Handprints and of civilization's I

Simultaneously familiar, imprint

, that provoke an . the viewer. The)

and presence an diney of physica to a future goal. and shoes to be feelings ranging to hope and are magic and with

- possible to pin ( for handprints i multivalence is appeal to the vi,

As symbols footprints appe around the wor from the Cham; region of Franc handprints wer ago; to the Am3 Paleoindians in in paintings thi to the Ain Dara carved footprin the 10th centur Sweden, where Bohuslan is car dated to lS00-L orary Hollywoc and footprints the main attrae

l { in front of Grat

I Egyptian, Gree 1 !ions, too, adof ;t

lesser extent h: I

A Kagyu Lama .d

I Tibet; 18th centul Distemper on clo 21 x 13 in (53 x 3 Shelley and Dom

I Kathryn H. Selig Brown

Handprints and Footprints in Buddhist Art

Handprints and footprints are two of civilization's most powerful signs. Simultaneously mysterious and familiar, imprints are engaging symbols that pro\'oke an innate response from the viewer. They signify both absence and presence and convey the imme­diacy of physical contact, the aspiration to a future goal, hands to be touched and shoes to be filled. They evoke feelings ranging from loss to nostalgia to hope and are often associated with magic and with importance. It is im­possible to pin down anyone meaning for handprints and footprints, and this multivalence is perhaps part of their appeal to the viewer.

As symbols, handprints and footprints appear in many places around the world and across history, fron: the Chauvet caves in the Ardeche region of France, where negative handprints were created 30,000 years ago; to the Amazon Basin, where Paleo indians included handprints in paintings that are 11,000 years old; to the Ain Dara Temple in Syria, where carved footprints in the floor date to the 10th century BCE; to western Sweden, where coastal rock in Bohuslim is carved with footprints dated to 1500-400 BCE; and to contemp­orary Hollywood, where the handprints and footprints of movie stars are still the main attraction in the sidewalk in front of Grauman's Chinese Theater. Egyptian, Greek, and Roman civiliza­tions, too, adopted footprints, and to a lesser extent handprints, as symbols.

A Kagyu Lama H'ith Handprints and Footprints Tibet; 18th century Distemper on cloth 21 x 13 in (53 x 33 em) Shelley and Donald Rubin (PI995142, #145)

Many of the world's religions venerate handprints and footprints; prints made by the Buddha,Jesus, Mohammed, and Vishnu are all worshipped today. Handprints and footprints achieved a noteworthy popularity as symbols in Buddhism, however, and their varied forms and contexts are the topic of this essay and exhibition. For thousands of years and across thousands of miles, handprints and footprints have evoked the presence not only of the Buddha, but of other venerated persons as well, and in some cases, the reverence of worshippers. In addition, respect and devotion to the Buddha and to a Buddhist teacher, and blessings and special capabilities or powers can all be elicited by the presence of a handprint or footprint1

In Buddhism, as in other religions, when a revered person has touched or come into contact with something, that object reverberates with a residue; the object becomes a relic2 And as relics, handprints and footprints represent important loci for worship because they establish an earthly presence of their maker, who may have passed away forever into nirvana. Literary evidence indicates that this concept applies to both real (from the perspective of the devout) and man-made footprints of Shakyamuni Buddha, both of which are called buddhapada (literally, "footprints of the Buddha") in Sanskrit. An inscription composed by a Thai king in 1357 to accompany the copy of a Sri Lankan buddhapada he was installing locally, declares that worshipping the footprint "will bring the same advantages as worshipping the Buddha himself."3 In Buddhist art and literature, footprints appear much more frequently than handprints,

although both are described in inscriptions and texts.

Perhaps the most famous hand­prints in Tibet, those of the Fifth Dalai Lama Ngawang Losang Gyatso (1617-1682), appear at the bottom of a proclamation he issued in 1679 entrusting the administration of his political affairs to his young regent Sangye Gyatso (1652-1703, figures la, b). On the proclamation, which still hangs in a prominent position in the Potala Palace in Lhasa, the Dalai Lama's handprints signify his continued presence and authority behind what may have been an unpopular edict. As befits their status as intimate traces of the Fifth Dalai Lama, one of Tibet's greatest leaders, the handprints have been enclosed separately from the edict by a small shrine, which is usually draped with olTering scarves.

The concept of transferring a residue of someone's blessings through touch appears throughout Buddhist literature and is probably pre-Buddhist in concept. Ancient female nature spirits (yakshi), which were incor­porated into the fold of Buddhism by the 1st century BCE, were often depicted as voluptuous figures who can transfer their fecundity to a tree, causing it to flower, by touching or kicking it with their feet (figure 2). In Buddhism, teachers often bless their disciples or worshippers by placing their hands atop the student's head. An 11 th­century Tibetan teacher, for example, is said to have blessed his student "by placing his three fingers on his head, and his three fingers made an imprint ... which remained until his death,"4 Another Tibetan account relates the story of a dying abbot, Sangye Yarjon (1203-1272), who asked his nephew

13

Mangalaguru (1231-1297) to take over Taklung monastery. To transfer his powers, the abbot placed his feet on his nephew's head5 More recent (from the 1990s) examples of this phenomenon include Tibetan monks laying down their shawls for pilgrims to walk upon in order "to get the empowerment of these purified persons," and lay people and monks arranging their clothes and shawls, respectively, for the Dalai Lama "to step on and bless."6

The importance of contact, such as that implied by a handprint or footprint, is illustrated by the many pilgrimage sites in India that are associated with places that the Buddha is said to have visited. The Buddhism scholar Gregory Schopen has shown that at sites connected with his life or relics the Buddha was in some sense still thought to be present, and he traces this concept back to some of the earliest Buddhist writings. "The presence of the relic was thought to be the same thing as the presence of the actual Buddha ... the two were religiously the same, and ... the same behavior was required in regard to both.'" The Buddha (or another holy person) is thus actually manifest in his or her print, and anything that comes into contact with the print is blessed. This belief is evident in inscriptions and descriptions of handprints and footprints across Buddhist Asia. Philip Baldaeus, a Dutch minister who lived in Sri Lanka between 1656 and 1665 and

Figures 1a and b The Hfih Dalai Lamas handprints in the Potal a Palace, Lhasa. Photo after: Le palais du Porala 1995. 33

Figure 2 Railing Pillar tdtil a VVoman Beneath a Tree (Silalabanfika) India. Uttar Pradesh, !v1athura area; Kushan period, 2nd century CE

Sandstone H. 30 3/4 in (781 em) Asia Society, New York. Mr. and Mrs.John D. Rockefeller :lrd Collection of Asian Art (1979.001)

Opposite:

Figure 3 Thousand-armed Elet'en­headed Ava/okirr-".':;hvara (Sahasrabhujalokeshl'ara ) China; c. 1780 Silk and silver metal cord on silk 29 1/2 x 20 in (749 x 50.8 cm) Zimmerman Family Partners LP

The subject of this detailed em broidery is a popular form of Avalokiteshvara, the Bodhisattva of Compassion, in which he is shC\\'n with eleven heads and one thousand arms. Each one of his thousand hands bears an eye, symboliZing his boundless kindness and omnipresence.

traveled thn descri bed th in Thailand been left by

... the Siame afoot . . ina and a halfin and a quarte: with sill'er, nt magnificent t the Siamese I of the circum their opinion water gathert dropped Up01 .from their Si11 use it withoUI

and when thE this holy ",all canes.for the not the oppor in person8

This passag' conceptlOn, the power 01

because the) holy person, merely pass; objects ofw, thought to e other miraCl the Buddha', not mention eastern Indi: footprints is Lanka, and I claim to hav actually mac of these bud pilgrimage s enormous d. they are unq the worshipi Shakyamun famous footl buddhapada

Lankan mOL to as Adam's and-a-half fe feet wide at I

The use footprints in Buddhist rei past 2,000 y' for this exhi They come t Burma (Mya and Japan at century ReE

Of course, h

a and b Dalai Lama's ts in the .ace, Lhasa. ,r: Le palais 1995,33

llarwitha eneath a Tree ljika) ar Pradesh, uea; Kushan ld century CE

n (78.1 em) tty, New York, 'Irs. John D. " 3rd Collection \rt (1979001)

(--armed Eleven­

.'oIokiteshvara )huJalokeshvara)

1780 ,ilver metal ilk ) in 1.8 em) lan Family ~P

et of this detailed ry is a popular valokiteshvara, [sattva of lon, in which \'0 with eleven lone thousand h one of his hands bears an

,oli:ing his s kindness and ence.

I I !

traveled throughout Southeast Asia, described the worship of a buddhapada

in Thailand that was thought to have been left by the Buddha:

the Siamese . .. shew you the print of a foot . .. in a rocky mountain of a yard and a half in length, three quarters broad, and a quarter deep, edged round abow with silver, near which is built a most magnificent temple, much frequented by the Siamese priests and other inhabitants of the circumadjacent country, it being their opinion, that the least drop of the water gathered in this print of the foot, and dropped upon their heads, cleanses them from their sinsJor which reason they never use it without a great deal of reverence. and when they return, they take some of this holy water along H'ith them in bamboo canes j'Jr the use of their friends that have not the opportunity of coming thither in personS

This passage underlines a common conception among Buddhists regarding the power of footprints and handprints: because they represent contact with a holy person, they are not viewed as merely passive and unresponsive objects of worship but are actually thought to emit blessings or possess other miraculous capabilities. Although the Buddha's traditional life story does not mention travel outside of north­eastern India, the cult of the Buddha's footprints is so strong that Tibet, Sri Lanka, and Burma, as well as Thailand, claim to have footprints that were actually made by the Buddha. Many of these buddhapada mark important pilgrimage sites today. That most are enormous does not affect the fact that they are unquestionably accepted by the worshipper as footprints made by Shakyamuni Buddha. One of the most famous footprints, for example, the buddhapada atop Sumanakuta, the Sri Lankan mountain commonly referred to as Adam's Peak, is more than five­and-a-half feet long and two-and-a-haIf feet wide at the ball of the foot.

The use of handprints and footprints in art spans virtually all Buddhist realms and epochs over the past 2,000 years. The objects gathered for this exhibition reflect this range. They come from India, Pakistan, Tibet, Burma (Myanmar), Thailand, China, and Japan and date from the 2nd century BCE to the 20th century CEo

Of course, handprints and footprints

also appear in the art of Buddhist countries not included in the exhibition, such as Sri Lanka, Laos, and Cambodia, but an exhibition and catalogue of this size cannot be encyclopedic. Eternal Presence offers an overview of the varied manifes­tations of handprints and footprints, concentrating on Tibet, where they are frequent elements of its art.

