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London Probation

The Diversity Awareness and Prejudice Pack. DAPP.

A toolkit for work with offending behaviour prejudice and hate.

ERVICEN

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Effect of Race and Hate Offending on the Wider Community

'The government recognises that racist crime does not simply injure the victim and their property, it affects the whole family and it erodes the standards of decency of the wider community. Trust and understanding built up over many years between communities can be eroded by the climate of fear and anxiety which can surround a racist incident'

Crime & Disorder Act 1998

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The manual was written by Liz Dixon, with help from Angela Brown, Linda James, and David Court. The materials

Tim Pagan initiated the development of the Hate Crime Offenders Programme which has been supported by the London Probation diversity team throughout.

The Greenwich Racially Motivated Offender Project (GRMOP) has piloted the materials and exercises, providing useful affirmation of their relevance and effectiveness. London prisons have also used the materials in a one to one capacity and also when working with groups of inmates.

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Acknow

ledgments

Page

2 – 4 Introduction to the Diversity Awareness & Prejudice Pack.

5 - 35 Handbook: Context of work, underpinning knowledge, overview of the toolkit, model of change & practice skills

36- 38 Oultine of Modules

38 – 48 Module 1

48 – 60 Exercises for Module 1

61 – 81 Module 2

82– 95 Exercises for Module 2

96 – 107 Module 3


116 – 131 Module 4


145 – 162 Module 5


170 – 206 Module 6

207– 213 Module 7

214 – 234 Appendices

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Contents P

age

London Probation One to One Programme for working with hate and racially motivated offending

Acknowledgments

As Chief Officer of London Probation, and on behalf of the London Probation Boar e are pleased to endorse the material and ethos of this manual. The programme has been created by working with racist and hate motivated offenders, both in the community and prisons. It forms a valuable and effective resource, which provides the basis of best practice for when faced with offenders who display racist or hate motivated attitudes.

In Probation we have built up considerable expertise in working with race and hate offending. We appreciate these crimes are targeted crimes that affect the community as well as the victim. It is the duty of the statutory services to engage with and help change attitudes associated with this type of offending if we are to:

1. Increase public safety2. Increase the confidence of visible minorities (often targeted

because they are seen as different) in the Criminal Justice Agencies

3. Eradicate racism and crimes of indiscriminate hate4. Contribute to creating a just and fair society in which we all

can live.

The Hate Crime Offenders Programme is designed to be flexible, not rigid. Staff who have gained an understanding of the programme will be able to apply the concepts and modify the examples as the situation dictates. The manual offers practical ways in which to identify attitudes that can prevent offending, to challenge people to change before they commit the offence.

We are sure you’ll find this manual a very important and valuable resource.

David Scott Chief Officer, London Probation Chair,

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DAPP– Working with Hate Crime. A toolkit to assist in assessment and interventions

The Diversity Awareness and Prejudice Pack (DAPP) was initially designed and piloted in 2001 for use with offenders convicted of racially aggravated offences. This was a reflection of and response to The Crime and Disorder Act 1998 (Sections 28-32) which set out specific legislation to address racist violence and harassment.

The DAPP initially focused on race hate crime perpetrators but it has been adapted to match the demands of the Criminal Justice Act 2003 which extended enhances sentencing to include religiously aggravated, disability related and homophobic crime. It has also been adjusted to meet the challenges of diverse cities and communities where offenders describe a variety of reasons to rationalise their conduct. These range from perceived slight to misplaced anger, envy, ignorance, suspicion, hatred and retaliation. These reactions are frequently linked to deeply entrenched prejudices regarding their perception of the identity and group associations of their victims.

The term “Hate Crime” is used to describe offences which are motivated by racial/religious or homophobic hostility towards the victim. In practice it is more common to interview offenders who have been convicted of offences where this hostility is more an aggravating and additional factor within the offence rather than the sole reason for the crime.

To allow for brevity the term used throughout is “racial” as this is the most frequently convicted hate crime but it is also, in the context of this briefing, to include religious and homophobic aggravated crime. (Crimes against disabled victims are chronically under-reported and this is reflected in the lack of convictions.)

Challenging prejudicial attitudes effectively is a skilled task and the DAPP has been designed as a comprehensive tool kit to assist in the ‘end to end’ offender management or perpetrators. The intervention materials can be used at all stages of intervention. DAPP is both an assessment and intervention tool. The materials are also used to guide offender managers in making decisions about sentence planning in prisons and conditions of supervision on license.

The prejudice and animosity underlying offender motivation are not constant features in hate offenders. The prejudice may only be visible or apparent during specific times and the offender is often unconscious of them. This prejudice is often triggered during times of stress or in specific environments. However this makes the task of assessment that much more difficult as the prejudice may remain hidden. One ways to think about it is that it is an emotionally charged ‘hot’ offence and practitioners attempt to assess it in a dispassionate ‘cold’ office environment.

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Multiagency consultation and assessment is of paramount importance in identifying the risk of harm and risk of reoffending posed by the offender, especially as hate crime offenders are frequently known to housing providers as anti-social tenants.

DAPP can vary in length depending on whether it is being used for assessment, as a supplement to other interventions or as the core intervention for high risk offenders. The initial five sessions of the DAPP will assist in determining the level and length of intervention required. We do not adopt a direct confrontation or sledgehammer approach which can be counterproductive, especially where the risk of repeat offending is relatively low. This assessment also educates the offender with regard to appropriate behaviour if they are required to attend other interventions e.g. Think First groups, Aggression replacement training.

Risk Assessment…. Racial motivation is not always apparent at the outset; furthermore it may be unclear whether the prejudice (or specific animosity to victim’s perceived identity) is peripheral or central. By utilising the ‘Client Questionnaire’ assessment tool in the Hate Crimes PSR interviewing guide we are better able to advise the court as to the level of risk posed. We recommend a second interview, which can be very brief, as completion of the ‘homework’ can be viewed as a willingness to engage with worker. A non DAPP intervention may be indicated where the offender takes full responsibility as well as displaying remorse for their offending and is assessed as low risk of harm or repeat offending. This would be dependent on confirmation from other Crime and Disorder Reduction Partnership agencies that there is no other history of anti-social behaviour. Sentence proposals may take the form of Unpaid Work benefiting the community offended against and / or a financial penalty. Risk reduction/Risk Management. A brief DAPP intervention is usually proposed for cases where the offence appears to be racially aggravated rather than motivated. These are often generalist offenders who have a range of other criminogenic needs. Their prejudices are an issue but not the prime issue prompting the offence. This assessment also educates the offender with regard to appropriate behaviour if they are required to attend other interventions, for example, Anger Replacement Training or an Alcohol Treatment Requirement. The objective is to encourage the offender to develop a more positive sense of their own cultural identity and to learn more about the potential impact of their prejudices on other members of the offending behaviour group.

DAPP as a core intervention. This is particularly designed for the high risk of harm offenders, where the prejudices and outsider group hostility is the motivating factor for their offence. Extensive one to one work using DAPP material would be indicated here. The entrenched nature of the beliefs of these offenders means they are usually unsuitable for programmes. DAPP work may be started in prison in conjunction with the prison service’s Race Equality Action Group who are developing strategies and policies to identify and also monitor hate crime offenders’ behaviours

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in custody. This information can then be shared with field staff and integrated into risk assessments prior to release. Both prior to and after release monitoring behaviour and enforcing licence conditions can be facilitated via existing Multi Agency Public Protection Arrangements.

We recommend that staff use ‘The Client Questionnaire’ as a preliminary exercise to assess the individual overall attitude and give you some insight to their level of prejudice. The purpose is to assess more about the risk posed to specific communities and their motivation to engage with supervision.It helps

Facilitate dialogue to begin to assess the extent of offenders prejudice and their attitude to the offence - this in turns informs intervention.

