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Abstract
This paper aimed to critically investigate the opportunities and obstacles faced by
producers in the provision of local food. It was contended that local food supply
networks can positively affect the economy, environment, community health, wellbeing
and cohesion, and national and global food security. The literature review identified a
number of key concepts with respect to the conceptualisation of local food, and barriers
and opportunities faced by local producers. An interpretivist approach was adopted.
Qualitative, semi-structured interviews were used to explore the meaning behind
stakeholder perceptions of local food supply networks; stakeholders were recruited
using maximum variation. Capacity, passion and impetus’ was highlighted as a new
concept with respect to the dynamics of actors and contexts within the sector; this was
inextricably linked to the sustainability of local food in light of its complex, and
temporally and contextually unstable ‘nature’, which was also linked to the barriers
posed by inconsistencies between various market avenues. Collaboration and
networking, and business sense were overarching concepts identified as key
opportunities for local producers. In light of newly emerging concepts, it was contended
that organic growth is fundamental to the progression of the local food sector; education
is integral to this.
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Acknowledgements
With special thanks to Conor Sheehan for his support, guidance and patience
throughout and also to all participants who took the time and effort to participate in the
interviews
I confirm that this dissertation is my own work and no part of it has previously been published elsewhere or submitted as part of any other module assessment
Word count: 21,214
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Table of Contents
List of Figures 8
List of Tables 9
List of Appendices 10
Glossary 11
Chapter 1. Introduction and rationale 12
Chapter 2. The development and sustainability of local food supply networks 14
2.1 Local food supply networks 14
2.1.1 Historical concepts and contemporary conceptualisations 14
2.1.2 The decline of local food 17
2.1.3 Food security and localism 18
2.1.4 Climate changes, biodiversity and the food system 19
2.1.5 Socio-economic impacts 21
2.1.6 Cultural aspects and social cohesion 22
2.1.6.1 Sense of place and cultural embeddedness 22
2.1.6.2 Impact of cultural eating habits on individual food choice…23
2.1.6.3 Working model of local food supply & cultural embeddedness..24
2.2 Barriers to the development and sustainability of local food supply networks...26
2.2.1 UK food culture and the consumer 27
2.2.2 Multinational corporations 29
2.2.2.1 Supplying to the multiples 29
2.2.2.2 Direct retailing amongst the multiples 30
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2.2.3 The role of the government 31
2.2.3.1 Public-sector procurement 31
2.2.3.2 Local food initiatives and funding 32
2.2.3.3 The future role of the government 33
2.3 Opportunities for local food producers 34
2.3.1 The consumer 34
2.3.1.1 Consumer purchasing decisions 34
2.3.1.2 Ethical awareness 35
2.3.1.3 Key strengths of local food 36
2.3.2 Development through mainstream channels 38
2.3.3 Marketing and brand identity 39
2.3.3.1 Specialisation and diversification 39
2.3.3 Collaboration and networking 41
2.3.3.1 Logistical efficiencies 42
2.3.3.2 Investment and support 43
2.3.3.3 Public-sector liaison 45
2.3.3.4 The enabler 46
2.4 Summary 47
Chapter 3. Research Methodology 49
3.1 Introduction 49
3.2 The researcher 50
3.3 Theoretical paradigm: interpretivism 50
3.3.1 Interpretivism and local food networks 51
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3.3.2 Validity in Interpretivist research 53
3.4 Research Strategy 57
3.5 Data Collection 58
3.5.1 The Interview 59
3.5.2 The interview process 60
3.5.3 sample 63
3.5.4 Transcription 66
3.6 Analysis, interpretation and presentation 67
3.7 Access and ethics 70
3.8 Summary 72
Chapter 4. Discussion 73
4.1 Introduction 73
4.2 Clarity of concept 74
4.2.1 The ‘common sense’ of proximity 74
4.2.1.1 Regulatory implications 77
4.2.1.1.1 Transparency 78
4.2.2 The meaning behind local food 80
4.2.2.1 Environment 80
4.2.2.2 Economy 81
4.2.2.3 The community 81
4.2.2.4 Health 83
4.2.2.5 Food security 84
4.3 Collaboration and networking 85
4.3.1 Stakeholder specific-forms of collaboration 85
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4.3.1.1 For-profit businesses 86
4.3.1.2 Council 86
4.3.1.3 Public-sector 88
4.3.1.4 Enablers 89
4.3.1.5 Other producers 91
4.3.2 Advice vs. Interference 92
4.3.3 Understanding, honesty and flexibility 93
4.4 Food culture 94
4.4.1 Collective barriers 95
4.4.2 Contextual and compositional barriers 96
4.4.2.1 Aspiration 97
4.4.2.2 Location and convenience 97
4.4.2.3 Price 98
4.4.3. Ethicism 102
4.5. Business sense 104
4.5.1 Planning and promotion 104
4.5.2 Diversification 105
4.5.3 Specialisation 106
4.6 Local food as a niche product 109
4.7 The nature of the local food sector 111
4.7.1 Complexity 111
4.7.2 Temporal and contextual instability 113
4.7.2.1 Cross-cutting nature 113
4.7.2.2 The initiative 115
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4.7.2.3 Multiple demand 116
4.8 The dynamics of capacity, passion and impetus 116
4.9 Organic growth 119
4.10 The next generation 121
4.11 Summary 122
Chapter 5. Conclusions 123
Chapter 6. Recommendations 126
6.1 Key recommendations 126
6.1.1 Market Avenue 126
6.1.2 Blueprints 127
6.1.3 Business sense 127
6.1.4 Incremental change and education 127
6.1.5 Legislation and CSR 128
6.1.6 Farmer support and cultural development 129
Chapter 7. References 131
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List of figures
Figure 2.1. Various forms associated with local food 16
Figure 2.2.Working model of cultural embeddedness & local food networks 26
Figure 3.1 Methodology structure 49
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List of Tables
Table 2.1: Concrete and value-based characteristics of local food 14
Table 2.2. The decline of local suppliers 17
Table 2.3 Factors affecting environmental sustainability across the food chain…….19
Table 2.4. Factors relating to geographical variation in consumer behaviour/habits..27
Table 2.5 Consumer segments based upon motivational factors for buying ‘local’…..37
Table 2.6. Stakeholder-specific forms of collaboration 41
Table 3.1: Skills needed for valid interpretivist research 53
Table 3.2: Ethical validation criteria 55
Table 3.3: Criteria adhering to substantive validation 56
Table 3.4 Participant categories and their relationship with local food 63
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List of Appendices
Appendix A: Sample transcription i
Appendix B: Informed consent letter xviii
Appendix C: Proposal form xix
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Glossary
CSA Community-supported agriculture
CSR Corporate Social Responsibility
EPOS Electronic Point of Sale
FARMA National Farmers’ Retail and Markets Association
IGD Institute of Grocery Distribution
NEF New Economics Foundation
PFN Protected Food Name
POBA Perceptions, Opinions, Beliefs and Attitudes
SME Small Business Enterprise
RDA Regional Development Agency
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1.0 Introduction
This paper aims to highlight key concepts with respect to the challenges and
opportunities faced by local food producers. While there is substantial debate
concerning the definition of ‘local food’ and its associated benefits, the key motivation
behind this research is driven by the positive effects of the local food sector on the
economy, environment, social cohesion, and cultural health and wellbeing of the
community. It is also deemed particularly appropriate, at a time when transport crises
and environmental disasters have fuelled concern over the sustainability of both
national and global food security. In light of this, the aim and objectives are laid out
below:
Aim
To critically investigate the opportunities and obstacles faced by producers in the
provision of local food
Objectives
To critically review the literature relating to key issues affecting contemporary
practice and the development and sustainability of local food networks
To gain a broad perspective of stakeholder attitudes with respect to pivotal issues
highlighted by the literature review
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To explore the perceptions and attitudes held by key stakeholder groups with regard
to the challenges and opportunities associated with the development and
sustainability of food networks
To reach conclusions as to how food networks might further develop in the future,
and the local and national implications of these developments
The first two objectives are met through a substantial review of the literature
concerning local food networks and the surrounding issues. The third objective is
satisfied through qualitative semi-structured interviews with stakeholders recruited
using maximum variation sampling. An interpretivist approach is adopted in line with
the nature of the research topic. The final objective is achieved through the
development of recommendations based on findings from both primary and secondary
research.
Chapter two highlights historical and contemporary conceptualisations, and key
barriers and opportunities in the provision of local food, satisfying the first two
objectives. Chapter three discusses the choice of methodology with respect to key
literature highlighting criteria integral to the fulfillment of objective three. Chapter four
demonstrates and discusses the findings of the primary research; this chapter fulfils
objective three. Objective four is met through both the primary and secondary research
highlighted in chapters two and four, and is demonstrated in the final chapter entitled
‘recommendations’.
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2.0 The development and sustainability of local food supply networks
2.1 Local food supply networks: introduction
This chapter highlights key issues and considerations integral to the development and
sustainability of local food supply networks. The first section examines the concept of
local food with respect to proximity and potential benefits. The second section
highlights key barriers facing the local food sector with respect to various stakeholders
and the surrounding contexts; this is followed by potential opportunities for local food
producers relating to key stakeholders and strategies.
2.1.1 Historical concepts and contemporary conceptualisations
The term local food is dependent upon both social and cultural variables (Hinrichs,
2003 cited in Seyfang, 2006); it is subjective in nature, and has a number of concrete
and value-based connotations, as laid out in Table 2.1.
Concrete Value-based
Shortened supply chain
Distance – anything from 5 to 50 miles*
County/region
Home-made
Small-scale
Artisanal
High traceability/trust
Superior quality
Fresh
Environmentally sound
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Supportive of the local economy
Culturally embedded
Politically-based
*Although some use the term ‘local’ for produce sourced within the UK
Table 2.1. Perceived concrete and value-based characteristics of the local food supply
chain (taken from: Khan & Prior, 2010; Pearson & Bailey, 2009; Feagan, 2007;
Seyfang, 2006; Stockdale et al, 2003)
Both concrete and value-based criteria are founded upon the antithesis of globalisation,
mass-production, homogeny and individualism. With respect to geographic range, there
is no uniform agreement on what constitutes ‘local’ food (Defra, 2003), however
FARMA (2010) suggest a distance of thirty to fifty miles depending on the urban or
rural nature of the land.
Area production capacity is problematic when defining ‘local’, with respect to
guarantee of supply and meeting consumer demand for choice and variety (Pearson &
Bailey, 2009). Establishing the ‘localness’ of processed food also poses considerable
difficulties with respect to the constituent parts (Pretty, 1998).
‘Local food’ may alternatively be considered through the many forms in which it is
presented. Examples are provided in Figure 2.1; while the list is not exhaustive, and
there is some degree of overlap, it demonstrates the span of the local food arena.
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Figure 2.1. Various forms associated with local food (taken from: Pearson & Bailey,
2009; Keady et al, 2008; Feagan, 2007; Renting, Marsden & Banks, 2003)
It is not the purpose of this paper to establish an objective definition but to consider the
broad range of concepts when exploring the issues surrounding local food supply. In
this paper, a producer is defined as any person responsible for the creation of a product
whether it is from growing, rearing or processing.
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2.1.2 The decline of local food
In recent years, the UK has seen a decline in local food supply, caused by such factors
as the globalisation and industrialisation of the food supply chain. As a result, large-
scale corporations dominate and, in the UK, multiples hold the power (Lang, 2004).
Between 1990 and 1995, there was a loss of around 6000 specialist shops within the
UK (Pretty, 1998); specifics are given in Table 2.2:
Retailers 1990 1995 Change (%)
Butchers 17,044 15,150 -11%
Greengrocers 14,339 12,400 -14%
Bakers 6656 5,500 -17%
Fishmongers 2974 2050 -31%
Total 41,013 35,100 -14.5%
Table 2.2. The decline of local suppliers (reproduced from Pretty, 1998)
This power shift has also left many producers in a vulnerable position, with statistics
from Defra (2008 cited in Pearson & Bailey, 2009) suggesting English farmers are paid
less than 40% of the retail value of a basket of staple food purchases, leaving many
with little motivation to pursue a career in the agricultural sector.
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2.1.3 Food security and local food
Lower numbers of agricultural workers has caused concern over declining food
knowledge and skills, both in the domestic arena and the food production sector, with
implications for UK food security (Defra, 2010; Great Britain Environment for Food
and Rural Affairs Committee, 2009; Defra, 2009). Recent transport crises and
environmental disasters have only served to reinforce such concerns (Davies, 2010),
while issues surrounding climate change and availability of peak oil have also raised
fears over the security of global food supply (Keady et al, 2008).
At present, many contend that large-scale exportations support food security in less
economically and socially developed countries such as Kenya and Bangladesh. This is
a moot point with some evidence demonstrating unethical rates of payment for farmers
in such countries, with only a small percentage of the population yielding the benefits
(Rossett, 2003).
In line with the above, a number of researchers (Keady et al, 2008; Feagan, 2007;
McCullum, 2002; Rosset, 2002) contend that increased self-sufficiency within
countries, and thus a reduction in importations/exportations, may increase sustainability
of community jobs, food supply and ownership of land.
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2.1.4 Climate change, biodiversity and the food system
By reducing the number of large-scale exportations, it is also likely that levels of crop
specialisation will be reduced; a method of production that is responsible for reducing
the biodiversity and health of the surrounding environment (Pretty, 1998). Such
negative environmental effects are found across each ‘chain’ of the food supply system,
with data from F3 (2006) suggesting that for products consumed within Europe, 31% of
global warming is caused by food systems from farm to plate.
Recurring themes in the literature (Coley, Howard & Winters, 2008; Edwards-Jones et
al, 2008) suggest local food may be one avenue for reducing carbon emissions linked to
the supply chain. However, Edwards-Jones et al (2008) suggest it is impossible to
determine whether local food systems emit fewer carbon emissions due to the
variability in characteristics across each stage of the supply chain. Examples are
provided in Table 2.3:
Unit of the supply
chain
Variable Influences
Production Fertiliser used; use of
greenhouses; pesticide use
Type of land & soil;
prevalence of pests and
disease; weather conditions
Distribution Distance covered; mode of Consumer demand;
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transport economic
progression/support; wealth
Manufacturing Preservation methods;
processing technologies;
packaging; waste
Product type; product
quality and pricing; by-
products of processors
Storage Duration and energy
required
Culture; seasonality;
demand for certain
products; type of storage i.e.
refrigeration
Retailing Packaging; waste; cleaning
products;
Culture (i.e. Asia vs. UK)
Catering Packaging; waste; cleaning
products;
Culture (i.e. Asia vs. UK)
Consumption Outlet catchment area Rural vs urban; population
number and demographics
Table 2.3 Factors affecting environmental sustainability across the food chain (Data
taken from Edwards-Jones et al, 2008; Mila a Canals et al, 2007)
It is clear that any attempt to compare environmental sustainability in food production
across localities would be a huge task. One potential avenue would be to assess non-
specific area ‘types’ based on loose categories i.e. rural/urban, socio-demographics, soil
type. One would likely find that both global and local sourcing would hold the
advantage in different situations (Pearson & Bailey, 2009).