Differing cultural and religious contexts shaped the form and meaning of the prints from country to country and from time period to time period, and their appearance ranges from an actual unmodified imprint to one that

is superhuman in size and covered with symbols. To aid in their analysis, the objects assembled here have been organized into five categories begin­ning with a section that introduces the more general roles played by hands and feet in Buddhist art (figure 3), The rest of the pieces are grouped according to their place of origin: India, Tibet, East Asia, and Southeast Asia. In Tibet, handprints and footprints took on added meanings, which in some cases are highly esoteric, Gathered together here for the first time are more than two dozen examples of handprints and footprints on Tibetan paintings (known

as thangkas), almost half of the known corpus. These thangkas have been divided into subcategories that correspond in composition, date, iconography, size, and medium.

INDIA:

THE: l-iOME:LAND OF

BUDDHISM

Tradition says that when the Buddha

came to Northern India he visited this

country, and left behind him afootprini.

The footprint appears to be long or short

according to the faith in each particular

person, and such remains the case up to

the present day9

-Faxian, the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim who traveled to India in the early 5th century, discussing a buddhapada in Swat, a region in present-day northern Pakistan

According to tradition, Shakyamuni Buddha lived from c. 563-483 BCE

(although recent scholarship suggests that he might have lived as much as a century later). Until some 400 years after his death, the Buddha was not depicted in human form. Instead, he was represented by a variety of sym bois such as a wheel, a stupa (hemispherical burial mound), a tree, and footprints. lO

Footprints of the Buddha became one of the most popular modes of representing his presence, and they continued to be created and worshipped even after images ofthe Buddha became prevalent Venerated in India from roughly the 2nd century BCE

onwards, footprints in stone appeared in numbers at Buddhist sites in both the northern regions-Gandhara (plate I), which included parts of present-day India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan-and in the southern regions that stretched south, roughly from the city of Mathura to the present­day Indian state of Andhra Pradesh (plate 2). Their popularity in stone suggests that buddhapada also existed in painted form, but their fragile nature prevented them from surviving.

While some buddhapada mark a place that Shakyamuni Buddha is said to have actually trod upon, others are regarded even by the faithful as clearly man-made; yet the latter are no less

suggestive of his presence. All of these isolated buddhapada (those that exist outside the narrative context) were objects of veneration, and a few became the focus of intense pilgrimage. One of the pairs of footprints at Bodh Gaya, where the Buddha attained enlighten­ment (figure 4; see also plate 3), still attracts streams of worshippers, many of whom travel for weeks to reach the site. A favored souvenir to bring home from the Bodh Gaya pilgrimage is an imprint of these buddhapada (figure 5).

Buddhapada also appear in narra­tive scenes, where they replace the figure of the Buddha. The broad array of extant stone examples demonstrates that such scenes decorated Buddhist architecture all over the Indic realm, which today covers most ofindia, Pakistan, and parts of Afghanistan. At Buddhist sites in the central and more southern regions of India, such as Sanchi, Bharhut, Amaravati, Ghantasala,Jaggayyapeta, and Nagarjunakonda, buddhapada replace the Buddha in scenes such as the Buddha's descent from the heaven where he preached to his deceased mother, the serpent-king Muchilinda sheltering the Buddha, the Great Departure, and the worship of the Buddha (plate 4). In Gandhara, however, buddhapada usually appear only in depictions of the Buddha's first sermon 11

The popularity of buddhapada

in India is attested to not only by a multitude of physical remains. but also by the writings of Chinese travelers to India, such as Faxian (traveled c. 399-414), Xuanzang (traveled c. 629-645), and Yijing (traveled in the late 7th

!'igure 4 Buddhapada, Bodh Gaya Photo after: Leoshko 1986, i, fig. 5

century), in which they are frequently mentioned. Xuanzang in particular wrote about the many buddhapada he came across in the course of his 10,000-mile journey. His description of the footprints in Pataliputra in the follow­ing passage applies to many of the examples:

By the side of the {Patalipwru] slupa, and not far from it, in a vihara {monastery], is a gr£'al stone on ,('hich 'lat}wgata {Shakyamuni Buddha] walked. There is still the impression of both hisfeet on it, about eight£'en inches long and six inches broad: both the right and left impress have the circle sign, and the t£'l1 toes arc all fringed with figures o[floH'ers andIorms of fishes, ,chich glisten brightly in the light. 12

According to some texts, buddhapada

represent the Buddha's superhuman powers. A passage from an early text describing the Buddha's life emphasi=es their extraordinary nature:

At one time the Lord was Journeying along the high-road b£'tH'£'en Ukkattha and Setabbya, so also was the Brahmin Dona. He saH' on the Lord's footprints the wheels

Figure 5 On the right-hand wall of this monk's room jn Phodang Monastery in Sikkjm is a cloth hearing buddhapada from Bodh Cap Photo: Kathrvn Selig Brown

with their thousand hubs and all their a he thought: "Inde£'d, marvelous-it canr footprints of a hW1J(

Buddhapada usua' descriptions ment passages. Many ar size, and almost a symbols, the most large spoked whet always appears in footprint, represe doctrine. It is also major marks (lales a Buddha from a 1

possible that the I

gilded. since textt refer to them as sl An ancient IndiaI' buddhanllsml'ti-sL

describes the foot

"'-'hen he {the Budd sees in them, the so, of thousand spokes transform themselt columns of lumina places his feet on tl' diamonds and prec eVf'T}7where and co

Although handpr Buddhist context: 1st century BCE (f have as broad an history as footpri recording the pre Buddha, texts am they are handprir This identificatio visual evidence­handprints lack I, that identify a SUI

In at least three s "Ajatasatru Pillar, bow to thrones tt decorated with la

them, but the thr, handprints withc

Reliefs from from Bharhut, a ~

central India, she adorning or appc associated with tl as a path that he (representing his and base of his tl prints appear in : places in carving it is likely that Ih

186, 7, tlg. S

1e1' are frequently 19 in particular 11' buddhapada he ourse of his 10,000-scription of the utra in the follow-o many of the

!lip,,!ra} stupa, and lara [monastery}, cll Tathagata /walked, There is loth hisfeet on it, long and six inches nd left impress have ten toes are all flowers and forms of ightl}' in the light, l2

'xts, budd/wpada l'S superhuman Jm an early text a's life emphasizes ature:

as )ouYTwying along Ukkattha and ~e Brahmin Dona, otprints the u-heels

'lght-hand wall of 1k's room in Phodang '1)' In Sikkim is a cloth huddhupada from Iya :athryn Sehg Brown

with their thousand spokes, their rims and hubs and all their attributes complete, and he thought: "Indeed, how wonderful and marvelous-it cannot be that these are the footprints ofa human being"13

Buddhapada usually conform to the descriptions mentioned in these passages, Many are larger than life­size, and almost all are decorated with symbols, the most common being a large spoked wheel. The wheel, which always appears in the center of the footprint, represents the Buddhist doctrine. It is also one of the thirty-two major marks (lakshana) that distinguish a Buddha from a mortal man. It is possible that the buddhapada were gilded, since textual passages often refer to them as shining or glowing. An ancient Indian text, the Amitayur­

buddhanusmrti-sutra, for example, describes the footprints' radiance:

IVhetJ he [the Buddha] lifts his feet, one sees in them, the sales marked with a wheel of thausand spokes which miraculously transform themselves into 500 million columns of luminous rays. When he places his feet on the earth, the flowers in diamonds and precious stones spread au! everywhere and cover everything 14

Although handprints appear in Indian Buddhist contexts as early as the 2nd-1st century BCE (figure 6), they da not have as broad an artistic or visual history as footprints. And instead of recording the presence of Shakyamuni Buddha, texts and inscriptions suggest they are handprints of worshippers. This identification is supported by visual evidence-the depictions of handprints lack lakshana, the marks that identifY a superhuman nature. In at least three scenes from Bharhut's "Ajatasatru Pillar," for example, men bow to thrones that have buddhapada

decorated with lakshana in front of them, but the thrones are adorned with handprints without lakshalla (figure 7).

Reliefs from the 1st century BCE

from Bharhut, a stupa site in north­central India, show handprints adorning or appearing near objects associated with the Buddha, such as a path that he walked on, a stupa (representing his body), and the back and base of his throne, In fact, hand­prints appear in so many different places in carvings from Bharhut that it is likely that they were part of an

iconographic scheme prevalent at the time. Handprints as decorations are also mentioned in a later text, the 5th-century Sri Lankan chronicle Mahavamsa. It relates that a king ordered a stupa to be decorated by painters with three main ornaments: a railing, a row of full vases, and "five­finger marks" or handprints. IS Palm prints are mentioned in a half dozen of the stories ofthe Buddha's previous lives (jatakas) as well as in the Vinaya­

pitaka and Mahavastu, where they function as marks of protection, consecration, worship, and adornment. Their meanings, like those of the footprints, cannot always be clearly distinguished. 16

In India, handprints and footprints also appear outside Buddhist contexts.

Figure 6 Stupa/Pillar Fragmelll india, Madhya Pradesh, Bharhut; Shunga period, c. 100-80 BCE

SLOne

12 Vt6 x 15 3/4 in (31 x 40 em) The Nationai Museum, New Delhi, 72.331 Photo: Kathryn Selig Brown (not in the exhibition)

Handprints adorn the stupa in this architectural fragment from the stupa site of Bharhut in north-central India.

Hgure 7 "orship of the Buddha india, Madhya Pradesh, Bharhut; Shunga period, c. 100-80 BCt

Stone indian Museum, Calcutta Photo after: Snellgrove 1978, tig.8 (not in the exhibition)

Before the lOth/11 th century, buddhapada were far more numerous than their Hindu,Jain, or Muslim counterparts, but there are still many examples of the footprints of Shiva, Vishnu, Devi, and other Hundu deities, as well as of jinas, and the Prophet Muhammad17

Feet and footprints play polar roles in Indian culture: because the feet are considered to be lowest in the bodily hierarchy (to touch or point to someone with one's foot is an insult), a common secular and religious expression of respect and humility is to venerate the feet, footprints, or even sandals of a revered person or image of a deity (figure 8). By touching, washing, or worshipping the feet, one humbles oneself beneath that person or deity.

And ju~t as "to perform reverence to the Ma~ter's feet" is a frequent phrase in ancient Indian Buddhist texts, stooping to touch the feet of an elder or other revered per~on is common in present­day India.

In Hinduism, particular worship i~ associated with the feet, footsteps, and footprints of the god Vishnu (l'ishntlpada). As a result, art and ritual objects decorated with vis/1tJupada are fairly common. Even the symbol drawn in sandalwood paste on a Vaishnavite's forehead, a V-shape with a line in the middle, is actually a stylized representation of Vishnu's footprint. In addition, devotees sometimes mark their bodies or clothes with metal stamps in the shape of vishnupada or wear the footprints on amulets tied around their necks to ward off evil.