When used as a homework task the client questionnaire helps assess motivation to engage with supervision.

Resistant offenders

The final group of offenders identified through assessment are those who are resistant to any intervention aimed at challenging their beliefs or behaviours. As this group are at the highest risk or re-offending in a similar manner this identification provides the invaluable function of making these individuals visible and thereby allowing measures for monitoring their behaviours to be put into place.

DAPP explores with the offender (using interactive exercises, visual aids, videos, as well as homework tasks) the:-

Socialisation process from childhood Personal identity, offending attitudes, beliefs and values Thinking skills to avoid offending How prejudicial attitudes contribute toward offending Enhancing victim empathy Targeted violence Strategies to avoid relapse in offending and mange prejudices

more constructively

Liz A [email protected]@london.probation.gsi.gov.uk

Training is recommended prior to intervention and both Liz Dixon and David are available for individual case consultation. (See contact details below)

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mailto:[email protected]


Overall Context and Underpinning Knowledge.

This section of toolkit Provides the underpinning knowledge and context to hate offending Helps staff understand why multi-disciplinary protocols are crucial to

effective intervention with this work. Provides guidance in the actual use of the materials. Provides some guidance in the management of the dialogue involved

in interventions.

ContextThere has been a dramatic increase in the public's awareness of racially motivated crime, following the death of the black teenager Stephen Lawrence in 1993, and the campaign to enquire into the circumstances surrounding the Metropolitan Police Force's handling of the case.

The subsequent publication of the 'MacPherson Report of the Inquiry into the death of Stephen Lawrence' has served as a watershed in criminal justice policy and practice.

The campaign attracted a high media profile, and for the first time there was an acknowledgement of institutional racism in the police force. The spotlight fell on issues around the recording and reporting of racist offences. It became clear that in the past victims have been reluctant to report racist crimes because of a lack of confidence in the police's ability to protect them, or in their ability to comprehend the real danger victims experienced when they did report the crimes (1).

The MacPherson report recommended that all national services, including education, housing, and health services, address racism with a view to raising awareness in the wider community, about the effects of racist attitudes. Criminal justice agencies are now scrutinising their own policies and practice, relating to racist and racially motivated crime. Probation staff likewise, had not addressed this type of offending behaviour in a comprehensive manner in the past (2).

The Probation Thematic Inspection on Race (2000/2004) highlighted the commented on the widespread lack of expertise with regards to work with racially motivated offending and strategic approach. A third inspection report ‘ I’m not racist but..2004, an evaluation of work with racially motivated offending in seven probation areas confirmed these as ongoing issues. The report found that that quality of assessment was insufficient in many cases. In addition to this the report said

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‘the lack of meaningful engagement with many RMOs was a concern because the failure to confront and engage with these offenders does not present a pro social message about the role of the NPS and its responsibility to promote social justice in the communities that it serves.’

The Crime and Disorder Act 1998, has helped highlight instances where criminal behaviour is racially motivated by creating a specific offence of racially aggravated crime. The fact that reporting of racist incidents rose by 107% in the year from 1999-2000 (3), is one indicator of a new confidence among victims that the relevant criminal justice agencies are now willing to tackle these offences. More recent legislation has extended the remit to embrace other forms of hate offending, recognising faith based, sexual orientation and disability.

Criminal justice and probation staff have a crucial role to play in a criminal justice system that is serious about tackling racially motivated crime, as they are in the best position to work with the perpetrators towards rehabilitation, thereby protecting the public. The Rowntree Foundation sponsored Research (4,) which looked at the response of agencies to the Crime and Disorder dill, by conducting interviews around the country. There are some promising examples of innovative and effective projects. The absence of probation initiatives was, however, noticeable in that research.

“What becomes apparent is the pressing need for perpetrator programmes to be established, to divert offenders away from sanctions which often fail to tackle the root causes of the problem, namely offenders' attitudes.” (Lemos V Crane 2000)

London Probation is committed to this work at many different levels. It has invested in widespread training events to support and guide staff in the various tasks and responsibilities relating to this type of offending. What has also become clear as a result of the establishment of the Police Community Safety Units, is the need for effective partnerships with local agencies to increase knowledge about perpetrators, and thus contribute to current practice. As a community agency, it is important that the service also instils confidence in victims, which involves working with victim support agencies, advocacy groups and ethnic minority communities in general. The work requires inter-agency co-operation, and practitioners need to familiarise themselves with their Community Safety Units (CSUs), and local practitioner forums in their area.

In many metropolitan areas, Probation Services are represented on multi-agency forums as recommended by the Thematic Inspection

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and the Crime and Disorder Act. The Thematic inspection ‘I’m not racist but..’ (2004) commented that ‘probation areas that had developed strategic links with other community based agencies to address racially motivated crime were in a better position to appreciate the deeper significance of racist crime and to take steps to tackle it. They were also better placed to take advantage of the help and support of these agencies in developing responses to perpetrators than the areas that had less well- developed strategic links.

London Probation was concerned about the lack of specific interventionProgrammes for offenders convicted of this type of offending and decided to develop a one to one programme of intervention. This section of the toolkit collates the underpinning knowledge which will guide practitioners in their interventions. This section:

Highlights current policy and practice initiatives relating to tackling hate based and racist crime in the wider criminal justice arena

Provides basic information about the phenomenon of hate based and racist offending, its prevalence and the different types of offending in which it commonly manifests itself

Examines theoretical perspectives and some of the contributory factors leading to offending

Considers the merits of different methods of intervention within the context of developing effective practice

Raises awareness about practice issues Introduces the model of change used.

We reiterate that this is a toolkit and is used as a case management. The materials can be used to help offenders access and progress onto mainstream accredited programmes including Priestly one to one programme (not currently available to all areas.)

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Community Safety Units and Racial Incident PanelsThe Crime and Disorder Act 1998 placed a legal duty on local authorities to work in partnership with other relevant agencies, including Probation Services, to develop community safety strategies. Inter-agency work serves to secure greater safety for the victims, and informs practice across the whole criminal justice spectrum. As long ago as the late 1980s, The Racial Attacks Group (RAG) recommended the formation of multi-agency panels in the wake of urban unrest and a rising awareness of the effect of racist crimes. Specific recommendations to Probation Services were made in 1996. RAG collated detailed examples of racist crime and incidents, and we have, as a result, learned a great deal by listening to the experience of victims. Such initiatives have helped to highlight the damaging, deep-rooted and highly specific nature of this form of offending (6).

Following the lead from the National Racial and Violent Crime Unit, the local Community Safety Units (CSUs) have set up protocols to assist in the surveillance of racist and hate motivated offenders. This is an attempt to improve the chances of successful prosecutions, which still remain low (British Crime Survey 2002). One result of the new strategies is a national database to assist in the tracking of individual perpetrators. The CSUs thus concentrate their energies primarily on what they term prominent nominals (those known to be committing offences and currently under surveillance), whilst also attending to developing nominals (other potential perpetrators). They link with relevant agencies to increase their intelligence information about these specific offenders. The police have been trying to improve links with agencies in the community so that they can learn more about offenders and victims which will, in turn, assist them to identify potential offenders.

Examples of good practice emerging from community groups and local authorities are outlined in Lemos and Crane's report (2000). The MacPherson report likewise emphasised the importance of liaising with local community groups. Racial Incidents Panels in Greenwich and Hammersmith and Fulham are examples of innovative inter-agency work.

The Hammersmith Racial Incident Panel was set up by the local authority to provide a multi-agency approach complaints of racial harassment. The co-ordinator of the panel invites representatives from the police, victim support, housing associations, education, social services, and probation, to sit on the panel to discuss specific referrals and plan initiatives and responses. The agencies themselves make the referrals to the panel, which has planned meetings once every six weeks. Such forums appear to improve the confidence of victims who have had poor experiences of the criminal

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justice system (CJS) when they have reported racial harassment and assaults in the past. The victims' experience is validated and they are kept informed of developments. The panels appear to be an effective way forward and other London boroughs have established similar systems based on this model. (See Lemos and Crane website: www.raceactionnet.co.uk for information on other projects.)