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Where local food may benefit is in the reduction of food miles (Pearson & Bailey,
2009; Keady, Williams & Marshall, 2008; Chambers et al, 2007; Feagan, 2007;
Seyfang, 2006; Renting, Marsden & Banks, 2003; Pretty, 1998), which currently incur
over £9 billion per year in environmental, social and economic costs (Smith et al,
2005).
2.1.5 Socio-economic impacts of local food supply networks
Local food is not always the most environmentally sustainable option, but it may
positively affect the wellbeing of the community through a reiterative process of
economic, cultural and social development.
Economically, local businesses bring money back to the community through the local
multiplier effect (Pearson & Bailey, 2009; F3, 2006; Seyfang, 2006). Locally produced
foods can also gain EU PFN status, bringing recognition and income to the locality
(artisan, n.d; Banks & Bristow, 1999 cited in Feagan, 2007).
Increased circulation of money increases job opportunities in a locality and promotes
further development of local businesses, the surrounding countryside and public-sector
services (Pearson & Bailey, 2009; NEF, 2008).
A report by F3 (2006:3) notes that such economic developments can ‘build diverse and
vital communities’. In line with MacIntyre et al’s (2006) stance on the new public
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health, it is argued here that in some instances, such developments are linked to strong
local food supply chains.
In the case of economic growth, this indirectly influences an individual’s access to
affordable, quality produce through increased wealth of the community (Ball, Timperio
& Crawford, 2009; Pearce, Blakely, Witten & Bartie, 2007).
2.1.6 Cultural aspects and social cohesion
Access to quality produce is of no relevance unless there is community demand.
Successful integration of local food supply networks may indirectly create demand by
increasing sense of place within the community; in turn food choice may be influenced
over the long-term through the adaptation of cultural eating habits.
2.1.6.1 Sense of place and cultural embeddedness
Sense of place is referred to here as cultural embeddedness (Feagan, 2007).Cultural
embeddedness is vital for community wellbeing, and is widely documented as
promoting social cohesion, community support and development, political and
economic responsibility, empowerment and enterprise development (Edwards-Jones et
al, 2008; Lacy, 2001 cited in Feagan, 2007; Seyfang, 2006). The more culturally
embedded an individual, the stronger their morals and citizenly responsibilities:
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‘community responsibility for place operates through the mechanism of a collective
social or cultural consciousness in which are embedded as a set of normative values’
(McTaggart, 1993 cited in Feagan, 2007:32)
It is contended that cultural embeddedness is nurtured through resocialisation of food.
However, this depends on the enterprise. For instance, CSA is heavily based on
community involvement (O’Hara & Stagl, 2001 cited in Feagan, 2007), which naturally
enhances cultural embeddedness. An example can be taken from the North American
‘food circle’ as demonstrated by Hendrickson & Heffernan (2002, cited in Feagan,
2007). More direct forms of local food supply such as farm shops and butchers may
also have similar effects, while supply via the supermarket may not exert such benefits.
Further supporting this, Cranbrook (1997, cited in Pretty, 1998) found the presence of
local food supply networks and community interdependence created a ‘dense, social
network’. This provided employment, quality food, care and support for the vulnerable
within the community, opportunities for local advertisements and enhanced the
connection between producers and consumers.
2.1.6.2 Impact of cultural eating habits on individual food choice
If a local food supply network is successfully integrated into the community, a long-
term effect of this is likely to be the development of more healthy eating habits through
implicit education and awareness surrounding seasonal, quality food (Rozin, 2006).
This is extremely important if one considers data from Food Matters (n.d. cited in
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Defra, 2009), which shows increasing daily consumption of fruit and veg would avoid
42,000 premature deaths every year.
Active involvement may also increase individual confidence with respect to food
preparation, and a shift in the general ethos surrounding consumption of local, fresh
and healthy food (Defra, 2003).
With this in mind, cultural eating habits can significantly influence the food choices
made by an individual. This is supported by Gustafsson et al (2009:18) who note that
culture is ‘absorbed, learnt and transmitted from generation to generation’. Rozin
(2006) reinforces this, stating that culture is the predominant influence in human food
choice, affecting not only the food that is eaten, but the role of food in one’s life.
Pliner (1982, cited in Rozin, 2006) notes that ‘mere exposure’ via cultural traditions,
family routines and peer preferences are driving factors in an individual’s food
preferences.
2.1.6.3 A working model of local food supply and cultural embeddedness
Based on the above, a working model of local food supply networks and cultural
embeddedness is put forward. It is contended that local food supply networks
(alongside other variables not relevant to this paper) enhance cultural embeddedness
within the community. This is strengthened through channels such as education,
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support organisations, peer and family influence, further reinforcing ones’ moral
standing and citizenly responsibilities within the community.
Concepts such as human enterprising, political consumption, moral standing and
citizenly responsibility further develop the community with respect to environmental
structure, economic development and social networks. Local food supply networks may
be incorporated into this, continuing the cycle once again.
Importantly, it is not suggested that local food networks predispose environmental,
economic and social progression; however it is necessary to consider instances where
local food networks have been initiated in response to area deprivation or the need for
social development (Dowler & Caraher, 2003). Similarly, Figure 2.2 is not intended as
a comprehensive model of community wellbeing but rather a basic demonstration of
how local food networks may interact and influence factors within the community. It is
beyond the scope of this paper to test this model, but it will serve as part of the
rationale behind this study with a view to future investigation.
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Figure 2.2.Working model of cultural embeddedness & local food networks
In summary, there is no consensual definition of local food although the most
commonly used criteria is a maximum radius of 50 miles from point of production to
point of sale. Criteria surrounding the term cluster around notions of anti-globalisation.
Whilst debated, there is evidence to suggest that local food supply networks can
minimise problems relating to food security, declining food knowledge and skills,
environmental degradation, diet-related illnesses, economic depression and community
deprivation. It is not contended here that localism should replace large-scale food
production methods and supply chains, but it is argued that a stronger focus would be
beneficial.
2.2 Barriers to the development of local food supply networks
The previous section highlighted some imperatives related to local food supply; this
section documents the key barriers associated with the integration of local food supply
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chains. Themes cover UK food culture, the presence of corporations and the role of the
government.
2.2.1 UK food culture and the consumer
MacIntyre et al’s (2002) model of place effects is applied to identify the main issues
with respect to British food culture. Defining points are laid out in Table 2.4
Aspect Definition Example
Compositional Relates to the characteristics of
individuals in particular places
The family is too poor to afford
good-quality, healthy food
Contextual Relates to opportunity
structures which are socially
constructed features of the
physical and social
environment within the locality
There are no shops in the area
that sell good-quality, healthy
food and there are no transport
links to reach them
Collective Socio-cultural and historical
features of communities
The family does not want to eat
healthy food
Table 2.4. Factors relating to geographical variation in consumer behaviour/habits
(taken from MacIntyre et al, 2002)
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Collectively, it is suggested that food is of no importance to many consumers due to
eating habits influenced by the onset of the industrialisation (Wright, Nancarrow &
Kwok, 2001).
Not only did the industrialisation instigate a number of lifestyle changes, such as longer
working hours, but it also fuelled the need for further economic progression, facilitating
the development of multinational corporations. With these factors combined came both
the development of, and a strong demand for, processed convenience foods (Lang,
2004; Wright et al, 2001).
After centuries of industrialisation, many consumers in the UK no longer know how to
cook, or even have the desire to do so (Rudat et al, 1992 cited in Kearney & McElhone,
1999). Not only this, but society has become accustomed to a diet that is reliant on
imported produce, providing a wide range of multicultural food items.
Contextual and compositional factors apply to many other consumers, in the sense that
they aspire to purchase local food but the infrastructure is not there to support it. For
instance, Weatherall et al (2003) found that while many consumers were interested in
local food, trade-offs relating to price, accessibility, convenience and ease of
preparation came into play when making purchasing decisions. This notion is further
reinforced by Chambers et al (2007) who found rural consumers buy more local food
than urban consumers. This supports the notion that accessibility plays a large part.
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In some instances, compositional, contextual and collective factors can have a cyclical
effect. For instance, MacIntyre et al (2002) note that while many local retailers are
criticised for not providing high-quality, low-cost produce in deprived areas, the desire
to sell fresh produce is there but the demand is not so it is not a viable option
(Horowitz, 1992, cited in MacIntyre et al, 2002).
2.2.2 Multinational corporations
Whilst it follows that the multinationals should be contributing to the development of
local food supply as part of their CSR (Kotler & Lee, 2004), in many instances such
corporatism has inhibited the development and sustainability of local food businesses
(Feagan, 2007; Lang, 2004).
2.2.2.1 Supplying to the multiples
For producers working directly with the multiples, they are often faced with an unstable
and unreliable source of income. Confronted by what is known as ‘the price squeeze’
(Renting et al, 2003) producers are offered unethically low payments for their produce
(Dobson, 2003 cited in Lang, 2004). Additionally, producers are expected to invest in
large amounts of machinery and new technologies, only to find at a later stage that their
product is no longer required (Renting et al, 2003).
As Gustafsson et al (2009) note, the internationalisation of stores has led to a need for
accreditation with respect to health and safety of produce and a point of differentiation
30
(Barling & Lang, 2003 cited in Lang, 2004), while some forms of regulation may
arguably be attributed down to unnecessary visual standards (Pretty, 1998). Regulations
such as these create additional costs for the local supplier.
There is an element of irony here as there are minimal regulations with respect to the
labelling of a ‘local product’ leaving the area open to abuse by the multiples. For
instance, Tesco claims that it stocks over 7,000 ‘local’ products, despite many of these
being of national origin (Corporate Watch, n.d).
2.2.2.2 Direct retailing in the presence of the multiples
Selling local food in the presence of the multiples is another issue for the local
producer. Economies of scale (Gustafsson et al, 2009) and capture of value within the
supply chain (Lang, 2004) has given retailers the power, making it difficult for
producers to meet customer expectations.
For instance, technological advances in stock replenishment systems, the adoption of
‘quick response’ and EPOS handling systems have afforded multiple retailers highly
efficient logistical operations. Centralisation of storage and distribution has facilitated
bulk purchases, allowing a wider product range at a cheaper price (Gustafsson et al,
2009; Lang, 2004). The capacity to purchase in economies of scale also affords
multiples the opportunity to reproduce niche products and innovations of small
producers at a cheaper price. Additionally, the multiples have a greater ability to
achieve market segmentation due to extensive marketing resources.
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In light of the above, Dobson (2002) highlights the irony that while choice is one of the
driving factors behind consumers’ decision to shop at supermarkets, in reality the
multiples have essentially suppressed autonomy with respect to where they shop and
which products they purchase. In the event of another transport crisis, it could also be
speculated that this oligopoly would hold serious implications for UK food security.
2.2.3 The role of the government
One would expect anti-monopoly laws to come into play here, however the government
has been rendered powerless by the multinationals. In addition, government
bureaucracy has put a great burden on small businesses through legislation such as that
related to planning and allotment laws (Anon, 2010) and the need to remain aware of
the latest regulatory changes.
2.2.3.1 Public-sector procurement
Further red-tape is encountered by those wishing to supply public-sector procurers,
who hold requirements of a quarterly report, documenting the audit trail of evidence for
the origins of produce and other elements surrounding methods of production (F3,
2006).
Additionally, EU competition policies contend that public-sector buyers cannot
discriminate in favour of locally produced or UK-produced food, as a method of
32
ensuring free-trade (F3, 2006). There is also the added problem that many institutions
do not have the appropriate catering infrastructure to incorporate fresh, local foods, for
instance, a vegetable washing and preparation plant (F3, 2006).
Other barriers faced in supplying the public-sector include the fragmentation of policies
across different government departments leading to inefficiencies in the supply chain;
the logistical challenge of supplying to thousands of different outlets (Defra, 2009) and
a lack of skills and knowledge necessary to implement change and poor contractual
terms for small producers (Defra, 2009; F3, 2006).
2.2.3.2 Local food initiatives and funding
Local food initiatives (Dowler & Caraher, 2003) provide another avenue for
government involvement. However, these usually involve a multitude of stakeholders,
spanning various governmental departments (F3, 2006), raising issues with respect to
diverse interests. Essentially, each stakeholder will hold different project expectations
with respect to the end target (Pearson & Bailey, 2009; Dowler & Caraher, 2003;
McCullum et al, 2002). Disagreement can cause significant problems to the
sustainability and maintenance of the local food supply chain.
This is supported by McCullum et al (2002) who explored stakeholder perceptions of
‘community food security’. They identified four types of stakeholder; ‘anti-hunger
advocates’, ‘agricultural visionaries’, ‘food traditionalists’ and ‘agricultural
33
entrepreneurs’. Each group demonstrated different perceptions of community food
security and surrounding issues.
Other factors that may affect the success of a local food initiative include continual
adaptation according to the differing agendas and funding requirements each year; this
can raise problems of quality and consistency. Additionally, there is a need to ensure
the less involved are targeted, as such projects will naturally attract the more committed
(and potentially those less in need), limiting the overall contribution to the community.
2.2.3.3 The future role of the government
Another pressing consideration is the impact of a new coalition government on current
and future funding initiatives. Keady et al (2008) note that limited resources and
funding can cause many community organisations to ‘undersell themselves’, for
example, many project workers are only funded for a limited period, putting a time
constraint on many projects.
Orr (2009) also notes that in times of crisis, the government will place a large amount
of responsibility onto local councils; this may well be applicable to the current situation
in the UK.
34
2.3 Opportunities for local food producers
When considering the opportunities available to local food producers, one must
examine the role of key stakeholders as well as the producers themselves.
2.3.1 The consumer
Lang (2004) highlights public pressure as an effective control mechanism with respect
to large-scale corporations and organisations. This is demonstrated with the rise of
numerous consumer support groups and ethical campaigns such as ‘Consumer Focus’
(Consumer Focus, 2010) and Sustain’s ‘The Real Bread Campaign’ (Sustain, 2010).
Defra (2009) note that food purchasing and consumption behaviours directly and
indirectly influence environmental sustainability through supply and demand. This
supports the notion that the power is shifting from the retailer to the consumer (Lang,
2004; Moynagh & Worsley, 2002), whereby the UK consumer has the power to
influence the type of products that are available and the survival of companies within
the industry (Lang, 2004).
2.3.1.1 Consumer purchasing decisions
Warde (1997, cited in Weatherall et al, 2003) contends that traditional influences upon
consumer food choice are declining, leading to market segmentation based upon
values, lifestyles and self-images as opposed to demographic traits. In line with this,
35
Mintel (2008a, cited in Khan & Prior, 2010) suggest locally sourced food sales have
grown by 30% over the last 4 years to almost £4.6 billion in 2007.
It is difficult to say how accurate this is due to the lack of any legal definition, however
it does suggest that local food is growing in popularity. Farmers’ markets and farm
shops have also become increasingly prevalent (Khan & Prior, 2010). One reason for
this has been attributed to an increase in ethical consumerism (Defra, 2009). It is
argued in this paper, for reasons outlined in section 2.1, that local food is generally
perceived as more ethical than imported produce.
