. Francis and Penobscot); atca'kcw (Montagnais-Naskapi); tca'tcung (Mohegan-Pequot); (mi)chachunck, (Natick, where the analogy between soul and mirror is also found (Trumbull, Natick Dictionary, pp. 325, 290, 571); and the same in Narragansett, (Roger Williams, Key to the Indian Language, p. 113); and (mit)tachonkq in the Quiripi dialect of western Connecticut.

We are told that the soul leaves the body twelve days after death, that the life blood (mhukcw) remains as a spirit on the earth, whence arise ghosts or phantoms (Speck 1931:25).

The heart is the seat of one soul, the blood the seat of another spiritual element. The heart and blood should be kept together after death (for which reason the Delawares do not believe in embalming). The blood of the dead is the element from which the dead reappear to the living on earth in the form of ghosts. It is considered as the cause of paralysis and so was curable through appeal to the dead. We might refer to the funeral rites of the tribe which carry the burial customs over twelve days after death when certain feasting and rites are performed at the home of the deceased. And again these are repeated twelve months later in a yearly ceremonial feast to the dead. At the feast the opposite clan group has an important part to play (Speck 1931:25).

NANTICOKE FOLK BELIEFSTo win the affections of a person of the opposite sex, go to a well at noon on the first day of May and hold a mirror so as to reflect the surface of the water below. The image of the person that the observer is to marry will appear in the mirror. If marriage is not in store for [page 61] that person, the image of a coffin will appear instead. A variant of this involves gazing down into the water for the image to appear (Tantaquidgeon 1942:60-61).

HISTORYThe Indians trade much among themselves, especially the women, who deal in rum, which they sell at exorbitant prices, which occasions much disorder. Indian traders usually demand high prices, knowing well that unless the buyer was in great distress, or fully intent upon closing the bargain, he would rather not deal with them. Indians when really anxious to obtain anything will pay almost any price. If they are in need of corn they will give goods or pelts in exchange for it. Frequently, the chiefs have prohibited the sale of strong drink in their towns, but it is always brought in some manner, against which the chiefs are powerless to protest. For instance, they may appoint a sacrifice of

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rum, in which nothing but rum is used. This the chiefs cannot hinder owing to established custom. When once the Indians, who gather in large numbers for such a sacrifice, have tasted the strong drink but have not satisfied themselves, they will go to the old women who deal in liquor. [page 118] The latter will often obtain everything that an Indian owns except his Breech-clout. For their skins the Indians get from the traders powder, lead, rifle-barreled guns—for other weapons they do not value — blankets, strouds, linen, shirts, cotton, callemanco,297 knives, needles, thread, woolen and silken ribbon, wire and kettles of brass, silver buckles, — these are considered as valuable as gold and with them they can purchase almost anything — bracelets, thimbles, rings, combs, mirrors, axes, hatchets and other tools (Zeisberger 1910:117-118).

Note 297: Calico.

Ojibwa. meaning, ritual, social category, use.

Competition and Trade, 1780-1829Despite the constant complaints by traders of shortages of goods there is evidence that Osnaburgh House usually received the bulk of the trade in the area each year. Both the quantity and variety of goods traded at Hudson's Bay Company posts was comparatively large35. For example, Table 37 lists the quantity of goods traded to four Indians and their families by the Osnaburgh factor, John McKay in 1800. In addition, they got thread, hawk bells and gartering. The total value of the materials was 140 made beaver36 (Bishop 1974:240).

TABLE 37 9.5 gallons of brandy 12 pounds of powder 2 chief coats 1 yard of cloth in breech cloth 2 lieutenant's coats 20 pounds of shot 1 common coat 10 files 2 hats 10 awls 6 feathers 30 flints 2 ruffed shirts 4 pounds of beads 3 plain shirts 20 knives 2 handkerchiefs 24 ladles 2 pairs of shoes 6 pounds of tobacco 2 pairs of stockings

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5 mirrors 6 yards of cloth in petticoats 2 combs

Note 35: Table 36 provides a list of items in stock at the Cat Lake post for the year 1790-91 made by John Best the factor there (HBC Arch B30/a/3). Since Cat Lake was supplied from Osnaburgh the inventory is probably typical for the area. Not only was there a wide variety of goods, but the quantity distributed to Indians was also large.Note 36: HBC Arch B155/a/15.

Ojibwa Expansion and Settlement of the InteriorThe intensive competition between the French traders and the Hudson's Bay Company resulted in lavish and extravagant distributions of trade goods at extremely low prices. The standard of currency from 1694 on became the beaver and all trade items and furs were gauged in terms of this animal. The value of goods varied from post to post depending upon the intensity of the competition. Where competition was keen, the value of trade goods remained low, whereas if there was little competition and the Indians had no alternative trading post, values increased. The following articles were listed by Sutherland as given away free by Montreal traders: rum, powder, shot, tobacco, mirrors, paint, knives, beads, ribbons, flints, steels, combs, awls, needles, gun-worms, rings, ear-rings, bracelets, armbands, hair plates and ruffed shirts47. By the 1770's, it may be said that such items as the gun, hatchet and twine spool had become requirements in the cultural accoutrements of the Northern Ojibwa (Bishop 1974:319).

Note 47: HBC Arch B211/a/1.

Personal OrnamentsThe ornaments worn by dancers were of wide variety and showed much originality. In recent times they have been elaborated by the use of sleigh bells, small round mirrors, and bits of tin. Tassels of horsehair dyed red are frequently used on dance garments as well as on pipe bags, the tassel being partly covered by a top made of tin (Densmore 1929:37).

MarriageUpon adolescence the relationship takes on its full significance. Boys meeting a female cross-cousin along the trail try to push close to her and touch her—contrary to the established norm of strict sex avoidance on the trail during daylight—or make some rude or intimate remark. The girl for her part tries to appear shy and embarrassed, but manages to be there and not move out of the way too quickly. Parents' messages to the store or to other camps are eagerly carried and sometimes without due speed or decorum. Opportunities for maximizing personal contact with the opposite sex are clearly sought out. A father complained to the teacher that his daughter should be excused from attending school as the boys had attempted to rape her on the way home from school,12 but the difficulty of supervision was in trying to prevent the girl from willingly placing herself in a secluded part of the trail in order to meet some of the boys. The arrival of a football supplied by the government had a serious effect on this normal scene. It

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immediately captured all the attention of the males for a period of three weeks, by which time the ball was completely worn out. But during that time, pairs of girls roamed back and forth past the football grounds, trying to be seen. Some of them carried pocket mirrors to flash in the eyes of their lovers (Dunning 1959:129).

Note 12: Omischekawan connotes both using force in intercourse and also killing a bear with one's bare hands. There was a subsidiary cause in the father's complaints. His family are Catholic and moreover the children were not keen students at the secular school. It is possible that his accusation was related to the fact that he wanted to withdraw his children from school without losing family allowance and have them attend a projected Catholic school to be built at a later date.

Fur Trade and Ojibwa ExpansionThe Ojibwa, like other Indians of the upper Great Lakes before they were discovered by Europeans, probably had their cultural roots in some regional variation of the Late Woodland period (A.D. 800-1600), which archeologists have been bringing into sharper focus in recent years. Although it is unnecessary to go into detail here, the technological changes, the redistribution of the aboriginal population, and inter-group influences which occurred during the fur trade period can scarcely be overemphasized in terms of their cultural consequences. It should not be forgotten that all later ethnographic descriptions were made subsequent to these changes. The Ojibwa are only a specific example of processes and events that were occurring over a wide area [Harris and Matthews 1987, plates 38-40]. Iron needles, awls, files, knives, scissors, axes, kettles, woven cloth, and thread were among the [page 18] standard articles being made available to the Indians by the Hudson's Bay Company by the middle of the 18th century, to say nothing of firearms, beads, pigments, mirrors, and alcohol (Hallowell 1991:17-18).

