Life of Abraham Lincoln

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Title: Life of Abraham Lincoln

Little Blue Book Ten Cent Pocket Series No. 324

Author: John Hugh Bowers

Editor: E. Haldeman-Julius

Release Date: September 28, 2006 [EBook #19404]

Language: English

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LITTLE BLUE BOOK NO.Edited by E. Haldeman-Julius 324

TEN CENT POCKET SERIES

Life of Abraham

Lincoln

John Hugh Bowers, Ph.D., LL.B.

Dept. History and Social Sciences,

State Teachers' College, Pittsburg, Kans.

Page 1 of 36The Project Gutenberg eBook of Life of Abraham Lincoln by John Hugh Bowers

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HALDEMAN-JULIUS COMPANY

GIRARD, KANSAS

Copyright, 1922,

Haldeman-Julius Company

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

The story of Lincoln, revealing how one American, by his own honest efforts, rosefrom the most humble beginning to the most high station of honor and worth, hasinspired millions and will inspire millions more. The log cabin in which he wasborn, the ax with which he split the rails, the few books with which he got therudiments of an education, the light of pine knots by which he studied, the flatboaton which he made the long trip to New Orleans, the slave mart at sight of which hissympathetic soul revolted against the institution of human slaverythese are allfraught with intense interest as the rude forces by which he slowly builded his greatcharacter.

Great suffering taught him great sympathy. His great sympathy for men gave himgreat influence over men. As a lonely motherless little boy living in the pitilesspoverty of the backwoods he learned both humility and appreciation. Then from agentle stepmother he learned the beauty of kindness.

As a clerk in a small store that failed, as a defeated candidate for the legislature, asCaptain in the Black Hawk War, as student of Law in his leisure moments, aspartner in a small store that failed, as Postmaster at the little village of New Salem,as Deputy Surveyor of Sangamon County, as successful candidate for thelegislature, as member of the legislature and as country lawyer, he was learning tolove his fellow men and to get along well with them, while keeping his ownconscience and building a reputation for honesty. When as a member of Congressand as a successful lawyer his proved ability brings him a measure of security andcomfort he is not elated. And when his fellow men, reciprocating his great love forthem, and manifesting their confidence in his integrity, make him President of theRepublic he still remains the humble brother of the common people.

But fate did not decree that he should enjoy the honors he had so richly deserved.The White House was not a resting place for him. In the hour of his election theNation for which he prayed was divided and the men that he loved as brothers wererushing headlong toward fratricidal war. He who loved peace was to see no morepeace except just a few hopeful days before his own tragic end. He who hated warmust captain his dear people through their long and mighty struggle and share in hisgentle heart their great sacrifices. As the kindly harmonizer of jealous rivals, as theunifier of a distracted people, as the sagacious leader of discordant factions, heproved his true greatness in the hours of the nation's peril. In many a grave crisis




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when it seemed that the Confederacy would win and the Union be lost the almostsuperhuman wisdom of Lincoln would see the one right way through the storm. Forgood reasons, the followers of Lincoln came to believe that he was being guided byGod Himself to save the Union.

The genealogists of Lincoln trace his ancestry back to Virginia and toMassachusetts and to those Lincolns who came from England about 1635. The

name Abraham recurs frequently among the Lincolns and our President seems tohave been named after his grandfather Abraham who was killed by the Indians inKentucky in 1778, when Thomas, the father of the President, was only ten years ofage. Thus left fatherless at a tender age in a rude pioneer community, Thomas didnot even learn to read. He worked about as best he could to live, became acarpenter, and in 1806 married his cousin, Nancy Hanks, the daughter of JosephHanks and his wife, Nannie Shipley, a sister of Thomas Lincoln's mother, Mary.

The first child of Thomas Lincoln and his wife Nancy was a daughter. OurPresident, the second child, was born February 12, 1809, in a log cabin, three milesfrom Hodgensville, then Hardin, now LaRue County, Kentucky. When littleAbraham was seven years old his father moved to Indiana and took up a claim near

Gentryville, Spencer County, and built a rude shelter of unhewn logs without afloor, the large opening protected only by hanging skins. In this discomfort theylived for a year, when they erected a log cabin. There was plenty of game, butotherwise the fare was very poor and the life was hard. In 1818 little Abraham'smother, delicate, refined, pathetic and too frail for such rude life, sickened and feltthat the end was near. She called her little children to her bed of leaves and skinsand told them to "love their kindred and worship God," and then she died and leftthem only the memory of her love.

Thomas Lincoln made a rude coffin himself, but there were no ceremonies at thatmost pathetic funeral when he laid his young wife in her desolate grave in theforest. Little Lincoln was nine years old, and the mystery of death, the pitiless

winter, the lone grave, the deep forestshivering with his sister in the cold cabinit all made a deep impression on the sensitive boy.

Late in the year 1819 Thomas Lincoln went back to Kentucky, and there courtedand married a widow named Sarah Buck Johnston, who had once been hissweetheart. She brought with her some household goods and her own threechildren. She dressed the forlorn little Lincolns in some of the clothing belonging toher children. She was described as tall, straight as an Indian, handsome, fair,talkative and proud. Also she had the abundant strength for hard labor. She andlittle Abraham learned to love each other dearly.

Abraham went to school in all less than a year, but this good stepmother

encouraged him to study at home and he read every book he heard of within acircuit of many miles. He read the Bible, Aesop's Fables, Murray's English Reader,Robinson Crusoe, The Pilgrim's Progress, A History of the United States, Weem'sLife of Washington and the Revised Statutes of Indiana. He studied by the fire-lightand practiced writing with a pen made from a buzzard's quill dipped in ink madefrom brier roots. He practiced writing on the subjects of Temperance, Government,and Cruelty to Animals. The unkindness so often common to those frontier folksshocked his sensitive soul. He practiced speaking by imitating the itinerant preacherand by telling stories to any who would give him an audience. He walked fifteenmiles to Boonville to attend court and listen to the lawyers.




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At nineteen he was six feet and two inches tall, weighed one hundred and fiftypounds, had long arms and legs, slender body, large and awkward hands and feet,but not a large head. He is pictured as wearing coon-skin cap, linsey-woolsey shirt,and buckskin breeches that were often too short. He said that his father taught himto work but never taught him to love itbut he did work hard and withoutcomplaining. He was said to do much more work than any ordinary man at splittingrails, chopping, mowing, ploughing, doing everything that he was asked to do with

all his might. It was at this age that he went on the first trip with a flat boat down toNew Orleans. This was an interesting adventure; and there had been sorrows, also;his sister Sarah had married and died in child-birth.

In the spring of 1830 the roving spirit of Thomas Lincoln felt the call of the Westand they set out for Illinois. John Hanks met them five miles northwest of Decaturin Macon County, where on a bluff overlooking the muddy Sangamon they built acabin, split rails, fenced fifteen acres and broke the prairie. Young Lincoln wastwenty-one and free, but he remained at home during the summer, helping hisfather and his devoted step-mother to establish their new home. The followingwinter he split the historic rails for Mrs. Nancy Miller"four hundred for everyyard of jeans dyed with walnut juice necessary to make him a pair of trowsers."

In the spring, a pioneer adventurer, Denton Offut, engaged Abraham, with Hanksand one other helper, to take a boat load of provisions to New Orleans, for thewages of fifty cents a day and a bonus of sixty dollars for the three. This and thepreceding trip down the river gave Lincoln the sight of slavery which caused him tosay, "If ever I get a chance to hit that thing I'll hit it hard."

New Salem was a very small village destined to be of only a few years duration.Here Offut erected a small general store and placed Lincoln in charge while Offuthaving other unimportant business ventures went about the community braggingthat his clerk, Lincoln, was the best man in the country and would some day bepresident of the United States. Offut's boasting attracted the attention of the Clary's

Grove boys, who lived near New Salem, and they determined upon a wrestlingmatch between Lincoln and their champion bully, Jack Armstrong. Lincoln did hisbest to avoid it, and a prominent citizen stopped the encounter. The result was thatArmstrong and his gang became Lincoln's friends and later gave him the mosthearty political support at times when the support of just such men as Armstrongwas an important political asset.

During this time Lincoln continued his studies, and feeling the need to studyEnglish Grammar he ransacked the neighborhood until he found trace of one somesix miles away and walked over to buy or borrow it; brought it back in triumph andstudied it exhaustively.