2.3.1.2 Ethical awareness
Appadurai (1981 cited in Rozin, 2006) states that food is an ‘explicitly moral entity’.
This is exemplified by Stein & Nemeroff (1995 cited in Rozin, 2006:22) who argue
that foods related to obesity in the US have a ‘negative moral tinge’. In the context of
this paper, it is argued that certain foods imported to the UK, such as processed chicken
sticks from Thailand, are given a ‘negative moral tinge’ from associations with factors
such as struggling local farmers, unhealthy food and unethical rearing methods.
This is assumption is supported by Weatherall et al (2003) who demonstrate heightened
consumer awareness of local food and the surrounding issues (for example, food
miles). In line with this, Dobson (2003 cited in Seyfang, 2006:384) proposed the model
of ‘ecological citizenship’, which is based upon the idea of consumption for the greater
good.
36
Consumption is seen as a site of political activity whereby each individual is
responsible for a personal amount of ‘ecological space’. Factors such as political
agency, empowerment, ethicism and environmentalism are identified as driving forces
behind the concept. This model is supported by Seyfang (2006) who found customers
of Eostre Organics, a local, organic food co-operative, displayed strong principles of
ecological citizenship.
1.3.1.4 Key strengths of local food
Other writers contend that some consumers purchasing local food seek to engage in a
“wholly different type of relationship with farmers and food producers, based on
reciprocity, trust and shared values (e.g. Hinrichs, 2000[…])” (Weatherall et al,
2003:234).
It could be argued that this need for trust has been prompted by various campaigns and
media coverage surrounding issues central to food health and safety; these campaigns
have left the consumer with little confidence in the modern-day food industry (Lang,
2004; Renting et al, 2003).
The concept of trust is influential in driving local consumption; close social networks
and personal observation provide easy access to information about production methods
and farming practices, which is particularly evident in direct local retailing (Seyfang,
2006). Buying local produce from the supermarket may not hold such benefits for the
37
consumer, as essentially it is a ‘faceless sell’, but there are other factors to consider
with respect to supermarket local food supply, including the sense that one is
contributing to the local economy and supporting the livelihood of their local farmer
(Chambers et al, 2007) without forfeiting convenience.
There is also the perception amongst consumers that local foods are of a higher quality
than imported or national food due to seasonality and freshness (Chambers et al, 2007).
Other factors include strong links to artisan craft, tradition and sense of place and
community (Pearson & Bailey, 2009; Feagan, 2007). One should also consider the
changing role of the farm shop and farmers’ market, which has gone from one of
necessity to one of leisure (Pearson & Bailey, 2009; Rozin, 2006).
In line with the above, Pearson & Bailey (2009) note that consumers may fall into
different clusters based upon their motivations; these are displayed in Table 2.5:
Consumer Motivations
The need for quality
Development of the community
Provenance
Healthy eating
Environmentalism
Pluralism (option vs. supermarket dominance)
38
Diversity of food shopping experiences
Table 2.5 Consumer segments based upon motivational factors for buying ‘local’
2.3.2 Development through mainstream channels
As noted previously, many consumers are aspirational when it comes to purchasing
local food. IGD (2008a, cited in Khan & Prior, 2010) identified better use of labelling
as a key strategy for improving local purchasing opportunities to consumers. However,
this is problematic due to the lack of agreed criteria (Pearson & Bailey, 2009).
Weatherall et al (2003) support the progression of the local food sector via mainstream
channels such as, but not limited to, the multiples. This is also suggested by IGD
(2008a, cited in Khan & Prior, 2010). However, one could argue, that selling local
produce through supermarkets is not a positive step for the progression of local food
producers and local retailers. However, it does prompt the development of a
competitive marketplace, further increasing the profile of local food. For instance a
number of ‘locally produced’ ranges and products (Tesco, 2010; Waitrose, 2010;
Pearson & Bailey, 2009) have already been introduced by supermarkets in the drive for
differentiation (Gustafsson et al, 2009).
39
2.3.3 Marketing and brand identity
Weatherall et al (2003) highlight the importance of brand identity. It is argued here that
even in the context of alternative methods of supply, such as direct retailing and
farmer’s markets, a strong brand identity is crucial for development. This would require
two main considerations surrounding a) the core strengths of the product or service, and
b) the method of re-capturing some of the value that has been lost to the multiples
(Renting et al, 2003).
Firstly, producers should demonstrate an awareness of, and adherence to, their key
strengths such as those identified previously. While the lack of a consensual definition
of local may inhibit a producer’s ability to push forward with the ‘local’ branding
(Pearson & Bailey, 2009), they do have some freedom around use of associated terms
such as ‘traditional’, ‘artisan’ and so forth.
2.3.3.1 Specialisation and diversification
By focusing on their key strengths, producers have the opportunity to diversify and
expand their product offering, relating to the second consideration, which is heavily
dependent upon diversification of both services (F3, 2006) and producer knowledge
and skills (Marsden & Smith, 2005).
While diversification is no small feat for the local producer due to inadequate time and
money resources, it is often vital for the development and sustainability of the business.
40
There is also evidence of successful diversification amongst small producers (National
Farmer’s Union, 2009).
In terms of product offering, some have suggested providing additional services on top
of the core product such as food processing (McCullum et al, 2002). The local fruit and
vegetable box delivery concept has been widely successful in the UK, as it offers
consumers the opportunity to purchase healthy, ethical produce without having to
sacrifice the convenience factor (Brown, Dury & Holdsworth, 2009). Other methods
include a strong focus on product differentiation such as distinctiveness from other
areas. This can also bring custom from the tourism market (Richards, 2002).
While the producer may succeed in diversifying their product offering, it is often of
little use without effective marketing (Adcock, Halborg & Ross, 2001). This is where
producers must expand upon their knowledge and skills. Through direct marketing and
retailing, the producer is re-asserting control over their business (Seyfang, 2006).
Consumer segmentation is one of the first steps; producers should consider the key
assets perceived by different types of consumers (as discussed previously). For
instance, Chambers et al (2007) suggest appealing to local pride and concern for the
local economy. Other areas for expansion, which can optimise marketing techniques,
are the adoption of technology, and research and development.
Whilst many local producers do not have the resources to invest in the latest
technology, the internet offers a gateway to networking and collaboration between
41
stakeholders. It also provides an opportunity to offer convenient, yet healthy, local
services through delivery schemes, and enables them to reach a larger market segment
than previously available (Adcock et al, 2001).
In addition to a company website, or delivery service, virtual and online buying is also
increasing in popularity (Virtual Farmers Market, 2010). Some see this as critical in
‘valorising’ local produce and places, whilst others see it as undermining the ‘long-
term processes necessary for real transformation’ (Delind, 2002:219, cited in Feagan,
2007:35).
In both instances diversification of product and diversification of skills and knowledge
may be facilitated by strong stakeholder communication, networking and partnership
development.
2.3.4 Collaboration and networking
Collaboration and networking is widely documented as a key success factor for any
small business (Novelli, Schmitz & Spencer, 2009; Walker & Preuss, 2008). Potential
benefits are demonstrated in Table 2.6.
Stakeholder End result
Consumer Relationship based on trust; brand
loyalty; successful business; embedded
42
within the community
Other producers Logistical support; mutual respect and
understanding of one another’s business;
brand promotion
Council Source of funding, support, guidance,
training, information
Schools and other public-sector services Links to other customers; extra source of
income; avenue for brand promotion
NGOs and research institutions Good source of support, information and
advice; links to other stakeholders and
potential customers; strong links to
research and market understanding; latest
industry developments
Retailer, caterer, restaurateur Potentially reliable source of income;
avenue for brand promotion
Table 2.6. Stakeholder-specific forms of collaboration (Novelli et al, 2009; Walker &
Preuss, 2008; Feagan 2007; Renting et al, 2003; F3, 2006)
2.3.4.1 Logistical efficiencies
Building good relationships with consumers has facilitated the creation of alternative
supply chains; counteracting some of the inefficiencies posed by earlier systems
(Renting et al, 2003). For instance, such relationships have enabled many producers to
43
develop more direct marketing routes such as box schemes and farm shops. This has
also allowed them more freedom and control over their business (Seyfang, 2006).
Liaising with other producers in the local area also provides opportunities for more
efficient logistical operations such as food hubs and co-operative schemes. These
enable producers to achieve economies of scale, which are vitally important if they are
to survive in today’s industry (Pearson & Bailey, 2009; Weatherall et al, 2003). For
instance, larger farmers may be able to offer processing facilities for smaller growers,
whilst co-operatives allow groups of producers to invest in a range of equipment that
they would not normally be able to afford on their own (F3, 2006).
2.3.4.2 Increased opportunity for investment and support
Where possible, local producers should also develop strong working relationships with
their local council. Firstly, they are the first point of contact for local food initiatives
and funding opportunities. Secondly, they can provide information and advice with
respect to successful business strategies, points of contact and training opportunities.
Taking the first option into consideration, there has been a lot of investment into local
food initiatives over recent years such as Food For Life (2010), Making Local Food
Work (2010), the Energy Descent Action Plan (Keady et al, 2008) and the Transition
Towns Initiative (Keady et al, 2008).
44
Dowler & Caraher (2003) note that local food projects have the potential to positively
impact upon local communities providing they are carefully and sensitively planned
out. Such benefits range from the development of skills and confidence to buy and
prepare food, to the improvement of physical activity, better health outcomes and
improved economic access to food.
Dobson et al (2000, cited in Dowler & Caraher, 2003) argue that local food schemes
contribute to small, sustainable changes in consumers’ diets, as well as increasing their
enjoyment of food. It is argued here that such effects could prompt an increase in
demand, thus impacting on supply, potentially resulting in a cyclical effect.
It was also suggested that close collaboration between stakeholders can raise issues
posed by diverse interests (section 2.2.3.2), however these can be overcome through
continuity of involvement, a strong commitment from all parties and recognition of
each others’ strengths, resources and experiences (Keady et al, 2008; Dowler &
Caraher, 2003). It is also argued in this paper that long-term food supply has the
capacity to overcome problems posed by short-term, relatively unstable food initiatives.
With respect to training, support and guidance, the European Commission have a
number of points on the agenda for supporting SMEs, including the reduction of red
tape, funding support for businesses starting up and, more specifically, the EU PFN
scheme (European Commission, 2010). Local councils will be aware of such
developments, and may be able to provide a range of documents, and possibly even
advisors who can offer information, guidance and support (Business Link, 2010).
45
The government have also concentrated their efforts on training in the public-sector
arena with respect to kitchen staff skills and knowledge (F3, 2006). Additionally, the
Industry Skills Strategy and Action plan is currently being developed to incorporate
sustainability and healthy eating into the sector skills framework. These should have
positive, although indirect, implications for local suppliers.
2.3.4.3 Public-sector liaison
Strong alliances between producers and public-sector procurers has great potential for
extra sources of income, support in the improvement of logistical operations and
assistance in the creation of shortened supply chains (F3, 2006). Other examples
include the development of distribution hubs and use of nominated suppliers which
enables the local producer to avoid the costs of running their own distribution network
(F3, 2006). There are also many knock-on benefits such as guarantee and regularity of
custom, the capacity to manage budget more efficiently, and flexibility with respect to
product aesthetics.
Such relationships have prompted public-sector procurers to connect producers’,
facilitating economies of scale through collaboration in the storage and delivery of
large volumes of produce at a cheaper cost. In terms of future developments, Defra
(2009) notes that a model for regional procurement hubs should also be established.
46
Working closely with public-sector procurers also has the potential to implicitly
educate and inform those working in the food service sector, as well as the general
public through leading by example (Defra, 2009).
Whilst a number of points have been outlined for future procurement strategies, which
unfortunately are beyond the scope of this paper, it is impossible to say at this time
whether these will be implemented due to the new coalition government.
2.3.4.4 The enabler
Collaboration with the third-party sector and research institutes can be beneficial. The
former plays a large role in facilitating customer-producer relations, which has led to
recognition of the term ‘enabler’. Enablers have come to the forefront in recent years in
supporting and promoting the growth and sustainability of local food supply chains.
Enablers play a role in bringing stakeholders together, nurturing communication and
ensuring each stakeholder’s needs are met within the boundaries of what is possible
(F3, 2006) Compromise, mutual respect and understanding play a large role here.
Enablers also provide guidance and support with respect to the latest trends,
technologies and techniques needed to survive in today’s food industry, and run a
number of public-awareness raising campaigns (F3, 2006). They have played a large
role in connecting producers with other stakeholders such as retailers, restaurateurs and
47
caterers. Research institutions such as universities may also contribute with respect to
information, advice and networking events.
2.4 Summary
In summary, the discussion surrounding the conceptualisation of local food identified a
number of temporally and contextually variable, concrete and value-based criteria.
Barriers were identified with respect to the attitudes, perceptions and behaviours of
various stakeholders, namely the consumer, the corporation and the government, and
the surrounding context. The consumer was also identified with respect to potential
opportunities, highlighting the contradictory nature of the sector, as was the enabler.
Producer key strategies were also highlighted in this section.
In light of this, the primary research will explore four key issues with a view to
developing new insights and concepts relating to the development and sustainability of
local food supply. Firstly, the interplay of dynamics between the local food context and
its various stakeholders will be explored. This is deemed particularly relevant in light
of the changing role of society, with respect to the recession and new government.
Secondly, the lack of consensus on the definition and benefits of local food networks
leads one to consider how this may impact on implementation and success of local food
supply chains. Therefore, the primary research will also seek to explore stakeholder
perceptions of local food as a concept and how this impacts upon their participation in
the sector.
48
Finally, based on minimal amounts of literature, stakeholder-specific forms of
collaboration and the working model of local food supply and cultural embeddedness
were identified as avenues for further research.
49
3.0 Methodology
3.1 Introduction
Denzin & Lincoln (1998) suggest five phases of the research process; the researcher;
theoretical paradigms and perspectives, research strategies, methods of collection and
analysis and the art of interpretation and presentation.
An adapted version of this will be adopted within this discussion of the methodology
(Figure 3.1). Issues surrounding validity and methodological limitations are highlighted
throughout. Ethics are discussed at the end.
Figure 3.1 Methodology structure (adapted from Denzin & Lincoln, 1998)
50
3.2 The researcher
Leitch et al (2010:69) note that “undertaking credible social research requires that the
questions asked and the designs employed are shaped by the researcher’s underlying
ontological and epistemological assumptions”. Consequently, the nature of the
research also holds implications for the design and study of the research question
(Leitch et al, 2010). Thus, a holistic approach is adopted, ensuring paradigmatic
consistency across all stages of the research.
Influenced by basic interpretivist assumptions, the research aim was to critically
investigate the opportunities and obstacles faced by producers in the provision of local
food. It was the purpose of the primary research to explore the perceptions and attitudes
held by key stakeholder groups with regard to the challenges and opportunities
associated with the development and sustainability of food networks. The end goal was
to reach conclusions as to how food networks might further develop in the future, and
the local and national implications of these developments. In line with this,
interpretivism was the most appropriate choice of paradigmatic approach.