BELIEF IN LIFE AFTER DEATH/ INTERMENTThree old women who had been present at burials between Redby and Red Lake (villages on Red Lake Reservation) and who were also present when the remains were removed (removals were made to permit the building of a highway), identified the graves as those of a chief, of two other men, of a little girl, of an old and of a young woman. All skeletons were found wrapped and tied in birch bark in sitting positions with knees drawn to chest and hands extending straight downward on sides. All bodies faced Red Lake (north). The graves were 4 feet in length and were covered with 1 ½ feet of earth; over each rested a small wooden house. Among the remains were found pails, parts of forks, knives and spoons, two pipes, a tomahawk, beads, a mirror, and a large silver medal. One of the old women, the wife of the exhumed chief, remarked that a big dance had been held when he was buried and that with his remains would be found a medal given to his father by a United States President, his father having been one of the first Chippewa who in a body went to see the President. The medal was found as she predicted (Hilger, 1935 c, pp. 321-323) (Hilger 1951:82).

MANIDOS OF THE FOUR CARDINAL POINTSSnapping Turtle

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"My father and another Indian named Micikkan, 'Turtle,' shot a deer one morning a little north of Parry sound. As they were paddling back to their camp my father, who was sitting in the bow of the canoe, called out, 'Look.' Both men saw the back of an enormous turtle protruding from the water in front of them. The monster raised its head and gazed at them, its eyes shining like large mirrors. The Indian in the stern lost consciousness and fell forward, but my father turned around in his seat and steered the canoe to the camp. Neither man received any medicine power from this experience, because it was only an accident" (Pegahmagabow) (Jenness 1935:42).

CYCLE OF LIFE AND DEATHWhen a man dies, the Parry Islanders say, his body disintegrates, his soul travels to the spirit land governed by Nanibush or his brother Wolf, but his shadow perpetually haunts the spot where he was buried. Since it still retains, though disembodied, the needs and desires of its former existence, Indians passing the grave left a little food and tobacco; if possible, too, a mirror, which they thought gave it special pleasure. The dead man's shadow, of course, used only the souls or shadows of these objects, and a starving native might appropriate the food or tobacco without any qualms. But the Indians feared to despoil a grave without leaving an equivalent, lest the shadow should take offence and work them harm. Hence, not so many years ago, when some Shawanaga natives sought to recover a medal that had been buried with a relative, a medicine-man advised its replacement with a mirror to avoid the shadow's displeasure. A shadow could even make known its needs, for to dream of a dead man as still living meant that his shadow was in want. One family that lived on the Shawanaga reserve used to save a little food from every feast to deposit on their relatives' graves; and in former times the Indians never drank whisky without pouring a drop or two on the ground as an offering both to the Great Spirit and to the shadows of the dead. Even today conservative natives like Jonas King still spill a few drops of tea before every meal, or throw a few crumbs of food into the fire, firmly believing that these offerings to their dead are equally acceptable sacrifices to the Great Spirit (Jenness 1935:107).

TALES FROM LAKE SUPERIOR/ THE GOOD AND BAD SQUAWThis did not please him, and he fell into a state of sorrow. When the feast was at an end, and the time for sleeping came, he excused himself for a moment, and said he wished first to pay a visit to one of the young men with whom he had played ball. He seized his bow and arrows, hung his mirror on his belt, like a man going to pay a visit, and after assuring the two maidens he would return directly, he retired from the palace (Kohl 1860:94).

GENS ORGANIZATIONThe widow is thus "indebted" to the gens of her deceased husband, and the members call her njiga'm, "my debtor". A man can also use this term to a joking relative, implying thereby that he "owns" her, i. e. has definite sexual rights to her. During her period of mourning, the widow must occupy herself with collecting goods for repaying her creditors, gi.we' ni ge.' She must do this chiefly through her own exertions, though close relatives always help. There must be no suspicion that a lover has aided, and surely not a gens-mate of the deceased. In this way she not only pays her bill, but "she shows her

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respect to the parents of her dead husband", and proves that she is a faithful soul worthy of being retained in marriage by the gens, i. e. married to a gens-mate of the deceased husband. The mourning period lasts from two to four years, and during this time the widow lives alone or with relatives, abstains from jollities, wears loose hair, ashes and old clothes. With a lock of her husband's hair as a nucleus, she makes a bundle of the wealth she assembles. This lock of hair is called "hair purposely omitted (from the grave"1, hair, ma:nan (plural) cku:niga:de:niwan, something purposely omitted, and the entire bundle including the hair is called "hair tied up in a bundle", tied up hair, bdjigan bundle. The wealth assembled2 should include a full suit of clothes for a man (or for a woman, if the mourner is a man), fine beadwork, porcupine quill work, cedar mats, the fine things that the trader sells, cup, towel, pipe. According to the preference of the mourner, the bundle has or has not a special place in the tent, as though it were the place of the deceased. Again, varying with the circumstances, the bundle may be slept with in analogy with conjugal habits. More uniformly, at every meal a place is set for the bundle and any outsider is called in to eat the food. Thus, the deceased is "fed". Similarly he is "clothed" by the accumulation of goods. When enough wealth has been assembled after a period of time ideally not less than two years, the widow goes with it to the home of her father-in-law or brother-in-law.3 She puts it before [page 46] him on a mat, together with fine foods she has cooked and sugar and berries and tobacco, and a sparkling mirror or two, and says (if it is to the father-in-law) (Landes 1937:45-46).

Note 1: The terms are purely descriptive, not symbolic.Note 2: The wealth in certain contexts is optionally called offering. Then it has reference not to the gens debt, but to the spiritual sending of the goods to the deceased. This usage does not exclude the other ideology.Note 3: The formal emphasis varies locally; and the variations practiced are considerable depending on individual circumstances. Thus the father-in-law may be incompetent, and then the ceremonies will surely be placed in the charge of a brother-in-law, or a brother, or cousin of the father-in-law or brother-in-law. Some say that a sister-in-law conducts the ceremony when the mourner is a man, and that the brother-in-law conducts when the mourner is a woman; i. e. stress is laid on the subsequent levirate or sororate marriage.

FUR TRADEScholar George Hammell notes that the same associations held true for European items made of similar colours and textures as their Native analogues.25 European trade goods such as brass and trade-silver ornaments, wampum and glass beads, metal goods, and red cloth were therefore desirable for the powers they [page 10] connoted, rather than solely for their decorative appeal. Certainly, the popularity of certain colours of cloth and beads — red cloth, sky-blue beads — and items such as mirrors and (shiny) trade-silver jewellery suggests that to Native eyes these items resonated with such meanings and powers. Thus, vermilion paint, obtained from traders, was used in the same ceremonial manner as Native-harvested red ochre, and red cloth became a favourite item to sacrifice to powerful beings. John Long, who traded with Ojibwa north of Lake Superior in the 1770s, gave their term for glass trade beads as mannetoo menance, or spirit berries.26 That

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these special objects were available locally and readily after the advent of the fur trade made them especially desirable (Peers 1994:9-10).

Note 25: Hammell, "Trading in Metaphors," p. 18.Note 26: On the ceremonial use of trade goods, see: Henry, p. 122, 18 October 1800; Henry, p. 187, 7 September 1801. There are many other references in the archaeological literature, where cloth and other trade goods frequently occur in burials. On "Manneto menance," see: R.G. Thwaites, ed. Early Western Travels 1746-1846, vol. 2: John Long's Journal 1768-1782 (Cleveland: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1904), p. 204; and Hammell, "Trading in Metaphors," pp. 7-12. Trader George Nelson similarly stated of the Lac la Ronge Cree in 1823, "They have feasts for the dead, most commonly berries..." (quoted in Jennifer S.H. Brown and Robert Brightman, The Orders of the Dreamed": George Nelson on Cree and Northern Ojibwa Religion [Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1988], p. 102).

