Letter of the Emperor Claudius to the Alexandrians

7/30/2019 Letter of the Emperor Claudius to the Alexandrians

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Letter of the Emperor Claudius to the Alexandrians

[ P. London 1912 ]

[Edict of the Prefect of Egypt]

"Lucius Aemelius Rectus announces: Seeing that all the populace, owing to itsnumbers, was unable to be present at the reading of the most sacred and mostbeneficent letter to the City, I have deemed it necessary to display the letterpublicly in order that reading it one by one you may admire the greatness of ourGod Caesar and you may feel gratitude for his goodwill towards the city. Year 2of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator, 14th of NeosSebastos."

(A.D. 41, after August 29)

[Letter of Claudius]

"Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, Imperator, Pontifex Maximus,Holder of the Tribunician Power, Consul Designate, to the City of theAlexandrians, greeting.Tiberius Claudius Barbillus, Apollonius son of Artemidorus, Chaeremon son ofLeonidas, Marcus Julius Asklepiades, Gaius Julius Dionysios, Tiberius ClaudiusPhanias, Pasion son of Potamon, Dionysios son of Sabbion, Tiberius Claudius

Archibius, Apollonius son of Ariston, Gaius Julius Apollonius, Hermaiskos son ofApollonius, your ambassadors, having delivered to me the decree, discoursedat length concerning the city, directing my attention to your goodwill towards us,which, from long ago, you may be sure, had been stored up to your advantagein my memory; for you are by nature reverent towards the Augusti, as I knowfrom many proofs, and in particular have taken a warm interest in my house,warmly reciprocated, of which fact (to mention the last instance, passing overthe others) the supreme witness is my brother Germanicus addressing you inwords more clearly stamped as his own.Wherefore, I gladly accepted the honors given to me by hou, though I have noweakness for such things. And first I permit you to keep my birthday as a dies

Augustus as you have yourselves proposed; and I agree to the erection in theirseveral places of the statues of myself and my family; for I see that you were


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anxious to establish on every side memorials of your reverence for my house.Of the two golden statues, the one made to represent the Pas AugustaClaudiana, as my most honored Barbillus suggested and entreated when Iwished to refuse, for fear of being thought too offensive, shall be erected atRome; and the other according to your request shall be carried in procession on

the eponymous days in your city, and it shall be accompanied by a throneadorned with whatever trappings you choose.It would perhaps be foolish, while accepting such great honors, to refuse theinstitution of a Claudian Tribe and the establishment of groves after the mannerof Egypt. And so I grant you these requests as well, and if you wish you mayalso erect the equestrian statues given by Vitrasius Pollio my procurator. As forthe erection of those in four-horse chariots which you wish to set up to me at theentrances into the country, I consent to let one be placed at Taposiris, theLibyan town of that name, another at Pharos in Alexandria, and a third atPelusium in Egypt. But I deprecate the appointment of a high priest to me andthe building of temples, for I do not wish to be offensive to my contemporaries,

and my opinion is that temples and such forms of honor have by all ages beengranted as a prerogative to the gods alone.Concerning the requests which you have been anxious to obtain from me, Idecide as follows. All those who have become epheboiup to the time of myPrincipate I confirm and maintain in the possession of the Alexandriancitizenship with all the privileges and indulgences enjoyed by the city, exceptingthose who have contrived to become epheboiby beguiling you, though born ofservile mothers. And it is equally my will that all the other favors shall beconfirmed wich were granted to you by former princes and kings and prefects,as the Deified Augustus also confirmed them. It is my will that the neokoroiofthe Temple of the Deified Augustus in Alexandria shall be chosen by lot in thesame was as those of the Deified Augustus in Canopus are chosen by lot. Withregard to the civic magistracies being made triennial, your proposal seems tome to be very good; for through fear of being called to account for any abuse ofpower your magistrates will behave with greater circumspection during theirterm of office. Concerning the Boule, what your custom may have been underthe ancient kings I have no means of saying, but that you had no senate underthe earlier Augusti, you are well aware. As this is the first broaching of a novelproject, whose utility to the city and to my government is not evident, I havewritten to Aemilius Rectus to hold an inquiry and inform me whether in the firstplace it is right that a Boule should be consituted, and , if it should be right to

create one, in what matter this is to be done.As for the question , which party was responsible for the riots and feud (orrather, if the truth be told, the war) with the Jews, although in confrontation withtheir opponents your ambassadors, and particularly Dionysios the son of Theon,contended with great zeal, nevertheless I was unwilling to make a strict inquiry,though guarding within me a store of immutable indignation against whicheverparty renews the conflict. And I tell you once and for all that unless you put astop to this ruinous and obstinate enmity against each other, I shall be driven toshow what a benevolent Prince can be when turned to righteous indignation.Wherefore, once again I conjure you that, on the one hand, the Alexandriansshow themselves forebearing and kindly towards the Jews who for many years

have dwelt in the same city, and dishonor none of the rites observed by them inthe worship of their god, but allow them to observe their customs as in the time


