Leftism From de Sade and Marx to Hitler and Marcuse

  • Published on
    27-Oct-2014

  • View
    152

  • Download
    34

Embed Size (px)

Transcript

<p>From de Sade and Marx to Hitler and Marcuse</p> <p>EIII , IHEIIIELI-LEIIIIII</p> <p>/lAIIRLINGTON HOUSE PUBLISHERSNBW ROCH.LL., N.W YORK</p> <p>To the Noble Memory of Armand Tuffin, Marquis de la RouerieCourageous Fighter for Liberty Ardent Admirer of America Bitter Foe of the Jacobins Friend of George Washington Member of the Order of the Cincinnati</p> <p>Copyright 1974 Arlington House All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote brief passages in connection with a review.</p> <p>Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data</p> <p>Kuehne1t-Leddihn, Erik Maria, Ritter von, 1909Leftism: from de Sade and Marx to Hitler and Marcuse.</p> <p>Includes bibliographical references. 1. Liberalism--History. 2. Democracy-History. 3. Conservation--History. 4. Political science--History. I. Title. JC57l.K79 320.5'1'09 73-78656 ISBN 0-87000-143-4Manufactured in the United States of America</p> <p>Contents</p> <p>Preface Introduction</p> <p>7</p> <p>9</p> <p>Part I The Leftist Mind1 2 3 4 Identity and Diversity Equality and Liberty Democracy and Liberalism Right and Left 15 21 27 36</p> <p>Part II5 6 7 8 9</p> <p>Leftism In History47</p> <p>The Historic Origins of Leftism Nascent America The French Revolution From Democracy to Romantic Socialism From Romantic to Scientific and International Socialism 10 From Socialism to Communism 11 From Marxism to Fascist Nationalism 12 National Socialism and Socialist Racism</p> <p>59 72 101121 144 153 161</p> <p>Part III</p> <p>Liberalism183 202</p> <p>13 Real Liberalism 14 False Liberalism</p> <p>Part IV</p> <p>The Left and U.S. Foreign Policy227</p> <p>15 The American Left and World War I 16 Leftism Goes from War to War 17 Another Leftist War</p> <p>248 289</p> <p>Part V Leftism Today18 19 20 21 Anticolonialism The New Left Conservatives and Liberals The Outlook Right and Left in State, Society, Church, Economy and Daily Life Appendix Notes Index to Text and Notes 339 372 381 413</p> <p>426435</p> <p>445639</p> <p>Preface</p> <p>The author of this tome thinks that he owes it to his readers to declare his baggage, to say a few words about the purpose of this book as well as about himself. I am an Austrian with a rather varied background and a good share of unusual experiences. Born in 1909 as the son of a scientist (radium and X-ray) who died as a victim of his research work, I traveled quite a bit as a young boy and acquired a knowledge of several tongues. Today I read twenty languages with widely varying skill and speak eight. At the age of sixteen I was the Vienna correspondent of the Spectator (London), a distinguished weekly founded by Addison and Steele. Engaged in the study of law and Eastern European history at Vienna University at the age of eighteen, I transferred a year later to the University of Budapest (M.A. in Economics, Doctorate in Political Science). Subsequently I embarked on the study of theology in Vienna, but went to England in 1935 to become Master at Beaumont College and thereafter professor at the Georgetown Graduate School of Foreign Service from 1937 to 1938. I was appointed head of the History Department in St. Peter's College, Jersey City (1938-1943) and lecturer in Japanese at Fordham University. Until 1947 I taught at Chestnut Hill College, Philadelphia. These studies and appointments were interspersed with extensive travels and research projects, including the USSR as early as 1930-193 1.</p> <p>7</p> <p>During my years in America I traveled in every state: Only southeastern Oregon and northern Michigan alone are still my "blank spots." In 1947 I returned to Europe and settled in the Tyrol, halfway between Paris and Vienna, and between Rome and Berlin, convinced that I had to choose between teaching and research. From 1949 onward I revisited the United States on annual lecture tours. Since 1957 I have traveled every year either around the world or south of the Equator. One of my ambitions is to know the world; another one is to do research in arbitrarily chosen domains serving the coordination of the various branches of the humanities: theology, political science, psychology, sociology, human geography, history, ethnology, philosophy, art. I have a real horror of one-sided, permanent specialization. I am also active as a novelist and painter. My books, essays, and articles have been published on five continents and in twenty-one countries.