History of Indian-White ContactBand Relocations:Prov. Arch. of Man., Winnipeg.Fig. 2. Chief Peguis wearing a triangular neck ornament (probably a mirror) edged with tinklers and suspended from a decorated neckband, blue belted fur (?) breechclout, fringed leggings, red and white garters with tinklers, and red decorated moccasins. He is armed with a bow attached to a quiver of arrows, a gun and powder horn, a red gunstock club with metal blade, and, evidently, a knife at his left hip. Watercolor by Peter Rindisbacher at the mouth of the Red River, 1821 (Stienbring 1981:246).

Alcohol and the Fur TradeTraders were in business for profit, and a high exchange rate was in their interest. Malhiot complained that his "timid" employee, Bazinet, had heedlessly raised the ante in the Indians' favor; he had passed Turtle's village and given away two large kegs of rum for only two sacks of rice, whereas shortly thereafter Malhiot was able to purchase four sacks for only half a keg. Among other items Malhiot offered the Ojibway for rice were vermilion in small, flat packages—much valued by Indians for face and body paint—knives, mirrors, branches (strings or bunches) of porcelain beads, and lengths of tobacco. The Ojibway of the area must have traded all the rice they had or were willing to part with by September 5, for after that date corn replaced wild rice in barter30 (Vennum 1988: 208).

Note 30: Thwaites, ed., "Malhiot," 200-201, 216-17.

Caddoan

Pawnee. meaning, use.

Siouan Attacks on the VillagesTaken as a Leader used to sit with a mirror in front of him. Every day he would sit there for two or three hours to put on his paint, comb his hair, and fix his braids. But whenever

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the Tsu-ra-rat came, he would go out and fight fiercely. He was becoming a great warrior, and he had counted many coup and killed many enemies. He was still a young man, very young. But one day he was killed. It was one of those days when there were too many Tsu-ra-rat for the number of Pawnee, and he was killed. His father found him where he had fallen after the battle. He got down from his horse, lifted his son up across it, and rode back to the village. Here he cried out loudly as he rode, "I have done the right things in encouraging my only son to be a leader and fight for his people." He rode across the village from side to side, mourning his son and praising him before the people. The Pawnees have a song that commemorates his death241 (Blaine 1990:106).

Note 241: Kenneth Bordeaux, of Brulé and Oglala descent, discussed the coup system with Garland J. Blaine. He said, "If you ride in and touch a man with a stick or arrow that was a great honor. If you can ride in and touch a man and get away from him alive, that was bravery. You had really done something. You were looked on as a coward if the guy was too good for you and you had to kill him. You weren't good enough to get away from him after touching him." Blaine agreed that this was the Pawnee way also, adding, "My people would tell about some man who would come back and say, "I killed so and so." And someone would say, "Maybe he was turned the other way, and you sneaked behind him and killed him." This was said in ridicule and indicated that you were not as brave as you wanted others to believe.

Annuity Goods Ordered and ReceivedEuropean goods were originally introduced to the American Indian as trade items in the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries, when at different times and places he brought his furs to exchange for non-Indian produced objects. Objects accepted were generally combinations of two main types: items that were entirely new in the cultural experience, such as handkerchiefs, glass beads, or mirrors, or items that became substitutions for older traditionally made articles, such as metal kettles for pottery vessels; cloth for skin clothing; and guns, which were better weapons in some ways than were bows, arrows, and spears. After the programs to civilize the Indians began, a third type of annuity good appeared: items that were not entirely wanted by, but selected for, the Indians, such as plows, garden seeds, domesticated animals, paper, books, and pencils (Blaine 1990:191).

SOUTH BANDSThe Bear Dance of the PitahawirataThe Sixth Day/ Selecting the Cedar Tree:He then returned to the men, and the four of them started to where the tree stood. There being no lake or ponds, after tying their ponies, they seated themselves upon the ground and began to paint themselves by looking at a mirror instead of looking at themselves in the water. When they were painted with red dust and mud, they arose and marched single file to the tree. When they were near the tree, Good Buffalo told the other men to walk up and stand by him. Now they sat down. The first thing they did was to sing so that Mother Cedar Tree would listen (Murie 1989:336).

WOODWORK

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MISCELLANEOUS.—Wooden boxes and chests, bound with leather or metal and studded with large-headed nails, are not uncommon, though always in fragmentary condition. Wooden-backed mirrors, sheaths, and numerous other odds and ends are frequently found, nearly always with rows of nails as ornamental features. The clumsy workmanship probably indicates that most of them were made by the Indians themselves, in imitation of the white man's articles. Occasionally a better piece is recovered, perhaps with a lock or hinge, these being probably imported and trade articles. Pipestems of light carved wood have been found in a few cases but were too fragmentary for accurate restoration (Wedel 1936:89).

MORTUARY CUSTOMSThe bodies were usually wrapped in matting or bark for interment and were always accompanied by mortuary offerings. Shaped stones (pl. 7) from 3 to 6 inches in length are nearly always found in or near the left hand of adult males. The offerings are most commonly found in front of the body if lying on its side, or on the chest if lying face upward. At the Hill site flints and steel, glass beads, lead rings, wooden-backed mirrors, knives, shell gorgets, Spanish, British, and American peace medals, military buttons, cloth, foodstuffs, and innumerable other odds and ends were used as offerings (Wedel 1936:93).

STORYTELLINGWar Cry was a brave and his whole outlook was toward aggression and violence compared with a chief who was a man of peace and conciliation. To the stark combat realism of his story, Eagle Chief was moved to comment, "That War Cry is a wicked fellow!" War Cry's narrative was as follows: [page 356]"Way off, the seven of us could see different bunches engaged in combat on the different hills. We began to set out in the direction of the enemy, when just then, the Sioux shone a mirror in our eyes as a farewell signal. We stopped in a bunch and all got off our horses. It was obviously too far to reach them in time" (Weltfish 1965:355-356).

Iroquoian

Iroquois. ritual, use.

ANNUITIESIn New York State, the annuities the Iroquois received for the sale of their land eased the transition from an economy based partly on hunting and partly on horticulture to one of intensive agriculture. The annuities paid not only for the work of gunsmiths and blacksmiths (essential services in the economy of both Whites and Indians at the time) and for provisions such as pork, beef, flour, salt, and rum, but also for the manufactured items the Iroquois previously had obtained through trade in furs. These included blankets and the various kinds of cloth, guns, powder, lead and flints, axes, hoes, shovels, knives, chisels, nails, needles, scissors, kettles, and sheet iron. In addition, the annuities bought the sundries--ribbons, vermillion, beads, thread, yarn, mirrors, spoons, plates, tobacco, paper, shawls, and silk handkerchiefs--that stores of the period customarily stocked. The annuities also provided the animals and implements needed to practice the plow

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agriculture being introduced on the reservations. This required an investment in draught animals, especially oxen (the animals most adapted to the work), to clear the fields and to pull plows and wagons, and an investment in plows and wagons themselves as well as other implements of farming. White farmers settling in the area customarily brought such equipment with them, but the Iroquois had no source of capital with which to buy it other than the annuities and gifts from Whites such as the Society of Friends (Tooker 1978:449)

Community Status RitesAfter a person has died, the body is dressed in the "dead clothes," that is, clothes of old Indian design. The house is cleaned, and preparations made for the wake and funeral. Mirrors and all other large reflecting surfaces (like glass-framed pictures) are covered with cloth in order that no one, especially no child, may accidently be frightened by seeing the ghost in them. They remain so covered until after the Tenth-day feast. Food is set out for the deceased, and at least two individuals stay with the body until the funeral. A wake is held on one or on both nights preceding the funeral. At the wake, a game (often a version of the widespread North American Indian moccasin game or a special dice game) is played (fig. 16) (Tooker 1978:462).