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of the Deified Augustus, which customs I also, after hearing both sides, havesanctioned; and on the other hand, I explicitly order the Jews not to agitate formore privileges than they formerly possessed, and not in the future to send outa separate embassy as though they lived in a separate city (a thingunprecedented), and not to force their way into gymnasiarchic or cosmetic

games, while enjoying their own privileges and sharing a great abundance ofadvantages in a city not their own, and not to bring in or admit Jews who comedown the river from Egypt or from Syria, a proceeding which will compel me toconceive serious suspicions. Otherwise I will by all means take vengeance onthem as fomenters of which is a general plague infecting the whole world. If,desisting from these courses, you consent to live with mutual forebearance andkindliness, I on my side will exercise a solicitude of very long standing for thecity, as one which is bound to us by traditional friendship. I bear witness to myfriend Barbillus of the solicitude which he has always shown for you in mypresence and of the extreme zeal with which he has now advocated yourcause; and likewise to my friend Tiberius Claudius Archibius.

Farewell."

(from Select PapyriII [Loeb Classical Library] (ed. A.S.Hunt and G.C. Edgar)(1934), pp. 78-89, adapted.)

SEGUNDA METADE DA TBULA DE LYON

[Introduction (adapted from Davis)]:

Claudius, the third successor of Augustus (41 to 54 A.D.), had areputation as a pedantic and long-winded individual. He was notwithout abilities as a ruler, however, and did much to equalize thecondition of the Italians and the Provincials.

The following speech of his in the Senate (preserved on an inscription)illustrates at once the nature of an imperial harangue before theConscript Fathers (the members of the Senate), the interruptions thatseem to have been allowed even in the speech of an Emperor, thebroad personalities in which Claudius indulged, and his liberal policywithal, especially to the Gauls. A version of the speech is also

reported byTacitus.

Inscription: Claudius: "It is surely an innovation of the divineAugustus, my great-uncle, and of Tiberius Caesar, my uncle, to desirethat particularly the flower of the colonies and of the municipal towns,that is to say, all those that contain men of breeding and wealth,should be admitted to this assembly."

[Interruption, seemingly by a senator]: "How now? Is not an Italiansenator to be preferred to a provincial senator!?"

Claudius: "I will soon explain this point to you, when I submit that partof my acts which I performed as censor, but I do not conceive itneedful to repel even the provincials who can do honor to the Senate
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House. Here is this splendid and powerful colony of Vienna [Davis:modern Vienne in the South of France]; is it so long since it sent to ussenators? From that colony comes Lucius Vestinus, one of the gloriesof the equestrian order, my personal friend, whom I keep close tomyself for the management of my private affairs. Let his sons be

suffered---I pray you--- to become priests of the lowest rank, whilewaiting until, with the lapse of years, they can follow theadvancement of their dignity. As for that robber, Valerius Asiaticusfrom Vienna, I will pass over his hateful name. For I detest that heroof the gymnasium, who brought the consulship into his family beforeeven his colony had obtained the full rights of Roman citizenship. Icould say as much of his brother, stamped as unworthy by thisunlucky relationship, and incapable henceforth of being a usefulmember of your body."

[Interrupting shout]: "Here now, Tiberius Caesar Germanicus! It's time

to let the Conscript Fathers understand what your talk is driving at---already you've reached the very limits of Narbonnese Gaul!"

Claudius: "All these young men of rank, on whom I cast my glance,you surely do not regret to see among the number of the senators;any more than Persicus, that most high-born gentleman and myfriend, is ashamed when he meets upon the images of his ancestorsthe name Allobrogius. And if such is your thought, what would youdesire more? Do I have to point it out to you? Even the territory whichis located beyond the province of Gallia Narbonnensis, has it notalready sent you senators? For surely we have no regrets in going

clear up to Lugdunum [Davis: Modern Lyons in France] for themembers of our order. Assuredly, Conscript Fathers, it is not withoutsome hesitation that I cross the limits of the provinces which are wellknown and familiar to you, but the moment is come when I mustplead openly the cause of Further Gaul. It will be objected that Gaulsustained a war against the divine Julius for ten years. But let therebe opposed to this the memory of a hundred years of steadfastfidelity, and a loyalty put to the proof in many trying circumstances.My father, Drusus, was able to force Germany to submit, becausebehind him reigned a profound peace assured by the tranquillity ofthe Gauls. And note well, that at the moment he was summoned tothat war, he was busy instituting the census in Gaul, a new institutionamong them, and contrary to their customs. And how difficult andperilous to us is this business of the census, although all we require isthat our public resources should be known, we have learned by all toomuch experience."

Livro II Guerra dos Judeus

CHAPTER 11.

CONCERNING THE GOVERNMENT OF CLAUDIUS, AND THE REIGN OF

AGRIPPA. CONCERNING THE DEATHS OF AGRIPPA AND OF HEROD

AND WHAT CHILDREN THEY BOTH LEFT BEHIND THEM.