3.3 Theoretical paradigm: Interpretivism
“we live as if the world exists apart from us, but we only know it and understand it
through our attempts to meaningfully interpret it” (Angen, 2000:385)
51
Epistemologically, interpretivism is founded upon subjectivity; reality is socially
constructed (Ponteretto, 2005) through continuous interaction with social, historical
and cultural factors, past and present. By embracing subjectivity, the interpretivist
becomes enveloped within the research; ‘the researcher states subjectivity and works
from a realised bias and connected ethical concerns’ (Travis, 1999:1042).
Ontologically, there is no single truth. For the research phenomenon, there are multiple
realities, which are culturally and temporally specific (Ponteretto, 2005; Angen, 2000;
Travis, 1999). For the study of such phenomenon, Polkinghorne (2005:138) contends
that human experience cannot be put on hold for researcher benefit ‘[u]nlike objects of
nature, the layers of experience are not rigidly ordered’.
Axiologically, researcher values cannot be separated from the research process (Angen,
2000), and are utilised as a means to successful co-creation (Guba & Lincoln, 1998);
self-reflection is critical (Laverty, 2003; Travis, 1999).
3.3.1 Interpretivism and local food networks
In current organisational research, there is an abundance of literature demonstrating the
use of an interpretive approach including studies on entrepreneurship (Leitch et al,
2010), local and central government structures (Orr, 2009) and SMEs (Hill &
McGowan, 1999 cited in Kelliher, 2005).
52
Orr (2009:42) highlights the policy sector as field whereby processes of change are
complex and specific; entailing a ‘mélange of intersubjective understandings that exist
within multilayered and diffusely organized state institutions’.
Interpretivism is deemed to embrace ‘the noisy confusion of everyday practices’ (Orr,
2009:43), taking into consideration the complexity of organisational structures, and
aiming to describe the cyclical relationship between individuals and their context; to
‘make sense of the whole and the relationship between people, the organisation and
technology’ (Myers & Avison, 2002 cited in Kelliher, 2005:127).
In the context of this study, local food networks span multiple institutions including the
policy and organisational field. This institutional variability entails a diverse network of
stakeholders who attach different meanings to food (i.e. money-making, ethics, health)
based on past and present industry experience. It is thus heavily value-laden; an
intricate web of POBAs (Potter & Hepburn, 2005). It is for this reason that local food
networks are in a constant state of flux.
Interpretivism is particularly fitting for the study of this area as it embraces such
complexity. In doing so, it acknowledges the existence of multiple realities and seeks to
explore how these impact the context under study.
53
3.3.2 Validity in Interpretivist research
Interpretivist research is often criticised for failing to meet standards of objectivity set
by positivists, in addition to criteria of reliability and generalisability (Williams, 2000).
While a number of interpretive researchers have developed measures that mirror
positivist criteria (Harris et al, 2009; Kelliher, 2005; Creswell, 1998 cited in Angen,
2000; Guba & Lincoln, 1985) it is posited here that use of such criteria results in a
research design that yields itself to an interpretive label embedded within a positivist
‘foundational reality’ (Angen, 2000:383). If one is to conduct interpretivist research,
one must achieve validity through the interpretivist philosophy (Leitch et al, 2010).
Leitch et al (2010) suggest three components for valid research; researcher quality,
ethical validation and substantive validation (Leitch et al, 2010). These components
hold implications for research design and data collection, analysis and interpretation.
With respect to researcher quality, Denzin & Lincoln (1998) highlight the
responsibility of the interpretivist researcher in choosing a topic and method of research
that is of fundamental ethical, political and moral value. This is demonstrated by
reasons outlined in the literature review.
One must also ensure they do justice to the chosen topic (Leitch et al, 2010; Angen,
2000), which is heavily influenced by researcher skill. Skills documented as being
essential for valid interpretivist research are listed in Table 3.1. Overall, Patton
54
(1990:140 cited in Leitch et al, 2010) contend that researcher quality entails ‘a sound
understanding of its ontological and epistemological underpinnings; experience and
skill in the use of data gathering; carefully and thoroughly capturing and describing
how people experience some phenomenon’.
Skills needed for successful interpretivist research
People skills
Resilience
Patience
Persistence in the face of ambiguity and slow progress
Adaptability
Flexibility and meticulousness inn carrying out the details of a project
Passionate involvement
Ability to minimize distance between self and others (Sanjek, 1990; Creswell, 1998)
Table 3.1: Skills needed for valid interpretivist research
Source: Taken from Angen, 2000; Leitch et al, 2010
Morse (1994 cited in Leitch et al, 2010) contends that it is important that the researcher
documents their skills by clearly articulating the process from start to finish. In the
context of this study, examples of such skills will be exemplified throughout the text.
The implication of being a novice researcher is salient here. While some argue a period
of ‘apprenticeship’ is necessary (Angen, 2000; Guba & Lincoln, 1998), the opportunity
55
was not available. Instead, extensive research was conducted and a number of exemplar
studies were used as blueprints (Leitch et al, 2010; Angen, 2000).
Ethical validation is based on the premise that value-free interpretivist research is
impossible (Leitch et al, 2010). In order to meet the requirements of ethical validation,
researchers must achieve the goals as laid out in Table 3.2. Examples of how these
goals were met are exemplified throughout.
Ethical Validation
Moral stance
Practical value
Understand meanings
Research process
A conscientious approach to studying the human
condition
Findings that are applicable to the real-world context;
potential for initiating change; must be of use to the
group being researched
‘Generative potential’ – open to emergent issues, open
up new avenues for change/further research
Meaning is created through discourse in which all
participants are given a voice- no one is excluded; the
relationship between researcher and participant should
be equal, avoidance of the researcher a ‘privileged
56
Choice of method
possessor of knowledge’ (Lather, 1986)
Should adopt an approach that faithful to and critical
of the data
Table 3.2: Ethical validation criteria (Source: Leitch et al, 2010:75)
Substantive validation is based on the idea that validation must be achieved through
substance of enquiry as opposed to a specific method. To achieve substance of enquiry,
the researcher must carefully assess the research process from start to finish. Specific
goals are laid out in Table 3.3 and examples of how these were met will be
demonstrated throughout.
Substantive validation
Intersubjectivity
Theoretical candour
Self-reflection & reflexivity: met through all stages of
the research process by highlighting within the written
report ‘presuppositions of the researcher, their
personal involvement in the analysis process, the
nature their work, the transformation in their
understanding, and their thoughtfulness and care in the
choice of method and analysis’
Conceptual development evidencing how conclusions
were reached
57
Record own transformation
Dynamic research process
Transparency
Present disconfirming cases
Articulate process intelligibly and coherently so that
the reader may judge the trustworthiness of the
argument’s made
Dynamic process of creation of meaning and
production of knowledge
The research process is described in sufficient detail;
the researcher demonstrates how results, findings and
insights were reached from the methodology; the
reader is in a position to judge the integrity and rigour
of the research process
Ensuring a focus upon deviant cases
Table 3.3: Criteria adhering to substantive validation (Adapted from Leitch et al,
2010:75)
3.4 Research Strategy
It is the purpose of qualitative research to explore human experience (Polkinghorne,
2005), providing a deep and meaningful insight into behaviour. By analysing the
meanings attached to language, images and sounds (Harris et al, 2009) the researcher
58
can identify individual perceptions and emotions surrounding certain issues. Achieving
this goal enables the researcher to establish the relationship between individual
decision-making and the socio-cultural conditions necessary for the development of
certain phenomena (Harris et al, 2009; Williams, 2000).
As with interpretivism, qualitative approaches are often criticised for lacking in
objectivity, reliability and generalisability. They are also renowned for entailing an
arduous and drawn-out workload. However, Guba & Lincoln (1998) argue qualitative
research is advantageous to quantitative, because all variables are taken into account
and the interaction between researcher and participant is fully considered. A qualitative
strategy is inductive by nature and lends itself to the generation of hypotheses and
tentative theories (Guba & Lincoln, 1998).
It is contended, that using a qualitative approach fulfils the requirements of the
interpretivist philosophy and provides increased levels of validity.
3.5 Data Collection
Interviews were the most appropriate method for exploring the issues surrounding local
food networks. Through intense exploration with participants, interviewing provided
access to the context of participant’s behaviour; ‘a basic assumption in in-depth
interviewing research is that the meaning people make of their experience affects the
way they carry out that experience…” (Seidman, 1998:4 cited in Dilley, 2004). In
creating this discourse, a deeper understanding of the issues surrounding the
59
development and sustainability of local food supply was gained (Polkinghorne, 2005;
Rubin & Rubin, 1995 cited in Dilley, 2004)
One potential downfall of the interview is that close contact may influence participant
responses and bias findings (Carr, 1994). It is contended here that this is simply a
concern for those adopting a positivist stance. In the context of this study, researcher
and participant co-create the data (Potter & Hepburn, 2005). Bryman (1988 cited in
Carr, 1994) also notes that interview data is more likely to be valid and honest due to
close contact.
3.5.1 The Interview
Interviews were recorded unless consent was not given (two participants). This allowed
more attention to the interviewee and fuller recall at analysis stage (Patton, 2002).
Where consent for recording was not given, thorough notes were made with the
inclusion of quotes where relevant (Patton, 2002).
With time limitations in mind (Patton, 2002), hour-long interviews were conducted
between June and July 2010. While Polkinghorne (2005) notes that such a short
duration leads to shallow reflections, this study employed a range of techniques to build
rapport with interviewees, facilitating deeper exploration.
Due to resource limitations, interviews were not carried out in a place identified by the
researcher, but instead were organized by interviewees. In one sense this may have
60
been beneficial as it ensured participants were relaxed in their own surroundings, and
thus more likely to open up. Alternatively, not all locations were as quiet as one would
hope, leading to potential distractions.
Using the semi-structured interview provided benefits from both ends of the ‘structural
spectrum’. While some maintain that the semi-structured interview is constrained by a
limited list of topics (Harris et al, 2009), the interview guide in this study was utilised
only loosely.
The use of a basic guide allowed interviewees to raise new topics that had not been
considered by the researcher (Patton, 2002; Carr, 1994). These topics were further
explored in the interview of first mention and later interviews (Seidman, 2005). In
addition to presenting new avenues of research, the structure provided guidance for the
novice researcher, keeping ‘interactions focused while allowing individual perspectives
and experiences to emerge’ (Patton, 2002:344). This enabled the researcher to
maximize the time available, fully capturing the variation within participant
experiences (Polkinghorne, 2005).
3.5.2 The Interview Process
Each interview started with a brief introduction (Potter & Hepburn, 2005) outlining the
study aims (see A). Researcher independence from the subject was highlighted to
ensure there was no pressure to respond in a certain way (Potter & Hepburn, 2005).
61
The goal was to become the ‘passionate participant’ (Lincoln, 1991 cited in Guba &
Lincoln, 1998) whilst showing knowledge basic enough to demonstrate openness, but
substantial enough to converse on an equal level. This avoided the trap of becoming a
‘privileged possessor of knowledge’ (Lather, 1986 cited in Leitch et al, 2010:76). The
notion of a ‘keen student’ may be a valid likeness; knowledge was co-created in the
shape of interactive, educational sessions, gaining deeper levels of reflection and
understanding (Polkinghorne, 2005).
It is beyond the scope of this paper to detail all interview techniques employed, but is
important to highlight some examples for transparency.
Interviews started with a ‘grand tour’ question (Seidman, 2005) such as ‘describe a
typical day in your role’. This provided an immediate insight to the lifeworld of the
participant and eased them into the ensuing discussion.
Adaptability was key in catering for sample diversity. As Polkinghorne (2005) notes,
participants differ in their ability to reflect and effectively communicate their life
experiences. The researcher must cater for this by probing with further questions and
asking participants to expand upon comments when necessary (Seidman, 2005). Less
talkative participants were asked for specific accounts of past experiences prompting a
deeper self-reflection (Polkinghorne, 2005).
It is important to note that participants were not pushed for information beyond the
boundaries of comfort (Patton, 2002). Trust and rapport is vital in creating an open and
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honest dialogue; an aggressive interviewing style would not have facilitated this.
Empathy was also important for building on trust and rapport (Kelliher, 2005), and was
achieved through shared experiences (Seidman, 2005).
As highlighted by Potter & Hepburn (2005), difficulties were faced in distinguishing
between participants’ own feelings and that of the representative group. For instance,
thoughts highlighted by Participant C were quite clear as he applied most of his
reasoning to the consumer market. However, it was much harder with other
stakeholders such as Participant B who spoke as the face of her employer (multiple);
true feelings were not necessarily on display.
Where interviewees may have felt uncomfortable with certain questions, more generic
terminology was used by referring to the representative category as opposed to directly
addressing the individual (Potter & Hepburn, 2005).When they may have felt under
pressure to state the ‘right’ answer, POBA language was applied, removing elements of
accountability (Potter & Hepburn, 2005)
Leading questions were avoided at all times (Seidman, 2005), as was the use of
technical jargon (Potter & Hepburn, 2005). Potential ‘epistemic asymmetries between
interviewer and interviewee’ were managed through hesitations and trailing off within
questions further enhancing validation (Potter & Hepburn, 2005).
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3.5.3 Sample
With the aim of capturing the heterogeneity surrounding local food in the context of
cultural and temporal factors (Leitch et al, 2010), maximum variation sampling
(Barbour, 2001 cited in Harris et al, 2009) was utilised to recruit participants on the
basis of their relationship to local food (Table 3.4).
Polkinghorne (2005) notes that maximum variation sampling acts as a form of
triangulation; with a focus on variations in adaptation to different conditions, it also
identifies the “important common patterns that […] cut through the noise of variation”
(Patton, 2002:243).
Participant ID Interviewee
position
Sector Primary area of interest/work
Participant A Policy Advisor Government Local and regional food; food markets; EU
protected names scheme
Participant B Local and
Regional Product
Manager
Multiple Local and regional foods
Participant C Managing
Director
Manufacturer Whole foods; healthy living; anti-
processing
Participant D Owner Small-scale caterer Events catering; local where possible
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Participant E Chairman Community enterprise Ensuring continuous supply within a rural
community; greener living; community
spirit
Participant F Director Local food delivery Local food advocate; entrepreneur; heavily
product/business orientated
Participant G Academic Academia Research interests: local food and
sustainability in the hospitality and
restaurant sector
Participant H Owner Farm Product/business focused
Participant I Manager Regional Development
Agency
Works for a regional food group to promote
local and regional businesses; facilitator;
enabler
Participant J Head of catering
services
Public-sector Catering Local food enterprises; catering for mental
health unit; agricultural background
Participant K Food Co-
operatives Officer
NGO Food co-operatives
Participant L Professor Academia Research interests: primarily food poverty,
has taken an interest in local food in the
past
Participant M Executive chef Hotel Luxury five star hotel; local food sourcing
Table 3.4 Participant categories and their relationship with local food
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Locations were not controlled but based upon the Southern Home Counties due to
convenience and time restrictions, namely Buckinghamshire, the Southern Home
Counties and Sussex. The area was also of interest with respect to further research.