The London Metropolitan Race Hate Forum is another good model (www.mpa.gov.uk) – the annual report highlights examples of good multiagency models. The recently published ‘Race for Justice Report’ testifies to the significant progress that has been made in the prosecution of race hate crime and recommends multiagency training to improve current initiatives.

Prevalence and Impact of Racist and Racially Motivated OffendingGiven ongoing difficulties around reporting and recording racial incidents, we cannot speak confidently about the prevalence of this or other types of hate based offending. The issue of under reporting is ongoing. The Home Office has established a code of practice on reporting and recording racist incidents in response to recommendation 15 of the McPherson report. This has resulted in the Best Value initiative, which aims to make it easier to record incidents and reduce the vulnerability experienced by victims, who often report feelings of shame and stigma (7). Moreover, reporting incidents can leave them vulnerable to further attack. Repeat victimisation is a characteristic of race and hate motivated offending, which also influences victims' reluctance to report offences (8).

The recent research into the victims of hate crime (Victim Support Agency ‘Crime and Prejudice’ June 2006) found that ‘The experience of hate crime can be life changing. Being targeted for who you are sets hate crime and its effects apart from other crimes. Hate crime can have a deep impact on the victims culture identity and self esteem (9). The research found that hate crime victims suffered major damage to the quality of their life, including loss of their home or business due to arson and vandalism, and deterioration to their emotional well being. Some abandoned life outside due to their fear of harassment and became prisoners in their own homes.’ (ibid.)

Ben Bowling's work on violent racism explains the dynamics of racially motivated offending, and the inherent problems in using current police statistics to monitor the incidence of such behaviour. He points out that there is normally a pattern of offending behaviour, which is not reflected in the recording of individual

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http://www.mpa.gov.uk/


offences. What Bowling is able to convey in his work is the sense of persistent harassment or assault having a cumulative effect on the victim. (This can never really be conveyed when prosecuting a single incident.10). There are certain similarities with the prosecution of domestic violence; for example, we are now aware that women are likely to have experienced many assaults before they report an assault to the police (11).

It would seem that victims of racial violence will only report incidents when they feel they have no other option (12.) Bowling talks about the process of victimisation, which involves "social actors" who have a dynamic relationship to each other. He says that the way that communities respond to racial abuse is crucial to understanding the process of victimisation. That is, if they downplay and minimise the criminal incident or collude with the behaviour, then this is evidence of an acceptance of racist offending. It is an example of resistance to seeing this as criminal behaviour. The nature of the state's response to these incidents is crucial and completes the understanding of the victimisation process. Individual victims become doubly victimised if the state takes no action.

One specific characteristic of hate crime is that the victims are not restricted to those involved in the incident (13). Other members of the targeted community will feel unsafe once they know that an offender in their community is harbouring such views and targeting victims. They feel vulnerable as prospective targets and this restricts their liberty.

The British Crime Survey estimated that the numbers of racially motivated incidents in 2002 -2003 was 206,000. In the same year 35, 000 incidents were reported as crimes. Only 2,500 offenders were cautioned or convicted by the courts. While the numbers if people with sufficient confidence in the criminal justice agencies to report matters is increasing, there is still a long way to go in gaining confidence of victims ( Race for Justice Report 2006)

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Racially Aggravated and Motivated Offending. Gill and Marshall (14) speak of 'covert' offending and 'overt' offending. Theysuggest that the vast majority of offending is 'covert'. Thus perpetrators of racist and hate motivated offending do not necessarily have recorded convictions for aggravated offences, but further analysis reveals racist and / or hate attitudes, which almost certainly influence or lead to their offending. There is a growing recognition that much racist offending is covert and probation staff can uncover racial motivation when writing court reports or supervising offenders. We would encourage staff to use this programme with such offenders. Wade's research (15) highlights the links between racism and offending:

"Offending histories can be re-examined, emphasising connections between internalised assumptions about black people and offending behaviour. During this process it is necessary to work with recorded and unrecorded offences" (16).

Wade also discusses probation officers' lack of confidence in their competence to address racist offending, a theme echoed in the recent Home Office Thematic Inspection on Race (Home Office, 2000). It is to be hoped that new and comprehensive practice materials such as the ones in this pack, along with relevant training, will help to address such deficits.

The literature also speaks of 'generalist' and 'specialist' offenders. This toolkit is aimed at the generalist offender where racially or hate motivated offending is only part of a general pattern of behaviour.

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However, DAPP is also suitable for some specialist offenders. Specialist offenders act because of extreme attitudes and prejudice and the literature on hate motivated offending is particularly relevant here. The programme has incorporated ideas from Aaron Beck's book "Prisoners of Hate" (17) which looks at how prejudice, stereotyping and cognitive distortions all contribute to hate crime.

Racist attitudes and racist offending are widespread and are not confined to particular groups in our communities. Rae Sibbitt's research (18) in East London demonstrates that offenders are often enacting and repeating views held by both young and old people in the wider community. Sibbitt's research is recommended reading to criminal justice staff who want to have a fuller picture of the extent and nature of the problem. The annual government report of the Racial Attack Group (RAG) set up over a decade ago encourages practitioners to inform themselves about the brutality and persistence of this type of hate based offending (19).

Routes of RacismRoger Hewitt carried out research on adolescent racism in Greenwich, the borough where Stephen Lawrence was murdered. Hewitt's research demonstrates how the anti-racist message taught in schools in Greenwich in the 1980s and 1990s was effective in encouraging white children not to use racist abuse in school. It seems however, to have failed in challenging the young people's actual thinking as racist cultures still persist among the youth exposed to the anti-racist educational programmes (20).

Hewitt summarised the wider factors that led to the perpetuation of racist assaults as:

Entrenched local racism Local social and economic deprivation Passive engagement in leisure activities Few affordable youth facilities High levels of adult criminality linked with wider criminal

networks A violent youth subculture.

Hewitt noted the resentment white young people expressed regarding their lack of encouragement to develop a positive identity based on their own culture. This in turn had an impact in the

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formation of negative subcultures. Many feel that Cohen's work on the formation of subcultures affords us some understanding of the processes. If the CJS is to succeed in creating and sustaining change, it is vital that we encourage offenders to change the way they think and to develop a positive cultural identity themselves. This is an ambitious task and cannot be achieved by relying solely on one to one interventions. The London Probation programme encourages offender to carry out homework tasks such as visiting local cultural community projects. This may serve to reinforce the messages offenders are receiving in supervision and through cognitive behaviourally based community interventions. They will also be encouraged to view videos and TV programmes, which explore and demystify differing racial and cultural identities.

It is also vital that we work on other underlying factors that cause offenders to feel disaffected and act in anti-social ways.

Possible MotivationsRacial harassment and homophobia, leading to racist and hate crime offending among communities, persists for a variety of reasons and we list some of motivations below.

Scapegoat - offenders who are looking for a scapegoat for their own failures. The offending serves as a release of frustration when individuals fail to achieve certain goals. This can take the form of aggression and anger which is then channelled against a scapegoat rather than the real cause of the problem. Black people and minority groups who appear different can become easy scapegoats because of their visibility and because hate based attitudes have been perpetuated against them. Resentment. For many white young people there may be some resentment that black people have a clear idea about their own culture and may be gaining high levels of academic achievement or are doing well. This has been called 'resentment towards

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cultures of strength' (21). In these instances, the issue of peer pressure is also relevant - offences are often carried out by gangs of young people who are disaffected generally. The group element plays an important factor in this form of offending.