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1. NOW when Caius had reigned three year's and eight months, and had been slain bytreachery, Claudius was hurried away by the armies that were at Rome to take thegovernment upon him; but the senate, upon the reference of the consuls, SentisSaturninns, and Pomponins Secundus, gave orders to the three regiments of soldiers thatstaid with them to keep the city quiet, and went up into the capitol in great numbers, and

resolved to oppose Claudius by force, on account of the barbarous treatment they hadmet with from Caius; and they determined either to settle the nation under anaristocracy, as they had of old been governed, or at least to choose by vote such a onefor emperor as might be worthy of it.

2. Now it happened that at this time Agrippa sojourned at Rome, and that both thesenate called him to consult with them, and at the same time Claudius sent for him outof the camp, that he might be serviceable to him, as he should have occasion for hisservice. So he, perceiving that Claudius was in effect made Caesar already, went to him,who sent him as an ambassador to the senate, to let them know what his intentions were:that, in the first place, it was without his seeking that he was hurried away by the

soldiers; moreover, that he thought it was not just to desert those soldiers in such theirzeal for him, and that if he should do so, his own fortune would be in uncertainty; forthat it was a dangerous case to have been once called to the empire. He added further,that he would administer the government as a good prince, and not like a tyrant; for thathe would be satisfied with the honor of being called emperor, but would, in every one ofhis actions, permit them all to give him their advice; for that although he had not been

by nature for moderation, yet would the death of Caius afford him a sufficientdemonstration how soberly he ought to act in that station.

3. This message was delivered by Agrippa; to which the senate replied, that since theyhad an army, and the wisest counsels on their side, they would not endure a voluntaryslavery. And when Claudius heard what answer the senate had made, he sent Agrippa tothem again, with the following message: That he could not bear the thoughts of

betraying them that had given their oaths to be true to him; and that he saw he mustfight, though unwillingly, against such as he had no mind to fight; that, however, [if itmust come to that,] it was proper to choose a place without the city for the war, becauseit was not agreeable to piety to pollute the temples of their own city with the blood oftheir own countrymen, and this only on occasion of their imprudent conduct. And whenAgrippa had heard this message, he delivered it to the senators.

4. In the mean time, one of the soldiers belonging to the senate drew his sword, and

cried out, "O my fellow soldiers, what is the meaning of this choice of ours, to kill ourbrethren, and to use violence to our kindred that are with Claudius? while we may havehim for our emperor whom no one can blame, and who hath so many just reasons [tolay claim to the government]; and this with regard to those against whom we are goingto fight." When he had said this, he marched through the whole senate, and carried allthe soldiers along with him. Upon which all the patricians were immediately in a greatfright at their being thus deserted. But still, because there appeared no other waywhither they could turn themselves for deliverance, they made haste the same way withthe soldiers, and went to Claudius. But those that had the greatest luck in flattering thegood fortune of Claudius betimes met them before the walls with their naked swords,and there was reason to fear that those that came first might have been in danger, before

Claudius could know what violence the soldiers were going to offer them, had notAgrippa ran before, and told him what a dangerous thing they were going about, and


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that unless he restrained the violence of these men, who were in a fit of madness againstthe patricians, he would lose those on whose account it was most desirable to rule, andwould be emperor over a desert.

5. When Claudius heard this, he restrained the violence of the soldiery, and received the

senate into the camp, and treated them after an obliging manner, and went out with thempresently to offer their thank-offerings to God, which were proper upon, his first comingto the empire. Moreover, he bestowed on Agrippa his whole paternal kingdomimmediately, and added to it, besides those countries that had been given by Augustusto Herod, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and still besides these, that kingdom which wascalled the kingdom of Lysanius. This gift he declared to the people by a decree, butordered the magistrates to have the donation engraved on tables of brass, and to be setup in the capitol. He bestowed on his brother Herod, who was also his son-in-law, bymarrying [his daughter] Bernice, the kingdom of Chalcis.

6. So now riches flowed in to Agrippa by his enjoyment of so large a dominion; nor did

he abuse the money he had on small matters, but he began to encompass Jerusalem withsuch a wall, which, had it been brought to perfection, had made it impracticable for theRomans to take it by siege; but his death, which happened at Cesarea, before he hadraised the walls to their due height, prevented him. He had then reigned three years, ashe had governed his tetrarchies three other years. He left behind him three daughters,

born to him by Cypros, Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla, and a son born of the samemother, whose name was Agrippa: he was left a very young child, so that Claudiusmade the country a Roman province, and sent Cuspius Fadus to be its procurator, andafter him Tiberius Alexander, who, making no alterations of the ancient laws, kept thenation in tranquillity. Now after this, Herod the king of Chalcis died, and left behindhim two sons, born to him of his brother's daughter Bernice; their names were BernieJanus and Hyrcanus. [He also left behind him] Aristobulus, whom he had by his formerwife Mariamne. There was besides another brother of his that died a private person, hisname was also Aristobulus, who left behind him a daughter, whose name was Jotape:and these, as I have formerly said, were the children of Aristobulus the son of Herod,which Aristobulus and Alexander were born to Herod by Mariamne, and were slain byhim. But as for Alexander's posterity, they reigned in Armenia.