About this time we have some narratives concerning his honesty that comparefavorably with the story of Washington and the cherry tree. While he was keepingOffut's store a woman overpaid him four pence and when he found the mistake hewalked several miles that evening to return the pennies before he slept. On anotheroccasion in selling a half pound of tea he discovered that he had used too small aweight and he hastened forth to make good the deficiency. Indeed one of his chieftraits all his life was absolute honesty.




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He was chosen to pilot the first steamboat, the Talisman, up the Sangamon. AtSpringfield they held a banquet to celebrate the event but Lincoln was not invitedbecause they only invited the "gentlemen" and Lincoln was only the pilot.

He spent all his spare time studying Law or History, and had been from his youthan admirer of the romantic figure of Henry Clay. He adopted most of Clay'sprinciples as his own, especially that of the gradual, compensated emancipation of

slaves, to which ideal he clung all his life. With such interests, it was natural thatwhen Offut failed and his job as store clerk ended, he should announce himself as acandidate for the legislature. His campaign was interrupted by the Black HawkWar. Lincoln volunteered. The Clary's Grove boys enlisted and elected himcaptain. He showed his kindness and courage when during the campaign he foundhis whole command, mutinous and threatening; and facing them he placed his ownbody between them and a poor friendly Indian, who, with safe conduct fromGeneral Cass, had taken refuge in camp. He saw no fighting and killed no Indiansbut was long afterward able to convulse Congress with a humorous account of his"war record." The war ended in time for him to get back and stump the county justbefore the election in which he was defeated.

In partnership with a man named Berry they bought out the little store in NewSalem; but Berry drank and neglected the business. Lincoln was strictly temperate,but he spent all his spare moments studying Blackstone, a copy of which legalclassic he had fortunately found in a barrel of rubbish he had obligingly boughtfrom a poor fellow in trouble.

With both members of the firm thus preoccupied the business "winked out." Berrydied, leaving Lincoln the debts of the firm, twelve hundred dollars,to him anappalling sum, which he humorously called "the national debt"; and on which hecontinued to make payments when he could for the next fifteen years. For a time hewas postmaster of New Salem, an office so small that Andrew Jackson must haveoverlooked it. But the experience shows how scrupulous he always was; for when

years afterward a government agent came to Springfield to make settlementLincoln drew forth the very coins that he had collected in the postoffice, andthough he had sorely needed the loan of them he had never even borrowed them fortemporary use.

For a time he had a better position as Deputy Surveyor of Sangamon County. Hiswork was accurate and he was doing well when in 1834 he again announced as acandidate for the legislature and was elected.

At Vandalia at the session of the legislature he first saw Stephen A. Douglas, then alobbyist, and said of him, "He is the least man I ever saw." Lincoln at this sessionseemed to be learning, studying men and methods and prudently preparing for

future success rather than endeavoring to seize opportunities prematurely.

This is the time when Lincoln fell in love with Ann Rutledge, a beautiful youngwoman of New Salem who was already betrothed to another. The other lover wentEast and did not return. Lincoln had hopes, but Ann took sick and died of brainfever. He was allowed to see her as she lay near the end, and the effect upon hiskindly nature was terrible. There settled upon him a deep despondency. That falland winter he wandered alone in the woods along the Sangamon, almost distractedwith sorrow. When he seemed on the verge of insanity a friend, Bowling Green,took him to his own home and nursed him back to health, and the grief settled into




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that temperamental melancholy, which, relieved only by his humor, was part of thedeep mystic there was in him, part of the prophet, the sadness that so early baptisedhim in the tragedy of life, and taught him to pity a suffering world.

Again he ran for the legislature, announcing his policy: "for all sharing theprivileges of the government who assist in bearing its burdens; for admitting allwhites to the right of suffrage who pay taxes or bear arms (by no means excluding

females). If elected, I shall consider the whole people of Sangamon as myconstituents, as well those that oppose as those that support me. While acting astheir representative I shall be governed by their will upon all subjects upon which Ihave the means of knowing what their will is; and upon all others I shall do whatmy own judgment teaches me will best advance their interests." He was alwaysfundamentally democratic, was so close to the heart of humanity that he felt itsmighty pulsations and knew intuitively what his people were thinking. Hiscontemporaries thought that he had a dependable occult sense of public opinion.

One incident of this campaign shows Lincoln's versatility at repartee. GeorgeForquer, who had been a Whig, changed over to be a Democrat and was appointedRegister of the Land Office. His house, the finest in Springfield, had a lightning

rod, the only one that Springfield had ever seen. At a meeting near Springfield,Lincoln spoke, and when he had finished, Forquer replied with somecondescension, calling Lincoln the "young man." Lincoln listened to the attack withfolded arms and then made a spirited reply ending with the words: "The gentlemancalls me a young man. I am older in years than I am in the tricks and trades ofpoliticians. I desire to live and I desire place and distinction, but I would rather dienow than, like the gentleman, live to see the day that I would change my politics foran office worth three thousand dollars per year, and then feel compelled to erect alightning rod to protect a guilty conscience from an offended God."

The Whig ticket was elected, Lincoln leading, and the Sangamon delegation, sevenrepresentatives and two senators all over six feet tall were called the "Long Nine."

At Vandalia Lincoln was the leader of the Long Nine and labored to advancelegislation for public improvements to be financed by the sale of public lands. Heconfided to a friend that he was dreaming of the Governorship and was ambitiousto become the "DeWitt Clinton of Illinois."

The Assembly voted for a colossal scheme of railroads and canals, and authorized aloan of twelve millions. These vast projects afforded unlimited opportunities forspecial legislation and in all this atmosphere of manoeuvre Lincoln was mostskillful. He knew human nature and how to handle it. Log-rolling was the order ofthe day and so skillfully did the Long Nine function that they succeeded inremoving the capital from Vandalia to Springfield. Though Lincoln did prove thathe knew "the tricks and trades of the politician" he was true to his convictions; as

shown by the fact that, when the legislature passed resolutions "highlydisapproving" of the formation of abolition societies and the doctrines promulgatedby them, he voted against the resolutions; and furthermore he drew up a protestagainst the resolutions, and inducing his colleague, Dan Stone, to sign it with him,had his protest entered on the journal for March 3, 1837. While this protest wascautiously worded it did declare "the institution of slavery is founded upon injusticeand bad policy." This was a real gratuitous expression of a worthy ideal contrary toself interest, for his constituents were at that time certainly not in any way opposed




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to slavery. It was only within a few months after this very time that the atrociouspersecution and murder of Lovejoy occurred in the neighboring town of Alton.

When the Long Nine came home bringing the capital with them Springfieldplanned such a celebration as had not been seen since the day the Talisman cameup the Sangamon. To this banquet Lincoln was not only invited but placed at thehead of the board; having been only the pilot of the enterprise this time did not

exclude him. He made a speech and made many friends in Springfield. The timewas now opportune for him to move to Springfield. So in the year 1837, AbrahamLincoln, being twenty-eight years of age and a lawyer, packed his meagerpossessions in a pair of saddle-bags and moved to the new Capital, then a town ofless than two thousand inhabitants, here to begin a new era in his life. Besidesbeing very poor he still carried the burden of the "national debt" left to him fromthe failure of the partnership with Berry, but he had friends and a reputation forhonesty. In time he pays the debt, and his friends increase in numbers.

The morning that Lincoln went into the store of Joshua Speed in Springfield, andindicated that he was looking for a place to stay, Speed said: "The young man hadthe saddest face I ever saw." Speed indicated that Lincoln could share Speed's own

bed in a room above; Lincoln shambled up, dropped his saddle bags, shambleddown again and said: "Well, Speed, I am moved." With John T. Stewart, hiscomrade in the Black Hawk campaign, he formed a law partnership. Lincoln andStewart were both too much interested in politics to give their undivided devotionto the law. During their four years together they made a living, and had workenough to keep them busy but it was not of the kind that proved either veryinteresting or lucrative.

He spent much time making public speeches on a variety of occasions and subjects,obviously practicing the art of eloquent address for his own improvement. In 1838he was again elected to the legislature and was minority candidate for Speaker.

Now Mrs. N. W. Edwards was one of the local aristocrats of Springfield, and hersister, Mary Todd from Kentucky, came to visit her. Mary Todd was beautiful andLincoln and Douglas were rivals for her hand. Observers at the time thought thatwith a brilliant and talented girl the graceful and dashing Douglas would surely bepreferred. But Miss Todd made her own selection and she and Lincoln wereengaged to be married on New Year's day, 1841.