There are also scores of instances where handprints occur in India in non-Buddhist contexts. 1R Beginning from at least the 1st century BCE,

images such as the goddess figure included in the exhibition (plate 5) were decorated with handprints. Handprints continue to appear on homes and temples throughout India. They are also striking remembrances of satis, widows who, willingly or not, have followed their dead husbands onto the funeral pyre. Before going to the funeral pyre, the women dipped their hands in red or orange kum-kum paste and impressed their palms on the outside wall of the house as a hlessing. The satis' funeral stones have hands and arms sculpted into them. A famous group of sati handprints that were left by Maharaja Man Singh's widows in 1843 can been seen at the entrance to

Meherangarh Fort in Jodhpur (figure 9).

r ~

/

. ~ h :""

~'~e , - - ~ • - «.

" '.

" '\

.e.u." "',""-'t:.

"

Figure 8 Shawn" India. Andhra Pradesh; 18th century Brass

Sl/2 in (14 em)

ColkctlOn of Pratapaditya Pal Photo: Antoni Dohnsky

This c[(Own-shaped ritual object called a shatari, probahly bears the footpflnts of the Hindu god Vishnu. After a ritual, the priest places it on the vmrshirrcr's head to insure Vishnu's protection. A sharari can also he used \vhen hecause of cfCnvds, a worshipper is not able to bo\v at the foot nfthc central image.

Figure 9 Sat: handprints In ivlcherangarh Fort injt.dhpur.lndia Photo Kathryn Selig Brown

T15ET

If you teish to m tilefootpril1ts, se Arran,ge fO>' any,

a ,'OH'-Q monk

to read the teac/

that tilefootprin

the lama hims'" teachings, more

Fom tlte mouth . fr is said t/Jat

practice, ('xpl(ll1

done is 110 diffe, (lct1lally heard}

-from "Requcstil 12th·ccntury Tibcl

The tradition 0

Buddhist art w, and expanded t and/or handpr lamas (priests,

revered holy fi~ to the Esoteric in Tibet is rega the Buddha, wi yoga. By worsh and footprints simultaneous 1) The high regan in Tibet that in teacher is cons important than the teacher ha,

samsaric work rebirth) while t into nirvana.

Phakmo 0 famous teacher the introductic in Tibet to the (9S2-1054).IP A

twelve years of teaching in Tit figures in the" Buddhism," wI­

tions of India t influence on tI­Tibetan Buddh reference to At thangkas com( c/wg, guideboc of Reting mon; approximatel\' of Lhasa. 2ll Th,

provides brief once hOllsed a a passage desc

century

leC!. called a lotpnnts of the :ual, the prIest head to insure I can also be used orshlpper is not central image.

arh fort

TI5E:T

If you wish to request a teaching from the footprints, set up the footprints ..

Arrange for anyone suitoble who has

a vow--a monk, nodce, or layman-

10 read the teaching three times. Think that the footprints are generated into

the lama hinlSe/J ... Think that these teachings, moreover, are being spoken

from the mowh of the lama three times.

... It is said that if you do this, wharet'er practice, explanation, or teaching is done is no different from hat'ing been

actually heard from the lama.

-From ~Requesting Footprints," written by [he 12th-century Tibetan scholar Phakmo Drupa

The tradition of using buddhapada in Buddhist art was adopted by Tibetans and expanded to include the footprints and/or handprints of Tibetan Buddhist lamas (priests and teachers) and other revered holy figures. A concept basic to the Esoteric Buddhism practiced in Tibet is regarding one's teacher as the Buddha, which is known as guru

yoga. By worshipping the handprints and footprints of lamas, Tibetans simultaneously worship the Buddha. The high regard ofthe lama is so strong in Tibet that in some respects the teacher is considered to be even more important than the Buddha, because the teacher has stayed behind in the samsaric world (i.e. he is subject to rebirth) while the Buddha has passed into nirvana.

Phakmo Drupa (1110-1I70), the famous teacher of the Kagyu sect, traces the introduction of print iconography in Tibet to the Indian pandit Atisha (982-1054)19 Atisha, who spent the last twelve years of his life traveling and teaching in Tibet, was one of the main figures in the "Second Diffusion of Buddhism," when the Buddhist tradi­tions of India became the dominant influence on the development of Tibetan Buddhism. Another early reference to Atisha and print-bearing thangkas comes from a karchak (dkar

chag, guidebook. catalog, or register) of Reting monastery, which is located approximately fifty miles northeast of Lhasa20 The karchak lists and provides brief histories for thangkas once housed at Reting, and it includes a passage describing a thangka with

Atisha's footprints. This thangka, which was made for his disciple and translator Nagtso, was also consecrated by Atisha.11 Another early Kagyu teacher, Phakmo Drupa's student Jigten Sumgon (1143-1217, who is also known as Drigungpa after the monastery and lineage he founded), traces the footprint tradition to the Buddha, but notes that it was not in his teachings. Jigten Sumgon writes that it was Marpa (1012-1097), a Tibetan scholar and translator who studied in India with well-known masters, who introduced the tradition to Tibet. According to Jigten Sumgon, Marpa brought a cloth with the footprint of Naropa (956-1040), one of his Indian teachers, imprinted from a crystal Naropa had pressed his foot againstn As Naropa was also one of Atisha's teachers, these accounts may represent the same lineage of footprint teachings.

Despite the historical references, it is difficult to determine how long the handprint and footprint thangka tradition has existed in Tibet and whether or not it predates the influx of Buddhism. There are no clear traces, such as petroglyphs or paintings, of an early Tibetan connection with prints

as there are in other cultures. Yet, the fact that handprints and footprints are present in Tibetan culture in a variety of contexts may indicate an indigenous or ancient preference.

Tibet's rocky landscape is marked throughout with footprints and hand­prints, particularly along pilgrimage routes. The ability to leave a print in solid rock is one of the fruits of long­term and highly developed yogic powers (figure 10), Although the prints are not always recognizable as such to the untutored eye (figure 11), they are constantly noted in the guidebooks used by Tibetan pilgrims and are mentioned in other types of literature such as hagiographies and histories, The prints are said to have been made by Tibetan lamas, by a variety of deities, by historical and mythical figures, and in rare instances by the Buddha himself. When such highly attained beings imprint their hand, foot, or other body-part into living rock, they leave behind a trace of their physical presence, a relic of their spiritual power (figure 12). Tibetans have a strong belief in "empowerment by association," and thus pilgrims may

scoop water out of a footprint, press it

Figure 10 Reverse of Mahakala Tibet: 19th century Disemper on cotton 21'/8 x 16 '/s in (55 x41 em) The Hahn Cultural foundation (not in the exhibition)

~ootprints are rarely seen on the back of a thangka, and many consider them to be disrespectful of the image on the front. These prints, which are shown as having been imbedded in rock, adorn the back of a thangka from the Karma Kagyu tradition depicting the wrathful deity Mahakala (Bernak jen). It is unclear whether they were on the support before the image of Mahakala was painted.

Figure 11 Shechen Gyaltsap's (1871-1926) footprint in rock. Photo after: Ricard 1996,33

Figure 12 Detail of Plate 24

Handprints and footprints were left in the Tibetan landscape by the 8th~century tantric master Padmasambhava to help tame the native deities.

to their lips, and then sprinkle it on their heads because the water has been blessed by its contact with a revered person's body. Pilgrims may also ink the rock and take imprints away on long white silk scarves known as katak (bka' gtags). 2.l No other Buddhist culture places such significance on the occurrence of prints in the landscape.

The custom of using handprints or fingerprints as signatures or seals is also prevalent in Tibet. The earliest documents bearing fingerprints date to the 9th century. Handprints in particular are used to mark significant documents such as treaties and decrees. In addition to the Fifth Dalai Lama's handprints mentioned earlier, those of numerous other lamas and dignitaries are preserved. During the inauguration of Gulab Singh as Maharaja of Jammu in Amritsar in March 1846, for example. both Gulab Singh and the Eleventh Dalai Lama signed the document with a handprint instead of a regular seal or written signature.24

On a less exalted level. cotton cloths bearing the handprints of a lama are used for a variety of folk purposes. For centuries, families across Tibet

have owned such cloths. Like prints found in the landscape, these cloths are used to subjugate the forces of nature­to ward off hail or other bad weather. They are also thought to carry healing powers; when someone is ill, the cloth may be placed on the head of the sick individual. As potent objects, these cloths are treasured items and are usually kept in a box or hung near the family's altar25 A written account of the Panchen Lama's trip to China in 1780

(where he died of smallpox) describes his imprinting his hands at a place called Coomboo Goombaw, but on pieces of paper rather than on cloth:

At this place, as well as during the Lama'sjoumey through Kalmauk, he was continually importuned, by all ranks oj peopleJor a mark oj his hand {emphasis in original], which, being coloured with saffron, he extended, and made a .fi'll print of it in a piece of clean paper. Many thousand oj these were printed off, in the like mannerJor the multitude that daily surrounded him, which they careJully preserved as the most sacred relics.26

The obtaining and subsequent worship of a teacher's handprints and/or footprints express great respect for the teacher and are probably based on the ancient lndic tradition of humbling oneself before a guru's (or elder's) feet. There are many Tibetan sayings regarding the importance of one's teacher. "To venerate a single hair of one's teacher is a greater merit than to venerate all the budd has of the three times"27 is one example. Another aphorism recommends, "Better than meditating on a hundred thousand deities, for ten million kalpas [eons], is to think of one's teacher for a single instant."28

Handprint and footprint thangkas may also represent blessings from the teacher. The tradition of raised hands indicating benediction and blessing appears to be common in many ancient cultures29 In Buddhism, raised hands also suggest protection, as expressed by abhayamudra, the gesture that means "fear not" (figure 13). Although the Dalai Lama has joked that only secondary lamas put their imprints on cloths because the most powerful ones make prints in the rock,30 the presence of handprints and footprints on thangkqs connotes power on a

~'-~. -, .~.