Participants were accessed through internet search engines and contacts within the
industry. They were contacted via email; a follow-up email was sent if there was no
response within two weeks.
While qualitative sampling has been criticised for potential bias (Bryman, 1988 cited in
Carr, 1994), Hinto (1987 cited in Carr, 1994) notes that a well-defined sample can be
generalized to the larger population. It is not the purpose of this study to generalize, but
the use of maximum variation sampling naturally entails a meticulous, well-defined and
optimally variable selection of participants.
Thirteen participants were recruited (Table 3.4). Patton (2002) contends that sample
size depends on the research goals and available time and resources. In this instance,
the total number was based on requirements for maximum variation.
While all stakeholders differed with respect to market avenue and consequent
approach, the majority strongly believed that the local food sector is fundamental for
reasons unique to their lifeworld. In light of this, it would have been beneficial to have
a more balanced ratio of pro and anti-local food stakeholders for a wider range of
perspectives.
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The sample was also missing the primary retailers; the butcher, baker and fishmonger.
Considerable efforts were made to recruit these stakeholders without success. Two
possible reasons are speculated for this. Firstly, the nature of the job does not permit
the time needed. For instance, a fishmonger was scheduled for interview during prime
fishing season; for this reason, the meeting was cancelled at the last moment. Secondly,
many trade representatives are deeply embedded within their job and far removed from
the academic world, potentially leading to anxiety over adequate reflection of their
experiences (Polkinghorne, 2005).
Polkinghorne (2005) suggests that interpretivist sampling should be an iterative process
for the purpose of expanding or challenging findings. However, this was not possible
due to time limitations. To balance this, the researcher explored issues that occurred in
earlier interviews with later participants.
3.5.4 Transcription
Basic elements of the transcription are highlighted for the purpose of transparency.
Potter and Hepburn (2005) recommend Jeffersonian transcription to ensure all elements
of the data are recorded. However, they also note that this can take around 20 hours to
complete; such time and cost allowances were beyond the scope of this study (Kvale,
1996 cited in McLellan et al, 2003).
Kvale (1996 cited in McLellan et al, 2005) recommends two typists transcribe the data
for greater accuracy; it is argued here that this simply conforms to positivist methods of
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ensuring validity. In this study, transcription was completed by the interviewer,
facilitating deeper immersion within the data (Patton, 2002), and the emergence of a
number of insights and further avenues for research. Immediate transcription (Patton,
2002) also increased the level of recall when faced with less audible parts of the
interview.
As the main goal was to ensure accuracy, clarity and transparency, interviews were
transcribed verbatim with the incorporation of non-verbal and background sounds,
mispronunciations (correct word was include in brackets) and filler words such as
‘erm’ and ‘mmm’ (McLellan et al, 2005).
3.6 Analysis, interpretation and presentation
Analysis is a crucial stage of the methodology, which Basit (2003:143 cited in Leitch et
al, 2010) describes as ‘a difficult, dynamic, intuitive and creative process’. Its goal is to
generate transformative results that are applicable to the real-world context (Leitch et
al, 2010).
In conducting the analysis, great efforts were made to give all participants equal
representation (Caputo, 1987 cited in Angen, 2000). This was challenging for two
reasons. Firstly, two participants were not recorded, leading to significantly less data.
Secondly, participants were recruited on the basis of maximum variation, so the extent
of their contribution was reliant upon their area of expertise. For instance, those in a
third-party, policy or academic role were aware of most issues spanning the local food
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sector, while others such as the entrepreneur and chef were more focused upon issues
integral to their career.
Harris et al (2009) note that analysis should be an iterative process. In this instance, the
transcription was ongoing throughout the interview stage and beyond, and acted as a
preliminary analysis. Time resources were not available to draw this process out any
longer (Patton, 2002).
The process of analysis is essentially researcher interpretations of participant
interpretations, representing multiple realities (Laverty, 2003). In contrast to other
paradigmatic approaches, there is no set structure to interpretive data analysis (Laverty,
2003). However, self-reflection, theme extraction, and creativity and imagination are
key components.
Unlike other forms of phenomenological inquiry, assumptions of the researcher are not
bracketed or set aside. ‘‘interpretations are based on a fusion of the text and its context
[…] the researcher, the participants and their contexts’ (Laverty, 2003:30). Angen
(2000) also contends that it is essential for substantive validation as it provides the
foundation for all further understanding, including that derived from previous research,
culture and people with experience of the topic. In this instance, researcher
involvement, assumptions and transformation (Leitch et al, 2010; Laverty, 2003;
Angen, 2000; Allen, 1996; Cotterill & Letherby, 1993) are highlighted in the
introduction and conclusion of this paper.
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Theme extraction was utilised in the generation of concepts, theories and ideas
(Polkinghorne, 2005), which involved organisation, segregation, and synthesis of the
data. Patterns were identified, and relevant information was incorporated into the final
piece (Bogdan & Biklen, 1982 cited in Leitch et al, 2010).
In addition to the identification of common themes, unique or deviant cases were
highlighted, as were missing cases, further enhancing validation (Leitch et al, 2010;
Harris et al, 2009).
Creativity and imagination were fundamental in the development of transformative
findings, with the prospect of initiating change. By ‘creatively combining [ones’]
experiences with the inquiry process to produce valuable new interpretations’ (Sanjek,
1990 cited in Angen, 2000:389), the researcher is increasing the generative potential of
a study and thus ethical validation (Angen, 2000).
All efforts were made to assess the data from a fresh perspective, using multiple
interpretations to create ‘a new semantic context’ (Madison, 1988 cited in Laverty,
2003:30). Moving beyond a straightforward representation of the challenges and
opportunities for local producers, this research highlighted emergent concepts pivotal to
the success and failure of the local food sector (Hoepfl, 1997 cited in Leitch et al,
2010).
With respect to presentation of findings, the interpretive researcher is often referred to
as a ‘craftsperson’ (Kvale, 1996 cited in Angen, 2000). Similarly, McLeod (2001:141
70
cited in Polkinghorne, 2005) compares the process to ‘writing a story’ as opposed to
‘picking apples from a tree’ (data collection).
In this study, examples were drawn from the data to demonstrate the findings and how
these were developed (Polkinghorne, 2005); great efforts were made to ensure the
written account was ‘compelling, powerful and convincing’ (Eisener, 1988 cited in
Angen, 2000:391).
3.7 Access and ethics
Invitations to participate provided a basic outline of the research study and purpose. On
agreement, an informed consent letter was sent, which gave a full briefing covering the
purpose, potential use of information, type of questions to be asked in the interview, the
handling of information and the benefits for participating (appendix B) (Potter &
Hepburn, 2005).
Rather than offering monetary payment to participants, which Patton (2002) notes can
negatively affect participant responses, participants of this study were offered a copy of
the final report. It was expected that those with an interest in the area would be
motivated by such an offer, albeit small. This also contributed to the ethical validation
of the research by sharing findings with members of the representative groups, acting
as a potential catalyst for further action (Leitch et al, 2010).
71
One issue posed by this was the portrayal of participant responses and how this may
have affected participants reading the report. With implications for ‘remaining true to
the data’ (Patton, 2002:408) it was important to ensure that no data was hidden or
altered for the benefit of participants, demonstrating adherence to good research
practice and continual justification of the research topic (Leitch et al, 2010; Angen,
2000).
With respect to the information released within interviews (Patton, 2002) the research
topic of local food was not psychologically sensitive, but confidential information was
released concerning other organisations or individuals (Guba & Lincoln, 1998). In this
instance, all references to other stakeholders were replaced with substitute references.
In one instance, information regarding a local business was removed completely. It was
explicitly requested by the participant that the stated information was not published;
consequently it was decided not to include it in the report at all due to sensitivity.
The issue of confidentiality was more prominent for some stakeholders. For example
on first contact with the multiple representative, their marketing representative was
copied into the invitation email for checking the type and sensitivity of information
requested. This was clearly a means of protecting brand image, so it was important to
emphasise confidentiality and anonymity of data.
In efforts to protect confidentiality, there is the possibility that the researcher could
have infringed on participant rights to acknowledgement (Patton, 2002). There was the
72
impression that some participants would have been happy for their contact details to be
released, however, as it this was not explicitly requested, the option was not provided.
In future studies, it is contended that the option should be explicitly stated.
3.8 Summary
To summarise, an interpretivist approach was adopted due to the complexity of the
nature of local food supply systems. Validity was ensured through improving
researcher skills and adhering to ethical and substantive validation. Qualitative, semi-
structured interviews were used to explore the meaning behind stakeholder perceptions
of local food supply networks; stakeholders were recruited using maximum variation.
A number of ethical considerations were discussed. The next chapter will demonstrate
the primary research findings, evidencing skills and methodological approaches
highlighted in this chapter.
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4.0 Discussion
4.1 Introduction
This chapter highlights findings from the primary research in the context of secondary
literature and the research goals highlighted in chapters one and two.
The first section in this chapter explores stakeholder perceptions of local food as a
concept, with respect to both proximal definitions and value-based criteria. The next
section highlights the importance attributed to networking and collaboration, and
factors integral to successful working relationships. British food culture is then
discussed with respect to the challenges and opportunities. Business sense is identified
by participants in the next section as a key strategy for local producers.
In the following sections, participants highlighted key concepts not considered
previously including the reputation of local food as a niche product, issues surrounding
the nature of local food, and the dynamics of capacity, passion and impetus. The final
sections focus on stakeholder perceptions of the need for organic growth and the role of
education in meeting this need.
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4.2 Clarity of concept
As noted in the literature review, the term ‘local food’ is defined according to concrete
criteria relating to proximity and more value-based connotations relating to the
perceived benefits of local food (Table 2.1), thus it is dependent upon both social and
cultural variables (Hinrichs, 2003 cited in Seyfang, 2006). It was also highlighted, that
the lack of clarity in the field may have implications for the implementation of local
food enterprises. Consequently, the first section of this discussion will explore the
meanings behind ‘local food’.
4.2.1 The ‘common sense’ of proximity
With respect to proximity, a number of issues were raised but despite this the majority
of stakeholders referred to the definition process as ‘common sense’. Ironically, the
topic was greeted with much ambiguity and confusion and the suggested majority of
criteria did not conform. In some cases opinion was particularly divided:
‘and I think we do need to think regional…apart from farmer’s markets most people
will be thinking re…even English’ (Participant L)
‘I think you should definitely not be able to call something local food if it’s regional
food or English food’ (Participant K)
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In considering the closest possible definition, most stakeholders clustered around the
idea of a twenty to seventy mile radius from point of production to point of sale, falling
slightly outside of the parameters set by FARMA (2010). While some participants
considered the whole of the UK at some point, there was only one participant who used
this as the primary definition:
‘Personally I would say Britain would be close enough although I know you can get
micro-local’ (Participant C)
In the context of this, it is interesting to note that Participant C is originally from the
US, providing some explanation for this difference in opinion.
The implication of diverging interests was also evident from the way stakeholder job
influenced their definition:
‘Because I sort of sit with the Chamber of Commerce and I don't have those sorts of
criteria thrust on me…I support, as part of the local food group, any business that is
creating and adding value to food in Sussex’ (Participant I)
Participants with a policy-based perspective suggested the use of criteria that
encompassed high standards relating to ethics, quality, proximity and sustainability:
‘I think Sustain…they came out with a definition that was less about, it was about sort
of basic food miles but it was more focused on sustainability’ (Participant A)
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In line with Pearson and Bailey (2009), there was a general consensus amongst
participants that one of the main problems in defining local was the dependence on area
production capacity:
‘I’ll disagree with some of the concepts of saying it’s gotta be within thirty miles, thirty
miles of what, you know, if there are only a few um suppliers, um, in your area then you
have to look at it a little bit wider’ Participant J
This was also raised with respect to legislation:
‘it would be difficult for [this] company to do so, because different areas hold different
strengths’ (Participant B)
The overall feeling was that the point had been revisited a lot with very little success.
There was a strong sense of resignation that it is not possible to define the term. This
was highlighted more explicitly by some than others:
‘I’ve been to conferences and lectures and God knows what else over the last 7 years
and it is undefinable…I’m comfortable with that answer now because I can’t see any
better one’ (Participant I)
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4.2.1.1 Regulatory implications
In line with research from Corporate Watch (n.d), most agreed that more regulation
would stop ‘blatant abuse’ (Participant A) of the term, giving producers a better chance
of competing:
‘they’re trying to compete with something and they just can’t because there’s all this
greenwash and ethical wash and it’s not real’ (Participant F)
One participant highlighted from personal experience, evidence of a ‘local’ producer
actively abusing the lack of regulations:
‘they claimed that they’d seen chickens being delivered to this particular farm, then
taken out to the farmers markets sold as chicken from this’ (Participant G)
In line with IGD (2008a cited in Khan & Prior, 2010) who recommended better
labelling as an avenue for improving consumer purchasing opportunities, Participant K
highlighted the importance of consumer information:
‘if you’re trying to sell something on the benefits of being local people should know
that it is local’
Following on from Pretty (1998), Participant L underlined the problems posed by
trying to define, and label, a processed food item, commenting on the unfounded
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assumption that processed foods were local if the enterprise represented values
surrounding the term:
‘clearly some of it isn’t local you know, but there’s an assumption that all of this is
local’ (Participant L)
This tendency to associate local with other related variables is demonstrated by
Participant E:
‘Oh yes, I guess because they are all organic that it will be local’
Pretty (1998) highlighted the burden of current regulations on the local producer. In
line with this, participants generally felt that regulation was a ‘nice idea’ (Participant
G) but was not realistic due to the effect that this would have on local producers:
‘once you create that additional regulation, you create an additional barrier for small
producers’ (Participant F)
4.2.1.1.1 Transparency
The need for transparency was raised throughout; the multiple representative and RDA
facilitator suggested that the consumer should decide what constitutes ‘local’. Referring
to her customers as ‘savvy’, Participant B commented that her company had decided to
simply label products according to place of origin.
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However, other participants highlighted the complexity surrounding the notion of
transparency:
‘it’s not just about where it’s grown, it’s about where it’s packed, where it’s
distributed’ (Participant K)
A number of suggestions were made by participants, all of which were based around
simplicity:
‘we often used to say we have to execute simple well, cos our products are good and we
have the facts with us’ (Participant C)
These tended to focus upon some form of proportionate labelling ranging from matrices
of proximity to product origin ratios:
‘I think there should be some guidance, you know the animals had 80% of its life in
Sussex’ (Participant L)
In line with suggestions from Lang (2004) and Renting et al (2003), Participant G
highlighted the importance of trust and close producer-customer relations in
overcoming the problem of transparency:
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‘we decided at the end of the day that this was better tackled through encouraging
consumers to have a relationship’
4.2.2 The meaning behind local food
A number of value-based criteria were specified in the discussion surrounding the
benefits of local food including environmentalism, economy, culture and the
community, health and food security.