The day came and the wedding was not solemnized. Now there came upon himagain that black and awful melancholy. He wandered about in utter gloom. To helphim, his good friend Joshua Speed took him away to Kentucky for a trip. Upon hisreturn a reconciliation with Mary Todd led to their marriage, November, 1842. ToLincoln's kindly manner, his considerateness and his self-control, she was the

opposite. The rule "opposites attract" may explain the union, and if the marriagewas not ideally happy it may be conjectured that one more happy might haveinterfered with that career for which Destiny was preparing him.

In 1841, Stewart went to Congress and Lincoln dissolved the partnership to formanother with Judge Stephen T. Logan who was accounted the best lawyer inIllinois. Contact with Logan made Lincoln a more diligent student and an ablerpractitioner of the law. But two such positive personalities could not long work inharmony, so in 1843 Lincoln formed a partnership with William H. Herndon, a manof abolitionist inclinations who remained Lincoln's junior partner until Lincoln's




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death and became his biographer. But they were very poor. The struggle was hard,and Lincoln and his bride were of necessity very frugal. In 1841 he might have hadthe nomination for Governor, but he declined it; having given up his ambition tobecome the "DeWitt Clinton of Illinois." It will be remembered that the internalimprovement theories had not worked so well in practice. The panic of 1837 hadconvinced both him and his supporters of the unwisdom of attempting suchimprovements on too large a scale at one time. Though he had been mistaken he

seems not to have lost the support of his followers, for they were mistaken withhim; and the experience shows that "it is more popular for a politician to be withhis constituents in the wrong than to be in the right against them."

Though he declined the nomination for Governor, his ambitious wife encouragedhis natural inclination to keep his eye on the political field, and to glance in thedirection of Congress. His ambitions were temporarily thwarted. On Washington'sbirthday in 1842, during the Washington Temperance movement he made a speechon temperance. While the whole address was admirable and conceived in a highhumanitarian tone it did not please all. He was full of a wise and gentle tolerancethat sprang alike from his knowledge and his love of men.

When accused of being a temperance man he said "I don't drink."

He was criticised, and because of this, and because his wife was an Episcopalian,and an aristocrat, and because he had once accepted a challenge to fight a duel,which friends prevented, his congressional ambitions had to be postponed. Alsothere were other candidates. He stood aside for Hardin and for Baker. In 1844 hewas on the Whig electoral ticket and stumped the state for Henry Clay whom hegreatly admired.

Finally in 1846 the Whigs nominated him for Congress. The Democrats nominatedthe pioneer Methodist preacher, Peter Cartwright, who used the Washington'sbirthday address against Lincoln and even the charge of atheism, which had no

worthy foundation, for Lincoln was profoundly religious, though he never unitedwith any church. He said that whenever any church would inscribe over its altar asthe only condition for membership the words of Jesus: "Thou shalt love the Lordthy God with all thy heart and with all thy soul and with all thy strength, and thyneighbor as thyself;" he would join that church. Lincoln's life proved his sincerityin this statement.

Lincoln made a thorough campaign, watching most carefully all the many interestswhich can contribute to the success of a candidate, and was elected by an unusualmajority. Moreover, he was the only Whig who secured a place in the Illinoisdelegation that year.

In 1847, when he took his seat in the thirtieth Congress, he saw there the last of thegiants of the old days,Webster, Calhoun, Clay and old John Quincy Adams,dying in his seat before the session ended. There were also Andrew Johnson,Alexander H. Stephens and David Wilmot. Douglas was there to take his new seatin the Senate. The Mexican War was drawing to its close. The Whig partycondemned the war as one that had been brought on simply to expand slaveterritory. Generals Taylor and Scott as well as many other prominent army officerswere Whigs. This fact aided materially in justifying the Whig policy of denouncingthe Democrats for entering into the war and at the same time voting adequate




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supplies for the prosecution of the war. Lincoln entered heartily into this partypolicy.

A few days after he had taken his seat in Congress he wrote back to Herndon aletter which closed humorously: "As you are all so anxious for me to distinguishmyself I have concluded to do so before long." Accordingly, soon after heintroduced a series of resolutions which became known as the "Spot Resolutions."

These resolutions referred to the President's message of May 11, 1846, in which thePresident expressed the reasons of the administration for beginning the war andsaid the Mexicans had "invaded our territory and shed the blood of our own citizenson our own soil." Lincoln quoted these lines and then asked the President to statethe "exact spot" where these and other alleged occurrences had taken place. Whilethese resolutions were never acted upon, they did afford him an opportunity tomake a speech; and he made a good speech; not of the florid and fervid style thathad characterized some of his early efforts; but a strong, logical speech that broughtout the facts and made a favorable impression, thus saving him from being amongthe entirely unknown in the House.

With reference to his future career a paragraph concerning Texas is here quoted. Hesays: "Any people, anywhere being inclined and having the power, have the right toraise up and shake off the existing government, and form a new one that suits thembetter. This is a most valuable, a most sacred right,a right which we hope andbelieve is to liberate the world. Nor is this right confined to a case in which thewhole people of an existing government choose to exercise it. Any portion of suchpeople, that can, may revolutionize, and make their own of so much of the territoryas they inhabit." This political philosophy, so comfortably applied to Texas in1846, is just what the Confederacy wished in 1861; and just exactly what Lincolndid not wish in 1861.

As Lincoln knew all along, his course concerning the war and the administration

was displeasing some of his constituents; some of whom would rather be warlikethan to be right, others honestly favored expansion. Like most of the other Whigshe had voted for the Ashmun amendment which said that the war had been"unnecessary and unconstitutionally commenced by the President." He learned thatsome of the people of Springfield would be displeased with an attitude that seemedto weaken the administration in a time of stress, but with Lincoln it was a matter ofconscience and he met it fairly without evasion or any sort of coloring. And laterwhen Douglas accused him of being unpatriotic he replied that he had not chosen toskulk, that he had voted for what he thought was the truth, and also reminded hishearers that he had always voted with the rest of the Whigs for the necessarysupplies to carry on the war after it had been commenced. He would have likedrenomination, but Judge Logan was nominated and was not elected.

He was on the electoral ticket and stumped New England and Illinois for Taylor, assoon as Congress adjourned. The New England speeches were full of moralearnestness. In Boston he heard Governor Seward speak and said: "I reckon you areright. We have got to deal with this slavery question and give more time to ithereafter than we have been giving." In December he went back to Washington forthe second session and worked consistently for the Wilmot Proviso, designed toexclude slavery from territory acquired from Mexico. At this second session hevoted against a bill to exclude slavery from the District of Columbia, because he




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did not like the form of the bill and then introduced a measure himself designed toserve the same purpose.

When his term as Congressman expired he sought but failed to obtain the positionof Commissioner of the General Land Office. He was offered the position ofGovernor of the newly organized territory of Oregon, but this, due somewhat to thesensible advice of his wife, he declined. Then he went back to Springfield to

practice law again, and to travel the muddy roads of the old Eighth Circuit, asomewhat disappointed and disillusioned man; but as ever the same sincere, kindlybrother to all his fellow men.

During the years from 1850 to 1860 the tall figure of Lincoln, garbed in black,continued to be familiar to the people of Springfield, as he strode along the streetbetween his dingy law office on the square and his home on Eighth Street. He wasclean in person and in dress, and diligent in his law practice, but he was not good atcollecting what was coming to him; badly as he needed money in those days. Hehad finally paid off his debts, but the death of his father had left his devotedstepmother needing some help; and his shiftless stepbrother to be expostulated within letters full of very kindly interest and wholesome advice.

He worked hard and was rapidly becoming known as an excellent lawyer. He madefriends of the best men in the state, and they referred to him affectionately as"Honest Abe" or "Old Abe," but they always addressed him respectfully as "Mr.Lincoln." His humor, never peccant, was related to his brooding melancholy, andwas designed to smooth out the little rough places in life, which he so wellunderstood, with all its tragedies and tears. Men loved him, not alone for his stories,but for his simplicity of life, his genuine kindness, his utter lack of selfishness.There was a fascination about his personality. He seemed somehow mysterious andat the same time simple. In fact he was always trying to make ideas seem simpleand clear, and told stories to accomplish that purpose. He tried to make the caseclear to the jury, and the issues clear to his hearers. In all his life which had ever its

heavy sorrows, these years were probably the brightest for him. He enjoyed theconfidence of his people and the devotion of his friends. His fellow men ofwhatever degree in life, judge, lawyers, witnesses, jurors, litigants, all gatheredaffectionately around him to hear him talk and to tell stories. But he was not a merestory teller. His conversation was such as to draw men to him for its very worth. Hewas fundamentally serious, dignified, and never given to uncouth familiarities.