'r ,i

Fif(ure l3 Scroll 'if Mudra, Japan; Helem pe 11th-l2th centUl Handscroll. ink IlVlfl x 97 11'2 in The Metropollu­G.c. Packard Cc Harry G.C Pack Rogers. Harris E Funds, Joseph P Annenberg Fun

Through gestur.

guidance for the reassurance, gifl or another syml reassuring gestl hand with the r seen in the 10\\'t:

numher ofln thangkas, bee contact with I as "merely pa objects of wo thought to en byin rlabs)31

Footprinl paintings by I handprints b: Based on the that these syr on the fronts beginning of corpus also it bearing than, predominant sects of Tibet

Tihetan f thangkas can into five catq each categon in comp(Jsiti(

cloths. Like prints icape, these cloths are the forces of nature­other bad weather.

tght to carry healing leone is ill, the cloth the head of the sick :nt objects, these ,d items and are

ox or hung near the vritten account of the ip to China in 1780 ;maltpox) describes hands at a place oombaw, but on 1er than on cloth:

a:; dllring the ligh l\ulmallk, he was 'led, by all ranks of 'his hand {emphasis eing colourf'd with and made afull if clean paper. A'[anv re primed off, in th; nultiWde that daily ch they carefully . 'sacred rehcs. 26

iubsequent worship ,rints andlor

,reat respect for probably based on ,dition of humbling u's (or elder's) , Tibetan sayings tance of one's , a single hair of :ater merit than

tddhas of the

example. Another ,ds, "Better than jred thousand

n kalpas [eons], acher for a single

)otprint thangkas lessings from the 1 of raised hands n and blessing In In many ancient

sm, raised hands >11, as expressed gesture that re 13). Although ked that only . heir imprints

most powerful 1e rock,30 the

s and footprints power on a

Figure 13 $crull ofMudras (detail) Japan: Heian penud (79 .. ·1185), 11th· 12th century Handscroll, ink on paper 11-'/10 x 97 1/2 in (284 x 2.J.7.o em) The Melropolitan Museum of Art, The Harry G.c. Packard CollectlOn of ASian Art, Giti of Harry G.c. Packard, and Purchase, Fletcher, Rogers, Harris BrIsbane DiCk, and Louis \'. Bell funds,Joseph Pulil:er Bequest, and The Annenberg Fund Inc. Gift, 1975 (1975.268.1)

Through gestures, deities reveal their form of guidance for the \vorshipper, \vhethcr it is reassurance, gift-givmg, meditation, teachmg, or another symbolic act. Abhayamudru, the reassuring gesture made by raising the right hand with the palm facing outwards, can he seen in the lowest ro\"".

number of leveL. In fact, print.bearing

thangkas, because they represent contact with the lama, are not viewed as "merely passive and unresponsive objects of worship" but are actually thought to emit blessings (;in lap,

byin rlabs)3l

Footprints appeared on Tibetan paintings by the 12th century and handprints by the 16th cent ury32

Based on the known corpus, it seems that these symbols ceased to be placed on the fronts of paintings by the beginning of the 10th century The corpus also indicates that the print­bearing thangka tradition was used predominantly by the Kagyu and Geluk sects of Tibetan Buddhism .

Tibetan handprint and footprint thangkas can be roughly organized into five categories: the paintings in each category correspond generally in composition, date, iconography,

technique, support material, and ritual function. There are paintings with

footprints nanking a deity andlor a lama, with handprints and footprints nanking a lama or king, with handprints (and no footprints), and with handprints and footprints in the landscape. The fifth category contains handprints and footprints that were used in consecrations. It is important to emphasize, however, that these

categories are overlapping and tluid. Some of the print·bearing thangkas could appear in two categories and others don't fit all the criterion for the category they are in: it was a curatorial decision to place them where they are.

The largest elements on print· bearing thangkas are the footprints and handprints. Like Indian stone

buddhapada, they are idealized and display symbolic decorations. However, the fact that the Tibetan prints were made by humans is revealed by their human size and shape--virtually every handprint and footprint that is associated with a lama is life·size. Although Tibetan art is not known for its realism, this detail is consistent throughout all periods.

Both visual and textual evidence suggests that many Tibetan print­bearing paintings are based on the actual touch of a lama to a painting's support or to another piece of cloth that was attached to the support. That said, none of the paintings has been subjected to scientific analysis to determine the veracity of this hypothesis, and it remains unclear which of the handprint- and footprint­bearing thangkas have an actual

imprint as their basis33 The possibility that some of these thangkas might be copies of one original footprint thangka also needs to be considered (plates 6, 7, 8). Although a seemingly minor point, confirmation of an actual imprint is important: if a specific person can be connected with the print(s), the thangka can represent a stylistic benchmark for the still-developing field of Tibetan art history. When the print-maker can be identifted, the thangka can be dated to a relatively narrow stretch of time-to the dates of the print-maker's adult life (unless the prints are small). Confirmation of direct contact would also mean that, from the religious perspective, each painting is a relic of the lama who touched it and imbued it with his presence. As such, it would explain why these paintings are ex­ceptionally sacred items for devotees.

The visual evidence for this hypothesis is in the thangkas them­selves. That the prints were the first item on the support and that the icon­ography was created around them is suggested by some of the compositions, which show that the minor figures and details were fitted around the footprints. If the prints had been created at the same time as the rest of the painting, these adjustments would not have been required. In addition, considering that thangkas are usually painstakingly constructed on a grid, the fact that the handprints andlor footprints are sometimes not level is

also suggestive of the making of actual imprints. Fabricated prints can be placed at the artist's discretion, whereas imprinting actual hands andlor feet in an exact spot can be difficult,

More corroborating evidence comes from three of the most recent print-bearing thangkas in the corpus. These paintings, from the mid-to-late 19th century, display the actual handprints and footprints, as well as the portraits (all with the attributes of Manjushri, the Bodhisattva of Wisdom) of important teachers of the Rime movement (a multi-sectarian approach to Tibetan Buddhism): Kongtrul Yontan Gyatso (1813-1899, figure 14),Jamyang Khyentse Wangpo (1820·1892, figure 15), and Chogyur Lingpa (1829-1870, figure 16)34 The thangka of Jam yang Khyentse Wangpo is particularly

21

Figure 14 Kongtrul )'Ontan Gyatso and his Handprints and Footprinr::; Tibet; mid-to-late 19th century Pri\'ate Tibetan Collection Photo: Konchok Ten:in (not in the exhibition)

significant because the jagged outlines of actual handprints and footprints can be seen underneath t he perfected form of the prints. The arch of Jam yang Khyentse's left footprint, where the original imprint is visible beneath the

drips of red paint, is particularly informative. Here, the same red paint used to make the prints was also used

to fill in the blank spaces left by the arch and wrinkles in his feet. By filling in the blank spaces, the human traces are transformed into the perfected ones

of a deity. Further artistic manipulation of the prints' appearance can be seen in the toes. Because only the toe-pads

left a mark when the feet were imprinted, the length of the toes on both footprints was painted in with brown wash. The right footprint shows the final result of an actual imprint covered with paint; even color tone, no arch, individually delineated toes, and a perfect outline. The palm-prints also display areas oflight-colored ground where the arch ofthc palm and the creases of the fingers did not touch the support.,s

It ha.5 been shown in another

publication that the handprints and/or footprints on most thangkas can be

Figure 15 JamyQng l\hycntse Hangpo and Ilis Handprints and Foorprin!s

Tibet; mid-to-Iate 19th century Private Tibetan Collection Photo: Konchok Ten=in (not in the exhibition)

associated with the lama depicted directh' above or between them3ti Not

every thangka fits this theory, however. The most obvious exceptions are seven

late 17th-century paintings representing the Fifth Dalai Lama and his previous incarnations (plates 1-10-20). It is

suggested that each of these thangkas is marked with the Fifth's handprints

and footprints rather than with the prints of the person who is depicted in the center, as that person often lived

hundreds of years before the paintings were made. The Fifth is known to have publ ici=ed his lineage of previous

incarnations-a list of illustrious figures-in words as well as images. These seven thangkas elTectively combine depictions of his previous

incarnatIOns with his handprints and footprints; the prints invoke the

Dalai Lama's presence as well as his identiflCation with each incarnation. This glorification of his status,

intensified by his recent association with Tibet's most popular bodhisattva, Avalokiteshvara. is a phenomenon with parallels in \Vestern art. As Jonathan Brown. the Velazquez scholar, has noted. "In general terms, as the power of the absolute monarch grew, the

Figure Hi Chogyur LJn~pa and /11.<; Handpnnts and Foorpr111ts Tibet: mid-to~late 19th century Private Ttbetan Collection Photo. KOl1chok Ten::in lnnt in the exhibItion)

images of the ruler became more assertive in their claims and richer in

references to the virtues embodied in the rulee"" For thousands of years, portraits of rulers have reflected their aspirations, ideals, and pretensions­the Fifth Dalai Lama was no exception.

Because they display potent!\' symbolic handprints and/or ll)otprints,

print-bearing paintings were likely to

have been viewed as powerful objects; possession of a print-bearing painting

undoubtedly conferred authority on its owner. At the time they were created, print-bearing paintings were accessible to only a "small, literate, almost ex­

clusively male and certainly atvpical profeSSional subgroup." that is, the

monastic population, rather than the population at large38

Tibetan Pair

DisplalJing f

The majority of footprints of a la from the 12th to As evidenced by other identifyin~ the Kagyus were sect most closel: type of print-tha these early than: usually flank a 1, meditational dei commonly the ~ deities Chakrasi varahi (figure 17

composition cor meditative visua

in a collection 0

Footprints," \\'fit scholar Phakmc earlieL'CI One of

tradition. Phakn the teaching lin, across the top 0'

thangkas. His "r; discusses variou

thangkas-from prints to con sec receiving teachil

Phakmo Dr history of the fo, tradition, and th question of why footprints of a tt He states, "Althc

reasons for this,

is said to be to r'

teachings one h. noted earlier, fo.

meanings in Til: which could be for a teac her's pi Drupa's emphas esoteric power i with a profound aware of this qu

Although a between texts al assumed. the ne supports t he ide

early thangkas a footprints ofhig describing the il Phakmo Drupa a clean piece of,

a coloring agent (which was prol

~nts

ltury

:ame more IS and richer in es embodied usands afyears, ~ renected their 1 pretensions­

'as no exception. lay potently nd/or fOOl prints, s were likely to owerfulobjects;

)earing painting j authority on its y were created, s were accessible e, almost ex­tainl), atypical ," that is, the

rather than the

Tibetan Paintings

Displa~ing Footprints

The majority of thangkas bearing the

footprints of a lama were produced from the 12th to the 14th century. As evidenced by the iconography and other identifying factors such as dress, the Kagyus were the Tibetan Buddhist sect most closely affiliated with this type of print-thangka tradition. On these early thangkas, the footprints

usually flank a lama and/or a meditational deity (yi dam), most commonly the Kagyu meditational deities Chakrasamvara and Vajra­varahi (figure 17; plates 6, 7, 8). This composition corresponds with a meditative visualization mentioned in a collection of texts, "Requesting Footprints," written by the early Kagyu scholar Phakmo Drupa mentioned earlier39 One of the key figures of the tradition, Phakmo Orupa appears in the teaching lineage that usually runs across the top of early Kagyu footprint thangkas. His "Requesting Footprints" discusses various aspects of footprint thangkas-from asking for a lama's prints to consecrating the prints and receiving teachings from them.