</p> <p>8</p> <p>Introduction</p> <p>So much about myself. The purpose of this book is to show the character of leftism and to what extent and in what way the vast majority of the leftist ideologies now dominating or threatening most of the modern world are competitors rather than enemies. This, we think, is an important distinction. Shoe factory A is a competitor of shoe factory B, but a movement promoting the abolition of footwear for the sake of health is the enemy of both. In the political field today this distinction, unfortunately, is less obvious and largely obscured by a confusion in semantics. This particular situation is bad enough in Europe, but it is even worse in the United States. This state of affairs, in turn, has adversely influenced the foreign policy of the United States which in the past and in the present not only has been determined by what-really or only seemingly-is America's self-interest, but also by ideological prejudices. Very often these ideological convictions coloring the outlook, the aims, the policies of those Americans responsible for the course of foreign affairs (not only Presidents, cabinet members, or congressmen, but also professors, radio commentators and journalists), have actually run counter to America's best interest as well as to the very interest of mankind. There is no reason to believe that ideologies-i.e., coherent politicalsocial philosophies, with or without a religious background-have come into play in America only during this century when America was 9</p> <p>engaged in two crusades under two Democratic administrations. Nor do we subscribe to the opinion so dear to certain' 'conservatives" that simply equates leftism and ideology. 1 I think that the nascent United States of the late eighteenth century was already in the throes of warring political philosophies showing positive and negative aspects. Even then the ideological impact of these ideas was keenly felt in Europe where, I must sadly admit, their inner content was often promptly misunderstood and perverted. The American War of Independence had an undeniable influence on the French Revolution and the latter, in the course of the years, had a deplorable impact on America. Still, it is only in the twentieth century, in our lifetime, that the United States de~-'isively intervened in world affairs and that Europe suddenly found herself on the "receiving end" of American foreign policy. Decisions made in Washington (with or without the advice or the prodding of refugees) affected Central Europe-which I consider my home-deeply and often adversely. The long years which I more or less accidentally spent in the United States made me realize the origins, the reasons, the psychological roots of the Great Euramerican Misunderstanding which, as one might expect, has several aspects: (1) the lacking self-knowledge of America, (paralleled by the nonexistence of selfknowledge of Europe); (2) the American misinformation about Europe (plus the European ignorance of America); and (3) the totally deficient realization of where we all now stand historically, what the big, dynamic ideologies truly represent, and how they are related to each other. And let us not overlook the fact that these three points are all somewhat interconnected, since both America (or, better still, the English-speaking world) and Europe (or, more concretely, the Continent) cannot be properly understood without an excursion into the field of ideology. Even the folklores are deeply affected by "philosophies." A sentence such as "One man is as good as any other man if not a little bit better" reminds one automatically of a certain sector of American sentiment. It smacks of Sandburgian folkloric romanticism. On the other hand the words suum cuique (to everybody his due) are still inscribed at Innsbruck' s law school. Yet it is equally true that Ulpian' s great legal principle also makes sense to a number of Americans while egalitarian notions today are rampant in Europe. The Atlantic Ocean, no less than the Channel, is shrinking and, slowly but surely, our confusions are fusing. To make matters worse, our respective semantics are still far apart. The positive and constructive understanding between America and Free Europe is no less necessary than the realization of what political</p> <p>10</p> <p>and economic order is good, right, fruitful. Therefore, this book tries to serve a double purpose: the reduction, if not the elimination of the Great Intercontinental Misunderstanding as well as the Quest for Truth which entails an expose of the multifaced, multiheaded enemy which is leftism. I think, however, that in all fairness lowe it to the reader to inform him of my starting point, the premises from which I work. I am a Christian: I am emphatically not a democrat but a devotee to the cause of personal liberty. I would thoroughly subscribe to the words of Alexis de Tocqueville when he wrote, "Despotism appears to me particularly to be dreaded in democratic ages. I think that I would have loved liberty at all times, but in the present age I am ready to worship it."2 There are, of course, selfish "European" reasons for my writing this book replete with views often not properly represented or understood in America. It is precisely the unwarranted identification of democracy with liberty which has caused a great many of the recurrent tragedies of American foreign policy (as well as a number of internal American woes!). We have to remember all the wars, all the propaganda, all the pressure campaigns for the cause of democracy, how every hailed and applauded