Though so notably kind, so deeply sympathetic, and at times so given to humor,when he was aroused he was terrible in his firmness, his resolution to win for thecause that was right, his stern rebuke for injustice, his merciless excoriation offalsehood and his relentless determination to see the truth prevail. False or carelesswitnesses dreaded his cross-examinations, and his opponents dreaded his

effectiveness in handling a case before a jury.

Though he was called homely, there was a commanding dignity about his presence;his appearance inspired confidence; and when in the heat and passion of forensiceffort, his features lighted up with a strange and compelling beauty andattractiveness. He was never petty, never quibbled and never tried to gain an unfairadvantage or even use an unworthy means of attaining a worthy end. Consequentlycourts and juries believed what he said. He was a poor lawyer when on the wrongside of the case, and would not take a bad case if he knew it. Upon one occasion,when, in the very midst of a trial, he discovered that his client had acted




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fraudulently, he left the courtroom and when the judge sent for him, he sent wordback that he "had gone to wash his hands." He had too much human sympathy to bethe most effective prosecutor unless there was a clear case of Justice on his side;and he was too sympathetic to make moneyfor his charges were so small thatHerndon and the other lawyers and even the judge expostulated with him. Thoughhis name appears in the Illinois Reports in one hundred and seventy-three cases,arecord giving him first rank among the lawyers of the state, his income was

probably not much over two or three thousand a year. And he was engaged in someof the most important cases in the state, such as Illinois Central Railroad Companyv. The County of McLean, in which he was retained by the railroad andsuccessfully prevented the taxation of land ceded to the railroad by the State,andthen had to sue to recover his modest fee of five thousand, which was the largest heever received. In the McCormick reaper patent litigation he was engaged withEdwin M. Stanton, who treated him with discourtesy in the Federal Court atCincinnati, called him "that giraffe," and prevented him from delivering theargument which he had so carefully and solicitously prepared. Such an experiencewas, of course, very painful to his sensitive nature, and it shows how great he wasthat he could forgive the injury entirely as he did later when he appointed Stanton

as his Secretary of War, despite the protest of friends who recalled it all to him.In one of his most notable murder cases he defended William or "Duff" Armstrong,the son of his old friend, Jack Armstrong. It was a desperate case for William andfor his mother Hannah, who had also been a warm friend to Lincoln when he wasyoung. The youth was one of the wildest of the Clary's Grove boys, and aprosecuting witness told how, by the light of the moon, he saw the blow struck.Lincoln subjected the witness to one of his dreadful cross-examinations and thenconfronted him with the almanac of the year in which the crime was committed toshow that the moon had set at the hour at which the witness claimed to have seenthe blow struck by Armstrong. The boy was acquitted and Lincoln would accept nofee but the tears and gratitude of his old friends.

Another interesting case was one in which a principal witness was the aged PeterCartright who had more than ten years before waged a campaign against Lincolnfor Congress. Cartright was the grandfather of "Peachy" Harrison who was chargedwith the murder of Greek Crafton. It was a dramatic moment when the oldMethodist minister took the stand in front of Lincoln, and as his white head bowed,Lincoln had him tell how, as Greek Crafton lay dying, among his last words were "Iwant you to say to the man who killed me that I forgive him." After such a dyingdeclaration and such a scene Lincoln was sure to make a speech that would movethe hearts of any jury with pity and forgiveness such as he himself always felt forall souls in trouble; and Harrison was acquitted. It was such experiences at the barthat made him the great lawyer that he was; and the great advocate of whatever he

believed to be right; and prepared him to win the great cause of humanity beforethe whole people of the nation and of the world.

In 1852 Lincoln campaigned for Scott. In 1854 he seemed to be losing interest inpolitics when the news of the abrogation of the Missouri Compromise aroused him.This had been brought about by Douglas, the new leader of the Democrats, thenone of the most influential men in Congress, and after the days of Webster, Clayand Calhoun, one of the foremost politicians in America. Douglas came back toIllinois to find many of his constituents in the North displeased with what theythought he had done to please the Democrats of the South. They thought that he




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was sacrificing the ideal of limiting slavery in order to advance his ambitions tobecome President. He set about to win back his state. He spoke in Springfield; anda few days later, Lincoln replied in a speech that delighted his friends andconvinced them that in him they had a champion afire with enthusiasm for thecause of freedom.

Somewhat against his will he was nominated and elected to the legislature in the

fall of 1854, but when he saw the dissatisfaction in the Democratic party he wasencouraged to resign from the legislature and become a candidate for the UnitedStates Senate. The Democrats, though not in perfect harmony, had a majority, andhe could not be elected, but helped to turn the tide for the revolting faction of theDemocrats. Though disappointed he knew that the struggle was only begun.

The nation was aroused over the question of slavery. While many good peopledesired peace rather than agitation concerning such an irritating problem, thequestion of slavery in the territories had to be decided and the whole question ofslavery would not down. In 1856 the Republican party was organized for the stateof Illinois in a big convention at Bloomington at which Lincoln made a strongspeech; and in the Republican National Convention held in Philadelphia a few

weeks later he was given 110 votes for Vice-President. He was committed to thenew Republican party and campaigned vigorously for Fremont, their candidate forPresident.

Lincoln's enthusiastic friends said he was already on the track for the Presidency.As the contest of 1858 for the Senate approached, it again appeared that theDemocrats would be divided and Lincoln had some confidence of success. Out inKansas the proslavery men, by an unfair vote, had adopted the LecomptonConstitution favoring slavery; President Buchanan urged Congress to admit Kansaswith that fraudulent constitution; Douglas opposed that constitution and votedagainst the admission of Kansas as a slave state; thus angering the President and theSouth and delighting the Republicans of the North.

Now the time was approaching when, in the 1859 session of the Illinois legislature,Douglas would have to stand for re-election to the United States Senate. Thelegislators would be chosen in the campaign of 1858 largely on that issue. Douglashad become the foremost man in the Democratic party, and any man who couldbeat him would have national recognition. The Republicans of Illinois nominatedLincoln, who challenged Douglas to a series of joint debates.

The famous Lincoln-Douglas Debates are full of interest and repay a full andcareful study, but they will be treated very briefly in this volume.

Lincoln entered upon these debates in a lofty spirit and to the end pursued a high

course, fraught with kindness, fairness, magnanimity and most commendabledignity. He said, "While pretending no indifference to earthly honors, I do claim, inthis contest, to be actuated by something higher than anxiety for office," andapparently he was.

Lincoln looked into the future and foresaw the coming campaign of 1860 for thePresidency. He foresaw that Douglas would be the leader of the Democrats in thatcampaign and conducted the debate accordingly.

Lincoln thought not alone of momentary issues, but also of eternal verities. Somethings which his friends wished him not to say, for fear it would lose him votes, he




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said, because they were things that were true and ought to be said: for example,"This nation cannot endure half slave and half free.... A house divided against itselfcannot stand.... I do not expect the house to fall.... I do not expect the Union to bedissolved. I do expect it to cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or allthe other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it andplace it where in the public mind it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or itsadvocates will push it until it will become alike lawful in all the states, old as well

as new, North as well as South." While such utterances probably did cost him votesat the time, later his people could see that his prophetic vision had been right andtheir confidence in him, always strong, was accordingly increased.

Lincoln, with the training of the lawyer, the wily cross-examiner, the profoundjurist, the farsighted statesman, forced Douglas into a dilemma between thenorthern Democrats of Illinois and the southern Democrats of the slave states.Lincoln was warned by his friends that Douglas would probably choose to pleasethe Democrats of Illinois and be elected United States Senator; but Lincoln repliedto his friends: "I am after larger game: the battle of 1860 is worth a hundred ofthis." Time proved that Lincoln was right. While Lincoln's friends guessed wiselyas to the prediction that Douglas would choose to secure the Senatorship by

pleasing the Democrats of Illinois, many of whom were opposed to slavery,Lincoln was wise in his prediction concerning the effect on the campaign of 1860for President.