Phakmo Drupa begins with the history of the footprint-making tradition, and then focuses on the question of why one would want the footprints of a teacher in the first place. He states, "Although there are many reasons for this, the principal purpose is said to be to receive authorization for teachings one has not received."40 As

noted earlier, footprints have many meanings in Tibetan culture, any of which could be reason enough to ask for a teacher's prints, Yet Phakmo Drupa's emphasis on a footprint's esoteric power imbued such thangkas with a profound signiflcance for those

aware of this quality. Although a simple equivalence

between texts and images cannot be assumed, the next part of the text supports the idea that many of these early thangkas are based on the actual footprints of high-ranking lamas. In describing the imprinting ceremony, Phakmo Drupa instructs one to use a clean piece of cloth and to provide a coloring agent made from saffron (which was probably mixed with

water). The color is applied to the lama's feet, and he is asked to put his feet on the cloth. Following this application, the imprints are covered with paint by an artist, who also adds the surrounding iconography. This last procedure explains why the footprints appear so stylized. Phakmo Drupa specifically prescribes the addition of "drawing" (ri mo)-the actual print

would be veiled by paint. Phakmo Orupa goes on to explain

that these footprints are so imbued with the lama's presence that a disciple

Figure 17 FootpriTlt ThaTlgka oJ Thangpa Chenpo Tibet; early 13th century Distemper on cloth 20 '/2 x 13 in (52 x 34 em) Musee national des arts asiatlques·Guimet (MA5176), Donation ofM. Lionel Fournier. 1989 Photo atter: Beguin 1995, 3 .. (not in the exhibition)

23

can receive teachings from them in the teacher's absence, The student first meditates on the deity depicted in the center of the painting and then on his teacher, who is usually depicted above the footprints. Finally, the footprints are visualized as the teacher speaking. Phakmo Drupa comments that receiving Buddhist teachings via the footprints in this manner is no different than hearing "whatever practice, explanation, or teaching" from the real lama. Phakmo Drupa also relates that the footprints can receive confessions.

Figure 18 Sonam Gyatso, the Third DaLai Lama,' u1th Handprints and Footprints Tibet; mid,ta,late 16th century Distemper and gold on cotton 22 '1I6 x 18'/4 in (57.8 x 46.3 cm) Hahn Cultural Foundation (not in the exhibition)

Tibetan Paintings

Displa.tJing Handprints and Footprints

More than a dozen 16th,19th,century thangkas bearing handprints and/or footprints flanking a lama or historical personage have been gathered for this exhibition. In generaL the iconography of these thangkas is simpler than that of the earlier footprint thangkas. There is less emphasis on lineages, and the figures are depicted against a landscape, sky, or clouds rather than shown abutting one another. The central focus of the thangka is no longer a meditational deity, but a lama or historical personage (figure 18). In the earlier print thangkas, if the lama associated with the prints was depicted, he was usually smaller, and in a slightly less prominent position above the

meditational deity. This iconographic shift and the implications of contempor, ary textual material suggest that later print,bearing thangkas were created to fu Ifill a less esoteric function. Indeed, lamas that viewed handprint and/or footprint thangkas thought that the prints indicated "special blessings" and memories and souvenirs of the lama41

Two documents from 1681-the Fifth Dalai Lama's autobiography and the parallel biography written by his regent Sangye Gyatso--provide a wealth of information relating to later print,bearing thangkas. The Dalai Lama is the spiritual head of the Geluk tradition of Tibetan Buddhism, and the fact that most of the Geluk examples can be associated with the Dalai Lama lineage makes these textual references particularly apt. Passages from both texts recount that on the 25th day of the 8th month of 1681, Terdak Lingpa, the Fifth Dalai Lama's distinguished teacher of the Nyingma tradition, took part in the consecration of some statues and/or paintings (da ten, dad rten, "supports for faith") of deities for the Fifth and his regent42 The Fifth writes that as part of the consecration ceremony he scattered flowers, and that it was the act of seeing these images being consecrated that inspired him to ask for the handprints and footprints of his teacher Terdak Lingpa43

Significantly, both authors clearly state that the hands and feet of Terdak Lingpa were imprinted and not drawn or traced. Both authors are also specific in noting that the prints were made before the rest of the iconography was created. It was only after he received the prints, the passages relate, that the Fifth decided that they would be accompanied by images of Terdak Lingpa's previous lives from Vairocana to the present44

Then, once the iconography was established, the artist Karma from Nyemo was found 45 He was responsible for creating the arrangement of the previous lives around the prints. Terdak Lingpa with Handprints and Footprints (figure 19), which hangs in the Lama Lakhang at Mindroling Monastery in central Tibet, is very likely the one referred to by the Fifth and his regent.

The descriptions of the Fifth Dalai Lama and his regent also refute the most commonly proposed reason why

prints appe; which is the

This textual visual evide the painting reveals that overlaps the These over!: were gilded were added; not made dt ceremony, \~ place after tl complete.

Figure 19 Terdak Lingpa and r()otprints Tibet; HiS I Distemper on Mindroling :-"1, Photo after: B, {not in the exr

; iconographic I1S of contempor-gest that later were created to clion. Indeed, print andlor 19ht that the 1 blessings" and s of the lama4 !

m 1681-the )iography and Ifitten by his ·provide a elating to later The Dalai ~d of the Geluk dhism, and the uk examples he Dalai Lama tual references s from both ,25th day of ierdak Lingpa, istinguished tradition, took of some statues "dad rten,

eities for the he Fifth writes cration owers, and that 'lese images 'lspired him ; and footprints 19pa43

uthors clearly feet of Terdak

.nd not drawn ere also specific were made nography was he received the

e, that the Fifth )e accompanied ;pa's previous he present.H

phy was erma from .vas responsible 'lent of the ,prints. Terdak

md Footprints in the Lama ,10nastery in ly the one 1d his regent. he Fifth Dalai , refute the

d reason why

l ;!

k

t

t

prints appear on the fronts of thangkas, which is that they are consecratory. This textual evidence is supported by visual evidence. A close examination of the paintings, especially plates 14-20, reveals that the surrounding paint often overlaps the gilded palms and soles. These overlaps indicate that the prints were gilded before the adjacent details were added; therefore, the prints were not made during the consecration ceremony, which would have taken place after the thangka was artistically complete.

Figure 19 lerdak Lmgpa lrith Handprint~

and Footprmts Tibet; 1681 Distemper on cloth Mindroling Monastery, Tihet Photo after: Batchelor 1987. 232 (not in rhe exhibition)

Tibetan Paintings

Dlsplaljing Handprints

There are not many extant thangkas showing handprints without footprints on the obverse. Although most of the examples known to the author have two sets of handprints flanking a figure, the handprints' forms and details suggest that both sets were made by the same person.413 The sometimes awkward placement of subsidiary tlgures and landscape elements around the handprints and even between the fingers suggests that the handprints were created before the rest of the composition.

In the majority of cases, these handprints flank images of a buddha rather than a lama, so it is unclear who made the imprints. One exception is a 19th-century thankga that shows

handprints nanking Tsong Khapa, the famous late 14th/early 15th-century scholar of the Geluk tradition47

However, the style of the painting indicates the handprints cannot be those of Tsong Khapa, and as he has no subsequent incarnations they remain completely anonymous. Another unusual handprint thangka, the only example included in the exhibition (plate 21), depicts a life-size handprint at the center of a mandala.

Tibetan Paintings

Displaljing Handprints and

Footprints in the Landscape

Handprints anJ footprints impressed into the landscape are records of great spiritual prowess because only those with supernormal powers (siddhi) can create such prints. The ability to move matter is one of these powers, and it is common to read about a lama's passing "without impediment through all kinds of rocks, stones and soils."48 Tibetan literature also contains innumerable instances of hands or feet being imprinted in rock or other materials such as water. The eight secret biographies of the early Kagyu teacher Lama Zhang (1123-1193), for example, are centered around a miraculous event, most prominently Lama Zhang's making of footprints in rocks. One of the rocks impressed with his feet is still on display in a temple at Yang049

Although uncommon, images of such siddhi-related handprints anJ footprints can either be central to the com position (plate 22), or depicted in the background landscape in paintings associated with people who were known to have the requisite power, such as Padmasambhava (plates 24, 25). Such prints can also appear in the small life-story scenes surrounding portraits (plate 23)50 A very rare example can be seen in figure 10, which shows embedded handprints and footprints on the back of a thangka.

Handprints and Footprints in Tibetan Consecrations

Consecration insures that a deity takes up residence in an object. and all religious paintings and sculptures undergo this process before they can

be used for devotion and meditation. Handprints and footprints were employed in a variety of ways in consecrations.

On Tibetan paintings. consecratory material is almost always found on the reverse. Consecration is usually represented by the Sanskrit syllables om ah hum written behind the major deities. These syllables are often

accompanied by prayers. such as the typical dedicatory formula known as the "Buddhist creed." Less often, the consecratory material is supplemented with drawings or with handprints. Even more rarely. it is supplemented with footprints.

This exhihition presents two paintings whose consecrations included imprinting the hands of high-ranking lamas (figures 20a. b and plate 28). Prints on the reverse of

thangkas. like those on the obverse. mark the paintings as especially sacred relics. Khamtrul Rinpoche. in discussing the significance of a thangka he owns that is marked on the back

with the handprint of the present Dalai Lama. said. "I don't know how other people think. but for me. the thangka with the Dalai Lama handprint is very

precious. I consider it the same as the Dalai Lama. I will not sell it even if someone is willing to pay one million American dollars."5!

Handprints appear on the backs

of only some thangkas.Judging from the broad iconographic and compo­sitional variety of thangkas that have

such prints. the difference in the number of consecratory prints applied. and the variety of substances used to make the prints,52 there may not be a

specific ritual for the ceremony or type of thangka that receives prints. Rather. the corpus suggests that prints were applied on the backs of thangkas as the situation warranted. possibly because of the relationship between the consecrator and the person who commissioned the' thangka. Indeed.

Figures 20a and b Shingkyong Rag gyal (handpnnrs offma Lamas on rf't'erse)

Tibet; 19th century Ground mineral pigment on cotton 27 x J8 1h in (68.58 x 46.99 em)

Collection of Shelley & Donald Rubin (acc# PI99S!33. #712)

The elements of consecration on the back of this thangka include the handprints of four reincarnate lamas (three adults and one child), in addition to two long inscriptions and a central yantra that contains blessings and requests for good harvests, rains. and protection from various misfortunes. The two large. dark handprints belong to the most important religious teachers of the Chamdo area of Tibet in the mid l800s. the Ninth Pagpa Lha Nawang LosangJigme and the Fifth Shiwa Lha Losang Dondruh Gyatso. The others belong to Je bon LosangJampal Tenzin Namgyal (the child) and Nawang Paldan Gyatso).