Reinforcement of identity - linked to the last point, this may be achieved through a tendency to exaggerate attributes in one's own race and to present one’s own race as superior to other cultures where characteristics are stereotyped and portrayed as inferior (22).

Racism is endemic - racial harassment may be a logical expression of underlying racism in society at large. The wider community does not always condemn it (23). Victims are seen as an easy and acceptable target and frequently attacked in their own neighbourhoods. We can see how this also applies to other forms of hate crime specifically homophobic offending.

The authoritarian personality - some people have a specific "personality type" which includes being hostile to any one who is not like themselves. These individuals are not ashamed of their racist beliefs. Upon examination they are often 'anti-everyone (24).

Economic convenience - perpetrators classically blame black and Asian people; scapegoat them for their (the perpetrator’s) lack of employment (25).

Global forces and economic oppression - these can result in groups of asylum seekers coming to this country and can inspire racial hatred, which is often fuelled by the press and right wing groups. New migrant groups can also bring with them racist and hate based attitudes fostered from experiences in their countries of origin or born out of anger and hatred towards oppression. Lemos and Crane recorded a significant increase in cases reported to the police in 1999 to 2000, but several respondents to their research felt that under-reporting was still a significant problem for some groups such as refugees (26).

Geography and location - Emerging research e.g.Larry Ray 2002, D.Court 2003, (27) suggests that racist offending and hate crime targets specific groups in a community. Gerrard Lemos has spoken of a 'moving target' (Lemos and Crane 2002). What this means is that the object of hate changes with demographic shifts in communities. It is important that practitioners give some thought to whom offenders target and why when they engage in modules which focuses on developing victim awareness (modules 4 and 6).

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Assessment: Typologies of Racist OffendersStaff need to make sure that they have carried out thorough risk assessments on those convicted of hate motivated offences so as to ascertain the viability of offering supervision in the community. It is important that full assessments are made using OASys (London Probation’s Offender Assessment System) as and other front-loaded assessment tools designed to help identify the underlying reasons for an offenders behaviour, before full supervision plans are drawn up. Probation staff should familiarise themselves with the various typologies of racially motivated offenders. Furthermore, they may

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need to think about those on their caseload that may be perpetrators and/or potential perpetrators and where their offending may be covert.

We have found a typology from the Juvenile Justice Department USA particularly useful as it resonates with our practice experience. The McDevitt Typology identifies four groups (28).

The thrill seekersOffenders who are attracted to the offending because of the thrill/buzz it provides. They are influenced by a wider peer group and will tag along, often getting drawn into violence without any regard to victim. In Greenwich this is clearly demonstrated by an adolescent group who enjoy and act up to the media notoriety of the area, most of the group are known to the Youth Offending Team and Housing Department for varied offending and anti-social activities. We may consider that their activities are territorial rather that racist.

The reactive offendersUsually older, frequently with few prior convictions, these offenders will have a sense of grievance and say that they are acting to protect a perceived threat to their way of life. They have a sense of "due entitlement" and look upon any service provision to black people or newcomers (asylum seekers/immigrants) as preferential treatment. Offences frequently occur when alcohol is a disinhibitor and victims can be minority ethnic neighbours, shop staff, local authority workers and police. In Greenwich Asian and black police officers are frequently racially abused when dealing with alcohol-related public order incidents.

The mission seekersThose whose offending is premeditated and targeted. Often inspired by a "higher order" and may have mental health problems e.g. David Copeland the nail bomber. We would also include "politically motivated offenders", e.g. BNP and NF activists.

The retaliatory offender. Those who experience prejudice and hate and retaliate by 'turning the tables' These offenders are motivated or triggered by their own experiences of hate. The way we work with this form of offending will necessitate taking on board these experiences. The victims’ experience may be just as damaging as with other groups. We may need to raise consciousness about the targeted nature of offending. These offenders are usually from minority ethnic groups.

These categories do not automatically dictate or reflect the level of risk, although the mission seekers, whilst relatively rare, present the greatest potential danger. In the first two categories, offenders frequently do not proceed beyond verbal abuse, but in certain circumstances the victim or target could be killed. Equally

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thrill seekers’ bigoted attitudes could become increasingly entrenched and lead into mission-seeking activities.

The evidence to date suggests that the programme may be suitable for all types of offenders. Rae Sibbitt has developed another typology, which looks at the individuals’ age and status in the community. She suggests that there are perpetrator communities and it is the communities that inform the opinions and attitudes of offenders that come to the notice of CJS staff. Hazel Kemshall's classification of dangerous offenders is also useful when considering risk assessment (29).

Stereotypes and Racist Attitudes: Aaron Beck

Beck's ideas are very helpful in understanding offender motivation. Beck suggests that pro-violent attitudes towards black and Asian people and those deemed to be different stem from an archaic belief in the inferiority of other races and of women. This is sometimes reinforced during the early socialisation process and these images and ideas remain powerful. They often emerge when people feel threatened. He says that we are not bound by our personal history or patterns of thinking and we can free ourselves from some of those beliefs, but this requires what he calls ‘effortful thinking’. He suggests that racist attitudes can be successfully challenged in most individuals (30).

These attitudes are perpetuated by allegiance to a wider cultural group experience. He suggests that people often differentiate between 'in groups' and 'out groups' to boost their own confidence and sense of identity. In the UK, black groups are often depersonalised and even demonised as being the cause of current unrest and social deprivation. Beck suggests that individuals who exhibit these attitudes surrender to a 'collective illusion' that needs to be understood in the context of a group.

The camaraderie and cohesiveness gained from being in a group serve to encourage individuals to submerge their own thinking into a collective mentality. Beck gives the example of followers of Adolf Hitler who cheered everything he said not because of the content of what he said but because of what he was and how he gave them a sense of identity. He suggests that ‘groupthink’ can result in irrational dehumanising actions directed against the opposition. “With the example of the Nazi the object of hate is clearly associated with race, disability people’s orientation and difference of faith. There is an added illusion of invulnerability, which encourages people to commit acts, which they would not engage in if on their own" (31).

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In groups and out groups.

Beck feels that we have a tendency to think in categories, which is the 'prototype' of prejudice. This inevitably leads to over-simplifying and distorting. Groups inevitably attribute positive characteristics to themselves. If something goes wrong, it must be the fault of the 'out group'.Beck suggests that people can be prejudiced and be unconscious of the process of thinking in categories. He quotes research which shows that people find it harder to assign positive words to pictures when the image is of a person of a different racial background to themselves. It is easier to assign positive words to pictures where the image is of a similar racial background.

Beck also observes that individuals can then develop ideas about adversarial groups with negative global evaluations. They do not distinguish between individuals and develop a framework in which the ‘out-group’ is unattractive and malevolent:

"Automatic negative appraisals may be attached to outsiders who are not even in another group - it’s just because they are not in their group." 32

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What are the Dynamic Risk Factors in this type of offending?

The Home Office Accreditation Panel set up a subgroup to focus on developing an accredited programme for those convicted of racially motivated offending in 2001. The subgroup highlighted a number of dynamic risk factors that are associated with racist and racially motivated offending and these are listed below. These risk factors also pertain to other forms of hate offending. The subgroup acknowledged that all offenders do not necessarily possess all the dynamic risk factors. The factors may change as we collate more research and have greater confidence in asserting relevant factors. The dynamic risk factors include:

Poor and problematic moral reasoning - offenders' value base needs challenging. Offenders tend to dehumanise their victims and so justify their anti-social behaviour.

Existence of cognitive deficits - For example, not being able to differentiate between fact and myth, offenders exhibit rigid thinking. They absorb racist or prejudicial myths without questioning them.

Distorted victim perspective - Offenders are often in denial when it comes to accepting the consequences of their actions. They fail to accept or acknowledge the realities of victims' experience and minimise their actions.