For example, one of the questions Lincoln asked was: "Can the people of a UnitedStates Territory, in any lawful way, against the wishes of any citizen of the UnitedStates, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a stateconstitution?" If Douglas should answer, "No," he would alienate Illinois; and if heshould answer "Yes," he would alienate the South. In a remarkably adroit mannerDouglas answered, "Yes," and delighted his friends in Illinois; but later the effect inthe South was clearly against him.

In the United States Senate Douglas had proved a match for the best debaters in theland, but he remarked after his series of debates with Lincoln that in all his sixteenyears in the Senate he had not met one whom he would not rather encounter thanLincoln.

To the very end of the debate Lincoln kept the argument pitched on a very highplane of dignified logical search for clear truth; which was something unusual inpolitical contests. He kept referring to such ideas as, "Is slavery right or wrong?" "Itis the eternal struggle between right and wrong." Lincoln was pleading forhumanity.

The debates were continued in seven of the largest cities of the states, and between

the joint engagements the protagonists were speaking daily under circumstances ofgreat strain. The prestige of being a Senator gave to Douglas comforts of travel notalways accorded to Lincoln and at the end of the campaign he was worn out. Whenthe election was over the popular vote was very close, but the members of thelegislature gave Douglas a majority and he was returned to the Senate. But thecampaign split the Democratic party and made Lincoln a national figure.

Lincoln, tired and disappointed and financially embarrassed by his personalexpenses, could still cheer his friends with a joke. He said, "I am like the boy thatstumped his toeit hurt too bad to laugh, but he was too big to cry." He added,




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"However, I am glad I made the race. It gave me a hearing on the great and durablequestion of the age which I could have had in no other way; and though I shall nowsink from view and be forgotten, I believe that I have made some marks for thecause of civil liberty which will endure long after I am gone."

But he was not to be forgotten. He received congratulations from all parts of thenation. He got many calls to come and speak in the largest cities, most of which he

declined, because he must return to his law practice and earn some money.However, when Douglas appeared in the Gubernatorial contest in Ohio, thetemptation was too great, and he accepted calls to reply in Columbus andCincinnati before very large audiences. He also accepted a call to speak in CooperUnion Institute in New York City, where he delivered a notable speech before alarge and distinguished audience presided over by William Cullen Bryant. Lincolnsays that he felt uncomfortable and "imagined that the audience noticed the contrastbetween his western clothes and the neat fitting suits of Mr. Bryant and others whosat on the platform." He spoke with great earnestness, and the next day in theTribune, Horace Greeley said: "No other man ever made such an impression in hisfirst appeal to a New York audience." From New York he went on a speaking tripthrough New England where he made a deep impression. He went home with a

national reputation. The strange story of his early life appealed to the masses of thepeople of the North; he was the subject of conversation and of inquiry. A friendsought data for a biography.

He said, "I admit that I am ambitious and that I would like to be President. I am notinsensible to the compliment that you pay me and the interest that you manifest inthe matter, but there is no such good luck in store for me as the Presidency of theUnited States. Besides, there is nothing in my early history that would interest youor anybody else." He also added, "I do not think that I am fitted for the Presidency";and that, "men like Seward and Chase were entitled to take precedence." But theeditor of the Central Illinois Gazette brought him out and after that the movementspread strongly.

Such friends as Davis, Sweet, Logan and Palmer and also his faithful partner,Herndon, continued to urge him to become an active candidate. He finallyconsented and became busy at the work of marshalling the support of his friends.He used all his well-known skill as a politician to forward his campaign, thoughnothing derogatory is to be inferred from these words concerning his methods,which were entirely honorable. He wrote a friend: "I am not in a position where itwould hurt me much not to be nominated on the national ticket; but it would hurtme not to get the Illinois delegation ... can you help me a little in this matter at yourend of the vineyard?" The allegiance of his own state was soon assured. AtDecatur, May 9 and 10, 1860, the Republican state convention met in the big

Wigwam, and Governor Oglesby, who presided, said, "A distinguished citizenwhom Illinois is delighted to honor is present and should be invited to a place onthe platform." Amid tumultuous applause Lincoln was lifted over the heads of thecrowd to the platform. At that moment John Hanks theatrically entered bearing acouple of old fence rails and a flag and a placard on the rails, "Made in Sangamonbottom in 1830 by Abraham Lincoln and John Hanks." Again there was asympathetic uproar and Lincoln made a speech appropriate for the occasion. Whenthe tumult subsided the convention resolved that "Abraham Lincoln is the firstchoice of the Republicans of Illinois for the Presidency and their delegates are




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instructed to use every honorable means to secure his nomination, and to cast thevote of the state as a unit for him."

One week later, May 16, the national Republican convention met at Chicago in the"Wigwam," which had been built to hold ten thousand persons. Lincoln's friends,Davis, Judd, Palmer, Swett, Oglesby, were there working "like nailers," night andday without sleep. The candidates were Seward of New York, Lincoln of Illinois,

Cameron of Pennsylvania, Chase of Ohio, Bates of Missouri; and others of lessnote. Seward's friends hoped, as Lincoln's friends dreaded, that Seward might benominated by a rush on the first ballot. Lincoln's followers, contrary to his wishes,made a "necessary arrangement" with Cameron of Pennsylvania by which he wasto have a cabinet place in return for giving his support to Lincoln, who wasnominated on the third ballot. William M. Evarts, who had led for Seward, madethe usual motion to make the choice unanimous, which was done with tremendoustumult of applause. Hannibal Hamlin of Maine was nominated for Vice-president.Blaine says of Hamlin, "In strong common sense, in sagacity and sound judgment,in rugged integrity of character, Mr. Hamlin has had no superior among publicmen."

Down in Springfield, Lincoln was waiting, and when he got the news, he said,"There is a little woman down on Eighth Street who will be glad to hear this news,"and he strode away to tell her.

Douglas was in Washington when he heard the news, and remarked, "There willnot be a tar barrel left in Illinois tonight."

At once a committee of the convention were deputed to go to Springfield and giveLincoln formal notice. This ceremony, so elaborate in later days, was then verysimple and immediate. They called upon Lincoln at his own home, where he wasalready feeling gloomy with the responsibility. The committee felt much misgivingas they noted his appearance and got their first impressions; but later, when he

became aroused and spoke fitting words to which life were added by the fire of hisearnest countenance, they felt reassured, and went away delighted.

In all the history of America, the selection of George Washington to lead the armyof the Revolution, is the only event to be compared in good fortune with thisnomination of Abraham Lincoln; but to the country as a whole he wascomparatively obscure and unknown. The "wise men" of the nation had somemisgivings. While "Honest Abe, the rail splitter," might sound well to the masses,the party leaders could not be assured that rail splitting and mere honesty weresufficient qualifications for the President of a great republic in a great crisis.Nevertheless Seward and Chase supported him with a sincerity that delighted him,and the entire party entered into the campaign with great enthusiasm.

And very early in the campaign it seemed that the Republicans were quite likely towin; for the Democrats, in their convention at Charleston, divided; the NorthernDemocrats being for Douglas and the Southern Democrats against him. Theyadjourned to Baltimore, where Douglas was nominated, after which the extremeSoutherners bolted and nominated Breckenridge. Also the border states organized anew party which they called the Constitutional Union Party and nominated JohnBell.




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Douglas made a most energetic campaign, even making speeches in the South, butthe questions that Lincoln had made him answer in the great debate in Illinois in1858 were not forgotten by the Southerners, who would have nothing to do withhim, but supported Breckenridge.

Lincoln remained quietly in Springfield during the campaign, exercising mostcareful discretion as to what he said and the little that he wrote. The Governor

placed his own rooms at the statehouse at Lincoln's disposal, where he met callersand talked and joked pleasantly with all who came, but was careful to say nothingthat would add to the confusion of tongues that already existed.

Some of the most radical abolitionists of the North were not at all pleased withLincoln because he was conservative, practical, recognized slavery as existingunder the constitution, stood for preserving the Union as the first consideration,restricting the extension of slavery, and hoped for gradual compensatedemancipation, but favored nothing revolutionary or threatening to the integrity ofthe Union.