Fi~ure 21 Consecratory C(

Batang, Eastern The Newark Ml

A large Buddha· ceremonial scar of a child lama,

some of these clearly state t

accompanyin! the general co should not ap thangkas."' e,

the painting il Foundation (f unidentified h embedded in .

With scul material consi

items placed i Both handpril emhellished a katag. the whi made of silk 0

among the ite of these cloth: examples whi 13th centuriel and the footpl elaborate and 26. 27). Other the unadorne, print of an un Because the a(

"inlS ojJuur

cutton 'm)

aid Rubin

n on the back of ldpnnts of four Its and one child), 'lptlOl1S and a blessings and ains, and fortunes, The dong to the most ; of the Chamdo Js, the Ninth I igme and the ndrub Gyatso.

LosangJampal and Nawang

Figure 21 Ccnsecratory contents from ll1side a metal SlwkyanlHrll Buddha Batang, Eastern Tibet; 19th century

The Newark !'v'luseum. Purchase 1920 Shelton Collection t20A55)

A large Buddha-handprint can he seen on the upper \vhite

ceremonial scarf at the nghc Belmv is a scarf w1th two handprints of a child lama and the seal of the t\mchen Lamas,

some of these handprint consecrations clearly state this relationship in

accompanying inscriptions. Although the general consensus is that footprints

should not appear on the reverse of thangkas,s.1 examples do exist, such as

the painting in the Hahn Cultural

Foundation (hgure 10), which depicts

unidentified handprints and footprints

embedded in rock.

With sculpture, the consecratory

material consists of a variety of sacred items placed in the object's interior.

Both handprints and tootprints,

embellished as well as plain, appear on

katag, the white ritual offering scarves made of silk or cotton that are often

among the items placed inside. Some

of these cloths, particularly the early

examples which date !fom the 11 th-13th centuries, are highly ornate,

and the footprints are surrounded by

elaborate and colorful drawings (plates 26,27). Others, however, simplY show

the unadorned handprint or \oot-

print of an unknown lama (tigure 21).

Because the act of examining a

sculpture'S consecratory contents deconsecrates it, and becaustC most

statues have their consecratory

materials either intact (and thus inaccessible) or missing, there are

relatively few examples of this genre.

References to other examples of

otTering scarves bearing footprints

will certainly be discovered in the

lists of contents of chortens and

statuary (karchak).

As missionaries, merchants, and

pilgrims carried Buddhism and

Buddhist art from India to other parts of Asia, the handprint and footprint

tradition traveled as well, but outside

Tibet the prints appear more spor­

adically and in far fewer contexts. In some areas, such as Nepal, they are

practically non-existent. In light of

Nepal's geographic proximity to and

massive cultural exchange with India and Tibet, the fact that handprints

and footprints were not adopted as

symbols is curious.

LA5T r'\51A

As wc reverently ci'Tie these

hoiy foutprints,

Do not indeed come to mind

The preciotls embellishmenrs

Or the owner of the }<Jotprints:

Trtl/y, it is as 1/' we see him!.'>4

--Clne of twenty-one Japanese poems carved into a stele that accompanies stone buddhapada. dated 7S?)

The tradition of representing the Buddha's footprints also traveled from

India eastwards via Central Asia (where few traces of their existence remain)55

to China and later to Japan. By the ·loth

century CE, there was a steady stream of Chinese travelers to India, and it

became the custom to take home

reproductions of Indian buddhapada.

As a pilgrim could carry only light· weight souvenirs, the reproductions

were probably on paper or cloth. It is unclear whether these were actual

imprints/rubbings made from the stone

footprints or reproductions of them,

27

drawn freehand or printed from a woodblock Some of the reproductions of Indian blldd/wpada became objects of veneration in China. They were carved into stone and wood, from which further imprints and reproductions were made.

According to inscriptions, buddhapada brought back from India include imprints from Sarnath, th~ site of the Buddha's first teachings, and from Pataliputra, the ancient Indian capital and site of a Buddhist council convened by the Emperor Ashoka in c. 247 BeE. Faxian, the 5th-century Chinese Buddhist pilgrim, described the Pataliputra bllddhapada as protected by a shrine; and the 7th­century pilgrim Xuanzang noted that they were left by Shakyamuni shortly before he died and attained nirvana56

Xuanzang brought back to China at least four copies of Indian blldd/wpada.

For those living thousands of miles away from Buddhism's homeland, such copies must have been poignant evocations of Shakyamuni Buddha's presence on earth. Xuanzang presented the Chinese emperor Taizong (d. 649 ere) with a copy of the Pataliputra foot­prints. Other copies were given to three temples: Wolongsi. Shaolinsi, and Ayuwangsi. Taizong, in a show offaith, ordered his precious cloth reproduction of the Indian bllddhapada to be engraved in stone. This stone must have achieved a certain amount of significance for it is known that at least one later copy was made in 13S7 and a copy of that copy was made in 156657

A stone copy of the Pataliputra footprints was also venerated in the sacred Buddhist mountains of Wutaishan in Shanxi province,located roughly ISO miles (300 kms) southwest ofBe\jing (plates 30, 31). An inscription on one cloth reproduction of these footprints relates that in the Ming period (136S-1644) two monks had the footprints engraved in a stone, which was then placed before the Great White Pagoda (constructed in either 1403 or 15S2)."8 Other examples of buddhapada date from the Tang (61S-906) through at least the Ming period, but the lack of extensive remains suggests that buddhapada never reached a high Irve! of popularity in China.

As befits their miraculous status, Chinese bllddhapada tend to be larger than life-size, often around nineteen inches long. They are clearly related to Indian predecessors in the types of symbols that appear on them (wheels in the center, the eight lucky symbols, swastikas-an ancient Indian sign of auspiciousness, flames on the toes, etc.). Some Chinese (and Japanese) examples have one interesting addition not seen on Indian or Sri Lankan bllddhapada: two parallel lines down the center of the upper half of the foot. As these lines have no South Asian antecedents, perhaps they are the remains of folds in the original cloth bllddlwpada brought back from India and included initially as a reminder of the prints' origins.

They might also be misinterpretations of the foot's crease, seen on some Tibetan footprints as two curving lines.

Although there are hundreds of

stone buddhapada in situ at Japanese temples (most of which date from the 19th and 20th centuries) and many paintings as wel1.Japanese buddhapada have not attracted significant attention outside Japan, As early as I91S the scholar and collector Lafcadio Hearn wrote that the representation of buddhapada "is not even rare in japan."

to counter a statement that they did not exist thereS9 Hearn quotes from a number of japanese Buddhist texts that affirm the virtues of viewing buddhapada. The basic be lief empha­sizes the Buddha's salvific powers in that whoever looks upon the footprints of a Buddha" shall be free from the bonds of error and conducted upon the Way of Enlightenment" or "freed from the results even of innumerable thousands of imperfections."

Two men are credited with bringing the bllddhapada tradition to Japan from China: the priest Dosho (629-700) and someone known as "Kifumi Motomi" (fl. 631-694?), who was of Korean descent.oo Dosho went to China in 653 where he studied with Xuanzang, the intrepid traveler who had brought back copies of the numerous buddhapada he had seen in the course of his journey to India. When Dosho returned to Japan, he brought with him a representation of the Buddha's footprints, which likely came from Xuanzang. The footprints

brought by Dosho were subsequently enshrined, along with those brought back by Kifumi Motomi, at the temple afZen-in.

In about 753, one of the btlddha­pada copies brought back by Dosho or Kifumi Motomi was engraved in stone; it can be seen today at the Yakushi-ji temple in Nara (plate 29). These buddhapada are accompanied by one of the earliest examples of Japanese verse, an Sth-century poetic sequence on the subject of the footprints of the Buddha. These lines evoke the powerful effect even man-made examples of

buddhapada had on early Japanese Buddhists. Poem number three exhorts, "Since we have not been able to see even the holy footprints ... carve them on rock: carve them in fine stone," and

another conveys their latent powers: "These sacred footprints! Grant that they may send forth a myriad of lights, thus saving all men, and carrying them across [to salvation]: Grant that they may save [al1 men]." fil

Japanese interest in buddhapada waned over the centuries; at some point, even the footprints at Yakushi-ji were treated shabbily enough that their inscriptions were rendered virtually illegible. Later attention came in the late 16th to mid-18th century when three Japanese monks, Ryojo (fl. late 16th century), Yua (1653-1721), and Jogoku (1677-1752), wrote about the Buddha's footprints and ordered reproductions of them. Each of these reproductions gave rise to a different mode of decorating the footprints in japan62 Like the earlier cult, this one also emphasi:ed that looking at the symbols on huddhapada had both a salvific and protective effect for the viewer. According to Ryojo, "He who looks upon the thousand arrow wheel will have his sins forgiven. He who looks upon the wheel, the gaff, the crown of Brahma. . will meet with no evil."63

Following their Chinese and Indian ancestors,Japanese buddhapada are usually much larger than life-size and are decorated with various groupings of the typical Indian symbols. Some later examples, however, follow the lOS-symbol tradition used in Southeast Asia.

SOUTHE

On the jootso on each ojwl haVing a thOt and hub, and and wellma( the hundred (

and therare [ make obet's(

marked Foot.'