victory of democracy has ended in terrible defeat for personal liberty, the one cause really dear to American hearts. This is by no means a new story. Even Burke welcomed the French Revolution in the beginning. Eminent Americans praised it. But it all ended in a forest of guillotines. Mr. Woodrow Wilson enthusiastically welcomed Alexander Kerensky's government which was to make Russia "fit for a league of honor."3 But how long did it last? The Weimar Republic, the near-republican Italian monarchy, the Spanish republic, the "decolonized" free nations from Haiti to Tanzania, from North Vietnam to Indonesia, Latin America from Santo Domingo to Buenos Aires-all have been grievous disappointments to "progressive" Americans, all terminating in dictatorships, civil wars, crowded jails, confiscated newspapers, gallows and firing squads, one-party tyrannies, sequestrations, nationalizations, "social engineering." Yet beyond these obvious failures, besides the brutal and open elimination of liberty and decency, there is also-so clearly foreseen by de Tocqueville -the democratic evolution towards nonviolent slavery due to a turn of mind and outlook basically like the one leading to the more obvious forms of tyranny. One should not be surprised about this, because the roots of the evil are historically-genetically the same all over the Western World. The fatal year is 1789, and the symbol of iniquity is the Jacobin Cap. Its heresy is the denial of personality and</p> <p>11</p> <p>of personal liberty. Its concrete realizations are Jacobin mass democracy, all forms of national collectivism and statism, Marxism producing socialism and communism, fascism, and national socialism, leftism in all its modern guises and manifestations to which in America the good term "liberalism," perversely enough, is being applied. The issue is between man created in the image of God and the termite in a human guise. It is in defense of man and in opposition to the false teachings which want to lower man to the status of an insect that this book has been written.</p> <p>12</p> <p>Part IThe Leftist Mind</p> <p>Chapter 1Identity and Diversity</p> <p>Let us state at the outset of our investigation that, viewed from a certain angle, we all are subject to two basic drives: one toward identity, the other toward diversity. Neither in ourselves as persons, nor in the nations through the course of history are these drives always the same in their intensity and in their balance. How do they manifest themselves? We can all experience a mood during which we feel the desire to be in the company of people of our own age, our own class, our own sex, conviction, religion or taste. It is quite possible that this drive toward conformity, this herd instinct, is something we share with the animal world. This strong identitarian feeling can rest squarely on a real herd instinct, a strong feeling of commonness and community directed in a hostile sense toward another group. In race riots and demonstrations of ethnic groups this collective sentiment can manifest itself with great strength. This sort of conformist herd instinct was the driving motor of the nationalistic gymnastic organizations of the Germans and the Slavs,l so potent in the first half of this century and engaging in enormous, carefully synchronized gymnastic performances. When five or ten thousand identically dressed men or women are carrying out identical movements, the onlooker gets an overpowering impression of homogeneity, synchronization, symmetry, uniformity. Identity and identitarian drives tend towards an effacement of self,</p> <p>15</p> <p>towards a nostrism ("usness") in which the ego becomes submerged. Of course, nostrism (a term created by the Austrian Nazi Walter Pembaur) can be and usually is a clever multiplication of egoisms. Whoever praises and extols a collective unit in which he participates (a nation, a race, a class, a party) only praises himself. And therefore all identitarian drives not only take a stand for sameness and oppose otherness, but also are self-seeking. There is an identitarian (and nonsexual) aspect to homosexuality ("homoeroticism") coupled with the refusal to establish the sometimes difficult intellectual, spiritual, psychological bridge to the other sex. And in this respect homosexuality is a form of narcissism, of immaturity and implies the limitations of the "simpleton."2 Luckily man in his maturity and in the fullness of his qualifications has not only identitarian but also diversitarian drives, not only a herd instinct but also a romantic sentiment. More often than not we have the yearning to meet people of the other sex, another age group, another mentality, another class, even of another faith and another political conviction. All varieties of the novarum rerum cupiditas (curiosity for the new)-our eagerness to travel and to eat other food, hear another music, see a different landscape, to get in touch with another culture and civilization are derived from this diversitarian tendency in us. A dog neither wants to travel, nor does he p...</p>