SENECAVillagers, Warriors, and StatesmenIf the clearing with its cornfields bounded the world of women, the forest was the realm of men. Most of the men hunted extensively, not only for deer, elk, and small game to use for food and clothing and miscellaneous household items, but for beaver, mink, and otter, the prime trade furs. Pelts were the gold of the woods. With them a man could buy guns, powder, lead, knives, hatchets, axes, needles and awls, scissors, kettles, traps, cloth, ready-made shirts, blankets, paint (for cosmetic purposes), and various notions: steel springs to pluck out disfiguring [page 25] beard, scalp, and body hair; silver bracelets and armbands and tubes for coiling hair; rings to hang from nose and ears; mirrors; tinkling bells. Sometimes a tipsy hunter would give away his peltries for a keg of rum, treat his friends to a debauch, and wake up with a scolding wife and hungry children calling him a fool; another might, with equal improvidence, invest in a violin, or a horse, or a gaudy military uniform. But by and large, the products of the commercial hunt--generally conducted in the winter and often hundreds of miles from the home village, in the Ohio country or down the Susquehanna River --were exchanged for a limited range of European consumer goods, which had become, after five generations of contact with beaver-hungry French, Dutch, and English traders, economic necessities. Many of these goods were, indeed, designed to Indian specifications and manufactured solely for the Indian trade. An Iroquois man dressed in a linen breechcloth and calico shirt, with a woolen blanket over his shoulders, bedaubed with trade paint and adorned with trade armbands and earrings, carrying a steel knife, a steel hatchet, a clay pipe, and a rifled gun felt himself in no wise contaminated nor less an Indian than his stone-equipped great-great-grandfather. Iroquois culture had reached out and incorporated these things that Iroquois Indians wanted while at the same time Iroquois warriors chased off European missionaries, battled European soldiers to a standstill, and made obscene gestures when anyone suggested that they should emulate white society (made up, according to their

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information and experience, of slaves, cheating lawyers with pen and paper and ink, verbose politicians, hypocritical Christians, stingy tavern keepers, and thieving peddlers) (Wallace 1972:24-25).

Muskogean

Seminole. ritual, social category, use.

Technological DiffusionIt is not unusual to find that objects of Western technology are desired by primitive peoples and are directly adopted into their culture without necessarily sharing the economic, ideological or social values of the donating culture. Thus, the Seminole cultural system was pervaded by certain items of white technology long before social interaction with whites could be said to be practicable except in a most limited sense. An inventory of property visible in a Seminole camp in 1930 (R. Nash 1964 [1931] :9) included an axe, a hoe, a machete, two sheath knives, two large iron kettles, two water pails, two frying pans, two coffee pots, a brass-bound wooden bucket, three five-gallon tin cans with covers, a foot-peddle sewing machine, a hand sewing machine, a lantern, an umbrella, a pair of scissors, a mirror, two combs, a double-barreled 12-gauge shotgun, a combination 0.38 caliber rifle and 12-gauge shotgun, and a phonograph with fifteen records. Nash noted [page 322] certain changes which had taken place as well (ibid.:11): Sewing machines were great rarities in MacCauley's day [1880]; today every camp has them. The rifle and double-barreled shotgun have replaced the muzzle-loader. The second hand Ford is a modern curse of which MacCauley never dreamed (Buswell 1972:321-322).

SEMINOLE EMERGENC:Spanish control and possession of Florida was by no means strong or vigorous and in 1763 Spain was forced to relinquish the colony to Britain. The British colonial authorities were at that time engaged in a determined effort to organize their relationships with the various Indian tribes on the colonial borders and had developed a pattern of signing definitive treaties with the Indians. At the Treaty of Picolata they had hoped to secure a cession of lands, roughly the northeast quarter of Florida from the Indians. The Seminoles did meet with the British officials in company with their kinsmen from the Lower Chattahoochee River towns, but the principle chief of Alachua, Cowkeeper, developed a diplomatic illness that kept him away. When the other Indians had returned to Georgia and Alabama, Cowkeeper appeared, showing as well as any European treaty negotiator that he had independent status, must be treated separately, and given a separate treaty medal. One major effect of the English dominion in Florida was the establishment of several British trading [page 12] posts in Florida. Into these establishments came the Indian products: great numbers of deer and wild cattle skins, and a few furs. From them spread such products as guns, iron tools, cloth and a variety of personal ornaments. Among the items of jewelry glass beads were the most abundant, but silver ear-pendants for both men and women were also popular, as well as mirrors, red paint, and crescent shaped silver neck ornaments. The trade was by barter with the prices quoted in deer skins and no actual money changed hands. As the products the Indians had for trade were

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largely the products of men's activity, and the majority of the goods they received in exchange were useful to men, the importance of men was paramount in the trade. As a result, the male aspects of Seminole and Creek culture changed more during this period than did those spheres of women's influence. Home life still centered around the matrilineal family and child rearing. Women's crafts such as basketry and pottery remained unchanged (Fairbanks 1973:10, 12 ).

CURINGSicknesses2.4.6 sápiyî: sickness; sápiyinok a:cí:cihcî:, 'sápiyî: caused sickness':

CauseThis sickness is caused by a mythical plant called sápiyî:, or by perfume or mirrors. The sápiyî: is described as growing only at night. It grows tall every night and bears sweet-smelling beautiful flowers, but every morning at daybreak the whole plant goes back deep underground. There are four varieties, with flowers of different colors (Sturtevant 1954:263).

SymptomsThe chief symptom is palpitations ("heart jumps") at night. The patient's skin turns yellow, his body "swells up," and he suffers from "short breath." He may recover temporarily but this is only apparent, for unless the sickness is treated, in four years or so it will kill the patient, who [page 264] will fall down bleeding from the mouth or die in his sleep. The sickness is said to kill many white people, since the cure is unknown to them (Sturtevant 1954:263-264).

TreatmentThe doctor finds four plants of sápiyâ:bî, 'sápiyî: replica' (candyroot; Polygala lutea and P. rugellii are both useful varieties of plants called by this name). He leaves these growing, clearing the ground in a circle of about four inches around each one. The next morning he goes back and uproots the plants, and prepares the medicine while fasting during the morning or for the whole day. The medicine is presumably administered orally (Sturtevant 1954:264).

CommentsThe roots of the candyroot have a fragrant ordor (resembling wintergreen) when first uprooted, which is recognized by the Seminole. However, in several specimens collected by the author this odor was barely perceptible two hours afterward. This may perhaps explain the interval between the doctor's discovery and collection of the plants; an alternative (and more likely — see below) possibility might be some connection with the true sápiyî: which only appears at night, since the plants are left overnight before collection. The connection between perfume and sápiyî: as a cause of this sickness probably rests on the strong sweet odor the sápiyî: flowers are believed to possess. I can offer no hypothesis to account for mirrors as a cause of the [page 265] same sickness, except the characteristics of some types of "sab a" discussed by Swanton (Sturtevant 1954:264-265).

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Swanton (1928a: 498-501) discusses several types and variant traditions of "sab a," which he describes as animate objects "known to all the Five Civilized Tribes" and used as powerful charms, particularly for hunting and love. According to my informant, the Creek equivalent of the Mikasuki sápiyî: is sápiyâ:, which is also the most probable phonemic interpretation of Swanton's "sab a." According to Swanton's informants (chiefly Jackson Lewis, a Hitchiti) the sápiyâ:, "were very small objects looking like crystals," and were "at least by some, believed to come from a plant." There are five kinds, white, blue, red, yellow and almost black; all are glassy except the black type which "looks like the graphite of a lead pencil." A "vegetable sab a" is described, called "sab a hagi ('like a sab a')," which is equivalent to the Mikasuki name of the candyroots. This is not however stated to be a medicine, the root being used as a hunting charm. It is interesting to note that in a Creek myth a man obtained power similar to that possessed by the sápiyâ: by fasting in solitude for four days, when he heard "a beautiful little flower" singing in "a soft, low, sweet voice.... Around the flower the ground was swept clean [my emphasis]. He listened until he had learned the song. Suddenly he felt that he possessed a wonderful power, which he could impart to any object. Any one who had such an object [page 266] in his possession became lucky. He could succeed in love, in the chase, and in war. Often bits of stone possess this power. The color of these charmed stones is white, red, and yellow. They are called 'sar-pee-yah.'" (Swanton, 1928a: 500, quoting the Tuggle MS. in the Bureau of American Ethnology). The Seminole belief in sápiyî: is obviously related to the Creek, Alabama, Natchez, etc. "sab a" described by Swanton. The silvery powder called by the same name, kept in the Seminole medicine bundles as a charm formerly used in warfare and now also in sorcery (described below under magic) provides some further parallels, although I have no data referring to Seminole use of the sápiyî: in hunting or love magic (Sturtevant 1954:265-266).