-lnscription fJ a Thai budd/JOt and 1347

Sculpted, pai impressed," t Southeast A,

than life-si=e predecessors more than a that symboli: human natur

buddhapada auspicious si signs not onl exceptional ( symbolically logical natur< the entire un heavens; the

subsequently 10se brought ,at the temple

f the buddha-

:k by Dosho or ,raved in stone; 1e Yakushi-ji I). These )anied by one

of Japanese 'etic sequence tprints of the ke the powerful (amples of

y Japanese r three exhorts, able to see ... carve them ne stone," and :ent powers:

! Grant that yriad of lights, carrying them nt that they

buddhapada ;; at some ; at Yakushi-ji

)ugh that their ed virtually :ame in the tury when ;oju (11 late 1721), and e about the )rdered ach of these ) a different

)otprints in

ult, this one {ing at the ~ad both a oct for the 0, "He who

arrow wheel 1. He who , gatl the

meet with

'se and Indian wpada are Iife-si=e and

s groupings )ols. Some i'o!1ow

lsed in

SOUTHEAST .ASIA

On the Jootsole of the Great Sage, on each oj whose feet there is a wheel

having a thousand spokes, with tire

and hub, and in el'ery 1mI' complete

and well made, these things appear.

the hundred and eight auspicious marks, and they are accessory to that wheel. 1 make obeisance to the wheel-marked Foot6 .j

-lnscription from a stele that accompanied a Thai buddhapadu. dated between 1341 and 1347

Sculpted, painted, or "natura!1y

impressed," the buddhapada found in

Southeast Asia are almost a!1larger than life-size. And unlike their Indian predecessors, which rarely display more than a handful of the emblems that symbolize the Buddha's super­human nature, Southeast Asian buddhapada are decorated with 108

auspicious signs (plates 32, 33). These signs not only refer to the Buddha's

exceptional character, but also

symbolically represent his cosmo­logical nature. Essentially, they depict the entire universe: the sixteen upper heavens: the six lower heavens; the

planets and constellations; and the earth with its geography including Mount Meru. the four great continents, and the seven great rivers 65 Because the Buddha wears all of this on the sale of his foot, these things can be thought of as supporting him, as a part of

him, and as being subordinate to him. The 108 emblems on the footprints

are depicted either in compartments arranged spirally around the central wheel or in rows.

Among the countries that comprise Buddhist Southeast Asia, buddhapada

appear most commonly in the art of Burma, Thailand, and Cambodia. However, as this exhibition does not contain Cambodian examples (most are not portable), the discussion below

concentrates on Burma and Thailand. The footprint tradition was adopted a little earlier in Burma and Thailand; in Cambodia, buddhapada appear in number only after the 14th century, when the influence of Theravada Buddhism, coming original1y from Sri Lanka, became pronounced66

There are only modest remains of Burmese Buddhist art and architecture from before the mid-11th century, when the city of Pagan witnessed a burst of

building activity. The earliest known buddhapada date to the late 11th/early

12th centuries. During this time period. the Sri Lankan Theravada tradition expanded to become the predominant type of Buddhism in Burma, although Mahayana and Vajrayana (Esoteric) Buddhism continued to be practiced. Stone buddhapada were placed outside temples, and painted buddhapada

decorated the entrance ha!1 ceilings inside (figures 22a, b)67 The buddha­

pada depicted in the murals usually face the interior shrine. Placed above

the entering devotee, they involuntarily humble him or her before the Buddha at the same time that they emphasize the Buddha's cosmological nature, as unseen, he extends upwards into the heavens68

Buddhapada continue to be

produced in Burma to this day, and appear, along with actual tracings of hands and feet, on later Burmese

yanrra cloths, which are believed to have beneficial and protective capabilities (figure 23)69 The iconography of the yantra cloths combines Buddhism, Hinduism,

numerology, astrology, animism, and cosmology in freely drawn inscriptions,

Figures 22a and b roorprims oj the Buddha (Buddhapada) Let-put-kan, Pagan, Burma: east vestibule, north wall and ceiling Photos after: Bautze~ Pieron 2003, figs. 241 and 141

29

Figure 23 Yantra with Hands and Feet Burma; late 10th century Ink on cloth 42 x 19 in (lOR? x 48.3 em) Collection o[Perri Chinalai

sacred letters, diagrams, and images of humans, deities, animals, and symbolic emblems. The yantfa master draws each item with one continuous line while chanting, so as to invest the configurations with power. When they appear on yantra cloths, the tracings of hands and/or feet often have double outlines in black and red, which further augment their energy?O These tracings are likely to be those of the yantra

master because of their human size, imperfect form and shape, and the lack of specifically Buddhist markings sue h as a wheeL The inscriptions that are often inside the tracings refer to the Nine Virtues of the Buddha, which devotees recite when they pay homage to him. The tracings may therefore invoke the presence of both the Buddha and the yantra master. When btlddl1Qpada appear on yantra cloths,

they are represented in the typical form found throughout mainland Southeast Asia: a large articulated footprint decorated with 108 symbols (plate 33).

In Thailand, a huge pair of buddhapada-each approximate 11' Ill/:! feet long and 4 1/1 feet wide (roughly 3.5 by 1.3 meters)-were discovered in 1986 at Sa Morakot in

the province of Prachinburi. Dating to the Dvaravati period (7th-lOth century), they are the earliest known buddha­

pada in Southeast Asian A true cult of the Buddha's footprints did not de\'elop until the 13th and 14th centuries, during the Sukhothai period (c. 1240-1438),;2 when Theravada Buddhism from Sri Lanka was made the kingdom's official religion. That numerous bUddiJapada were created at this time established the presence of the religion with authority.

Sri Lanka is the home of hundreds of stone buddhapada.'·' It appears that the huddt1Qpada cult in Southeast Asia came from there, accompanying the int1ux of Theravada Buddhism and the Pali texts that contain the lists of the 108 symbols,74 The Sri Lankan Theravada tradition had a profound int1uence in Burma, and later, in Thailand and Cambodia. Sri Lanka was regarded by these countries with almost as much veneration as India, from approximately the late 12th/ early 13th century, when Buddhism in India was rapidly declining, until the beginning of the 16th century.;s Sri

Lanka is also the home of one of Buddhism's most treasured

huddl1Qpada, a pilgrimage site that is said to mark one of Shakyamuni's visits to the island. On the summit of Adam's Peak. there is a roughly six-foot footprint shallowly impressed in the bedrock. The auspicious symbols that once decorated the footprint are no longer visible, but they are supposed to have been reproduced on a metal cover that protected the footprint as late as the lith century. Copies of this metal cover were made for Southeast Asian, and particularly Thai, devotees who could not journey to Sri Lanka to visit the original site.;1i Indeed, one Sukhothai king, who reproduced huddhapada in his kingdom, had stone inscriptions carved stating that he sent artists to measure the Buddha's

footprint on Adam's Peak for accuracy. However, the decorations on the many

extant buddhapada from Sukhothai are quite varied, and it is clear that they are not all copies of a single model.

As in many Buddhist countries, buddhapada in Thailand are regarded both as having been made to invoke the presence of the Buddha and as an actual relic of him. Although it is doubtful that Shakyamuni actually ventured to Thailand, there are five examples of budd/wpada thought to have been left by him in the province of Saraburi alone. And it was in Saraburi that the Thai king Songdharm (r. 1610-1628) built a shrine to buddha­

pada, which still draws pilgrims today. As in the rest of Buddhist Southeast Asia, buddhapada continue to be made in Thailand. Although there are a few examples of Thai btJddl1Qpada

representing both the left and right feet, the vast majority represent only one.

The objects in this exhibition were brought together to illuminate a specific genre of Buddhist iconography and to shed light on the significant and varied religious functions associated with two of the most potent symbols of humanity. Although, it is risky to make generalizations about religiOUS art created and interpreted over thousands of miles and years, the evidence shows that handprints and footprints­imbued with layers of symbolic content --conjure the eternal presence of the imprinter while simultaneously evoking any number of other feelings and concepts. The multivalence of symbols in Buddhist art is a topic that requires more extensive investigation, It is hoped that this catalogue will serve as a catalyst to provoke further analysis of the ritual and devotional contexts of art in Buddhism.

Notes

1 Much of the in

drawn from m 2000, and fron Brown 200,~. S more details 0'

aspects of the t

Tibetan text:" Of course the ( relics is not un example, \1art their importan and medieval ( Bowie 1972, 13

4 Roerich 1979" 5 Sangye 'larjnn

abbot ofTaklUl 1979.631

6 Huber 199,+, 4~ 7 Schopen 1997,

Baldaeus 1745, Giles 1959, 11.

10 The intricacies discussed here can be found iT

"Early Buddhis Aniconism," A, 401-8 and "Ani valence of Emf­Ars Orientalis : as in Vidya Dd Multivalence 0

21 (1991),45-01 Huntington," A 157. See also Q

II Quagliotti 1991 12 Beal 1884, vol.

from Beal's hio' 1911, 102 cited regarding thes( illuminating in later Chinese e which are said Pataliputra imr and eight inche Under either fe spoked wheel. , the mark of the flo\\'ers, vases, f

sparkle with lig 13 Come 1964, 10 14 Auboyer Ig87, 1

15 "Five-finger ma

Pali: panchangt was ordered by See Vogel 1920, l¥fahaFamsa is t trans. X.'D(]I, 4

k for accuracy. s on the many I Sukhothai are ar that they Lgle model. t countries, are regarded

Ie to invoke ha and as though it is ni actually cre are five L thought to the province was In

ng Songdharm inc to buddha­ilgrims today. t Southeast ue to be made ere are a few !pada

t and right feet, 11t only one.

tion were inate a

: iconography ignificant and associated nl symbols of risky to make gious art

let thousands dence shows rints-Lbolic content ence of the ously ~er feelings lence of

a topic that Lvestigat ion.

gue will serve ·ther analysis I contexts of

Notes

Much of the information in this essay was Hi

drawn from my dissertation, Selig BrO\vn 2000, and from a subsequent article, Selig Brown 2003. See these publications for more details on the Indian and Tibetan I,

aspects of the exhibltlOn as well as for the Tibetan texts. Of course the concept of relics and contact relics is not unique to Buddhism. See, for lH

example. Martin 199...t, 273-274, who notes their importance in North African Islam and medieval Christianity Bowie 1972, 135. 19

4 Roerich 1979, 312. 20

5 Sangye YarJon (1203·72) was the Third abbot ofTaklung monastery. See Roerich 1979,631 Huber 1994,45·-16, Schopen 1997, 134. Baldaeus 1745, 586-587. Giles 1959, 11.

10 The intrlcaCles of aniconism will not be discussed here, but the main arguments can be found in Susan Huntington, "Early Buddhist Art and the Theory of Aniconism," Arr}uumaI49, no." (1990), 401-8 and "Aniconism and the Multi· n valence of Emblems: Another Look," 22

Ars Orienla/is 22 (1992), 111-56: as well as in Vidya DeheJia, "Aniconism and the Multivalence of Emblems," Ars Orientalis 21 (1991),45·66 and "RejOinder to Susan Huntington," Ars Orien/airs 12 (1992), 157. See also Quagliotti 1998, 125 If.