CHAPTER 12.

MANY TUMULTS UNDER CUMANUS, WHICH WERE COMPOSED BY

QUADRATUS. FELIX IS PROCURATOR OF JUDEA. AGRIPPA ISADVANCED FROM CHALCIS TO A GREATER KINGDOM.

1 NOW after the death of Herod, king of Chalcis, Claudius set Agrippa, the son ofAgrippa, over his uncle's kingdom, while Cumanus took upon him the office of

procurator of the rest, which was a Roman province, and therein he succeededAlexander; under which Cureanus began the troubles, and the Jews' ruin came on; forwhen the multitude were come together to Jerusalem, to the feast of unleavened bread,and a Roman cohort stood over the cloisters of the temple, (for they always were armed,and kept guard at the festivals, to prevent any innovation which the multitude thusgathered together might make,) one of the soldiers pulled back his garment, and

cowering down after an indecent manner, turned his breech to the Jews, and spake suchwords as you might expect upon such a posture. At this the whole multitude had


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indignation, and made a clamor to Cumanus, that he would punish the soldier; while therasher part of the youth, and such as were naturally the most tumultuous, fell to fighting,and caught up stones, and threw them at the soldiers. Upon which Cumanus was afraidlest all the people should make an assault upon him, and sent to call for more armedmen, who, when they came in great numbers into the cloisters, the Jews were in a very

great consternation; and being beaten out of the temple, they ran into the city; and theviolence with which they crowded to get out was so great, that they trod upon eachother, and squeezed one another, till ten thousand of them were killed, insomuch thatthis feast became the cause of mourning to the whole nation, and every family lamentedtheir own relations.

2. Now there followed after this another calamity, which arose from a tumult made byrobbers; for at the public road at Beth-boron, one Stephen, a servant of Caesar, carriedsome furniture, which the robbers fell upon and seized. Upon this Cureanus sent men togo round about to the neighboring villages, and to bring their inhabitants to him bound,as laying it to their charge that they had not pursued after the thieves, and caught them.

Now here it was that a certain soldier, finding the sacred book of the law, tore it topieces, and threw it into the fire.(14) Hereupon the Jews were in great disorder, as iftheir whole country were in a flame, and assembled themselves so many of them bytheir zeal for their religion, as by an engine, and ran together with united clamor toCesarea, to Cumanus, and made supplication to him that he would not overlook thisman, who had offered such an affront to God, and to his law; but punish him for whathe had done. Accordingly, he, perceiving that the multitude would not be quiet unlessthey had a comfortable answer from him, gave order that the soldier should be brought,and drawn through those that required to have him punished, to execution, which beingdone, the Jews went their ways.

3. After this there happened a fight between the Galileans and the Samaritans; ithappened at a village called Geman, which is situate in the great plain of Samaria;where, as a great number of Jews were going up to Jerusalem to the feast [oftabernacles,] a certain Galilean was slain; and besides, a vast number of people rantogether out of Galilee, in order to fight with the Samaritans. But the principal menamong them came to Cumanus, and besought him that, before the evil becameincurable, he would come into Galilee, and bring the authors of this murder to

punishment; for that there was no other way to make the multitude separate withoutcoming to blows. However, Cumanus postponed their supplications to the other affairshe was then about, and sent the petitioners away without success.

4. But when the affair of this murder came to be told at Jerusalem, it put the multitudeinto disorder, and they left the feast; and without any generals to conduct them, theymarched with great violence to Samaria; nor would they be ruled by any of themagistrates that were set over them, but they were managed by one Eleazar, the son ofDineus, and by Alexander, in these their thievish and seditious attempts. These men fellupon those that were ill the neighborhood of the Acrabatene toparchy, and slew them,without sparing any age, and set the villages on fire.

5. But Cumanus took one troop of horsemen, called the troop of Sebaste, out of Cesarea,and came to the assistance of those that were spoiled; he also seized upon a great

number of those that followed Eleazar, and slew more of them. And as for the rest of themultitude of those that went so zealously to fight with the Samaritans, the rulers of
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Jerusalem ran out clothed with sackcloth, and having ashes on their head, and begged ofthem to go their ways, lest by their attempt to revenge themselves upon the Samaritansthey should provoke the Romans to come against Jerusalem; to have compassion upontheir country and temple, their children and their wives, and not bring the utmostdangers of destruction upon them, in order to avenge themselves upon one Galilean

only. The Jews complied with these persuasions of theirs, and dispersed themselves; butstill there were a great number who betook themselves to robbing, in hopes of impunity;and rapines and insurrections of the bolder sort happened over the whole country. Andthe men of power among the Samaritans came to Tyre, to UmmidiusQuadratus,(15) the president of Syria, and desired that they that had laid waste thecountry might be punished: the great men also of the Jews, and Jonathan the son ofAnanus the high priest, came thither, and said that the Samaritans were the beginners ofthe disturbance, on account of that murder they had committed; and that Cumanus hadgiven occasion to what had happened, by his unwillingness to punish the originalauthors of that murder.