There is a predisposition to resort to violence as a means of conflict resolution - Many of the offences associated with this type of offending involve some form of violence. The hate element of their offending is not the sole motivating force.

There is often a conflict of individual's cultural identity - Offenders may have little concept of themselves as white people in Britain today. They may resent the fact that other cultures appear to have a stronger cultural identity.

There is often a perception of territorial invasion - Offenders' feel that the presence of other cultures somehow detracts from their own. Not able to accept the reality of multi-culturalism, they need to address issues of culture, history and race.

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Individuals have a distorted world view (arrested political development) -Offenders express attitudes which demonstrate that they have little knowledge about the world. They are willing to accept the myths passed down. Individuals draw on the social support in perpetrator communities for racist attitudes and narrow stereotypical and offensive attitudes. They relate with ideas of superior and inferior groups/in groups and out groups. The erosion of traditional masculine and feminine identity has had a negative impact on offenders which may need addressing. Aims and Objectives of DAPP

Aims To protect the public. To reduce the risk of harm caused by racial offending and racist

attitudes. To reduce the risk of re-offending.

Specific objectives of DAPP. Reduce the risk of re-offending and protect victims. The

material will confront the offender with the effect of their attitudes on victims and the wider community.

Show offenders how and why their beliefs were formed and how this contributes to their offending behaviour

Enable offenders to develop a secure sense of their own identity, which is not based on defensive reactions.

Challenge offending attitudes to develop new behaviours and attitudes.

Reiterate that racist behaviour is criminal and that persistence in racist views put offenders at risk of further offending and places the public at risk.

Contribute to research/knowledge base.

Case supervisors can choose how much material they need to use and which exercises are most pertinent within each individual module. Practitioners should also refer to partnerships where necessary so as to address related criminogenic needs as effectively as possible.

In most modules there are some "test" exercises at the end of the sessions to help workers assess their skills acquisition. That being said, staff will use professional discretion in the decision about whether to move on to the next module. We would encourage officers to persist with the programme even when there is some denial of bigoted attitudes. Progress can come at any stage in the programme and we cannot expect a change in firmly entrenched behaviours immediately. There is a strong educational empowering/element in the programme, which will run along side the challenging of offending attitudes and behaviours and again we cannot dictate offenders learning process in this regard.

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Overview of the Toolkit . Model of change.

The intervention broadly draws on the ‘What Works’ literature and the ‘desistance’ literature.

Overall the materials aim to reduce the risk of re offending by addressing the individuals distorted thinking, anti social behaviour and prejudice. The materials can be divided into two major components:

Exercises aimed at addressing anti social attitudes & behaviour, with a view to raising victim awareness.

Exercises designed to consider identity issues; to show how prejudices are developed and how they impact on offending behaviours. The materials explore the impact of individuals socialisation process and uses skills to help offenders manage their prejudices to reduce the risk of reoffending.

Model of Change Offenders reflect on their socialisation processes to see how

attitudes are formed. In particular offenders are encouraged to see how critical incidents/events shape attitudes, choices and identities. Offenders are exposed to other perspectives and information to compensate for distortions and cognitive deficits.

Offenders consider how thoughts and feelings affect their behaviours.

The offender will be encouraged to develop a prosocial identity and to become more aware of the victims cultural identity.

The materials focus on thinking, feeling and actions.

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The toolkit also aims to focus on anger management and the impact of prejudice on who offender targets and on the severity of their attacks.

The materials are divided into seven modules:

Module 1.The intervention starts off by exploring the offender’s view of themselves as an offender and as a person. It also looks at general attitudes and identity in general.

Module2. Prochaska J.O. and Diclemente's C.C. "cycle of change" is used to assess and develop their motivation for change. The offender identifies personal learning goals in their statement of intent (33.).

Module 3.The toolkit looks at the links between their thoughts, feelings and identity and works to promote motivation to change.

Module 4 focuses on raising victim awareness developing victim empathy and exploring role of prejudice. Offenders will be encouraged to develop victim empathy by focusing on personal experience of prejudice and partaking in role reversal exercises.

Module 5 looks at the purpose of offending and draws on Finkelhor’s cycle of abuse to explore methods by which offenders give themselves permission to offend. The four preconditions to offending behaviour can be adapted to apply to perpetrators of hate crime.

Module 6 focuses on violence. The module highlights the specific circumstances in which racial violence occurs. This module will also draw on materials from the anger management programme and ideas from Aaron Beck and his work in Prisoners of Hate (34).

DAPP looks at the benefits of change in the final module.

Racial IdentityThroughout the intervention will have to explore and examine his or her racial identity and that of the victim. This will be educational and will also link into issues around offending behaviour and individual risk. The programme will focus on individual perceptions of race using Helm and Atkinson's model of a white identity (35). This will necessitate that they move from a racist identity to a non-racist identity by moving through the various stages. The programme aims to raise awareness about the offender's culture and other cultures.

Where the offender is black or from a minority ethnic culture, the programme aims to assist in developing a positive racial identity

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and in developing strategies to deal with the racism they experience.

Racist ImagesThe programme will also explore racist images and show how they inform offenders’ thinking skills, which in turn inform racist attitudes and aggressive behaviours. We call these phenotypes. The offender will be encouraged to develop strategies and develop techniques to combat their 'automatic thinking' when confronted with these images. It also aims to help offenders resist peer group pressure to join in racist offending.

Hate OffendingThe materials can be adapted to look at targeted offending. The perpetrator will be encouraged to look at their own sexual or religious identity and to see how these views have changed over the years. If they remain rigid and fixed, we will be attempting to raise awareness about the harm that these attitudes can do when they are not managed. We encourage offenders to manage their prejudices in these instances and to be conscious of the fact that they inform their offending behaviours.

Weekly Diary

Caseworkers will find a weekly diary at the back of this booklet. Offenders will be requested to fill this on a regular basis. The purpose of the diary is to:

Help the offender articulate and reflect on their interaction with those from the target groups (e.g. black, Asian, asylum seekers, Muslims, Jews or gay people)

Act as an assessment tool - to ascertain extent of dysfunctional thinking and to get offenders to reflect on how such thoughts are often automatic.

Act as a teaching tool. The diary should facilitate communication. It will be most productive when there is a good and effective working relationship between the offender and criminal justice workers.

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Help evaluate and assess progress and to give relevant feedback to the offender. (Workers can look back through diaries to see how the offender has progressed.)

Enable the offender to introduce their own material thus enabling greater ownership of the process of change.

The individual might need assistance in completing the diary because of a lack of confidence, or due to literacy issues (it may be that you fill the diaries in for them). Officers are not required to do a diary on every occasion.

Statement of Intent.

This is an action plan which will set out their goals. These are recorded and monitored over the coming weeks. The problematic behaviour probably affects/influences other areas of the person’s life, and the statement of intent is a tool to help the individual set themselves goals and devise tasks to help them achieve those goals. The exercises in DAPP focus on cognitive factors and criminal attitudes and patterns of offending. The statement of intent is about recognising the influence of other criminogenic needs which need to be addressed. Very often we find that offenders need to address alcohol and employment problems and these needs to be incorporated into the programme. “The Offender, must in as far as possible, chose the goals and make a Statement of Intent”.