II Quagliotti 1998, 188 frand tlgs. 25 and 26. 12 Beal 1884, vol. II, 90. Another translation

from Beal's biography of Xuanzang (Beal 23

1911. 102 cited in Quagliotti 1998, ll5) regarding these same buddhapado is 24

illuminating in view of its relation to the later Chinese examples from Wutaishan, VI"'hich are said to be a copy of the Pataliputra imprints: " in length a foot and eight inches, in breadth six inches Under either foot is the sIgn of the 1000· 25

spoked wheel, and on each of the toes is the mark of the swastika, with figures of flowers, vases, fishes, etc. all of which sparkle with light."

l.l Conze 1964, 104. 14 Auboyer 1987, 125. IS ~five~finger marks" are translated from the

Pali: panchangulika-pantikam. The stupa \vas ordered by King Duttha-gamani. See Vogel 1920, 222. The quote from the lvfahavamsa is from Geiger and Bode, 26

trans, X.XXIL 4 (London, 1912), 220,

31

Vogel 1920,218·227. The jatakas in which tn Ttber, reprint edition (New Delhi: palm marks are mentioned afe the Manjushri Publishing House, 1971), .. 59. Mawkabhalta, NaudLrisaia, Dadhu'ahana. The report is denved from an oral account Palusa, Dhonosakha. and Curltia by Purangir Gosain. Cheers to Rob Fur some examples of Hindu,Jain, or Lmrothe for this citation, Muslim footprints, !jet' Auboyer 1987, 27 Stein 1972, 176. 125·127: Pau11979, 231-39: and Hasan 28 Patrul Rinpoche 1994,310. 1993, 335·3 .. 3. 29 For example, see Elder 1996, 234-237, Vogel 1920, 228·229 Vogel's early and who discusses, among other th ings, a inSightful research into handprints Phoenician basalt stele depicting the mentions their appearances. in Buddhist, upraised arms of Tanlt, from c. 14th-3rd Hindu, Sikh, and Moslem contexts. century BeE and tombstones from the Phag mo gru pa, 299-303. 14th-17th century in aJewish cemetery in I would like to thank both Dan Martin Ventce \vith similar upraised hands, which and Tashi Tsering for sending me the the president of the localjewish burial karchak text. The passage is referred to society relates "symbolize the priestly by Dan Martin in UPainters, Pa.trons and benediction." Interestingly, the Phoenician Paintings of Patrons in Early Tibetan Art," stele was t'lUnd at Haoor (Tel el-Qedah), in Embodpng Wisdom. Art, TexI and in present-day IsraeL Interpretation in the History of Esoteric 30 Personal interview, Dec. 1997, Dharamsala, Buddhism, ed. by Rob Linrothe and Henrik India. Sorensen (Copenhagen: The Seminar for 31 Martin 199 .. , 273, See also Huber 1994, Buddhist Studies, 2001) Martin notes that 41-.. 5, who translates byingyis brlabs as the Reting kurchak, although modern, was "tlooded by power," or "sunused with based as a whole primarily on a previous power," and hence "empowerment." one ofunknov.'n authorship. 32 The earliest footprint thangkas date to the Lhun grub chos 'pheI, 137. 12th century, whtle lhe earliest thankgas 'Bn gung skyob pa Jig rten gsum mgon, displaying handprints known to the 'Bri gung the! chos bdud rts,', th'gs pa curator date to the 16th century. (New Deihl: Tsering Dorma Gelek. 1975), 3.1 It is hoped that this status will change in 525, I would like to thank Tashi Tsering the near future and that these thangkas for sending this text to me. A similar will be tested, version of this story is recounted in Herbert .l4 I would like to thank Tashi Tsering for Guenther, The Life and Teaching q{ Naropa bringing these thangkas to my attention, (London: Oxford University Press, 1963), Matthieu Ricard for sending photographs, 105 and Konchok Tenzin for sending See, for example, Butletrille 1996, photographs and negatives. vol. 1,37. 35 An examination of handprints on the Vogel 1920, 231. He cites Edward Balfour, backs of thangkas reveals that they often Cyclopedia of [slam, vol. Ill. (London, have narrow and/or curved fingers; if these 1885), 119. It would be interesting to were to be perfected" by an artist, they know whether the prints were used at the would assume the form seen on the front suggestion of Gulab Singh or the l'ifth of handprint· and footprint-bearing Dalal Lama. thangkas, The information about these cloths is 36 Selig Brown 2000, 98 IT, based on twenty-one informal intervie\vs .l7 R. Rotberg and T. Rabb, ed" Art and in New York City, Connecticut, and History: [nwges and Their Meanmgs Dharamsala conducted between 9/97 and (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 12/98. Almost all of the people interviewed 1988),137. were young (under 30) and the print cloths 38 Schopen 1997, 114. to whIch they referred remain in Tibet 39 "Rin po che mtila' rlso bQ$ mdzad po'i zhabs with their parents. I would like to thank rjes zhu 00'0," Phag mo gru pa rdo rje rgyal particularly Lobsang Yeshi, Sonam po'; gsung 'bum (Lhasa: Mi rigs dpe skrun Tsering, Lodoe NamgyaL and Tenzin khang, 1997), 299·303, I would like to Norbu for their time. thank Gene Smith, Tashi Tsering, and Dan Captain Samuel Turner, An Accouttl of an Martin for procuring this text and Perna Embas,1' to the Court of the Teshuo Lama Bhum, Tashi Tsering, and Lamchen Gyalpo

Rinpoche for their help in translating my initial version. I am also indebted to Donald Lopez's Tibetan class (Winter 2000) for translating the version referred to here. The translation appears in full in Selig Brown 2002.

4D lv, line 3-4. 41 Kagyu lamas contacted in the course of

research include Tai Situ Rinpoche,

Lamchen GyaJpo Rinpoche. Khenpo Kharthar Rinpoche. and Gyaltrul Rinpoche, as well as monks at the Kagyu monasteries of Phodang and Rumtek in Sikkim. Lamas of other traditions who were consulted include the Dalai Lama, Namkhai Norbu Rinpoche. and Khamtrul Rinpoche.

42 Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, go. 487,

line 6-488, line L Nyer Ingar sprul sku rig

'dzin chen pos nyi 'ad du nged rang dang sde

pa'i dad rU'n gyi gro lad gur drag sags sngogs

sku bzhengs par dam ye dbye-r med mdlOd pa'i rten khyad par can du md::a.d par The translations from the Fifth Dalai Lama's autobiography (Dtt ku la) and the Des]'s parallel biography (Rna ba'i bcud

len) appear in full in Selig Brown 2000. 43 The Fifth specifies that the images being

consecrated depict Do~je Drolo and Guru Dragpo, two emanations. of Padmasambha"a (plate 25). who is believed to have left many imprints throughout Tibet in his goal to tame the native deities. Darje Drolo (plate 24) is in fact specifically known for making imprints in thc landscape and one wonders if it was this connection that caused the Fifth to ask for Terdak Lingpa's prints.

44 Ngag dbang 1010 kang rgya mtsho, ga,

488, lines 2-3. 45 The Desi mentions (lSa. lines 5-6) that

the Fifth inquired about a good artist and it was the mdlOd dpon pas who recommended Karma,

46 There are published examples in Lo Bue 1983, no. 13 and on the web at w\\'"w.himalayanart.org, which illustrates four in the collection of Tibet House in New Delhi. An unusual unpublished example shows only one set of handprints, but side-by~side portraits of a Kagyu lama and an ascetic

47 This thangka is in the collection ofTihet House New Delhi and can he viewed on wwvv,himalayanart.org, #72051.

4R For example, see Roerich 1979, 104, 117, 130, 140, and 478

49 My thanks to Dan Martin for the information about Lama Zhang's footprint Personal communication.July 14, 1999. See also Roerich 1979, 165, 179,239,313, 507. 527, and 650.

50 Another interesting example is a vignette that depicts tbe 13th Karmapa, Duelul DOlje, imprinting his foot into a rock (www.himalayanart.org, #65(76).

51 Interview, Dec. 1997, Dharamsala, India< ::;2 The prints I have seen range in color from

light yellow through orange to deep red Sometimes they are printed With a thin transparent color, almost a wash, and

.')3

54

5S

56

57

58

59

60

61

62

63

64

65

b6

67

oR

69

;-0

71

72

73

74

75

sometimes with a thicker. opaque paint The Dalai LalaL Ie" example. was Arm that he would never put his feet on the back of a thangka (interview. Dec. 1997). Miller 1975. ;'5 Only literary traces of a footprint tradition remain from Kucha. Quagliatti notes Xuan:ang's description of the miraculous nature of the Kucha footprint and a

depiction in a mural on the west wall of Dun huang's Cave 61 (1998. 148, footnote 4. and 149) Beal 1R84, vol. 11.90-91. Quagliotti (with references) 1998, 159-160. She discusses Chinese buddlwpada, pp. 156-62, with many interesting references. This inscnption was cited by Quagliotti (1998.157, footnote 15) as coming from buddhapado in the Stuttgart Linden Museum that have been published by Hummel. Other footprints are known to have been worshipped on \Vutaishan's central peak, close to the Tayuan temple Hearn 1918, ll7. See Miller 1975, 22-23, for some literary sources and the scholarly work done on them by Japanese specialists. Miller 1975,98 Niwa 1992. 101-6. Niwa 1992,101 Griswold and Nagara 1971, 174. The lOR auspicious symhols are discussed in many places, including Griswold ano Nagara 1971. 179-188. Bi:ot 1971. 420. This article is an interesting and informative discussion of buddhapada in Camhodia and includes present-day traditions and rituals associated \vith them. See Mya 1930-34,320-331 for illustrations of the former and Baut::e-Picron 2003, 2f), 115,118. and 179. far the latter. Manv of the painted huddhopada haw been destroyed in the earthquakes that have plagued Pagan. Sec Baut:e-Picron forthcoming, for more on painted bvddhapada in Burmese temples Information regarding Burmese yWllra

cloths was graciously provided hy Lee Chinalai. some of which has been published in \\}imolratJenjaras-sakul. Vichai and Lee J Chinalai. "Yantra-Mystical Talismanic Cloths and Charms," The NC1(, rork Tribal Anriqtles ShoH' (October. 1998). 11-16 Lee Chinalai, personal communication. Brown 1990. 106 BlIribhand (no date), 10 lists a number of places v,:here they appear in Thailand, including the caves of Khao Luang in Bejrapuri, \Vat Banomvan in Nagorn Rajasima, and on the hillside of Sacca-bandhagiri in the pro\'ince of Saraburi. Niwa (1992, 5) says he found over a thousand bllddhapada in Sri Lanka and proVides pages of photographs. Lists oflhc 108 symhols occur in a number of Pali texts that elate to the 12th-14th centuric'. See Skilling lQ92. 67 S. Parana\'itana, "Religious Intercourse bCf\\lccn Cfyion and Siam in the IJth to

15th Centuries," JRAS (Ceyloo). voL XXXfI, no. HS, 190.

76 A. B. Griswold, "The Buddha's Footprint." in Theodore Bowie, A. R Griswold, and M. C. Subhadradis Disku!. Tlte Sculpture

,,[Thailand (Australia: Visual Arts Board, 1976)

Righ' Detail of Plate 10