6. But Quadratus put both parties off for that time, and told them, that when he shouldcome to those places, he would make a diligent inquiry after every circumstance. Afterwhich he went to Cesarea, and crucified all those whom Cumanus had taken alive; andwhen from thence he was come to the city Lydda, he heard the affair of the Samaritans,and sent for eighteen of the Jews, whom he had learned to have been concerned in thatfight, and beheaded them; but he sent two others of those that were of the greatest

power among them, and both Jonathan and Ananias, the high priests, as also Artanus theson of this Ananias, and certain others that were eminent among the Jews, to Caesar; ashe did in like manner by the most illustrious of the Samaritans. He also ordered thatCureanus [the procurator] and Celer the tribune should sail to Rome, in order to give anaccount of what had been done to Caesar. When he had finished these matters, he wentup from Lydda to Jerusalem, and finding the multitude celebrating their feast ofunleavened bread without any tumult, he returned to Antioch.

7. Now when Caesar at Rome had heard what Cumanus and the Samaritans had to say,(where it was done in the hearing of Agrippa, who zealously espoused the cause of theJews, as in like manner many of the great men stood by Cumanus,) he condemned theSamaritans, and commanded that three of the most powerful men among them should

be put to death; he banished Cumanus, and sent Color bound to Jerusalem, to bedelivered over to the Jews to be tormented; that he should be drawn round the city, andthen beheaded.

8. After this Caesar sent Felix, (16) the brother of Pallas, to be procurator of Galilee,and Samaria, and Perea, and removed Agrippa from Chalcis unto a greater kingdom; forhe gave him the tetrarchy which had belonged to Philip, which contained Batanae,Trachonitis, and Gaulonitis: he added to it the kingdom of Lysanias, and that province[Abilene] which Varus had governed. But Claudius himself, when he had administeredthe government thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days, died, and left Nero to behis successor in the empire, whom he had adopted by his Wife Agrippina's delusions, inorder to be his successor, although he had a son of his own, whose name wasBritannicus, by Messalina his former wife, and a daughter whose name was Octavia,whom he had married to Nero; he had also another daughter by Petina, whose name was

Antonia.
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La Table claudienne

colonne 1

[sum] mae rerum no[strarum] sit u[tile]...

Equidem primant omnium illam cogitationemhominum, quam maxime primam occursuram mihi

prouideo, deprecor, ne quasi nouam istam remintroduci exhorrescatis, sed illa potius cogitetis,quam multa in hac ciuitate nouata sint, et quidem

statim ab origine urbis nostrae, in quod formasstatusque res p[ublica] nostra diducta sit.

Quondam reges hanc tenuere urbem, nectamen domesticis successoribus eam traderecontigit. Superuenere alieni et quidam externi, ut

Numa Romulo successerit ex Sabinis ueniens,uicinus quidem, sed tunc externus ; ut Anco MarcioPriscus Tarquinius. [Is] propter temeratumsanguinem, quod patre Demaratho C[o]rinthionatus erat et Tarquiniensi matre generosa, sedinopi, ut quae tali marito necesse habueritsuccumbere, cum domi repelleretur a gerendishonoribus, postquam Romam migrauit, regnumadeptus est. Huic quoque et filio nepotiue eius, namet hoc inter auctores discrepat, insertus SeruiusTullius, si nostros sequimur, captiua natus Ocresia ;si Tuscos, Caeli quondam Viuennae sodalisfidelissimus omnisque eius casus comes, postquamuaria fortuna exactus cum omnibus reliquisCaeliani exercitus Etruria excessit, montem

Caelium occupauit et a duce suo Caelio itaappellitauit, mutato que nomine, nam TusceMastarna ei nomen erat, ita appellatus est, ut dixi,et regnum summa cum rei p[ublicae] utilitateoptinuit. Deinde, postquam Tarquini Superbi moresinuisi ciuitati nostrae esse coeperunt, qua ipsius quafiliorum ei[us], nempe pertaesum est mentes regni,et ad consules, annos magistratus, administratio rei

p[ublicae] translata est.

Quid nunc commemorem dictaturae hoc ipso

consulari imperium ualentius, repertum apudmaiores nostros, quo in a[s]perioribus bellis aut in

...soit utile notre intrt gnral...

Pour moi, la premire de toutes, cetteconsidration que, tout fait la premire, je prvoisqu'on m'opposera, je vous prie de l'carter, den'apprhender point comme une nouveautl'introduction de la chose dont il s'agit, mais deconsidrer plutt ceci, combien nombreuses danscette cit furent les innovations, et ds l'originemme de notre ville, par combien de formes etd'tats notre rpublique passa successivement.