Use of the following skills and procedures have been reported as being helpful in managing the work:

Working with men and women whose offences are inspired by prejudice and hatred is difficult and complex. Racist attitudes and behaviours are often entrenched and workers have to listen to difficult and distasteful views and beliefs prior to challenging those views. For some workers, the views of some offenders may prove overwhelming. Moreover, dealing with offences that involve race and cultural difference can induce anxiety and apprehension. Some staff worry that they may seem to be colluding when listening to the views of offenders. What is required is an ability to maintain the

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balance of listening and challenging effectively. Staff need to be comfortable with the material and to have confidence in their own ability to challenge and educate. Staff have drawn comparisons to the professional issues around working with sex offenders and perpetrators of domestic violence and many of the skills and issues are transferable to this group of offenders

Supervision - Managers will be encouraged to attend training to assist in the supervision of officers. Good supervision will help the worker stay focused. If the office adopts a pairing system, the worker can use their pair for this task. This can help the worker deal with the after effects of engaging with distasteful material. It can also help to ensure that we are assessing risk on a regular basis. Managers may be required to carry assessment and taking responsibility in maintaining an overview of work in respect to issues of health and safety. Again there are pertinent lessons that we can draw on from sex offender work.

Recording - Caseworkers should keep a copy of the diaries from week to week as they serve as an evaluation tool. Practitioners experienced in this work recommend a detailed written recording of sessions so as to cope with interactions and to help focus on indicators of progress.

Developing a theoretical perspective - Those involved in working with offenders attest to the crucial role of developing a working theory base to help understand the offending. Without a solid understanding of the ideas and processes at work it can be easy to lose your way and become demoralised. Moreover, officers can underestimate the potential for change. The bibliography should guide practitioners towards useful literature, which looks at issues of racial identity and race, and hate crimes.

Use of relationship - On a different note, it is important that workers do not underestimate the importance invested in the use of relationship. Evidence suggests that the relationship between the officer and the offender is of particular relevance in this work as it is in work with offenders generally. Pro-social modelling, and an ability to persist and enable are necessary skills in building a constructive relationship with an offender. Imparting knowledge and changing distorted perceptions by using cognitive exercises is a crucial component of the change dynamic, but fundamentally the relationship that officers build with offenders, will determine success of the intervention. Prejudicial and racist attitudes often emanate from entrenched attitudes and thinking which comes from the core of the individual. The process of change requires challenging that core belief. This is complex and requires something extra of the worker. In this instance, it is the

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strength and effectiveness of the working relationship that will prove as important as the content of the programme.

London Probation staff working in this area are of the opinion that the work may require that we development the work specialist practitioners carry out. We would envisage that those using the programme have access to a consultancy forum to assist them in delivering the programme.

Ground Rules and Safe Boundaries

Staff need to establish some boundaries around language and attitudes. A contract will be drawn up with the offender at the beginning of the programme, and we must listen to the offender’s views in order to assess thinking and offending.

Workers need to make sure that these views are elicited in a managed way where there is a framework and purpose to the session; it may be necessary to hear the offender out before you challenge.

Expressions of racism and prejudice should be checked and questioned. Workers will sometimes not intervene at the time of specific comments for varied reasons. In such instances, the issues can be raised at a subsequent session. The officer needs to be skilled in managing the balance. This is part of the learning process.

If the offender persists in using offensive language then officers may have to refer to London Probation policy for dealing with racism (email: [email protected]).

Issues for Black Staff using this Material

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mailto:[email protected]


In the past London Probation policy has been that black and Asian probation officers should opt in to do this work, i.e. it is their choice and they are not obliged to do the work as part of their contract. Although this no longer applies management accept that the impact of the work is different for white and black staff. There are specific issues around health and safety for black staff that may prevent them from carrying out this work. Black and Asian staff may have been victims of these crimes, but training opportunities will assist them to:

Explore their own feelings about working with racist offenders Consider whether they should opt in for this work or not Explore areas of support and supervision Assist them in developing strategies and skills to challenge

offending behaviour Identify the high potential risk scenarios involved in this work.

Issues for White Staff

In our experience many white staff lack confidence in their competence to change offender’s attitudes. We believe that training opportunities can help practitioners to:

Explore their own attitudes to race and racism Develop strategies to deal with collusion and minimisation Familiarise themselves with useful practice materials Develop their confidence in challenging offenders' views Develop and improve their practice skills and competence Familiarise themselves with London Probation policy.

Staff may find it difficult to work with other forms of hate crime depending on their orientation or religious persuasion.

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References1. Sampson, A and Philips C (1998) "Reducing Repeat Racial

Victimisation on East London Estate" Crime detection and prevention series. Police Research Group.

2. Edwards, R (1999) "Working with racially motivated offenders" Probation Journal 46 (1) pp 37-39. Dixon, L and Okitikpi, T (1999) "Working with racially motivated Offenders’ Practice Issues" Probation Journal pp 157 163.

3. Home Office Statistics. Racial Incidents, MPD Notifiable Crime Only (1998 - 2001)

4. Lemos, G (2000) "Racial Harassment : Action on the Ground" Lemos and Crane. Published by Joseph Rowntree Foundation.

5. Sibbitt, R (1997) "The Perpetrators of Racial Harassment and Racial Violence" Home Office Research Study 176.

6. Neyroud, P (1994) "Multi-agency Approaches to racial harassment. The lessons of implementing the Racial Attacks Group" New Community 18.4

7. Sampson, A and Philips, C (1998). Ibid8. Home Office (Maung, N A Mirlees - Black, C) "1994 Racially

Motivated Crime" Analysis, Research and Planning Unit. Home Office, Paper 2.

9. Victim Support Report, 2006 ‘Crime and Prejudice.

10. Bowling, B (1998) "Violent Racism Victimisation, Policing and Social Context" Oxford. Clarendon Press.

11. Dobash, E and Dobash, R (1992) "Women Violence and Social Change" Routledge London.

12. Chahal K. Julienne L (1999) "We can't all be white". Racist victimisation in the UK. Joseph Rowntreee Foundation.

13. Bowling B (1998) Ibid.14. Gill, A and Marshall, T (1993) "Working with racist offenders:

an anti-racist response" Probation Journal 40 (2).15. Wade, A (1993) "Working with Racism : Racially Motivated

Crime and Probation Practice" Institute of Criminology. Cambridge University.

16. Ibid17. Beck, A (2000) "Prisoners of Hate. The cognitive basis of anger

hostility and violence".18. Sibbit R (1997).19. Home Office (1996) Taking Steps - Multi Agency Responses to

Racial Attack and Harassment”. The Third Report of the International Racial Attacks Group. London Home Office.

20. Hewitt, R (1997) "Routes of Racism. The Manual" Greenwich Council Central Equality Unit and Greenwich Education Service.

21. Gill, A and Marshall, T (1992) "Practical Strategies For Challenging and Confronting Racist Offending." Hereford and Worcester Probation Service.

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22. Nayak, A (1999) "'Pale Warriors' ; Skinhead Culture and the Embodiment of White Masculinities" in "Thinking Identities" Ed. by Brah. A, Hickman, M and MacGahill. M Macmillan Press Ltd.

23. NACRO (1999) "Let's Get It Right Race and Justice 2000".24. Beck, A (2000). Prisoners of hate.25. Ray, L et al (2000) "Understanding Racist Violence" Criminal

Justice Matters. No 42 Winter 2000/2001.26. Lemos, G (2000) Crane "Racial harassment: action in the

ground". Lemos and Crane. Published by Joseph Rowntree Foundation

27. David Court, ‘Direct work with racially motivated offenders.’ 2003 Probation Journal (vol 50.) Larry Ray (ibid)

28. Willems, H(1995) "Right Wing Extremism, Racism or Youth Violence? Explaining Violence against Foreigners in Germany" In New Community 21 (4) 501-523

29. Kemshall, H (1997) "The Dangerous Are Always With Us; Dangerousness and the Role of the Probation Service" in Vista 2 (3) pp 136-153.

30. Beck, A (2000) "Prisoners of Hate. The cognitive basis of anger hostility and violence".


32. Janis, I (1982) "Victims of Groupthink : A Psychological Study and Foreign Policy Decisions and Fiascos" Boston. Houghton Miffin.

33. Miller and Heather (1986) "Towards a comprehensive model of change in Treating Addictive Behaviours; Process of change".