4.2.2.1 Environment
Some participants associated local food supply chains with a lower carbon footprint,
while the majority perceived the relationship as highly complex. Factors highlighted by
Edwards-Jones et al (2008) and Pearson & Bailey (2009) were also raised by
participants. However, there was a general feeling that local food was more
predominantly more sustainable than imported and national foods:
‘you can’t say that all local food is good for the environment because that’s not true
but the fact is that quite a lot of local food does [laughs]’ (Participant K)
Participant I highlighted the multilayered role of local food in maintaining the
landscape, tourism business and local economy:
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‘if people are just going to buy New Zealand lamb, there’s no lamb industry on the
Downs. If the Downs don’t look like they do now, our whole tourism sector starts
failing’ (Participant I)
4.2.2.2 Economy
The economic benefit of local food supply networks was the only value-based criteria
to hold uniform agreement, with even the most sceptical of participants in agreement:
‘I think there’s just less inequality, forget about food just financial inequality, you know
I think that would be good in itself’ (Participant L)
This adhered to earlier research, suggesting local food businesses could positively
impact on the economy through the local multiplier effect (NEF, 2008; F3, 2006). It
was also suggested that the economic benefits brought to a locality by local food
networks could ‘build diverse and vital communities’ (F3, 2006:3). This is supported
by Participant A’s reflection on the benefits of farmer’s markets ‘I think there is a
recognition that um, you know that having markets in town centres does revitalise a
town centre’.
4.2.2.3 The community
While participants with a strong focus on economic targets and goals did not raise
cultural factors as a benefit of local food, others were extremely passionate about the
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topic. Participant F was a strong advocate of the community benefits of local food
supply, not only supporting research from Feagan (2007) and Pearson & Bailey (2009),
but also providing support for suggestion of the working model of cultural
embeddedness that local food networks enhance cultural embeddedness through
channels such as peers and family, support organisations and education:
‘it really makes you realise that you’re also creating a community, you know people
know your name, you know their name and they get to know the shops much better and
produce, and that feels so good it really reinforces what I’m trying to do’ (Participant
F)
The suggestion that cultural embeddedness increases human enterprising and political
consumption (Edwards-Jones et al, 2008; Lacy, 2001 cited in Feagan, 2007; Seyfang,
2006) is also supported:
‘‘you wanna live in a place that feels as though it has a sense of community, the more
we support shops that help us do that, the more we are then gonna attract um, more
entrepreneurs, more professional people, who care about that so I think it’s a virtuous
circle in that sense’ (Participant F)
Local food networks were also seen to provide the basis for relationship development
and a strong support network, further supporting the working model of cultural
embeddedness:
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‘it is a community hub, people go there and talk about issues affecting them and the
village’ (Participant E)
This emphasised the way in which local outlets can bring people together and enhance
community togetherness, providing citizens with the opportunity to share their
problems and develop close relationships (Cranbrook, 1997 cited in Pretty, 1998).
4.2.2.4 Health
There were no suggestions of a link between local food culture and healthy eating
(xxx), although this was implicitly referred to throughout. In line with Chambers et al
(2007), stakeholders who had a strong focus on product or agricultural background (for
example, the public-sector caterer and farmer) highlighted the superiority of local
produce with respect to nutrition:
‘I dig my nail right into the, right into the heart of that stork, you go to Tesco’s it’s like
a piece of bone… it’s nutrition, vitamins’ (Participant J)
Other participants did not hold strong associations between the two:
‘good healthy food is more important, where that can also be local, great um but it’s
more important it’s healthy’ (Participant G)
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4.2.2.5 Food security
The effect of local food supply systems on the global supply chain (Keady et al, 2008,
Rossett, 2003, Pretty, 1998) was not raised by participants. UK food security was not
explicitly highlighted as a benefit by participants, but it was referred to throughout with
respect to a potentially declining agricultural sector:
‘I do think more money should be given to farmers by doing the right thing to support
what they are doing...they’re the ones who know what they’re doing, without them,
there wouldn’t be any food to eat’ (Participant K)
Lacking government support and motivation was highlighted by many conforming to
research from Defra (2008).
‘if there’s not more organisations encouraged you’ll get big business swamp it and
destroy it because um the smaller grower will get discouraged…and maybe stop
growing completely and then you’ll be reliant on market forces outside this country’
(Participant J)
Awareness of multiple dominance is evident from these quotes, supporting research
from Lang (2004). Sustainability of the local food sector was also highlighted as
fundamental in light of recent transport crises and environmental disasters:
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‘I think it has to [last]. Especially with the disasters we see, I know BP is a different
thing but, it has highlighted the problem with fossil fuels’ (Participant M)
4.3 Collaboration and networking
The previous section considered the stakeholder interpretations of the local food
concept. The remaining part of this chapter will focus on key issues, opportunities,
barriers and concepts identified by participants.
Collaboration and networking was highlighted as a prime opportunity for the
development and sustainability of local food supply networks (Novelli et al, 2009;
Walker & Preuss, 2008; Feagan 2007; Renting et al, 2003; F3, 2006). This was also the
one of the most dominant themes throughout the interviews. Three sub-themes were
identified; advice vs. interference; honesty, understanding and flexibility and
stakeholder-specific forms of collaboration.
4.3.1 Stakeholder specific-forms of collaboration
In accordance with Table 2.6 of the literature review, stakeholder-specific forms of
collaboration are discussed here. Customer relations are highlighted later in this paper.
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4.3.1.1 For-profit businesses
‘if they can get into places and use that, you use the contacts you’ve got don’t you, you
have to be shameless in that’
In line with suggestions laid out in Table 2.6, the promotional benefit of collaborating
with for-profit businesses was highlighted by Participant M. Contradicting this quote,
and research from Weatherall et al (2003), participants also raised ‘brand dilution’
(Participant H) as a problem when supplying to the multiples:
‘you could argue they’re prostituting the brand but that’s their right to earn money so
it’s a difficult, it’s a decision they have to make’ (Participant M)
While the majority of participants did not advocate supplying to the multiples, the
potential for increased income was recognised.
4.3.1.2 Council
The role of the council is interesting, as the recession and change of government has
led to a different approach towards the local food sector. Previously, it was suggested
that councils are a useful source of collaboration and support as they are the first point
of contact for funding opportunities, and can provide information and advice with
respect to business strategies, networking and training opportunities (Keady et al,
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2008). Despite this, there was no recognised pressure on the council to support local
food networks.
However, a number of participants suggested that the current situation has left the
council partly responsible for the progression of the local food sector:
‘if a number of the RDAs are scrapped which they might well be then the people that
would naturally fill that void would be councils but their gonna be strapped for cash’
(Participant G)
This recent sequence of events falls in line with the suggestion from Orr (2009) that in
times of crisis, central government will place higher amounts of responsibility on local
councils. The benefits of council support are highlighted by Participant E:
‘the County Council they approved it because this is the sort of shop they want to see
many, many villages doing and they think we’re going to be a blueprint for many other
shops’ (Participant E)
This is a good example of where councils may be able to nurture local food networks.
However, while very few raised the council as an avenue for support, those that did
emphasised the extreme variability of the situation:
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‘some of the County Councils will support - Kent's getting a massive amount of money
from the County Council. East Sussex useless in terms of funding but they've got all
sorts of issues with elderly population and deprived areas’ (Participant I)
The main problem seems to lie in a lack of capacity and of impetus; two factors
dependent on the locality itself.
4.3.1.3 Public-sector caterers
One suggestion laid out in Table 2.6 was the role of public-sector procurement in
providing an extra avenue for brand promotion. This is supported by a comment from
Participant H on the topic of supplying their local primary school:
‘hopefully it means that the children are getting good food but also that the parents
might then come and shop, you never know what might come out of it really’
Research from F3 (2006) also promoted public-sector procurement as a useful avenue
for producers wishing to gain regularity of income, as well as support in the
improvement of logistical operations. One participant felt particularly strongly about
these benefits:
‘it’s putting the operational efficiency into it as well, and these are factors what I’ve
done is encourage the local farmer to move it to that point’ (Participant J)
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It is interesting to note that in this instance, the participant had an agricultural
background and was very knowledgeable on the subject of food and farming,
facilitating a close, working relationship that was beneficial for both the catering
service and producer. Another issue raised by the F3 (2006) was the benefit of working
with public-sector caterers was their flexibility with respect to product aesthetics. This
is demonstrated with an example from Participant J:
‘because some of them are a little bit mis-shapen he can’t sell them erm, I think that’s a
load of nonsense… I said I’ll have it thank you very much, I said I’ve got eating
disorder patients, they don’t want to eat a large apple, they’d rather it was small and I
said I want some more fruit...they go like hotcakes’ (Participant J)
4.3.1.4 Enablers
Research from F3 (2006) highlighted the role of the enabler, most often found in the
third-party sector, in providing marketing and promotion opportunities for local food
businesses and facilitating customer-producer relations. This role was also highlighted
by participants, as was the importance of their own networks in enabling them to
provide that service:
‘I will signpost to other organisations…and because we also have Business XX here,
I’ve got an extremely good relationship with them and know what they do and what
they can offer’ (Participant I)
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The third-party sector was highlighted by all participants as key to the success of the
local food sector:
‘there’s a lot of work going on, they’re going from strength to strength, they’re almost
like a dog with a bone, they won’t let go’ (Participant M)
However, as noted in the previous section, the recession and new coalition government
have led to a number of changes in available support. The implications of this with
respect to the third-party sector were raised by participants:
‘I think responsibility is gonna be placed on people like, activists who keep everything
going’ (Participant G)
While this reinforces arguments concerning the supportive role that the third-party
sector and enablers provide (F3, 2006), the sector now faces the additional issue of
funding with a number of participants commenting that lack of resources is a major
problem:
‘the multiples rely very heavily on the food groups to find them producers…I think it's
about time they put something back’
Referring to their CSR (Kotler & Lee, 2004), Participant I highlighted the impending
need for support from the multiples.
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4.3.1.5 Other producers
‘if we stick together we’ve got a chance of not beating the supermarkets but just doing
a better job really… we’re a strong unit’ (Participant H)
The importance of producer-producer collaboration was recognized by all stakeholders.
As highlighted in the literature review, producer-producer collaboration may allow
producers wishing to sell directly, greater logistical efficiencies through economies of
scale (Pearson & Bailey, 2009; Seyfang, 2006; Renting et al, 2003; Weatherall et al,
2003). One salient example of this was highlighted by Participant I in her description of
a local producer wishing to make better use of his own delivery system:
‘‘I don't always have a completely choc-a-bloc full van. Perhaps I can help some other
producers in the Taste of Sussex?’ He calls it the Taste of Sussex family’
The importance of producer-producer collaboration was also highlighted for those
supplying the multiples, with Participant B highlighting a large part of her role as
networking and ‘pointing them in the right direction’.
It was suggested by one, that many farmers do not collaborate enough, highlighting this
as a key problem:
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‘I think the farmers haven’t looked after each other, I think you’ve got massive farmers,
and little farmers, and I don’t think they’re supporting each other in any way’
(Participant M)
4.3.2 Advice vs. Interference
F3 (2006) highlighted advice as a key role of the enabler. In the primary research, a
number of participants also emphasised its’ significance, although this was not
restricted to the term ‘enabler’:
‘to have an advisory board of people who force you to kind of put your head up above
the parapet on a regular basis…is hugely helpful’ (Participant F)
‘I’ve been able to back away and find myself surrounded by people who are smarter
than I am’ (Participant C)
Ironically, many implied that a common problem was producer reluctance to accept
advice:
‘they think they know it all and they really don't’ (Participant I)
‘I think I’ve been lucky in that the farming business that I’m working with was keen to
learn’ (Participant J)
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Perhaps this reluctance is partly due to an association with ‘middle-class interference’
(Participant G). This suggestion is further reinforced by (Participant K):
‘they have to make money and they have to work very hard, so when someone else gets
given loads of money by the lottery it doesn’t yeah, they’re not necessarily very
impressed’
4.3.3 Understanding, honesty and flexibility
While understanding and honesty were touched upon in the secondary literature they
were not highlighted as themes. Understanding and honesty were highlighted by
participants as key to developing a successful relationship that provided increased
supplier flexibility:
‘You build up a relationship with people you get flexibility’ (Participant M)
Advance warning was crucial in reaching a compromise between the demands of the
producer (flexibility) and customer (reliability), although many highlighted that this
was not always possible, causing problems for the local producer:
‘business has become a much shorter lead, we literally were picking up events for 100
at a 2 day notice…local butchers will only carry so much’ (Participant M)
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Honesty and understanding also played a more general role in maintaining successful
supplier-customer relations:
‘The only frictions tend to be when a surprise comes out…it’s about communication
and honesty and straightforwardness… it’s much easier to get everything out on the
table’ (Participant I)
Participants implied however, that neither producer nor supplier always adhered to this:
‘you know they say oh yeah we can get it to you a day later but ‘no, it has to be on that
day, you can’t be that laid back here, it’s a different way of working altogether’
(Participant B)
‘There’s occasional little tricks [the multiples will] come up with’ (Participant I)
4.4 Food culture
Most participants acknowledged that food is now instilled into British culture:
‘food is a massive part of our culture, I think it’s more so now…we’ve just been a bit
slow’ (Participant H)
However, there was an overwhelming feeling that much still needed to be done:
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‘Well I think it’s about encouraging food culture and trying to develop a positive food
culture where people value food um, rather than just treat it as just a commodity’
(Participant G)
Using MacIntyre et al’s model of place effects (2002), participants’ interpretations of
British food culture and the impact of this on local food networks are considered with
respect to collective, contextual and compositional barriers.