Jadis des rois possdrent cette ville, etcependant il ne leur fut pas donn de la transmettre des successeurs de leur maison. Ceux quisurvinrent leur place taient d'une autre famille, etcertains d'un autre pays, de sorte qu' Romulussuccda Numa, venant de chez les Sabins, un voisinsans doute, mais alors d'un autre pays ; de mme Ancus Marcius, Tarquin l'Ancien. Celui-ci, comme

par l'impuret de son sang vu qu'il avait pour prele Corinthien Dmarathus et pour mre une femmede Tarquinies, noble, mais pauvre, puisqu'elle futoblige de subir un tel mari -, il tait exclu chez luide la gestion des honneurs, aprs qu'il eut migr Rome, y obtint la royaut. Entre lui aussi et son filsou petit-fils, car sur ce point encore les auteurs sonten dsaccord, s'intercala Servius Tullius, si noussuivons les ntres, n de la captive Ocrsia. Si noussuivons les Toscans, jadis camarade trs fidle deCaelius Vivenna et compagnon de toute sonaventure, aprs que, chass par les vicissitudes de

la fortune, avec tous les dbris de l'arme deCaelius il eut quitt l'trurie, il occupa le montCaelius, et de son chef Caelius il l'appela ainsi ; etayant chang de nom, car en Toscan il avait nomMastarna, il fut appel comme je l'ai dit, et ilexera la royaut pour le plus grand bien de larpublique. Ensuite, aprs que le caractre deTarquin le Superbe devint odieux notre cit, tantle sien que celui de ses fils, apparemment lesesprits se dgotrent de la royaut, et desconsuls, magistrats annuels, le gouvernement de la

rpublique fut transfr.


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ciuili motu difficiliore uterentur ? aut in auxiliumplebis creatos tribunos plebei ? Quid a consulibusad decemuiros translatum imperium, solutoque

postea decemuirali regno ad consules rursus

reditum ? Quid in [pl]uris distributum consulareimperium tribunosque mil[itu]m consulari imperioappellatos, qui seni et saepe octoni crearentur ?Quid communicatos postremo cum plebe honores,non imperi solum, sed sacerdotiorum quoque ? Iamsi narrem bella, a quibus coeperint maiores nostri,et quo processerimus, uereor, ne nimio insolentioresse uidear et quaesisse iactationem gloriae prolatiimperi ultra Oceanum. Sed illoc potius reuertar.Ciuitatem

Pourquoi maintenant rappellerais-je lepouvoir de la dictature, plus puissant que cepouvoir consulaire lui-mme, imagin chez nosanctres afin d'en user dans les guerres plus dures

ou les troubles civils plus difficiles ? ou bien lestribuns de la plbe, crs pour venir en aide cette

plbe ? Pourquoi, le pouvoir transfr des consulsaux dcemvirs, et plus tard, la royaut dcemviraleabolie, de nouveau le retour aux consuls ?Pourquoi, le pouvoir consulaire distribu entre

plusieurs magistrats, qui, appels tribuns dessoldats pouvoir consulaire, taient crs parsixaines et souvent par huitaines ? Pourquoi, la

participation finale de la plbe aux honneurs, nondu pouvoir seulement, mais des sacerdoces aussi ?

A prsent, si je racontais les guerres par lesquellesont commenc nos anctres, et jusqu' quel pointnous avons progress, je semblerais, je le crains,tre orgueilleux plus qu' l'excs et avoir cherchl'occasion d'taler la gloire d'une extension del'Empire par del l'Ocan. Mais plutt je reviendrai mon propos. La cit...

colonne 2

...[p]otest. Sane nouo m[ore] et DiuusAug[ustus] [au]onc[ulus] meus et patruus Ti.Caesar omnem florem ubique coloniarum acmunicipiorum bonorum scilicet uirorum etlocupletium, in hac curia esse uoluit. Quid ergo ?non Italicus senator prouinciali potior est ? Iamuobis cum hanc partem censurae meae adprobarecoepero, quid de ea re sentiam, rebus ostendam.

Sed ne prouinciales quidem, si modo ornare curiampoterint, reiciendos puto.

Ornatissima ecce colonia ualentissimaqueViennensium quam longo iam tempore senatoreshuic curiae confert ! Ex qua colonia inter paucosequestris ordinis ornamentum, L. Vestinum,familiarissime diligo et hodieque in rebus meisdetineo ; cuius liberi fruantur, quaeso, primosacerdotiorum gradu, postmodo cum annis

promoturi dignitatis suae incrementa. Vt dirum

nomen latronis taceam, et odi illud palaestricumprodigium, quod ante in domum consulatum intulit,

peut... Assurment c'tait un usage nouveau,

quand et mon grand oncle maternel, le DieuAuguste, et mon oncle paternel, Tibre Csar,voulurent que toute la fleur des colonies et desmunicipes, o que ces villes fussent situes, c'est--dire la fleur de leurs hommes honntes et riches, ftdans cette curie. Quoi donc ? un Italien, commesnateur, n'est-il pas prfrable un provincial ?Bientt, lorsque j'en serai vous faire approuvercette partie de ma censure, mon opinion ce sujet,

je la montrerai par des faits. Mais les provinciauxeux-mmes, pourvu qu'ils puissent honorer la curie,

je ne pense pas qu'il faille les rejeter.