Many of the most ardent, but reasonable, abolitionists supported him as having the

most practical policy for the time being.The total popular vote was 4,680,000. Lincoln got 1,866,000; Douglas, 1,375,000;Breckenridge, 846,900; Bell, 590,000. Of the electoral vote, Lincoln got 180;Douglas, 12; Breckenridge, 72; Bell, 39. Lincoln carried the Northern States,Breckenridge the Southern States, Bell the border states of Virginia, Kentucky andTennessee, and Douglas New Jersey and Missouri. To show how the people weredivided, Douglas, Breckenridge and Bell had some votes in nearly all states bothNorth and South. Lincoln had no votes in the states farthest south, but carried allstates north of the border states.

The career of Lincoln as President was made infinitely more difficult as well as allthe more creditable to him by reason of the fact that he was not the choice of themajority of the people, but of less than half of them; even less than half of thepeople of the Northern States.

South Carolina "hailed with delight" the news of the election of Lincoln as ajustification for immediate secession, which they desired, rather than compromiseor postponement; their Senators resigned; before Christmas the Palmetto flagfloated over every federal building in that state, and early in January they fired onthe ship "Star of the West" as she entered Charleston harbor with supplies for FortSumpter. By February seven of the Southern StatesSouth Carolina, Mississippi,Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana and Texashad seceded from the Union andformed "the Confederate States of America," with Jefferson Davis of Mississippi as

President, and Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia as Vice-President.Lincoln could, meanwhile, only wait in Springfield, during this most tryinginterregnum; while the uncertain and impotent Buchanan allowed the reins ofgovernment to slip from his weak hands, and many influential men at the Northcounselled for peace at any price. Lincoln was distressed, absent-minded, sad butalso calm as he worked on his inaugural addressa tremendous responsibilityunder the circumstances; for in that address he must announce a policy in one of thegravest crises that ever confronted a ruler in this worldsorrowful unto death, hesaid, "I shall never be glad any more." Also he was beset with office-seekers and




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troubled with his cabinet appointments; for the agreement that Judge Davis hadmade at the Chicago convention with Cameron of Pennsylvania was not to hisliking.

As the time approached for his inauguration he visited his step-mother, made apilgrimage to the grave of his father, and on February 11 started for Washington,after taking leave at Springfield, of his old friends, who gathered at the station early

in the morning and stood bareheaded in the rain while he spoke these beautifulwords of affectionate farewell from the platform of the coach:

"My friends, no one not in my situation can appreciate my feelings of sadness atthis parting. To this place and the kindness of these people I owe everything. Here Ihave lived for a quarter of a century and passed from a young man to an old man.Here my children have been born and one is buried. I now leave, not knowing whenor whether ever I may return, with a task before me greater than that which restedupon Washington. Without the assistance of that Divine Being who ever attendedhim, I cannot succeed. With that assistance I cannot fail. Trusting to Him who cango with me, and remain with you, and be everywhere for good, let us confidentlyhope that all will yet be well. To His care commending you, as I hope in your

prayers you will commend me, I bid you an affectionate farewell."

On the way he made short informal speechestactfully avoiding anyannouncement of policyat Columbus, Cleveland, Buffalo, Albany and NewYork. On Washington's birthday at Philadelphia, he celebrated the admission ofKansas as a free state by raising over Independence Hall a new flag of thirty-fourstars. He was deeply moved and spoke fervently of "that sentiment in theDeclaration of Independence which gives liberty, not alone to the people of thiscountry, but also hope to all the people of the world for all future times; which gavepromise that in due time the weights would be lifted from the shoulders of all men,and that all should have an equal chance." And finally, "If this country cannot besaved without giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be

assassinated on this spot than to surrender it."

His reference to assassination may have been due to the report of detectives thatthey had discovered a plot to kill him as he went through Baltimore. Contrary toadvice concerning his personal safety, he kept his engagement to address thelegislature at Harrisburg before going on to Washington. In the Capital and thecountry thereabout were many Confederate sympathizers.

Even during the few days that he was in Washington before his inauguration, menover the country were betting that he would never be inaugurated. March 4, 1861,dawned in bright sunshine. At noon the aged Buchanan called upon Lincoln toescort him to the Capital, there to place upon the shoulders of the great Westerner

the burden which had been too heavy for the infirm old diplomat. Together theydrove down Pennsylvania Avenue to the Capitol where the ceremony was held inthe east portico. Distinguished officials were there, but the crowd was small,because of the rumors of tragedyand the aged Commander Scott had postedtroops with instructions, "if any of them raise their heads or show a finger, shoot tokill."

The moment came for the new President to take the oath of office. Lincoln, attiredin clothes obviously new, was plainly embarrassed, and stood for an awkwardmoment holding his high hat in one hand and in the other a gold-headed ebony




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stick. Douglas, his old rival, stepped promptly forward with delightful grace andrelieved him of hat and cane and held them for hima beautiful incident thesignificance of which was long remembered. Senator Baker of Oregonone of hisold Springfield friendsformally presented him, and after he had read his address,the aged Chief Justice Taney, who had written the Dred Scott Decision,administered the oath of office.

His address, for which the nation had long been waiting, was read distinctly, so thatall could hearhear him say that "misunderstandings had caused differences;"disavow any intentions to interfere with the existing institution of slavery, and evendeclare himself in favor of a new fugitive slave law. But concerning the Union hewas firm. He clearly put the Union above any issue concerning slavery. He said:"The Union of these States is perpetual.... No state upon its own mere motion canlawfully get out of the Union.... I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expresslyenjoins me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all of the States,"and he was determined "to hold, occupy, and possess the property and placesbelonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts." And he closedwith the beautiful peroration founded upon one of Seward's suggestions: "I amloathe to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though

passion may have strained, it must not break the bonds of our affection. The mysticchords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to everyliving heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of theUnion when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of ournature."

The four years and forty days that remain of Lincoln's life is but the story of hiswonderful part in our great Civil War.

When Lincoln turned from his inauguration to take up the duties of his office hefaced a responsibility greater than that which had rested upon Washington, as greatas had ever rested upon any man on this planet in all the ages. His own dear

countrythat nation which lovers of mankind had hoped would lead the world inadvancing human welfare, was already rent asunder and everywhere the men whohad been accustomed to lead in thought and action were divided. Men of influenceat the North advised peaceful separation. Radials at the South declared that theywould take Washington and make it the Confederate Capital. Prominent men at theNorth declared that the South could not be and should not be coerced. And withthese terrible problems puzzling him, Lincoln was also pestered with office-seekersuntil he remarked, "This struggle and scramble for office will yet test ourinstitutions." For his Cabinet he chose William H. Seward, Secretary of State;Salmon P. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury; Simon Cameron, Secretary of War;Gideon Wells, Secretary of the Navy; Caleb B. Smith, Secretary of the Interior;

Edward Bates, Attorney-General; Montgomery Blair, Postmaster-General.The first day after inauguration the whole problem was presented to him in a letterfrom Major Anderson with his hungry soldiers at Fort Sumpter. He wantedprovisions and reinforcements; twenty thousand soldiers would be necessary tohold the fort, and the whole standing army numbered sixteen thousand men.General Scott advised evacuation. Lincoln said, "When Anderson goes out of FortSumpter I shall have to go out of the White House." The military advisers differed:the cabinet differed; and while Lincoln pondered over the problem, Sewardacquiesced in the general assumption that he rather than Lincoln was the real head




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of the Government; and accordingly prepared and laid before Lincoln "SomeThoughts for the President's Consideration," in which after complaining of the"lack of policy" he boldly proposed to make war on Spain and France, and seek"explanations from Great Britain and Russia," and suggested that the direction ofthis policy be devolved by the President "upon some member of his cabinet," andindicating with modest significance "it is not my especial province; but I neitherseek to assume or evade responsibility." Lincoln met this proposal in a

magnanimous spirit, saying, "As to the proposed policy, if this must be done I mustdo it.... When a general line of policy is adopted, I apprehend that there is nodanger of it being changed without good reason, or continuing to be a subject ofunnecessary debate; still, upon points arising in its progress I wish, and supposethat I am entitled to have, the advice of all the cabinet."

Thus Seward came to understand, as the nation later understood, who was the headof the government, and how wise and capable he was; and this superiority, Sewardwas great enough to freely acknowledge two months later in the words: "Executiveforce and vigor are rare qualities ... the President is the best of us."

On April 12 the Confederates fired on Fort Sumpter, and by that act of aggression

unified and aroused the North. Douglas promptly assured the President of hissupport and telegraphed his followers that he had given his pledge "to sustain thePresident in the exercise of his constitutional functions to preserve the Union,maintain the government and defend the Federal Capital." Thus ended the talk ofcompromise, conciliation, concession, and also the discussion of the right or wrongof slavery. The President in his patient, kindly wisdom had substituted the issue ofUnion, and had waited until the Confederacy was the aggressor. On April 15 hecalled for 75,000 volunteers and called Congress to convene in extra session July 4.

