Lecture 10 Trade Unions(1)

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    Lecture ten: Trade unions and

    the post-war settlement

    Patrick Diamond

    4thMarch 2013

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    Britain in the 1970s: The sick man of

    Europe?

    Our place in the world is shrinking: our economic

    comparisons grow worse, long-term political

    influence depends on economic strength - and

    that is running out. If I were a young man, Ishould emigrate. (Jim Callaghan, 1974)

    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=koaLMOREqSghttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Je65Vw7ndro

    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=koaLMOREqSghttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Je65Vw7ndrohttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Je65Vw7ndrohttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=koaLMOREqSg
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    Key readings and topic guide

    Eric Hobsbawm The forward march of Labour

    halted? (1978)

    http://www.amielandmelburn.org.uk/collect

    ions/mt/index_frame.htm

    Colin Hay The winter of discontent thirty

    years on, Political Quarterly, 80, 4, 2009, 545-

    552 (with roundtable discussion 553-61)

    http://www.amielandmelburn.org.uk/collections/mt/index_frame.htmhttp://www.amielandmelburn.org.uk/collections/mt/index_frame.htmhttp://www.amielandmelburn.org.uk/collections/mt/index_frame.htmhttp://www.amielandmelburn.org.uk/collections/mt/index_frame.htm
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    This lecture: four parts

    The transfer of power from capital to labour in

    British society between 1940 and 1955

    The re-emergence of the trade union problem in

    the 1950s The trade union problem in British politics 1964-

    79: was Britain governable with strong unions?

    Concluding thoughts

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    Rise of labour?

    Trade unions date from early 19thcentury preceding

    birth of parliamentary democracy and universal

    franchise

    Labour party created as party of unions enshrined inconference and electoral college

    Conservatives ambivalent: one nation tradition sees

    positive role for responsible unions and wartime

    government advocates industrial conciliation Desire for control and constraint given industrial

    relations conflict

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    Transfer of power: the war years

    Maximisation of wartime production requiresinnovation and greater flexibility (plus inclusion ofwomen in labour-force)

    Requires avoidance of strikes and economicdisruption

    Unions economic position strengthened by fullemployment during the war

    While emergency powers were introduced, theemphasis was on industrial consensus and ethosof peoples war (Bevin)

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    Bevins role

    Bevin symbolised unionpower: Minster of Labourin wartime coalition andformer General Secretaryof the TGWU

    Underlines new standing ofthe unions more powerfuleverywhere from factoriesto the War Cabinet

    Membership rises from 6million in 1938 to 8 millionin 1943, 9 million in 1947and 13.4 million by 1975

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    The transfer of power to labour: the

    war years

    Organised labour willhenceforth be satisfied withnothing less than full

    partnership in the state. Thewar has brought out moreclearly than ever before thecountrys dependence uponthe mass of working

    peopleBy helping to savethe country they will findtheir own salvation too(Labour and the War, 1940)

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    The Attlee years

    Unions strongly identify with social gains: our

    government

    Cemented by repeal of 1927 Trades Disputes Act

    TUC supports wage restraint policy 1948-50 Days lost in strikes remains very low (less than 2

    million per annum) despite maintenance of full

    employment

    But particular sectors show signs of vulnerability to

    industrial relations conflict e.g. dock strikes 1948-9;

    government uses emergency powers legislation

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    A revisionist view

    There has been a decisivemovement of power withinindustryfrom management tolabour. This is mainly a consequenceof the sellers market for labourcreated by full employmentwagedemands, now made annually in the

    most important industries, areregularly conceded by employers toan extent which arouses constantalarm amongst economiccommentators (C.A.R. Crosland, TheFuture of Socialism, 1956

    Crosland argues capitalism has changedfundamentally - shift of power fromcapital to labour

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    Conservative response

    Churchill seen as strike-breaker and anti-union aftergeneral strike (1926)

    But post-war new Conservatism represents moreaccommodating one nation approach

    Industrial Charter in 1947 includes workers charterwith positive recognition of unions role

    Shared commitment to full employment (memories of1930s) and industrial conciliation

    Sir Walter Monckton as Minister of Labour (1951-55)was an arch-consolidator; no attempt to outlawunofficial strikes or impose new controls on tradeunions

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    The re-emergence of the trade union

    problem 1955-64

    Growing concerns about economic under-

    performance

    Unions want fair share of affluence

    Strike numbers rise

    Increasingly negative depiction of the trade unions

    in British society Growing concern about trade union militancy

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    The re-emergence of the trade union

    problem 1955-64

    Macmillan government introduces National IncomesCommission in 1961-62

    NEDC created in 1962 to build tripartite agreementbetween government, unions, and employers as high-

    water mark of post-war corporatism

    But no statutory powers: free collective bargainingremains intact

    Unions implicated in economic decline

    Transfer of power to labour emerges as majorproblem for governments preoccupied with economicmanagement

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    The trade union problem in British

    politics 1964-79

    Unions seen as contributing to downfall of Heath and

    Callaghan governments: Heath following Miners

    strikes in 1972-74 and Callaghan following Winter ofDiscontent in 1978-79

    Poll in 1975 shows majority think Jack Jones (TGWU

    General Secretary) is the most powerful man in Britain

    Growing concern about extent of trade union powerand role of interest groups in policy-making process

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    The trade union problem in British

    politics: Heath and the unions

    Industrial Relations Act 1971 attempts comprehensivereform

    However, unions refuse to recognise legislation orrecognise Industrial Relations Court

    Mounting industrial militancy e.g. Clydeside, flyingpickets, miners strikes 1972-74

    Faced with second miners strike in February 1974,Heath goes to the country on the question of who

    governs Britain; he loses Key political experience for Margaret Thatcher who

    confronts the NUM in 1984-85

    Wil C ll h d th U i

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    Wilson, Callaghan and the Unions

    1974-9: towards nemesis?

    Wilson elected in 1974 with commitment to the Social Contract

    By 1975, a statutory incomes policy in place renewed in each

    succeeding year

    In 1978, imposition of 5% pay norm leads to extensive unionopposition, the Winter of Discontent, and paves way for Conservative

    victory in 1979

    From 1981, Thatcher governments introduce employment acts aiming

    to weaken union powers avoiding Heaths error in 1971

    Union resistance weakened by mass unemployment and recessionwhich Thatcher argues is the price to be paid for countering the trade

    unionsdecisive break with post-war consensus

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    The winter of discontent

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    Assessing the role of the unions in

    post-war Britain I

    Some interpretations argue unions threatenedorderly, consensual government in Britain:

    Unions run from the top-down

    Extremists were disproportionately influential

    Small groups were able to disrupt key public services(NHS patients during Winter of Discontent)

    Full employment and social security strengthened

    bargaining power Diagnosis leads to Thatcherism and authoritarian

    populism (Hall)

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    Assessing the role of the unions in

    post-war Britain II

    Unions status and role was integral to the PWC and settlement:industrial consensus resting on full employment

    The power of the unions was negative: treated as an interestgroup and never given a formal role in developing and initiating

    policy Most visible expression of union power such as strikes reflect

    weakening of the unions bargaining position and failure toresolve long-running power imbalances between capital andlabour

    The construction of trade unionism as a problem for Britishgovernments underlines the breakdown of the PWC andgrowing anxiety about Britains post-war economic performanceand the weakening of social cohesion

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    Conclusions

    Industrial partnership was a key pillar of post-war consensus

    Industrial relations posed major problems forLabour and the Conservatives

    Thatcherism promises decisive break withpost-war industrial relations treating theunions as the enemy within