Voici la trs honorable et trs puissantecolonie des Viennois : combien longtemps il y adj qu'elle fournit des snateurs cette curie ! Decette colonie est Lucius Vestinus, qui honore,comme peu d'autres le font, l'ordre questre ; jel'aime d'une affection trs intime et le tiensemploy aujourd'hui mme au soin de mes affaires.Que ses enfants, je vous prie, jouissent du premierdegr des sacerdoces, afin que plus tard, avec les

annes, ils avancent l'accroissement de leur dignit.Je veux taire le nom sinistre du brigand, et je le


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quam colonia sua solidum ciuitatis Romanaebeneficium consecuta est. Idem de fratre eiuspossum dicere, miserabili quidem indignissimoquehoc casu, ut uobis utilis senator esse non possit.

Tempus est iam, Ti. Caesar Germanice,detegere te patribus conscriptis, quo tendat oratiotua : iam enim ad extremos fines Galliae

Narbonensis uenisti.

Tot ecce insignes iuuenes, quot intueor, nonmagis sunt paenitendi senatores, quam paenitetPersicum, nobilissimum uirum, amicum meum,inter imagines maiorum suo rum Allobrogicinomen legere. Quod si haec ita esse consentitis,

quid ultra desideraris, quam ut uobis digitodemonstrem solum ipsum ultra fines prouinciae

Narbonensis iam uobis senatores mittere, quandoex Luguduno habere nos nostri ordinis uiros non

paenitet ? Timide quidem, p[atres] c[onscripti]egressus adsuetos familiaresque uobis

prouinciarum terminos sum ; sed destricte iamComatae Galliae causa agenda est. In qua si quishoc intuetur, quod bello per decem annosexercuerunt Diuom lulium, idem opponat centumannorum immobilem fidem obsequiumque multistrepidis rebus nostris plusquam expertum. Illi patrimeo Druso Germaniam subigenti tutam quiete suasecuramque a tergo pacem praestiterunt, et quidemcum ab census nouo tum opere et inadsueto Gallisad bellum auocatus esset. Quod opus quam arduumsit nobis, nunc cum maxime, quamuis nihil ultra,quam ut publice notae sint facultates nostrae,exquiratur, nimis magno experimento cognoscimus.

hais, ce prodige de palestre, qui apporta le consulatdans sa maison, avant que sa colonie n'et acquis le

bnfice intgral de la cit romaine. Autant puis-jeen dire de son frre, qui est plaindre certes et ne

mritait nullement ce malheur, de ne pouvoir voustre utile comme snateur.

Il est temps maintenant, Tibre CsarGermanicus, que tu dcouvres aux pres conscritsquel est le but de ton discours car tu es maintenant

parvenu aux extrmes confins de la Gaulenarbonnaise.

Tous ces distingus jeunes hommes que voicidevant mes yeux, nous n'avons pas plus regretter

qu'ils soient snateurs que nous ne regrettons quemon ami Persicus, de trs ancienne noblesse, lise

parmi ses portraits d'anctres le nomd'Allobrogique. Et si vous tes d'accord avec moiqu'il en est ainsi, que dsirez-vous en outre, sinonque je vous montre du doigt que le sol lui-mmeau-del des confins de la province Narbonnaisevous envoie dj des snateurs, puisque deLugudunum nous ne regrettons pas d'avoir deshommes de notre ordre. Timidement certes, presconscrits, j'ai dpass les bornes provinciales quivous sont accoutumes et familires maisouvertement, prsent, il faut plaider la cause de laGaule chevelue. Si l'on envisage ceci, que, par laguerre, pendant dix ans, ils ont donn du mal auDieu Julius, qu'on mette aussi par contre en balanceune fidlit immuable de cent ans et une obissance

plus qu'prouve dans maintes conjectures critiquespour nous. Grce eux, mon pre Drusussoumettant la Germanie eut derrire lui, garantie

par leur calme, la scurit de la paix ; et cela, bien

que du recensement, opration nouvelle alors etinsolite pour les Gaulois, cette guerre l'et oblig se dtourner. Une telle opration, combien elle estardue pour nous, tout juste maintenant, quoiquel'enqute n'ait d'autre objet que la constatationofficielle de nos ressources, l'preuve nousl'apprenons trop bien.

Philippe Fabia,La Table claudienne de Lyon, 1929

Coluna I

... Ser til aos nossos interesses ...


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Para mim, em primeiro lugar, essa considerao que o primeiro, eu pretendo me opor aela, eu te imploro para remov-lo do ponto de apreender como a introduo da novidadeque , mas sim para considerar este, quantas nesta cidade foram as inovaes, e desde oincio da nossa cidade, como muitas formas e estados de nossa repblica passousucessivamente.