"Traditions on Exhibition"The white community asked and received permission from his relatives for burial. Tiger Tail's body lay in state at the King Undertaking Parlor for three hours before the funeral. "Hundreds of men, women, and children looked upon the casket." To be interred with Tiger Tail were the customary male grave goods, his rifle and a box containing all of his possessions: cooking utensils, an old flashlight, pieces of leather, buckles, knives, mirrors, small pieces of iron, beads, and other miscellaneous items. There is no mention of these items being "broken," which is the usual procedure. Also puzzling is the type of leather included in the burial. Perhaps it was cowhide, as buckskin was not traditionally interred with the dead as it was feared that all of the deer would go with the dead person (Miami Herald 1922d; Sturtevant 1967:335-36, 339, 345) (West 1998:36).

Siouan

Assiniboine. meaning, ritual, social category, use.

GRASS DANCEAs time passed, feathers, beads, trinkets, belts, mirrors, and, finally, full buckskin dress suits with feathered or weasel-skin bonnets have been added. The principle of the

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costume has remained the same, except that grass has been largely replaced by other materials (Long 1961:126).

A tanned otter skin, with the fur intact, was split down the center to form a neckpiece, a good portion of which hung biblike in front. Later, small round mirrors were used. They were fastened about three inches apart on each side of the split center of the neckpiece. When the dancer performed, the mirrors reflected in the sun. Some young men, while sitting down, still reflect these mirrors toward young women whom they wish to attract. Frequently courtship resulted. Larger mirrors fastened to the center of carved flat pieces of wood have been carried in recent years (Long 1961:128).

Bashful dancers sometimes dance with large feather fans, which they hold in front of their faces when dancing with women in the Women's Circle Dance. Such fans are made of tail feathers from large birds, placed with the butts to the center and laced together into a circular shape. Usually a small round mirror is placed in the center of the fan. By holding the fan before his face, the dancer can see his reflection in the glass, making it unnecessary to look at anyone else. Sometimes these round fans are attached to the ends of fur ropes, made of otter skin wrapped on a stout cord, and hung down the back. One end forms the neckpiece, while the fan on the other end drops down even with the hips (Long 1961:129).

WARMirror, blanket and fire-signals were all in vogue among the Assiniboine1(Lowie 1909:33).

Note 1: Maclean, p. 27.

MYTHOLOGY/ THE WHITE BUFFALOMany Stoneys were on the plains in search of buffalo. Only one old man remained at home. One of the buffalo signaled with a mirror that he was going to kill the old man. He ran straight towards the camp. The dogs pursued him, but he reached the camp. The old man took his gun and approached the bull. The women all shouted, "Shoot him from afar, or he'll kill you!" He shot at, but apparently missed the bull. Then the buffalo came slowly towards him, suddenly beginning to run. The man fled, but was hooked and thrown up into the air several times. The third time the women spectators saw the blood pouring from his body. The fourth time they saw his body and heart torn to pieces. Still the buffalo continued hooking him. At last he walked off. But the shot had not gone wide of its mark, and soon he fell dead. It was a white buffalo. The women took the man's flesh home and piled it up in a heap (Lowie 1909:228).

MYTHOLOGY/ WARThe people were camping together. One chief said to a scout, "Go to the top of the hill. If you spy any people, indicate the direction they come from by flashing a mirror." The young man went and discovered some enemies stealing the people's horses. He signaled to his people, and they went in pursuit of the thieves. The enemy did not run, but prepared for a fight. They killed the chief. Then all his followers became furious. They

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rushed on the enemy with their knives, slaying all save a single man. They stripped off all his clothes, even his moccasins, and bade him return where he came from. He had a hard time of it; his feet were worn out. The people recaptured their horses. One Stoney was killed by a shot in the shoulder, which passed out at the other side. The people moved camp (Lowie 1909:237).

ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bishop, Charles A.1974 The Northern Ojibwa and the Fur Trade: An Historical and Ecological

Study. Holt, Rinehart & Winston, Toronto.

Ojibwa NG06. Field Dates: 1965-1966, 1969. N. Ontario, E. Manitoba, 1870-1928.

Since first contact with Europeans some 350 years ago, the social and economic life of the Ojibwa Indians has been greatly transformed. This study, which focuses in large part on the Osnaburgh House village, '...examines in detail the successive eras of change and adaptation among the Northern Ojibwa through the extensive and critical use of archival materials. These were meshed with observations in the field to produce an ethno-historical account of change which is unique to Sub-Arctic research to date [i.e., the 1960s]. The study demonstrates that Northern Ojibwa social organization has switched from a clan-totem system at contact to a flexible one today [1960s]. Social and economic changes in Ojibwa culture can be directly related to the fur trade, population movements, and ecological shifts. The historical eras of change were defined by the data in accordance with new and different modes of adaptation under particular contact and ecological conditions' (pp. v-vi).

Blaine, Martha R.1990 Pawnee Passage, 1870-1875. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.

Pawnee NQ18. No Field Date. Skidi (Skiri), Chawi (Chaui), Kitkahahki, and Pitahawirata bands; northern Kansas and Nebraska, late 17th to late 19th centuries.

This book attempts to broaden the reader's view of the Pawnees during the years 1870-1875 '...by adding to existing evidence in archives and to other printed sources original selections from Pawnee oral history containing views of events of that time' (p.xi). The author believes that the inclusion of primary source material from Pawnee speakers and descendants of people who actually lived during those years will enrich, and sometimes modify the perspectives expressed in documentary and published sources. Much of the oral history material presented in this document comes from the author's late husband Garland J. Blaine, who himself was a Pawnee. Topics discussed in detail in this work relate to traditional economic pursuits, horse stealing, the 'sacred' relationship between the buffalo (bison) and the Pawnee, Sioux-Pawnee relationships and warfare, U.S. government attempts at acculturation, the reservation system, and the final removal of the Pawnee from Nebraska to a reservation in Indian Territory in Oklahoma (1874-1875).

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Brumbach, Hetty Jo1997 Ethnoarchaeology of Subsistence Space and Gender: A Subarctic

Dene Case. American Antiquity 62(3):414-436.

Chipewyan ND07. Field Date: 1970. Patuanak, Upper Churchill River, Saskatchewan.

This article discusses "the relationship between a fundamental aspect of social life -- the cultural construction of gender -- and the spatial organization of hunting" (p. 414). Data for the study were gathered from a southern Chipewyan group, the Patuanak, of the Upper Churchill River area of Saskatchewan, Canada. The authors suggest "that more attention to gender dynamics may alter prevailing ideas about hunting behavior and foraging economics generally, and, at the same time, offer new dimensions of variability for explaining the archaeological record" (p. 414).

Buswell, James O., III1972 Florida Seminole Religious Ritual: Resistance and Change. Ph.D.

Dissertation, St. Louis University, St. Louis.

Seminole NN16. Field Date: 1968-1971. Florida, 20th century.