4.4.1 Collective barriers
Collectively, it was contended that food is of no importance to many consumers due to
eating habits influenced by the industrialisation (Wright et al, 2001). Participant F
supported this, highlighting the often unfounded claim that consumers do not have
enough time:
‘the time people that people spend watching TV and on facebook, and the money that
people spend on processed food… maybe part of it is about education but it’s also
about will, people wanting to do it, willing to try it and have confidence’
It was also argued that many consumers no longer know how to cook (Rudat et al, 1992
cited in Kearney & McElhorne, 1999). On a similar note, a lack of knowledge with
respect to local produce was highlighted by Participant I:
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‘I was asked about three years ago where somebody could buy local pineapples from
and that was the Council… that is the extent of the problem’
It was suggested that the UK has become accustomed to a diet reliant on imported,
processed foods, with a strong demand for choice (Lang, 2004; Wright et al, 2001). The
irony of this in removing consumer autonomy (Dobson, 2002) was highlighted by
Participant C:
‘under the guise of ‘oh I want choice’ people are being real manipulated, you know
and their being forced to defend their vices like ‘no that’s what I want’
Although, Participant L, speaking from a food poverty perspective, provided the
following contradictory claim that UK food culture has always been like this and is
unlikely to change:
‘I’m not sure there is a huge deficit …opening a packet of pasta and doing your own
sauce, is that considered prep you know’
4.4.2 Contextual and compositional barriers
With respect to contextual and compositional factors, it was contended that many
consumers aspire to purchase local produce but the infrastructure is not there to support
it, with factors such as accessibility, price and convenience taking priority (Rozin,
2006; Weatherall et al, 2003)
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4.4.2.1 Aspiration
The majority of participants agreed that many consumers are aspirational, although
Participant L was sceptical about consumer purchasing activities:
‘I really remain to be convinced that your average consumer out there is at all
concerned with local food , I just don’t quite, at an intellectual level yes but on a day-
to-day buying stuff I don’t think they are’
Aspiration was also highlighted with respect to government positioning and public-
sector procurement; a topic not identified in the literature review:
‘obviously that was a strategy rather than saying these are all the things we were going
to do’ (Participant A)
‘there were a lot of these projects that involved developing things um and then what
became of them I don’t know’ (Participant G)
4.4.2.2 Location and convenience
It is contended here that ‘the aspirational consumer’ (Weatherall et al, 2003) is widely
documented in the literature due to a lack of infrastructure available to support local
food outlets. This hinders many consumers who are driven by convenience:
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‘most of us work extremely long hours, the convenience of supermarkets up there is, is
for many people the only option at the moment’ (Participant F)
With respect to this, the need for more local food provision was emphasised:
‘it’s having more outlets available, it’s increasing the amount in supermarkets, it’s
increasing the amount being sourced by the food service sector’ (Participant A)
The lacking situational accessibility poses another problem with respect to the urban
lower socioeconomic and vulnerable groups:
‘we don’t have a huge number of older people, but then it’s difficult because we’re not
on a high street so they’d have to drive’ (Participant H)
With this in mind it was interesting to note that rural consumers were perceived to be
more pro-local, supporting research from Chambers et al (2007) who found rural
consumers buy more local food than urban consumers:
‘the further from the M25 the more important local food becomes’ (Participant B)
4.4.2.3 Price
The importance of price was touched upon in the literature review, with a lot of
research highlighting the dominance of supermarkets as attributable to cheaply priced
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goods (Gustaffson et al, 2009; Lang, 2004). This was supported by participants, with
many claiming the real cost of food was masked by the multiples, also demonstrating
evidence of the price squeeze as documented by Dobson (2003 cited in Lang, 2004):
‘you couldn’t get a more local sausage, they wouldn’t pay anything like, they wouldn’t
even pay the cost price’ (Participant H)
‘all these supermarkets have all these deals all the time’ (Participant D)
‘There was an advert at Westminster tube, I always used to notice it, a chicken, I think
it was to do with shelter, um, it had…if the price of chicken had gone up the same as
the cost of housing this chicken would cost £47 or something’ (Participant A)
In line with this, it was contended in the literature review that economies of scale
affords multiples the opportunity to reproduce niche products and innovations of small
producers at a cheaper price. This was also highlighted by Participant C:
‘then the big guys figure out and like’ ahh that’s the buzz word for the next couple of
years they hijack it a little bit’
An example of this was inadvertently given by the multiple representative:
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‘One idea they are working on is of a mini farm shop within the store, you know with
the eggs and milk etc; all produce needs to come from within a 20-25 mile radius’
(Participant B)
While this could be seen as an innovative method for supporting local producers, one
could also suggest that by mimicking the farm-shop environment, the multiple is re-
capturing the value offered by local retailers with respect to authenticity (Pearson &
Bailey, 2009; Feagan, 2007)
In light of this, many participants suggested that price is still the overriding factor
supporting Weatherall et al (2003):
‘all the time your knocking free chickens out for a fiver, I think you’re up against it
because people will drop standards, price is king still…people assume they can’t afford
it, it’s the way they’ve been brought up’ (Participant M)
This quote also demonstrates that many consumers make the assumption they cannot
afford local food due to lifestyle factors; a valid point not raised in the literature review.
There was a lot of confusion surrounding whether local food really is more expensive
than imported foods. One unavoidable issue that was identified related to the ethics
behind the pricing, linking back to the real cost of food, and supporting Stein &
Nemeroff’s (1995:22 cited in Rozin, 2006) notion of a negative moral tinge:
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‘we’ve got the balance wrong and the real costs do need to be reflected…it can’t be so
cheap that we’re destroying people’s livelihoods’ (Participant F)
‘the thing is that we can’t produce bacon as cheaply as the Danes because of the
welfare issues and the fact that we have very high standards’ (Participant H)
However, some issues were identified perceived as unnecessary factors in raising the
price of local food. For some, it was the notion that quality is automatically associated
with expense:
‘quality doesn’t have to be luxury really good quality sustainable food doesn’t have to
be expensive’ (Participant F)
Many others highlighted the marketing of local food as a niche product (discussed in
section 4.6), a primary factor in consumer’s perception of local food as expensive.
While Khan & Prior (2010) suggested farmer’s markets are growing in popularity, they
were unanimously highlighted by participants as one form of local food supply that
took advantage of its’ niche reputation:
‘the thing with farmer’s markets is that some of them are expensive and they know it’
(Participant K)
‘without a doubt more expensive on the bank balance’ (Participant D)
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‘you get to underneath the skin of that you find they’re quite a cut-throat, quite a
commercial operation’ (Participant M)
As with problems posed by location, many participants felt it was harder for the lower
socio-economic groups to access, with Participant D noting that while it ‘was a lovely
thought’ it wasn’t practical. Participant K commented on the issue of supply chain
length with respect to this:
‘ if you can get the local produce in there and get it as direct as possible then it
shouldn’t cost more’
Again, this raises the issue of location with rural consumers having greater accessibility
than urban:
‘a lot of the projects we work with are in central London…in those cases it is better if
they go to a wholesaler’ (Participant K)
4.4.3. Ethicism
There was a lot of negativity with respect to UK food culture, however, supporting the
argument put forward by Warde (1997, cited in Weatherall et al, 2003) it was also
implicitly suggested by participants that values are playing more of a role in consumer
purchasing decisions; (Participant D) commented on a vegetarian friend whose
philosophy, in times of ‘weakness’, was ‘got to eat kind meat’.
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Weatherall et al (2003) also highlighted the growing consumer awareness surrounding
food and farming issues. In line with this, Participant C commented ‘the pc police are
coming after food’. It was argued in the literature review that localism was perceived as
ethical by consumers; supported by a number of participants, Participant C provides a
good example of this:
‘the big shell of that is the holistic movement and the big shift, that holistic movement is
that shift to globocentric that says ‘hey, we’re all part of one big thing’ its connected in
every way’ (Participant C)
The idea that consumers are purchasing for ethical reasons, also supported the model of
ecological citizenship (Dobson, 2003 cited in Seyfang, 2006). This model was further
supported by stakeholders reasons for working in the sector; common phrases were
‘that warm, fuzzy feeling’ (Participant B), ‘sense of responsibility’ (Participant I) and
‘doing the right thing’ (Participant F).
In light of the above, a valid point was raised by Participant L with respect to the
ethical consumer’s level of dedication ‘is this a niche market for people to go once a
week and eat out and feel better because they’ve eaten food from within the M25 I
don’t know’
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4.5. Business sense
There was very little, if any, consensus on the most appropriate market avenue for the
local producer. However, there was all-round consensus that local producers needed to
adopt a ‘business hat’ (Participant L) in order to succeed. It is contended here that for
many, the adoption of a ‘business hat’, entails diversification of skills and knowledge
(Marsden & Smith, 2005).
4.5.1 Planning and promotion
In line with Dowler & Caraher (2003), some participants identified lack of planning as
responsible for the failure of many local food enterprises:
‘people don’t do a proper needs assessment to set it up, so they set up because they
think it will be a nice idea…’ (Participant K)
The need for producers to conduct effective market segmentation was also identified by
the majority:
‘you really do have to understand what these bigger macro trends are’ (Participant C)
This supports Adcock et al (2001) who state that effective marketing is essential for the
success of any business. Aside from ensuring the consumer is drawn to the product or
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service, the importance of targeting modern needs for community-run initiatives was
also demonstrated by Participant E:
‘they said ‘by the way, we knew from day one you’d get the money, we couldn’t tell
you, because your project, it ticked all the boxes’
In line with the above, many participants highlighted the importance of promotion,
however with respect to direct local food supply, Participant K suggested that ‘a lot of
them don’t sell the facts’
4.5.2 Diversification
Diversification of service offering was highlighted by F3 (2006), which has been
demonstrated as key to the development and sustainability of the local food enterprise
(National Farmer’s Union, 2009). Supporting this, a number of participants highlighted
the role of diversification in targeting modern consumer needs as a key success factor:
‘so some co-ops do delivery to workplaces… people can pick up their food when
they’re collecting their children from schools so as long as you can make it convenient
they can compete’ (Participant K)
This quote is particularly relevant to the importance placed on the added value of a
convenient delivery service notion (Brown et al, 2009). McCullum et al (2002) also
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suggest the provision of services additional to the core product, which is demonstrated
by the community enterprise in which Participant E is based:
‘Oh yes, two of the local pharmacists they, people leave their requests in the shop and
the pharmacy then delivers it back here or to the individual customer…we’re also a
drop off point for parcels’ (Participant E)
While some contended that producers cannot provide the amount of choice that a
supermarket offers, nor should they try, Participant H highlighted the role of choice in
diversification of product offering:
‘we offer a greater range of things because we do realise that if people are going to
shop here, they want to be able to get as much produce as possible from the food side
of things’
4.5.3 Specialisation
‘she said I hate going to supermarkets I’d rather come here and shop in your place’
(Participant E)
This section is possibly the most applicable to, and most important for, community
initiatives and direct forms of supply. Participants focused on local food offerings that
could not be matched by the supermarkets. This entailed a strong focus on the key
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strengths of local produce, namely quality of primary offering, authenticity and strong
customer relations.
In line with Chambers et al (2007), quality and specialisation was reiterated as a key
strength by all participants:
‘supermarkets do convenience in that you can buy virtually anything you want…we’ll
never be in competition for that but what we have done, we do offer specialist stuff’
(Participant E)
Specialisation was highlighted as a key success factor in selling local produce directly,
with a particular emphasis on meat:
‘the British public doesn’t quite trust supermarkets to sell it meat’ (Participant L)
‘we wanted to do other things as well but we sort of built the reputation very much on
meat’ (Participant H)
Throughout the discourse of the interviews, the focus on specialisation and quality was
also accompanied by the notion of ‘the story’. This was highlighted with respect to the
uniqueness of many local food products:
‘lovely sausages with a lovely story behind them’ (Participant B)
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But was primarily concerned with transparency of information concerning production
methods and point of origin.
‘It’s education, it’s knowledge, it’s the story. It’s getting the full story. Understanding
where the food’s coming from’ (Participant I)
In line with Pearson &Bailey (2009), it is contended that by giving consumers the full
story through close interaction, the local food producer is catering to the consumer
concerned with provenance, quality and environmentalism amongst many other
possible motivations. It is also contended, in line with Hinrichs (2000 cited in
Weatherall et al 2003), that the authenticity of the local food enterprise is important for
consumers with respect to traceability.
‘they really enjoy that when they get to see the other side of it, rather than just being a
meat counter and they want to see how it got there and I think that’s really important,
that’s our winning card really’ (Participant H)
This is especially important if one considers the level of trust consumers hold towards
the modern-day food industry (Lang, 2004). Trust was also identified as a key facet of
the producer-consumer relation (Weatherall et al, 2003).
The importance of the customer-producer relationship, as highlighted in Table 2.6, was
reinforced by all participants. Relating to her own experiences as a customer,
Participant D commented on her tendency ‘to sweet-talk him into some discounts’. In
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line with Weatherall et al (2003) she also highlighted the qualities of shopping at her
local butcher as ‘personal contact and trusting them that they will give their best’. This
closely tied in with the knowledge and skills associated with direct supply:
‘the shop will pick you a substitute…I think that’s a lot less problematic when it’s chris
godfrey your local butcher doing that for you than when it’s someone who’s packing
your order in Tescos who hasn’t got a clue…if they’re ever not sure they’ll pick up the
phone’ (Participant F)
Participant E highlighted a sense of rapport as a key attribute that supermarkets
couldn’t compete with:
‘that’s very very important which supermarkets can’t do, they wouldn’t be able to
compete in that respect…you get to the cashier, um and they don’t look at you, you
know here, there’ a rapport’
One of the negative aspects associated with the adoption of a complete business
approach was the reputation of local food as a niche product.
4.6 Local food as a niche product
One of the main problems associated with a niche reputation was the link to an idyllic,
as opposed to realistic, picture of living:
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‘the way it’s being sold is highly exclusive… I sign up to all the principles but it’s not
actually how I live my life I’m sorry’ (Participant L)
One could argue that promoting local food as niche simply minimises consumer desire
to purchase it, pushing local food further from the realms of practicality and potentially
strengthening an elitist market segment, driving the divide between the higher and
lower socioeconomic groups even further.
‘a lot of the reason why local food is so niche and expensive is the way they promote it’
(Participant K)
As demonstrated, stakeholder role was the primary factor influencing desirability of
local food as a niche product.
The public-sector caterer highlighted the importance of volume and guarantee of
supply in the context of its reputation as a niche product:
‘you wanna stay niche when there’s bad weather or there’s no tourists around, you
can’t sell your sausages what do you do? That’s not gonna give you the volumes to run
a business’ (Participant J)
One benefit raised by all participants was its use in competing with the multiples:
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‘we saw this slightly contradictory trend…it has to be fairly niche there’s no point in
stocking, no point in trying to compete with Tesco because you’re not going to compete
with Tesco on that basis’ (Participant L)
As highlighted in section 4.5, it adds a point of differentiation to the product (Richards,
2007), which the multiples cannot match. This last point highlights the complex nature
of local food; a number of concepts and issues discussed in this chapter have
highlighted this through a vast number of contradictions.
4.7 The nature of the local food sector
4.7.1 Complexity
Leading on from the last point, the nature of local food emerged as one of complexity
filled with contradictions and fragmentation. Another example, may be taken from the
pricing of local food which, even though there was agreement on most issues, most
stakeholders held multiple interpretations. Other examples are beyond the scope of this
paper. However, it is postulated here that such contradictions and thus complexity may
act as a deterrent for involvement.
Terms used by participants included ‘confused’ (Participant L), ‘difficult’ (Participant
G), ‘frustrating’ (Participant A, Participant I, Participant K, Participant J) and ‘tricky’
(Participant B).
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These frustrations highlighted appeared to partly be down to a lack of control:
‘there’s a limit to what anyone can actually do to control that so it’s a bit frust…from a
personal point of view it’s quite frustrating’ (Participant A)
and partly due the type of people involved:
‘Some of them are barking mad actually, real nut-cases and you need to have very
broad shoulders and a very good sense of humor because they can be impossible and
vile actually...and some of them are funny and gorgeous and generous and sweet but
it's not simple’ (Participant I)
The complexity of the area is problematic in the sense that it can be disheartening and
can lead to scepticism:
‘I don’t know, I don’t know, do you get to the stage of I don’t know, your chicken tikka
masala that you buy at Tesco, is it any better that it’s local?’ (Participant L)
Although the following comment from Participant E highlights that the complexities
and negativity surrounding local food can be overcome:
‘he then wrote an article in our local magazine, which was seven pages saying why it
wouldn’t work and why he wouldn’t support it, he is now a shareholder, he put ten
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pounds in [laughs] and more importantly he actually comes to the shop and he actually
loves it’ (Participant E)
While the complexity of local food was touched upon the methodology, it was not
highlighted as theme. Similarly, the temporally and contextually unstable nature of
local food was recognised but to an extent underestimated.