Uma vez que os reis possuram esta cidade, e ele ainda no foi dado a eles para envi-loaos sucessores de sua casa. Aquelas que ocorreram em seu lugar eram de uma outrafamlia, e alguns outros pases, de modo que Rmulo foi sucedido Numa, entre ossabinos, um vizinho talvez, mas depois de um outro pas mesmo Ancus Marcius,Tarquinius Prisco. Isso, para a impureza de seu sangue, uma vez que foi o paiCorinthian Dmarathus e sua me uma mulher de Tarqunio, nobre, mas pobre como elefoi forado a passar por um marido - foi excluda administrao da casa de honras,depois migrou para Roma, obteve o reino. Entre ele e tambm o seu filho ou grand-filho, por aqui novamente os autores discordam, intercalados Servius Tullius, seseguirmos a nossa prpria, nascida do Ocrsia cativo. Se seguirmos os toscanos amigo,uma vez que muito leal e companheiro de Caelius Viven histria toda, depois disso,

impulsionada pela vicissitudes da fortuna, com todos os remanescentes do exrcito deCaelius ele havia deixado Etruria, ocupou Monte Caelius, e seu lder Caelius e ele achamava, e ter mudado o seu nome porque seu nome constava na Toscana Mastarna, elefoi chamado como eu disse, e ocupou o reino para o benefcio de da repblica. Ento,depois de o carter de Tarquinius Superbus tornou-se odiosa para a nossa cidade, comoo seu prprio do que a de seu filho, aparentemente repugnado as mentes da realeza, ecnsules, juzes cada ano, o Governo da Repblica foi transferida.Por que agora eu lembrar o poder da ditadura, mais poderoso que o poder consular emsi, imaginada por nossos antepassados, a fim de us-lo em mais difceis guerras oudistrbios civis mais difcil? ou os tribunos do povo, criado para ajudar as pessoascomuns? Portanto, o poder transferido para o decnviros cnsules, e mais tarde aboliu amonarquia decemviral voltar novamente para os cnsules? Portanto, o poder consulardistribudos entre vrios juzes, que chamou tribunos militares com poder consularforam criados por aposta de linha e muitas vezes por semana? Portanto, a participaofinal do povo comum a honra, no apenas o poder, mas tambm o sacerdcio? Agora, seeu disse as guerras em que nossos ancestrais comearam, e at onde ns progredimos,me parece, eu temo, apenas para ser excesso de arrogantes e tm procurado aoportunidade de divulgar a glria de estender o imprio alm do oceano. Mas eu vouvoltar ao meu ponto. A cidade ...

Coluna II

pode ... Certamente era um novo uso, e quando meu tio-av materno, o Augustus Deus,e meu tio paterno, Tibrio Csar, queria que a flor inteira assentamentos e vilas, onde ascidades foram localizadas, isto dizem que a flor de seus homens ricos e honesto,mesmo na cria. O que isso? um italiano, como senador, no prefervel a um

provincial? Em breve, quando eu vou fazer voc aprova esta parte da minha confiana,minha opinio sobre isso, vou mostrar por fatos. Mas se os provinciais, desde que possaatender a Cria, eu no acho que devemos rejeit-las.Aqui est uma colnia muito honrado e poderoso de Viena: h quanto tempo que elefornece aos senadores Senado! Esta colnia Lucius Vestinius, honrando, como

poucos, a ordem equestre, eu gosto de um carinho muito ntimo e funcionrios hojequerem o cuidado dos meus negcios. Seus filhos, por favor, aproveite o primeiro grau

do sacerdcio, para que depois, ao longo dos anos, eles avanam o crescimento de suadignidade. Eu quero mencionar o nome do vilo sinistro, e eu odeio ele, o milagre da


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palaestra, que levou o consulado em sua casa antes de a colnia tinha ganhado obenefcio total da cidade romana. Eu posso dizer sobre seu irmo, que certamente digno de pena e no merece este infortnio, no sendo capaz de ser til como umsenador.Agora a hora, Tibrio Csar Germanicus, voc descobre que os pais conscritos qual

o propsito do seu discurso, porque voc est agora chegou a limites extremos da GliaNarbonne.Todos esses homens ilustres jovens aqui diante dos meus olhos, no temos mais delamentar que eles so os senadores que me arrependo Persicus que meu amigo da antiganobreza, ler um dos seus retratos dos antepassados nome Allobrogie . E se vocconcorda comigo que isto assim, o que voc quer tambm, se eu mostrar-lhe o dedocomo o prprio solo para alm das fronteiras da provncia de Narbonne j lhe enviousenadores , j que no me arrependo de ter Lugudunum homens de nossa ordem.Embora tmida, Senadores, eu cruzei a linha que voc est acostumado provincial efamiliar, mas agora abertamente, devemos defender a Glia Commata.Ao considerar isso, que a guerra de dez anos, eles tm trabalhado duro para Julius Deus,

ns tambm colocar em equilbrio contra uma fidelidade imutvel e obedincia cemanos em muitos mais tentou-conjecturas crtico para ns. Graas a eles, meu pai Drusussubmeter Germania estava atrs dele, garantida pela sua segurana tranquila de paz, eque, apesar de a operao censitria to novo e incomum para os gauleses, esta guerrateria o obrigou a desvio. Tal operao, como difcil para ns agora, apesar de oinqurito no tem outro objeto que a declarao oficial de nossos recursos para o teste,aprendemos muito bem.

Documents

Letter of the Emperor Claudius to the Alexandrians