This source is a description and analysis of both the Green Corn Dance and Christianity among the Florida Seminole. The relation of the Florida Seminoles to other Southeastern groups is clearly laid out. A lengthy and detailed description of the Green Corn Dance is presented, based on observations of the busk held by the Brighton community in the summer of 1970. The history of Christianity and missions among the Seminoles of Florida is then outlined. The author analyzes the place of both Christianity and the traditional busk in Seminole society, with particular attention to patterns of conflict between these two ritual and belief systems. This piece contains a tremendous amount of detailed data. Relevant anthropological theory is also discussed, especially concerning acculturation. Information on all of the Florida Seminoles, both those on and off reservations, Christian and non-Christian, is included.

Densmore, Frances1929 Chippewa Customs. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 86. U.S.

Government Printing Office, Washington.

Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: 1905-1925. MN, WI, Ontario, early 20th century.

This is a study of almost all aspects of the material culture of the Chippewa. The author visited the people for the purpose of studying tribal songs, and this collection of data concerning their customs was gathered during their research. Her study was conducted on Chippewa reservations in Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Ontario, and here she presents a well organized account of Chippewa customs.

Dunning, Robert W.

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1959 Social and Economic Change among the Northern Ojibwa. University of Toronto Press, Toronto.

This source, written by a professional anthropologist schooled in the theoretical concepts and methods associated with the British 'structuralist' school of social anthropology, presents a highly detailed analysis of kinship structure and social change in the Northern Ojibwa community of Pekangekum. Data are also presented on changing patterns in Ojibwa marriage selection with the increase in available spouses due to population expansion. In preparation for the presentation of the above material the author describes briefly the history of the Northern Ojibwa up to the late 1950s, the history and external relations of the community of Pekangekum with the outside world, demography and residence patterns, and the ecology and economy of the people.

Ewers, John Canfield

1958 The Blackfeet: Raiders of the Northwestern Plains. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.

Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: 1941-1951. NW Montana, S. Alberta, ca. 1800-1850.

This is primarily a general memory ethnography focusing on the Piegan and Blood ca. 1850. Ewers also presents a great deal of historical data from 1700-1950. The ethnographic subjects covered are buffalo hunting, community life, arts and crafts, warfare, leisure time activities, religion, and missionary activities. Most of the data was gathered while Ewers was the curator of the Museum of the Plains Indian on the Blackfoot Indian Reservation in Montana.

Fairbanks, Charles H.1973 The Florida Seminole People. Indian Tribal Series, Phoenix.

Seminole NN16. No Field Date. Everglades, Big Cypress Swamp, Florida, late 19th to early 20th centuries.

The major focus of this source is on the culture history of the Florida Seminoles, particularly those living in the Everglades and Big Cypress Swamp. The author discusses the early contacts with the Spanish, English, and later Americans, the resulting wars, and their final conquest and confinement to reservations. A less detailed section presents information on the contemporary 20th century Seminoles, mostly in terms of their economic development. Traditional ethnography is given only superficial treatment in this source, with some data presented on political organization, the camp group, house styles, food and food preparation, the clans, marriage, clothing and clothing manufacture, religion, the medicine man, and processes of socialization. The work concludes with a short section on the author's speculations about future cultural and economic development of the Seminole.

Goldfrank, Esther S.

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1966 Changing Configurations in the Social Organization of a Blackfoot Tribe during the Reserve Period (the Blood of Alberta, Canada).

University of Washington Press, Seattle.

Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: 1939. Blood Reserve, Alberta, 1877-1940.

This monograph focuses on the changes wrought in the economy and in the social and religious institutions of the Blood of Alberta since their confinement to a reservation in 1877. It contains detailed consideration of the relative ranking of various statuses in the society, as well as of limitations on and opportunities for social advancement. The range of personality types found among the Blood is discussed and related to the differing strategies employed by individuals in adapting to the changing society. A series of life histories at the end of the source serve to illustrate aspects of Blood culture and daily life discussed in the body of the text.

Hallowell, A. Irving1991 The Ojibwa of Berens River, Manitoba: Ethnography into History.

Harcourt Brace Jovanovich College Publishers, Fort Worth.

Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: 1930-1940. Manitoba, NW Ontario, early 20th century.

This study is divided into two major parts. Part 1 blends ethnohistorical, ecological, ethnographic, and sociopolitical analysis into a comprehensive historical treatment of the Berens River Ojibwa from the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries. Part 2 continues with the ecological adaptation of the Ojibwa and moves into the topics of residential groups, kinship, and marriage. This section also contains information on how the Ojibwa conceive of the place of humans in the universe -- their world view. The last portion of part 2 discusses the function of religion, moral conduct, and personality ...'in a `culturally constituted world' in which dreams as sources of power, of teaching, and of moral order are central processes' (p. ix). The appendix to this document presents a discussion of dwellings and household along the Berens River as observed by the author in 1935-1936. Much of the ethnographic data presented in part 2 is largely relevant to the period of the 1930s to 1940 when Hallowell did his major fieldwork.

Hilger, M. Inez1951 Chippewa Child Life and Its Cultural Background. Bureau of

American Ethnology Bulletin 146. U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington.

Ojibwa NG06. Field Dates: 1932-1933, 1939-1940. MN, WI, MI,1932-1940.

The author of this work is a professional ethnologist and member of the Order of St. Benedict. Although child-rearing practices were the main objective of the study, a full ethnographic description is included. Material was obtained from a number of reservations in Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan. In addition to data on the life cycle,

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information is included on material culture, social organization, religion, subsistence activities, etc. A thorough survey of the literature was made in writing the work.

Hungry Wolf, Adolf1977 The Blood People, a Division of the Blackfoot Confederacy: An

Illustrated Interpretation of the Old Ways. Harper & Row, New York.

Blackfoot NF06. Field Date:1972. Blood Reserve, Alberta, ca. 1850-1972.

This is a comprehensive monograph covering many aspects of Blood culture; religion and ritual, men's and women's societies, and warfare and raiding are especially well described. Also of value are the numerous narratives of pre- and early reservation life obtained by Hungry Wolf from a broad spectrum of elderly individuals. This book should be used with caution, however, since the author (a non-Indian) apparently felt so immersed in Blood life that he did not think it necessary to clearly distinguish his own views from those of his informants. Further, it is often difficult to determine the exact provenance of his factual information, which may derive from documentary sources, from the testimony of Blood informants, or from his own personal experiences.

Jenness, Diamond1935 The Ojibwa Indians of Parry Island: Their Social and Religious Life.

National Museum of Canada, J. O. Patenaude, Ottawa.

Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: 1929. Parry Is., Georgian Bay, Ontario, 1850-1929.

Beliefs regarding man, nature, and the supernatural, and their importance in the social and religious life of the Parry Island Ojibwa are given special attention in this work by Jenness. The author uses the myths and legends of the people to explain and supplement these beliefs, and also quotes directly to a great extent from informants. An Appendix at the end of the book brings together miscellaneous notes on the material culture which were gathered incidentally by the author.

Kohl, Johann G.1860 Kitchi-Gami: Wanderings Round Lake Superior. Chapman & Hall,

London.

Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: 1855. Ontario, mid-19th century.

This source was written by an eminent German traveler during a stay on the shores of Lake Superior in the mid-nineteenth century. While there the author had ample opportunity to study the Ojibwa who lived throughout the area, and it is from his astute observations of Indian life that this source is derived. Although the data in this source are somewhat lacking in the ceremonial, social and religious aspects of Ojibwa ethnography, they do give an accurate and detailed account of the material culture and mythology of the people, much of which has been fully substantiated by professional ethnologists from

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their own field work. Abundant data may be found in this source on: missionary activity among the Ojibwa, the canoe and its construction, the order of the Midés, Indian sports and pastimes, mythology, death customs, sign language, travel, eschatology, dreams and spirit quests, supernatural beings, snow shoes and their construction, writing, and pipes and their importance to the Ojibwa.

Landes, Ruth1937 Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia University Press, New York.

Ojibwa NG06.Field Dates:1932, 1933, 1935.Manitou Reserve, Emo, Ontario, 1932-1935.