The response was immediate and resolute. The North, glad that the long suspensewas over, offered hundreds of thousands of men for the Union. The Confederatesthreatened to capture Washington and make it the Confederate capital, and for a

few days there was grave fear that they would do so. The Sixth Massachusetts wasassaulted by a mob in the streets of Baltimore, four soldiers and twelve rioterskilled and many wounded; and the Southern sympathisers in Maryland objected tothe passing of soldiers through that state. The President, as usual conciliatory andpatient but firm, said, "there is no piece of American soil too good to be pressed bythe foot of a loyal soldier as he marches to the defense of the capital of hiscountry."

Among the President's great tasks then were to prevent the secession of any morestates, to prevent European recognition of the Confederacy, and to create an armyand navy. His diplomacy saved for the Union Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri.

With increasing confidence and power the President watched over men and events;cautiously and patiently, with mistakes and successes; amid acrid criticism, noisyabuse and malignant misrepresentation, he made his slow sure way.

The first disaster at Manassas staggered and steadied the North. The Presidentcalled to the command of the army of the Potomac, General George B. McClellan,who had been winning small successes and sending large telegrams in WesternVirginia. He was brilliant, bold, spectacular, a good organizer and soon trained thestrong young raw recruitsfarmers and artisansinto one of the finest armies theworld had ever witnessed. While McClellan was drilling and preparing in the East,




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Fremont in the West assumed the authority to issue a proclamation emancipatingthe slaves of all non-Union men in Missouri; an act which delighted theabolitionists of the North but created consternation in the border states and added tothe perplexities of the President. In order to save for the Union cause the borderstates of Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri the President had to revoke theproclamation of Fremont and suffer the thoughtless abuse of the abolitionists whoeven talked of impeachment. They saw only the immediate and moral issue of

slavery rather than the ultimate political issue of Unionin their premature haste tofree a few slaves they would have lost the whole cause both of freedom and ofUnion. Lincoln loved freedom as much as they but was more wise; nevertheless thepatient President suffered much from the misunderstanding. His patience was neverexhausted though terribly tried by the unjust criticism from many sources, by thepiques and prides of new-made Generals who felt able to command armies thoughthey could not command their own tempers; by the impertinent Buell who failed tomove into East Tennessee and stop the Confederate depredations against loyalcitizens; and by the unappreciative McClellan who was too young to understand thePresident's fatherly solicitude, and who drilled and drilled but did not go forward tofight.

In the light of the troubles that the President had with embryo-Generals one canappreciate the narrative that a caller finding him pondering over some papers askedwhat he was doing and got the reply, "O nothing muchjust making a fewGenerals." And once when a message bearer gravely told him that the enemy hadcaptured a couple of Generals and some mules, he replied, "What a pity to lose allthose mules."

Bull Run had made the people more cautious about crying "on to Richmond," andso all Washington took holidays and enjoyed going out to see McClellan's grandarmy manoeuvresall except the President for whom there was to be no morejoyno more holidays. To a sympathetic friend he replied, "I want not sympathyfor myself but success for our cause."

Again the wisdom of the President was tested and proved in the case of Mason andSlidell, the Confederate commissioners to Great Britain, whom a Federal warshiphad taken from a British mail packet. A British ultimatum demanded immediaterestitution and apology, while public sentiment at home demanded that they beretained; but the President averted trouble with England by sending thecommissioners on their way.

In the President's message to Congress, some days later, he made no reference at allto this affair because he knew when to be silent as well as when to explain.

Evidence of the true greatness and the forgiveness of the President and that he put

the cause far above any personal consideration is in the fact of his appointingEdwin M. Stanton Secretary of War, to succeed Cameron to whom he had given thepost as Minister to Russia. Stanton was a Democrat, a friend of McClellan, and hadnever ceased to speak of Lincoln with that gross abuse with which he had greetedLincoln the lawyer in the McCormick case at Cincinnati in 1859. But with allStanton's injustice to Lincolnhis revilings and his insultshe accepted thecabinet place when Lincoln offered it to him. But if Stanton was truculent, a tyrantand a bullyinfinitely more importanthe was honest and strong in office andbroke the ring of grafters who had been robbing the government, and did his workheroically. That was what the President wished. And Stanton soon learned as others




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learned that Lincoln was master of every situation. Lincoln's friends opposed theappointment of Stanton and reminded the President of how crudely Stanton hadtreated him at Cincinnati, but the President had no thought for himself or his ownfuture. He was concerned only to get the men who could best serve the great cause.

Lincoln's peculiar fitness for the tremendous tribulations of the Presidency at thattime is further proved by his experiences with the recalcitrant McClellan. The

General had been drilling and getting ready for six months,both President andpublic desired action; but the General wished to become so fully prepared that anassured and decisive victory would end the war. The President was patient,persuasive, reasonable: the General was querulous, petty and sometimes actuallyinsulting. The two differed as to their plans for advancing upon the Confederates.While the General assumed a contempt for the opinions of a civilian, time hasshown that the President was wise.

Burdened as the great heart was with the weight of the nation, additional sorrowscame into the White House when his two boys, Willie and Tad, fell ill with typhoidfever. By day and by night the grief-crazed father divided his time betweenwatching the bedside of his boys and watching over the struggling nation. Though

always religious in the deepest sense, the death of Willie seemed to strengthen hisinsight into the mysteries of the spiritual life. For awhile he seemed grief-crazed,and ever after, the great soul that had always been compassionate was even moretender in its broodings over all the people of the nation, both South and North, andin many beautiful instances he softened the severities of war.

During the early part of the war the North was not at all unanimous in its oppositionto slavery, and could only be united in the purpose to save the Union; but slaverycould not be ignored. From the Southern standpoint the war was caused by slavery,and even the Union generals were compelled to deal with fugitive slaves that camewithin their lines. Halleck sent them out of camp; Buell and Hooker allowed theirowners to come and take them; Butler held them as "contraband of war." As the

war dragged on longer than the people had anticipated the abolition sentiment inthe North grew until from press and pulpit there came adjurations to "free theslaves." The politicians told the President the "will of the people," and thepreachers told him the "will of God"; but the great mind of the President held hisown counsel, for he knew that the slave-holding but loyal border states presented apeculiar problem.

Early in 1862 he recommended to Congress the adoption of a joint resolution thatthe "United States co-operate with any state which may adopt gradual abolishmentof slavery, giving to such state pecuniary aid." The resolution was adopted, but theborder states would have nothing to do with the plan. Later General Hunter inproclaiming martial law over certain Southern territory, proclaimed "the persons in

these states, heretofore held as slaves, forever free." The President revoked theorder as he had revoked a similar action on the part of Fremont, adding firmly,"whether it be competent for me as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, todeclare the slaves of any state or states free, and whether at any time, in any case, itshall have become a necessity of government to exercise such supposed power, arequestions which, under my responsibility, I reserve to myself." And again heappealed to the people of the border states to adopt his plan of gradual compensatedemancipation, proved the wisdom of his plan by unanswerable logic, and showedthat the cost of such compensation was much less than the cost of the probable




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prolongation of the war. The loyal slave-holders of the border states were not readyto give up their slaves.

Then the President began to contemplate emancipation, but kept his purposes tohimself; kept his secret so well that even after he had determined uponemancipation and was being criticised for not taking that step he replied to hiscritics, "My paramount object is to save the Union and not either to save or destroy

slavery." Horace Greeley retorted with abuse, indicating that Greeley was unable tosee the wisdom of the President's policyfor those whose support was necessary towin the war were not yet ready for emancipation.

When preachers called to reveal to him, "the will of God" he replied, "If it isprobable that God would reveal His will to others on a point so connected with myduty, it might be supposed He would reveal it directly to me."

All these months he had been at work with his slow but accurate thought, framingin secret the most momentous document in American history since the Declarationof Independence. He did this in the cipher-room of the War Department telegraphoffice, where he was accustomed to spend anxious hours waiting for news from the

boys at the front, and also to seek what rest he could in thus hiding away from thenever-ending stream of tormentors, office-seekers, politicians and emissaries ofsage advice.