35. Robinson, L (1998) "Race, Communication and the Caring Professions" Open University Press. Buckingham Philadelphia.

36. Jeffers, S (1995) "Black and Ethnic Minority Offenders’ Experience of the Probation Service" University of Bristol.

37. McPherson, M and Wade, A (1992) "Addressing Race Issues In Groupwork" Probation Journal 39 (3) pp 129-132.

38. Dadzie, S (1997) "Blood Sweat and Tears: A report of the Bede Anti Racist Detached Youth Work Project, 1997" National Youth Agency UK.

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Sources

This programme draws on a variety of material and ideas and we list some of our sources below. The black self-development initiatives and day centre groupwork programmes carried out in the late 1980s and 1990s stimulated the development of this work. This in conjunction with the anti-racist training caused white officers to reflect on the work they were doing with white offenders in general and specifically in relation to racist offending. Staff carrying out this work should familiarise themselves with the black self-development material - used in these sessions will inform their practice and assist in developing the underpinning knowledge necessary for working with racially motivated offending.

The programme draws on a range of materials:

1. Material from the Race and Discrimination workshops, formerly the "Being White" and "Being Black" groups at Sherbourne House probation centre, London Probation. Unpublished.

2. Gill and Marshall, 1992. "Practical Strategies for Challenging and Confronting Racist Offending." Hereford and Worcester Probation Service.

3. Theories pertaining to the development of white identities. More specifically the programme aims to assist offenders move from a white racist identity to a non-racist identity.

4. Stella Dadzie, 1997 _ "Race Tracks. A resource pack for working with Racism." London borough of Greenwich.

5. Roger Hewitt, 1992 "Routes of Racism. The Manual" Greenwich Council Central Equality Unit and Greenwich Education Service.

6. Andrew Wade's work published in his Occasional Paper "Working With Racism: Racially Motivated Crime and Probation Practice." University of Cambridge, 1992.

7. Materials developed by Dianne Baderin in her work with racist offenders in Liverpool Unpublished.

8. Kay, J., Gast, L. et al (1999) "From Murmur to Murder (F.M.T.M.) Pack" published by West Midlands Training Consortium in

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collaboration with Midlands Region Association of Chief Officers of Probation.

9. "Targets for change." Nottingham Probation Service. Marshall K. and Weaver, 1993.

10. ILPS Anger management programme. (Steve Delight and Angels Brown.)

11. Black Self-Development Programme (BSDP) Manual - Trevor Sinclair et al, 2000.

Monitoring and Evaluation

This programme is in its developmental stages and the material in the modules and the sequence will be piloted to check for efficacy and relevance. There are test exercises at the end of most modules, which can act as a measure of change. The weekly diaries can also serve as a means of measuring attitudinal change.

Performance indicators of success may include an improved responsivity to programme content, developing personal insight or an increase in victim empathy. It may be that a change in the way offenders act suggests a change in their overall attitude. Offenders may stop using stereotypical language or wearing clothes or badges that might be seen as provocative and offensive.

Staff should complete the attitudinal questionnaires at the beginning and the end of the programme to assist the piloting of the material.

Crimepics 2.

Staff will also use the Statement of Intent to monitor their progress with goal completion. The London Probation research department is evaluating the programme using single case evaluation methods whilst piloting this material. Staff will be expected to complete Crimepics 2 at the start and beginning of the intervention (See appendix 4).

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Below is a list of videos which may be useful during programme.

Oprah Winfrey Videos and the Eye of the Storm. The story of O. (Training department, London Probation). Routes of Racism. Roger Hewitt. The White Tribe. Darcus Howe. Channel 4. Billy Bragg documentary of "Being British". In the Name of the Father. (Birmingham 6). Schindler's List. (Holocaust). The Slave Trade. (Channel 4). First Tuesday. ITV. (Sherbourne House). Malcolm X. Hurricane (Starring Denzel Washington). Remember the Titans. (Football teams which highlight reality of

racial segregation in US). Maphunsulu (The experience of apartheid for a young man in

Johannesburg). American History X (Young white man caught up with neo-nazism

in modern day America). Cry Freedom (Apartheid in South Africa). Do The Right Thing. Jungle Fever. (Spike Lee: experiences from

the inner city in America). The heat of the night. To Kill a Mocking Bird. Mississippi Burning. East is East. The Laramie Project. Rabbit Proof Fence Crash

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Guiding Principles for working with Racially Motivated Offenders

Glossary and DefinitionsThe Commission for Racial Equality website has a number of excellent articles and staff are advised to read these to further their own understanding. RaceActionNet is also an excellent website. www.raceactionnet.co.uk

Anti discriminatory practice (ADP). Lena Domenelli looked at processes in the criminal justice system and distinguished between structural oppression, harassment discrimination and racism. She admonishes agencies to develop practice, which acknowledges these dynamics in an attempt to challenge, and ADP practice refers to these strategies.

Asylum Seeker. A person who has applied to the Home Office for asylum, claiming refugee status under the UN Convention 19511, but whose claim has not yet been determined. Under international law, an asylum seeker has the right to be in the country until their claim to be recognised as a refugee has been decided. Technically, the law considers someone seeking sanctuary on human rights grounds as an asylum seeker.

Attitude.”A mental state of readiness to respond organised through experiences, exerting a directive and dynamic influence upon the individual's response to all objects and situations with which it is related” (Bowling and Phillips, 2002, p36).

Culture. An identity which everyone has, based on a number of factors, such as memories, ethnic identity, family attitudes to child rearing, language, class, religious or other celebrations, family role according to gender and age. Cultures are neither superior nor inferior to each other. They are constantly evolving for individuals and communities.

Discrimination. Discrimination consists of unequal attitudes towards groups or individuals. It is prejudice put into action, which brings about disadvantage of an individual or group. It can be unfavourable and unjustified treatment based on a person's age, sexual preference, race, age, physical ability or any other improper ground. Discrimination can be understood as action, which flows from attitudes, (explored above) and can take a variety of forms - avoidance, insult, harassment, violence, the denial of resources.

Direct Discrimination. Direct discrimination is defined as discrimination one experiences from a particular incident. It is not necessary to demonstrate that someone has been treated more favourably: it is sufficient to establish discrimination if it can be shown that a person would have treated someone from another racial group more favourably in the particular circumstances.

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http://www.raceactionnet.co.uk/


Indirect Discrimination. Indirect discrimination is where a policy or practice discriminates against an individual.

Internalised racism. Barbara Solomon showed how racism can impact on black people. They may internalise negative images about black people and thus develop negative evaluations about themselves. The term ‘internalised racism’ was meant to show how black people are affected psychologically by prejudice and oppression.

"Internalised oppression in the form of racism has been the major means by which black people have been forced to perpetuate and agree to black people's own oppression. Slavery and imperialism placed black people in the role of victims, i.e. powerless and dependent and the object of every form of abuse, invalidation and exploitation. In this hostile environment, it was obviously unsafe for black people to fight back against the perpetrator or openly discharge their feelings of intense anger or distress. In order to survive, physically and psychologically black people adopted certain patterns of behaviour, which reflected the oppression and racism to which black people were subjected." (The Association of Black Officers Internalised Racism Training Pack 1995 - quoted in From Murmur to Murder)

Diversity. "Diversity underpins all our work and is at the heart of what we are and what we do. It goes beyond the legal requirements of the equal opportunity legislation. It is about valuing, respecting and celebrating differences between individuals as well as utilising their talent and experiences and allowing them to contribute their best. We believe this can be done through creating a mutual understanding and learning environment based on inclusion that contributes towards meeting the needs of our diverse staff, offenders victims and communities." (London Probation, 2002)

Ethnic group. An epidemiological definition: a social group characterised by distinctive social and cultural relationships, maintained within the group from generation to generation, a common history and origin, as sense of identification with the group. Members of the group have distinctive features of their way of life, shared experiences and often a common genetic heritage.