This book contains information on the political, kinship, and gens structure of the Ojibwa living on the Manitou Reserve at Emo in southwestern Ontario, and the regulations and customs connected with marriage and property. the author states her conclusions regarding the structure and regulations of each, and seeks to confirm them by presenting lengthy discussions of individual cases and life histories of Ojibwa individuals.

Long, James L.1961 The Assiniboines from the Accounts of the Old Ones Told to First Boy

(James Larpenteur Long). University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.

Assiniboine NF04. Field Date: 1939. Montana, 1850-1940.

James Long (b. 1888) was brought up by his Assiniboine grandmother and half-Assiniboine mother and has written an account of the traditional way of life of his people based on the stories of 25 informants who in 1939 ranged in age from 66 to105 years old. Long summarizes various aspects of Assiniboine culture and includes the informants own personal accounts and stories. The major subjects covered are legends, hunting, warfare, dances, and religion. Stephen Kennedy has written an introduction on the history of the Assiniboine and the Assiniboine artist William Standing (see document no. 11) drew the illustrations.

Lowie, Robert H.1909 The Assiniboine. Anthropological Papers 4(1). American Museum of

Natural History, New York.

Assiniboine NF04. Field Date: 1907-1908. Morley, Alberta; Fort Belknap, Montana, seventeenth-early twentieth centuries.

Lowie has divided this document into two major parts. Part 1 describes the ethnology of the Assiniboine from the seventeenth to the early twentieth centuries, with a primary emphasis on history, material culture, amusements, art, warfare, social organization and custom, and the religious life. Part 2 is a collection of eighty mythological stories dealing with the trickster cycle as well as a wide variety of other miscellaneous tales. This section forms the major portion of this book (pp. 99-234). The ethnographic focus of this work is

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on the Assiniboine of Morley in Alberta, Canada and Fort Belknap, Montana in the United States, the two areas studied extensively by the author during his period of field work.

McClintock, Walter1968 The Old North Trail, or Life, Legends and Religion of the Blackfeet

Indians. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln.

Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: 1896-1910. NW Montana, S. Alberta.

This traveler's account, written by Walter McClintock, a member of the U.S. Forest Service, presents a first-hand descriptive report on the Blackfoot Indians. The data were collected during the first four years (1896-1900) that McClintock lived and traveled among the North and South Peigan, Blood and Northern Blackfoot divisions of the Blackfoot Tribe. Through directed and informal interviews and participant observation, information was gathered on Blackfoot interdivisional contacts (including the formation of large camps for ceremonials), history, subsistence activities and religion (including a number of the medicine ceremonials), as well as life-histories of several prominent chiefs and medicine men and numerous texts of legends, songs, prayers, myths and stories. McClintock became the adopted son of Mad Wolf, a prominent chief; this position facilitated participation by the author in tribal and inter-tribal activities. The concluding chapter, written after observing the Blackfoot 14 years after the author's first visit, discusses the rapidity and extent of culture change resulting from, in part, White contact and the U.S. government's policy. The appendices include Blackfoot music, explanation of terms used by the author and terminology for and uses of various plants.

Miller, Jay1991 Delaware Personhood. Man in the Northeast 42:17-27.

Delaware NM07. No Field Date. Oklahoma, ca. 1860s-1980s.

Delaware conception of the 'person' (AWEN) has remained viable among older speakers of this language, both living or recently deceased in Oklahoma, and can be projected into the past using ethnohistoric and ethnographic sources. Delaware personhood is summarized using a generalized life cycle as an outline allowing for particular variation derived from age and gender. In contrast to previous treatments, which dealt with sociological aspects, symbolic dimensions are especially emphasized and Delaware soul beliefs are clarified. Gender asymmetry is such that man is the generic, inclusive, and unmarked category, while woman is the specific, exclusive, and marked one (p. 17). This document contains brief, general summaries on reproduction, naming, childhood, puberty, marriage, adulthood, maturity, death, and beliefs about souls, relevant primarily to the Oklahoma Delaware.

Murie, James R.1989 Ceremonies of the Pawnee. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln.

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Pawnee NQ18. Field Date: 1900-1920. Pitahawirata band; Platte, Loup, and Republican River areas, Nebraska and northern Kansas, 1890-1920

'Ceremonies of the Pawnee' by James R. Murie (or Coming Sun -- his native American name), presents a significant contribution to the study of Pawnee ethnology in its highly detailed description of nineteenth to early twentieth century ceremonialism. The introductory portion of the text presents the general background of the manuscript, an overview of Pawnee society, and a biography of Murie. The remainder of the text is divided into two main parts. Part I deals in great detail with the rituals and ceremonies of the Skiri or northern band of Pawnee, while part II provides comparable information on the south bands -- the Chawi (Grand), Kitkahahki (Republican), and Pitahawirata (Tappage). Much of the ceremonial data, especially for the south bands, relate to medicine society rituals (see categories 756 and 796). Song texts which accompany the various ceremonies, are also to be found scattered throughout this work.

Newcomb, William W.1956 The Culture and Acculturation of the Delaware Indians.

Anthropological Papers 10, Museum of Anthropology. University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.

Delaware NM07. Field Date:1951-1952. PA, NY, NJ, 15th-19th centuries.

This monograph is a survey of the literature available in the mid-1950s on the Delaware. While the author spent two summers among the modern Delaware, and uses some of the material gathered to show how the culture has changed, most of the material in the book has been gathered from the literature from contact time onward. The author describes the development of Delaware culture from a number of autonomous groups, and reconstructs the culture under the following headings: technology, economics, material culture, life cycle, kin groups, social control, war, religion and magic, and folklore. In addition to this balanced description, the last third of the work deals with the historical changes which occurred in Delaware culture as a result of contact with the whites, and the extent to which acculturation occurred at various time periods up to the present.

Peers, Laura L. 1994 The Ojibwa of Western Canada, 1780 to 1870. Minnesota Historical

Society Press, St. Paul.

Ojibwa NG06. No Field Date. Prairie provinces, W. Canada, 1780-1870.

The western Ojibwa are the descendants of Ojibwa people who migrated into the West from their settlements around the Great Lakes in the late eighteenth century. This work traces their origins, adaptation to the West, and the way in which they coped with the many challenges they faced in the first century of their history in that region between the years 1780 to 1870 (p. ix). These challenges, examined in detail in this study, involved the surviving of epidemic disease, the rise and fall of the fur trade, the depletion of game

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in the region, the establishment of European settlements in the area, the loss of tribal lands, and the Canadian government's assertion of political control over them.

Speck, Frank G.1931 A Study of the Delaware Indian Big House Ceremony, in Native Text

Dictated by Witapano'xwe. Publications of the Pennsylvania Historical Commission v.2, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Harrisburg.

Delaware NM07. Field Date:1925. OK, coverage: 19th-early 20th centuries.

This source presents an intensive study of the Big House Ceremony, one of the paramount ceremonies of the Delaware Indians for the fulfillment of obligations to the host of spiritual beings comprising their cosmography. The author, a noted ethnologist, gives a historical resume of the Big House Ceremony as it existed in the 17th and 18th centuries, and its distribution among neighboring tribes, where it appeared in various attenuated forms. A good part of this source consists of the original native text supplied by the author's primary informant Wi:tapano'xwe (Walking-with-Daylight), which is then given a free translation by the author with the thought in mind of preserving the order, emphasis, terms of thought, and wording characteristic of native speech. Abundant explanatory footnotes augment the English translation.

Steinbring, Jack1981 Saulteaux of Lake Winnipeg. In Handbook of North American Indians,

Subarctic, v.6, edited by June Helm, pp. 244-255. Smithsonian Institution, Washington.

Ojibwa NG06. No Field Date. Lake Winnipeg, Manitoba, 1750-1975.

This article provides an introduction to the Saulteaux Ojibwa of Lake Winnipeg, Manitoba. The Saulteaux, or 'People of the Rapids,' originally came from Sault Sainte Marie and migrated to Lake Winnipeg beginning in the mid-eighteenth century. Steinbring briefly discusses the following topics: language, territory, history of cultural contact, subsistence patterns, technology, curing practices, social organization, religion, mythology, and the current (1960s) situation.