Emancipation was in his mind even while, for good reasons, he made no referenceto it. He waited for the right timewaited for victorywaited in great patience andgreat anguish. And when he did first announce his purpose of emancipation it wasto apply only to those "persons held as slaves within any state or designated part ofa state the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States."Thus sparing the loyal border states holding slaves, and allowing a way of escapefor others that should cease their rebellion. It was conservative but wise. On the onehand the radical abolitionists were not satisfied, and on the other hand the masses

were not all ready to give him hearty support in it. But he said, "I must do the best Ican and bear the responsibility of taking the course which I think I ought to take." Itwas thus this silent self-reliant man, without intimates, without supporting friends,bore almost alone on his resolute shoulders, the mighty weight of responsibility.Once more he urged upon Congress his old policy of gradual compensatedemancipation. He plead:"We say that we are for the Union. The world will notforget that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The world knows that weknow how to save it. Weeven we herehold the power and bear theresponsibility. In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free,honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save ormeanly LOSE THE LAST BEST HOPE OF EARTH. Other means may succeed, thiscannot fail. The way is peaceful; generous; just; a way which, if followed, the

world will forever applaud and God must forever bless." But they would not, andthe lonely man in the White House,kind eyes more deeply sunken, bronze facemore deeply furrowed, sad tones more deeply affectedwent about his dutiesasking sympathy nor counsel of anyone.

On New Year's Day, 1863, after the great reception was over, he signed the finalProclamation of Emancipation. Though at home there was still ridicule and abuse,in England the effect of the Proclamation was significant; for there the laboringmen were in dire distress because they could get no cotton for their mills; but theseEnglish laborershearing of the Emancipation Proclamationfelt that the cause of




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the Union was the cause of freedom and of laborand though the wealthy mill-owners of England, who were not suffering would, some of them, gladly havedestroyed the Union and perpetuated slavery to get cotton; the laborersevenwhile starvingbrought pressure to bear upon the English government to preventfurther aid to the Confederacy, heroically preferring starvation in the cause offreedom. Lincoln referred to these actions on the part of England's laborers as "aninstance of Christian heroism which has not been surpassed in any age or any

country." And later those English laborers built a monument to Lincoln on whichthey inscribed, "Lover of Humanity."

Everyone but Lincoln had lost patience with McClellan's overcautiousness andwhen he failed to follow Lee's retreat from Antietam, Lincoln removed him andplaced in command Burnside, whose defeat at Fredericksburg caused him to bereplaced by Hooker, whose defeat at Chancellorsville caused him to be replaced byMeade, who disappointed the President in not following up the victory atGettysburg.

July 4, 1863, Gettysburg and Vicksburg, decisive victories, coming together shouldhave ended the war. The Confederates could not win after that, but still they fought

on. On November 19, 1863, the National Cemetery at the battlefield of Gettysburgwas dedicated; and after Edward Everett had delivered the formal oration of theoccasion, Lincoln delivered the most notable short speech that has ever beendelivered in the English language. A copy of Lincoln's Gettysburg Address is givenin another volume of this series called "Speeches of Lincoln."

The tide has turned but much costly fighting is still necessary, first in EastTennessee, and later in Virginia, and also Sherman must fight his way into the veryheart of the South and break its lines of communication before the resoluteConfederates will yield.

In the West, Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, Pittsburgh Landing, and Vicksburg were

the victories that made Grant known as the most successful Union general. ThePresident advanced him to the rank of Lieutenant General, brought him East, placedhim in command of all the armies, and gave him the task of beating Lee, takingRichmond and ending the war.

In the fall of 1864, notwithstanding some opposition, Lincoln was re-electedPresident. Again during this campaign, his attitude toward his critics and hisopponents attested still further his true greatness, magnanimity and devotion toduty. Though he desired to be re-elected he would make no effort toward that end,but instead gave his entire energies to the work of saving the Union. Chase in thecabinet was an open candidate against his chief. Lincoln proved that he had noresentment by later appointing Chase as Chief Justice in the place of the aged

Roger B. Taney who died. When friends told the President that he would surely bedefeated for re-election if he approved another draft of soldiers, he replied that thecause did not require his re-election but did require more soldiersand at onceordered a new draft for 500,000 additional men.

Lincoln breathed a most beautiful spirit of forgiveness in his Second InauguralAddress which is printed in full in the volume of this series, "Speeches of Lincoln."

In March, 1865, Grant sent a message saying that he was about to close in on Leeand end the war, and invited Lincoln to visit Grant's headquarters. And that is how




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it was that the President, being at Grant's headquarters, could enter Richmond theday after the Confederates retreated. So Lincoln, with his small son Tad andAdmiral Porter, escorted by a little group of sailors, simply, on foot, entered theabandoned capital, not as one bringing the vengeance of a conqueror, but the loveof a liberator. One of the great moments of all history was when an aged negro,baring his white wool, made reverent obeisance to the President, and Lincoln inrecognition took off his high hat.

He remained two days in Richmond discussing the plans for the restoration offederal authority, counseling kindness and forgiveness. "Let them down easy," hesaid to the military governor; "get them to plowing and gathering in their own littlecrops." Thus he was preparing to "bind up the nation's wounds," with a spiritualdevelopment so far beyond his contemporaries that they could not even understandhim.

Then he went back to Washington where he heard of Lee's surrender, and two dayslater, to a large crowd at the White House, delivered a carefully prepared speechoutlining his policy of reconstruction, such as he had already begun in Louisiana.Already he was being criticised for being "too kind to the rebels."

That was the last speech he ever made.

Little Tad said, "Father has never been happy since we came to Washington." Hislaughter had failed, he had aged rapidly, his shoulders were bent, dreadful dreamshad haunted him and on the night of the 13th he had one which oppressed him. Butthe next day was the fourth anniversary of the evacuation of Fort Sumpter,GoodFriday, April 14. And at last he was happy, sharing with his people the joy thatcame with the end of the war.

He took a drive with Mrs. Lincoln and they planned for the futurethey wouldsave a little money and go back to Springfield and he would practice law again. Tohis wife this unnatural joy was portentousshe remembered that he had been likethis just before little Willie died. In the evening they went to Ford's Theatre.Stanton tried to dissuade them because the secret service had heard rumors ofassassination. Because Stanton insisted on a guard Major Rathbone was along. At 9o'clock the party entered the President's boxthe President was very happyat10:20 a shot was heardMajor Rathbone sprang to grapple with the assassin andwas slashed with a dagger. The assassin fell as he sprang from the box to the stage,where he brandished his bloody dagger, yelled with terrible theatricalism, "sicsemper tyrannis," and stalking lamely from the platform disappeared in thedarkness and rode away. The President was unconscious from the first, and as theybore him from the theatre a lodger from a house across the street said "Take him upto my room," where he lay unconscious until next morning when he ceased to

breathe; and Stanton at his bedside said, "Now he belongs to the Ages."

Someone had recognized the assassin as John Wilkes Booth, an actor, a fanatic inthe Southern cause. And in killing Lincoln he did his people of the South thegreatest possible harm.

The North had been decorated with celebration of victory; now it was bowed anddazed with grief and rage. Those that had abused him and maligned him andopposed him now came to understand him as in a new light they saw himtransfigured by his great sacrifices.




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They reverently folded the body in the flag and carried it first to the White Houseand then to the Capitol where it lay in state; and then they began that long journeyback to Springfield over the very route he had come on his way to the Capital in1861. Everywhere in cities and in towns great crowds gathered, heedless of night orrain or storm, and even as the train sped over the open country at night little groupsof farmers could be seen by the roadside in the dim light watching for the train andwaving their lanterns in a sad farewell.

Whatever anger and resentment the North may have felt, the weeping thousandswho looked upon the face of Lincoln as it was borne homeward saw onlyforgiveness and peace.

But his beautiful dream of amnesty was not to be realized. Mutual forgiveness andreconciliation were ideals too high for many of his contemporaries at that time, andtheir spirit of revenge bore its inevitable fruit of injustice and bitterness in the daysof reconstruction that followed. How different it might all have been had Lincolncontinued to live. How his great influence would have helped in the solution of thenation's problems after the war. A besotted wretch snuffed out the most importantlife on earth that day.

Misguided men of his time ridiculed him because they were unable to comprehendhis lofty ideals or see the practical wisdom of his great purposes. They measuredhim by their own puny standards and in condemning him only condemnedthemselves. His sad life, his tragic death, hi

Documents

Life of Abraham Lincoln