4.7.2 Temporal and contextual instability
Aside from issues concerning local food initiatives (Dowler & Caraher, 2003), there
was very little, if any, secondary research highlighting the problems posed by the
temporally and contextually unstable nature of the sector as a whole.
4.7.2.1 Cross-cutting nature
In line with F3 (2006), participants highlighted the cross-cutting nature of local food as
advantageous with respect to opportunity development:
‘from a policy point of view it can help deliver lots of different goals…there’s a role for
a whole range of organisations in helping to deliver that’ (Participant A)
However, in line with McCullum et al (2002) a number of problems were highlighted
with respect to stakeholder diversity. Supporting Dowler & Caraher (2003), one
participant highlighted this issue with respect to community initiatives:
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‘volunteers were coming in, getting trained and then moving on… we thought this was
great, the funding office thought this was a complete disaster’ (Participant L)
Problems were also identified with respect to the field as a whole:
‘and again the way government does it, isn’t necessarily the right way to do it…and
again if you get local food into supermarkets it can be promoted as local food but it’s
not necessarily that local or that sustainable’ (Participant K)
Diversity of interests was not restricted to stakeholders on the periphery of the local
food sector but also applied to local food producers themselves:
‘there’s been tension between the charter markets and the farmer’s markets…you can’t
set up another charter market within 6 and three quarter, and it’s very precise, 6 and 3
quarter miles, and that’s caused problems’ (Participant A)
Based on the above one could argue that until consistency of interests, and thus
implementation are reached, the development and sustainability of local food
enterprises will be inhibited.
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4.7.2.2 The initiative
The temporally and contextually unstable nature of the initiative was referred to
throughout; in many cases it was through implicit reference to the various projects:
‘social inclusion projects then became five a day projects became anti-cancer projects
then more laterally became anti-obesity projects and now it’s local food’ (Participant
L)
In line with Dowler & Caraher (2003), this was raised as problematic with respect to
effective planning and implementation:
‘you have targets and you have to set up ten co-ops and you just go out and you set
them up whereas certain areas they may not be the best thing’ (Participant K)
It could be argued that this is a case of the government trying to solve too many
problems with not enough focus and long-term implementation. Alternatively, it could
be attributed to a case of funding initiatives simply following current trends. Given the
temporary nature of such trends, this also poses a risk for the local producer with
respect to multiple demand.
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4.7.2.3 Multiple demand
The majority of participants felt that local food was here for the long-term, although
there was an acknowledgement that it could be a fad:
‘you know these things come in and out of fashion’ (Participant B)
In the instance that this is a fad, it may be beneficial for producers in the short-term
with respect to multiple demand:
‘if they feel that the consumers are wanting to be directed to regional and local then
they will stock it in their stores’ (Participant A)
However, in agreement with Renting et al (2003), the flip side of this was highlighted
by a number of participants:
‘if they suddenly, a fad changes and they no longer want to use your product…I think if
you put all your eggs in one basket you’re on the road to being doomed’ (Participant
M)
4.8 The dynamics of capacity, passion and impetus
Another factor raised, that could be interpreted in relation to its potential impact on the
instability of local food sector, was the concern was raised over the future role of
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government in terms of spending cuts and minimal support with respect to
infrastructure:
‘Well, I really worry about that with the changing government…one of the first things
they did was stop funding for free school meals’ (Participant G)
‘my gut feeling is that they’re gonna be supportive at an individual choice level but
they’re not gonna support it in any struc…’ (Participant L)
Findings have already established that there will be a strong focus on the councils,
although how much support they will provide is uncertain as of yet due to a lack of
capacity and resources. In many cases, a lack of impetus was also identified, which was
particularly salient when discussing the public-sector arena:
‘I tried through the approved process…they couldn’t do that either…they would not
give you the impetus to build a hub’ (Participant J)
‘if you have the staff in place who are really passionate about it and want to do it, they
can do it, there’s no problem doing it, it's having the impetus’ (Participant K)
It is contended here that the dynamics between capacity, passion and impetus play a
key role in the complexity and multilayered nature of the local food sector. Based on
the literature review and findings revealed in the interviews, it is contended that the
government and public-sector is predominantly lacking in both capacity and impetus,
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whilst the third-party sector and other driven individuals are pushing the sector forward
with high levels of passion and impetus.
As was highlighted earlier in this discussion, the third-party sector will be the second
stakeholder grouping to take responsibility for the future focus. Examples of
stakeholder determination within this group are demonstrated throughout:
‘I intend on hanging in here somehow’ (Participant I)
High levels of passion and impetus were not restricted to the third-party sector, but
were also evident from discussion concerning driven individuals, most often referred to
as ‘champions’, who were highlighted as key to successful initiatives, by even the most
sceptical of participants:
‘the more and more I look at this you get a champion in an area, or community or
group of people, it doesn’t have to be an individual…they tend to survive because one
or two people drive them’ (Participant L)
Participant F was a good example of this, and her sense of passion was evident
throughout the interview:
‘I wanted to set up a business that made it easy for people to do the right thing’
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It also became evident that Participant J was a driving factor in the initiation of local
food catering within the mental health unit:
‘a lot of people in our team have got these awards because of effort, not because of me,
individually, yes I have been the catalyst but’
One problem was raised with respect to projects driven by a champion:
‘what happens when they move on? We’ve seen projects fall because of that, otherwise
good projects, someone moves on’ (Participant L)
Despite this potential downfall, it is contended that passion and impetus are crucial in
facing the challenges posed by the nature local food.
4.9 Organic growth
In light of the complexities highlighted earlier, organic growth was identified as a key
strategy:
‘fundamentally if you want to see something change you need to change it, and you
know I think individuals can make a big difference even in small steps’ (Participant F)
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In the literature review, a lack of infrastructure was highlighted as a key barrier to the
development and sustainability of local food networks (F3, 2006; Weatherall et al,
2003), which was also highlighted by participants:
‘I don’t think it’s hard-wired I think you can change it but it’s, unless, you do things at
a structural level I think it’s quite hard to do that’ (Participant L)
In light of this, the notion of organic growth and incremental change was applicable
both at an individual enterprise level and to the local food sector as a whole.
As highlighted in section 4.5, planning was integral to long-term, step-by-step
development and was evident from the way in which a number of participants
approached their own business. One participant commented that after the initial
planning, use of local food should not be any more complex than the standard method
of working:
‘well it definitely is a lot more complicated to change because it involves working with
different suppliers, different contracts…but once you’ve changed it shouldn’t be more
complicated to do it that way’ (Participant K)
The notion of incremental change was highlighted with respect to the local producer
enterprise:
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'It's little by little. Get it right then add, rather than having this big vision of it that's
failed so many times' (Participant I)
‘I think you need organic growth, grow organically and um move slowly then I think
you’ve got a good chance’ (Participant M)
‘if we build this up strata by strata, I’ve now got guarantee that I can get local cabbage
twelve months a year’ (Participant J)
4.10 The next generation
Education in schools was highlighted by a number of participants in the drive to push
forward with the local food sector, and was based on the slow but steady goal of
shifting society’s mindset towards a healthier, and more local, way of living. Primary
suggestions were based upon reconnecting children with the origins of their food
‘it’s nice for them to be able to see the animals and make that connection really…we’ve
got a school coming in tomorrow…if you can educate the next generation then that
means we’ve got a chance’ (Participant H)
By showing children where their food comes from, it is expected that children will
develop an appreciation of fresh, quality, healthy food:
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‘it’s great these initiatives to get gardens and schools, to get schoolkids out to local
farms and community based industry initiatives hugely important…education has to
help’ (Participant G)
It was also suggested that by incorporating more education into the school curriculum,
more children should be encouraged into the agricultural sector. Based on the findings
and discussion so far, it is contended here that by fully integrating food and farming
education into the school curriculum, more children would develop a passion for food
and nature. In turn, it is contended that more adults would consider the agricultural
sector as a career from their school experiences. This would also have the potential to
influence family lifestyle habits:
‘Well, one child would go home and say we had the sausages from linkfield butchers
and the parents buy even a pound of them, well you’ve made a sort of change haven’t
you, it may be a very miniscule change but you can’t expect to wake up from where we
were to where we wanna be just over night, you know it has to be a long, long drawn
out process with support, it’s many, many, many years away’ (Participant M)
4.11 Summary
With respect to local food as a concept, the general consensus was that it is
undefinable. It was apparent from the diversity of opinion that the sector is full of
inconsistencies and contradictions in terms of the most appropriate avenue for the
progression of local food. Key themes to reach mutual agreement were the benefits of
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local food with respect to the local economy, the importance of collaboration and
networking, as well as business sense. Multiples were generally identified as a barrier
although some felt more strongly than others about their role in society. Opinions
surrounding food culture were mixed both within and between participants.
The concluding sections of this chapter highlight the local food sector as, at worst, a
complex, confusing, frustrating and disheartening area to work in, and at best a sector
that is filled with stakeholders full of compassion, drive and impetus for ‘doing the
right thing’. Organic growth was identified as key to the development of local food
supply networks, and a number of participants referred to the use of blueprints in
facilitating future developments and education in nurturing driven individuals.
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5.0 Conclusions
The aim and objectives were achieved through the secondary and primary research.
The secondary research provided a basis for the exploration of key concepts relative to
local food, namely the lack of clarity surrounding the definition, and a number of
barriers and opportunities relating to key stakeholders and situation-specific contexts.
In the primary research, a broad range of perspectives was acquired using maximum
variation sampling. The primary research highlighted a number of barriers and
opportunities with respect to conceptualisation of the term and its implications for
future strategies, food culture, and the fragmented nature of market and policy avenues.
A number of transformations occurred throughout the primary research, with respect to
researcher perceptions and beliefs surrounding local food networks. A number of
complexities and contradictions were highlighted, linked to both the nature of local
food and participant lifeworlds. This led to a reiterative process of questioning and
doubt throughout the primary research, concerning the goals of local food and the best
avenue for progression. On review, and completion, of the findings and discussion, this
confusion was overcome with a sense of clarity and positivity with respect to the future
of local food.
‘Capacity, passion and impetus’ was highlighted as a new concept with respect to the
dynamics of actors and contexts within the local food arena. The interplay of capacity,
passion and impetus with respect to the nature of local food was also highlighted as an
125
newly emerging concept. While the nature of local food was highlighted as complex in
the methodology, the level of complexity was dramatically underestimated. This
research served to provide market-specific reasons behind such complexities, also
highlighting market-specific causes for the temporal and contextual nature of the
sector, providing a new perspective for a common issue.
Based on the findings of the primary research, and in consideration of the secondary
literature, it is contended here that collaboration and networking, and business sense are
the two overarching concepts providing opportunities for local producers.
Recommendations relating to these concepts are provided in the following chapter.
Newly emerging concepts discussed above, hold implications for the future strategy of
local food. It is contended in light of these concepts and participant discourse, that the
most promising avenue for the local food sector as a whole is that of organic growth.
Education is integral to the notion of organic growth, which it is argued will nurture
more individuals with a passion and impetus for pushing forwards with the local food
sector.
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6.0 Recommendations
6.1 Key recommendations
A number of key recommendations are highlighted with respect to the future
development and sustainability of local food supply chains.
6.1.1 Market Avenue
With respect to market avenue, it is contended that confusion surrounding this must be
reduced through further research into the benefits of local food and the influence of
following certain market avenues. It is also important to raise the benefits of local food
to the consumer so they can make more informed purchasing decision.
It is contended that while all market avenues have a place in society, the profile of
direct retail and community initiatives needs to be raised to overcome misperceptions
associated with the niche reputation of local food such as the price barrier and the
notion of idyllism as opposed to practicality.
It is concluded that no agreement may ever be reached with respect to the goals of, and
approaches towards, local food. In light of this, it is contended that consensus must be
reached over the best approaches for each avenue with respect to segmentation and key
127
strategies. This can be achieved through the development of a solid framework and best
practice guide that should be made available to all small-scale producers.
6.1.2 Blueprints
A number of blueprints have been, and are currently being, developed. These should be
marketed more and made available to stakeholders wishing to pursue a career in the
local food arena. This has the potential to overcome a number of problems that are
renowned for each market avenue. For instance, through the development of blueprints,
public-sector procurers can identify workarounds relating to capacity, while producers
can make informed decisions based on the risks and identify key strategies for their
chosen path.
6.1.3 Business sense
Where possible, producers should adhere to suggestions made in the business sense
section; specifically, diversification of product and service offering and a specialisation
on key strengths. This will facilitate integration into the routine of everyday life, thus
increasing permanency of local food sector.
6.1.4 Incremental change and education
Incremental change is deemed to be one of the most important recommendations with
respect to infrastructure and cultural development. One strategy for this may be to
focus on regional prior to local, utilising this as a starting point for a slow but steady
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progression towards local food supply networks. There is the possibility that jumping
from imported to local food may be too much, too soon.
One of the most effective strategies for organic growth is through incorporation of food
and farming education into the school curriculum. It is contended here that increased
education of the next generation will foster the development of passionate and driven
individuals wishing to pursue a career in the food and farming sector.
6.1.5 Legislation and CSR
The government cannot control the growth of the multiples. However, stricter
legislation should be in place with respect to CSR. Specific suggestions include the In
legal requirement for supermarkets to pay a membership fee to RDAs and other
‘enabler’ businesses. Alternatively, it could be a legal requirement for the multiples to
have an internal enabler responsible for the welfare of, and collaboration with, local
suppliers. Although, this could potentially be seen as another deterrent to working with
local suppliers, which also poses the question of whether it should be a legal
requirement for supermarkets to work with a certain number of local producers as part
of the economic redevelopment strategy.
With respect to labelling, more transparency is needed. The use of a grading system is
recommended with respect to effective consumer information. For example:
129
grown/reared produced
20-50
miles X
regional X
national
imported
Alternatively, a more basic ratio could be included i.e. 70%british; 30% national, or
ratios could be provided with respect to processing, storage and distribution: Produced
in Kent, Stored in Brighton.
6.1.6 Farmer support and cultural development
Some have suggested more funding for farmers to overcome the problems posed by
diversity of the area, however in the current climate this is unlikely to happen.
Consequently, a number of alternative suggestions are put forward for supporting
farmers. Firstly, it is suggested that more collaboration is needed between producers,
this is a basic concept that can overcome issues posed by lack of resources. One of the
ways in which this may be facilitated is through the development of a web portal or
‘enabler’ that acts as a central networking service for stakeholders in the local food
sector.
130
Secondly, and perhaps debatably, it is argued that contributions to the agricultural
sector should be made compulsory for certain groups within society. For example,
offenders released from prison should have to participate in a minimum of one month’s
community service at a local farm for an allocated time slot each week.
This idea of compulsory contributions also extends to the schWork on a local farm may
also be incorporated into the educational system depending on the area in which the
school is based. In light of the lack of funds and depleting workforce, it is argued that
this will contribute productivity and progression, and in some cases may instigate a
shift in people’s life path.
131
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