Sturtevant, William C.1954 Mikasuki Seminole: Medical Beliefs and Practices. Ph. D.

Dissertation, Yale University, New Haven.

Seminole NN16. Field Date: 1950-1953. south Florida, 1880-1953.

This is a fairly comprehensive study of Seminole medical lore and practices, focusing on herbal remedies and magic. Magic includes the songs and rituals surrounding the preparation of herbal concoctions, which are then applied topically or drunk. An extensive catalogue of Seminole ethnobotany is included in the appendix.

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Tantaquidgeon, Gladys1942 A Study of Delaware Indian Medicine Practice and Folk Beliefs.

Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Deptartment of Public Instruction, Pennsylvania Historical Commission, Harrisburg.

Delaware NM07. Field Date: 1930. Indian River Hundred, Sussex County, Delaware.

On the basis both of material gathered in the field and extracted from the literature, the author, a professional ethnologist, gives a detailed description of Delaware medical practices. In addition to covering the various aspects of this, information is included on witchcraft, dreams, and plant and animal foods. Appendices contain a listing of medicinal plants, three myths, and material gathered on the Nanticoke.

Tooker, Elisabeth1978 Iroquois since 1820. In Handbook of North American Indians:

Northeast, v.15, edited by Bruce G. Trigger, pp. 449-465. Smithsonian Institution, Washington.

Iroquois NM09. No Field Date. U.S. and Canada, 19th century.

During the first two decades of the nineteenth century, the various social, economic, and political consequences of the Iroquois defeat by the Americans in the Revolution, were apparent. Many Iroquois, including a large number who had been loyal to the British, moved to reserves in Canada, while others remained in their old homelands which were now part of the United States of America. 'The once powerful and independent Iroquois confederacy had become `nations within nations'' (p. 449). By 1820 it was clear to the Iroquois that in order to deal with whites as neighbors they would have to change their whole economic base of existence (e.g., from a hunting-gathering society to one based essentially on sedentary agriculture). This article traces the various changes that took place in the society from the early nineteenth to the late twentieth century (ca. 1970s). Tooker describes the loss of Indian lands, the establishment of reservations, missionization, changes in political, economic, and religious structures, medicine societies, curing practices, and modern (ca. 1970s) reservation life.

Vennum, Thomas1988 Wild Rice and the Ojibway People. Minnesota Historical Society Press,

St. Paul.

Ojibwa NG06. No Field Date. US, Canada, mid-17th to mid-20th centuries.

Vennum looks at the role wild rice played and continues to play in the life of the Ojibway people. He discusses how it grows (and how paddy wild rice is grown), it's place in myth and ceremony, and its importance in the diet. He also examines how the Ojibway traditionally harvested wild rice versus the way it is harvested today The role of wild rice in the Ojibway economy, past and present, is discussed. Vennum also looks at the effects

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treaties and federal, state, and provincial laws have had on the Ojibway people's access to wild rice.

Wallace, Anthony F. C.1972 The Death and Rebirth of the Seneca. Vintage Books, New York.

Iroquois NM09. Field Date: 1951-1956. Seneca; Allegany Reservation, NY, 1700's.This monograph traces the history of the Seneca, especially the Allegany Seneca, from the seventeenth through the mid-nineteenth centuries. The role of the Iroquois in the American Revolution and other wars of the eighteenth century is discussed. Special emphasis is placed on the aftermath of these wars, the land grants and setting up of reservations leading to the decline of the League and the subsequent rise of the prophet, Handsome Lake. Under the guidance of Handsome Lake's revelations and moral code, the Iroquois achieved a cultural revitalization that has enabled them to maintain their ethnic identity.

Wedel, Waldo R.1936 An Introduction to Pawnee Archaeology. Bureau of American

Ethnology Bulletin 112, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington.

Pawnee NQ19. Field Date: 1930. Skidi (Skiri), Chawi, and Kitkahahki bands; northern Kansas and Nebraska, protohistoric period.

This monograph, written by an archaeologist, is a study of Pawnee archaeology and culture history based primarily on artifacts in the Hill Collection at the Hastings Museum in Nebraska that were excavated from the thirteen archaeological sites described here in detail, and from the journals and records of early explorers and adventurers to the region. Although new archaeological fieldwork makes the archaeological data described in this monograph outdated, the historical information and analysis of material culture make this document a useful addition to an understanding of the Pawnee. The monograph is divided into four major parts, the first of which is introductory, the second, dealing in detail with the historical background of the Pawnee, the third with Pawnee archaeology as viewed through the various bits of evidence obtained from the excavation of prehistoric, and early historic sites, and the fourth, the material culture of the early Pawnees as derived from a study of the artifacts themselves. Pages 94-102 contain a summary of all data presented in the monograph.

Weltfish,Gene1965 The Lost Universe with a Closing Chapter on 'The Universe Regained'.

Basic Books, New York.

Pawnee NQ19. Field Date: 1928-1936, 1954. Skidi (Skiri), Chawi, Kitkahahki, and Pitahawirata bands; Pawnee, Oklahoma, late 1800s - early 1900s.

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This work, the product of a number of years of research among the Pawnee of Oklahoma, is a sensitive and illuminating portrayal of the Pawnee as they existed in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The information presented is based on memory ethnography provided by Weltfish's informant, Mark Evarts. Evarts was a Pawnee of the Skidi band who experienced reservation life during the period of 1861-1875. Weltfish authenticated this information with ethnographic documents and data that he collected during his fieldwork. The first part of the monograph provides background on Pawnee history and culture, followed by a series of brief chapters reconstructing the daily and seasonal round of life of a group of Pawnee in Nebraska during the year 1867. The book concludes with a section of end notes, a lengthy bibliography, and an index.

West, Patsy1998 The Enduring Seminoles: From Alligator Wrestling to Ecotourism.

University Press of Florida, Gainesville.

Seminole NN16. No Field Date. southern Florida, 1800-1930s.

Early in the twentieth century the Florida Seminoles struggled to survive in an environment altered to great extent by the drainage of the Everglades and a dwindling demand for hides, previously used as a principal item in trade. In this book West describes how the Seminoles turned to tourism as a major factor in their economy, using their own culture as a marketable commodity. The reticent I:laponathli (Mikasuki speaking Seminoles), first developed the tourist trade with the greatest success, but by the 1930s nearly all of Florida's Seminole population was engaged in the business. The Seminoles participated in fairs and expositions in Chicago, New York, and Canada and established large commercial villages in Miami and Ocala in which they sold their craft products to the tourists, wrestled alligators, and opened their palm-frond CHICKEES (dwellings) to the public. Although this exhibition economy was condemned by the government, it did provide income for the Seminole families and established a lasting cultural identity for the people (book jacket).

Wissler, Clark1913 Societies and Dance Associations of the Blackfoot Indians.

Anthropological Papers 11(4). American Museum of Natural History, New York.

Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: 1903-1912. Montana, Alberta.

This monograph written by Wissler on the basis of his own field notes and information supplied by D.C. Duvall and James Eagle-child, is a descriptive study of the age-graded men's societies, women's societies, religious cults, and dance associations of the three Blackfoot subdivisions. The three ceremonies, paraphernalia, dances and songs, and special behavior of the members of these societies are minutely described, as are the procedures for transferal of membership from one society to another. However, little information is included on the function and integration of these groups in Blackfoot society as a whole.

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Zeisberger, David1910 David Zeisberger's History of Northern American Indians. Fred J.

Heer, Columbus.

This paper by a Moravian missionary deals generally with the North American Indians, although most of the specific references are to the Delaware. The author describes the country of the Delaware and its flora and fauna, and gives accounts of their religion, economic life, social organization, etc., based upon observations extending over a period of years. The source is often not specific as to which tribe or tribes the author is referring.

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