Ethnicity. Multi-faceted phenomenon based on physical appearance, subjective identification, cultural and religious affiliation, stereotyping and social exclusion. However, it is not possible to prescribe in advance what the key distinguishing characteristics might be; the component will be different within Britain compared with say Northern Ireland, Belgium, Bosnia, India.

Ethnocentrism. Judging others' behaviour and cultures based upon our own culture as the norm; viewing others through the eyes of our own culture.

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Oppression. Neil Thompson describes oppression in terms of the “inhuman and degrading treatment of individuals or groups often involving the disregarding of right and the denial of citizenship”. (Thompson 1993 p34).

Prejudice. “A readiness to act, stemming from a negative feeling often predicated upon a fixed over-generalised or totally false belief and directed towards groups of individual members of that group.” (Bowling and Philips 2003)

"Prejudice is a preconceived notion or idea based on little or no fact."

Prejudice means pre-judging: making your mind up about something on the basis of inflexible generalisation, which may be wrong, Therefore prejudice is about ideas we hold of others who are different from us and the negative assumptions and prejudgments we might make about them.

Gordon Allport (1953) - prejudice. Allport's was one of the first to comment on how groups have a way of forming in-groups and out-groups in order to make them more secure. Out-groups are often vilified and seen as less human less deserving and less worthy. We all have the capacity to prejudice others.

His book "The nature of prejudice (1953)" identifies five levels of prejudice:

Antilocation - ‘ bad mouthing’ or offensive language. Avoidance. - I'm not working with them. Discrimination - Prejudice and power preventing access. Physical Attack Extermination

Race. A group of persons, animals or plants connected by common descent; house, family tribe or nation regarded as common stock; distinct ethnic stock (as in Caucasian or Mongolian) genus or species or breed or variety of animals or plants, any great division of living creature (human, feathered, four-footed, etc.)

1) Descent kindred (of noble oriental etc, race; separate in language and race.)

2) Classes of person etc. with some common feature (race of poets)3) Race relations between members of different races in same

country race riots

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4) Race suicide; gradual disappearance of a race through voluntary limitation of reproduction.

“Race has no biological foundation - it is a social construction.” Sykes 1982

Hate. Aaron Beck’s Prisoners of Hate 2000 ideas have helped us understand the dynamics of hate crime. He suggests that pro-violent attitudes from white people towards those deemed to be different stem from an archaic belief in the inferiority of other races and women. This is often reinforced during the socialisation process and the images and ideas remain powerful. People call on these images (often unconsciously) when under threat of some sort. Offenders target victims accordingly.

Hate Crime 'This is a crime where the perpetrator's prejudice against any identifiable group of people is a factor in determining who is victimised.' Met Police.

Racism. Lorde (1984) defines racism as "…the belief in the inherent superiority of one race over all others right of dominance."

Stereotype. Bowling and Philip “…a stereotype is a mental image formed from a combination of experience and common cultural perceptions”. They regard this as a normal cognitive process but an influential one owing to the tendency to edit and interpret experience to conform to the preconceived stereotype.

The word was first created in 1922 by a political commentator. He said people create stereotypes to guide our views of people and to interpret behaviour. This is how we prejudge people. He suggested we categorise people to help us manage the amount of information we have to deal with. Some of the categories are rational but on other occasions they are irrational. We erase the unique characteristics of individuals when we stereotype. It is a prevalent human activity developed to deal with the mass of information we access. We need to be mindful of the fact that we may be stereotyping.

Racial Grounds and Racial Group. "Racial grounds" is defined to include colour, race, nationality, ethnicity or national origins. The phrase "on racial grounds" can be interpreted to mean not only the racial group of the applicant, but also another person's race. A "racial group" is a group of persons defined by reference to colour, race, nationality or ethnic or national origins and references to a person's racial group refer to any racial group into which that person falls.

A person may therefore fall into more than one racial group. For example, he or she may be black and Jamaican, white and Canadian

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or black, Ugandan and of Indian origin. For the purpose of the Act, nationality includes citizenship: it would, therefore, be discrimination to treat a British national who is a Belgian citizen less favourably on the grounds of citizenship. National origins for the purposes of the Act can include the distinction between the English, Scots, Welsh and Irish. In the case of BBC Scotland vs. Souster [2001] IRLR 150, the Court of Session confirmed an earlier Employment Appeal Tribunal (EAT) decision that the English and the Scots are separate racial groups by reference to their national origins. The possible combinations of the factors included in the definition of racial group are therefore vast

Definition of racist incident. "A racist incident is any incident which isperceived to be racist by the victim or any other person."

Definition of institutional racism. "The collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture of ethnic origin. It can be seen or detected in the processes attitudes and behaviour which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance thoughtless and racial stereotyping which disadvantage ethnic minority."

Racism is dynamic, adaptive and a tenacious constellations of thoughts, feelings and ideas that lead to actions.

Refugee. In the United Kingdom, a refugee is a person who has been recognised as such by the Home Office and granted the protection of the UK in accordance with the 1951 UN Convention relating to the status of refugees. This group includes people who have been granted Exceptional Leave to Remain (ELR) and Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR). They have permission to work and rights similar to, but not the same as, those of British nationals. Recent legislation has replaced ELR with two other categories – Humanitarian Protection and Discretionary Leave.

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Diversity Awareness & Prejudice Pack Module Outline1) This module focuses on overall assessment of the individual.

Assessment of offending, patterns of behaviour and exploration of cultural identity.

Exploration of offending history Exploration of socialisation process. "How I became me".

2) This module focuses on developing motivation to change and continues to develop sense of positive self identity.

Examination of racial identity; offender learns about identity development.

Exploration of attitudes to offending and examination of thought and beliefs.

Introduction to Motivational Interviewing - assess motivation to change using cycle of change.

Individual sets out own goals in "Statement of Intent" which should concur with criminogenic needs.

3) This module considers relevance of thinking skills in relation to changing offending behaviour. Aims to teach new thinking skills.

Demonstrates how impulsive and rigid thinking will put offender at risk of re-offending. Focus on benefits of developing thinking skills.

4) This module aims to develop victim empathy and looks at impact of prejudicial attitudes:

Looks at effect of prejudice, discrimination and victimisation.

Looks at myths and facts and impact of offending.

5) This module considers the purpose and meaning of offending.

How does it happen? How does offender the commit the offences?

Victim awareness - self as victim. Module confronts offender with thinking that informs their

offending in an attempt to start to break down any denial of victimisation.

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Also looks at purpose of offending and how racist and prejudicial attitudes contribute to that process. Introduces aspects of targeting and shows how offending impacts on specific individuals which then impacts on communities.

6) This module focuses on racial violence and targeted violence.

Offender considers impact of racist literature and restricted images of black people on their own development. This may also link with phenotypes which promote prejudicial thinking.

What triggers violence towards black people and other targeted groups?

What is the purpose of racial and targeted violence - why do people do it?

Offender examines process of neutralisation and justification for violence.

Offender develops anger management skills. Highlights consequences of misdirected anger. Offender learns to recognise the triggers to violence and

develops strategies to manage them. Develops skills to redirect thinking and deal with high-risk

situations. Teaches offender how to recognise and deal with peer group

pressure. Individual develops personal safety plans.

7) This module focuses on positive aspects of change and positive racial and sexual identity.

Advantages of new lifestyle choices. Offender learns how to strengthen resolve to stay in

maintenance by focusing and targets and by considering implications of further offending.

Offenders encouraged to consider positive images of black people and multi-cultureless.

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Documents

London Probation - Lemos&Crane - Home to DAPP.doc · Web viewLondon Probation. The Diversity ... Global forces and economic oppression - these can result in groups of asylum seekers