10
Chapter 11 Negotiated Order and Structural Ordering Differential conceptualization of the “nature” of order and change and their relationships reflects one of the great divides between various so ciological positions and traditions. Order translates easily and frequently into stability and structure, while change translates into instability and interaction. Every theory of action has pronounced implications for how such matters are conceived. So, in this concluding chapter I will first outline the Pragmatist/interactionist position on order and change, in cluding my earlier extension of it through the concept of “negotiated order.” Then I will suggest some implications of an interactionist theory of action for extending still further the position represented by what has come to be called “the negotiated-order approach.” The detailing of these implications should also serve as a reminder of the materials and themes already presented. First, I will briefly summarize some matters discussed in the book. After a deliberately autobiographical introduction to this Pragmatist derived interactionist theory of action (acting), a lengthy list of assump tions behind that theory was presented. These assumptions are very use ful for understanding the Chicago interactionist tradition as it has been influenced by Pragmatism, and lead to a theory of action that embodies ‘‘ them. My formal statement of this theory is built around the concept of trajectory and a set of related concepts. All of these, including also the methodological perspective and the concept of “conditional matrix,” take into account the overwhelmingly important temporality inherent in courses of action. Major topics that were then discussed—always in terms of action and interaction—included work and its relations with other -. forms of action, the body, thought processes, symbolizing, social worlds and arenas, representation, the interplay of routine and creative action, ànd the relevance of the concept of social worlds to understanding and 4 studying contemporary society. Consideration of these exemplifying top

L’rUerweb.eecs.umich.edu/~ackerm/drafts/review/strauss.part2.pdf · 2008. 11. 9. · (Strauss, Bucher, Ehr lich, Schatzman, and Sabshin 1963) about the “negotiated order” that

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  • Chapter

    11

    Negotiated

    Order

    andS

    tructu

    ralO

    rdering

    Differential

    conceptualizationof

    the“nature”

    oforder

    andchange

    andtheir

    relationshipsreflects

    oneof

    thegreat

    dividesbetw

    eenvarious

    sociological

    positionsand

    traditions.O

    rdertranslates

    easilyand

    frequentlyinto

    stabilityand

    structure,w

    hilechange

    translatesinto

    instabilityand

    interaction.E

    verytheory

    ofaction

    haspronounced

    implications

    forhow

    suchm

    attersare

    conceived.So,

    inthis

    concludingchapter

    Iw

    illfirst

    outlinethe

    Pragm

    atist/interactionistposition

    onorder

    andchange,

    including

    my

    earlierextension

    ofit

    throughthe

    conceptof

    “negotiatedorder.”

    Then

    Iw

    illsuggest

    some

    implications

    ofan

    interactionisttheory

    ofaction

    forextending

    stillfurther

    theposition

    representedby

    what

    hascom

    eto

    becalled

    “thenegotiated-order

    approach.”T

    hedetailing

    ofthese•

    implications

    shouldalso

    serveas

    arem

    inderof

    them

    aterialsand

    themes

    alreadypresented.

    First,Iw

    illbrieflysum

    marize

    some

    matters

    discussedin

    thebook.

    After

    adeliberately

    autobiographicalintroduction

    tothis

    Prag

    matist

    derivedinteractionist

    theoryof

    action(acting),

    alengthy

    listof

    assum

    ptions

    behindthat

    theoryw

    aspresented.

    These

    assumptions

    arevery

    use

    fulfor

    understandingthe

    Chicago

    interactionisttradition

    asit

    hasbeen

    influencedby

    Pragm

    atism,

    andlead

    toa

    theoryof

    actionthat

    embodies

    ‘‘

    them.

    My

    formal

    statement

    ofthis

    theoryis

    builtaround

    theconcept

    oftrajectory

    anda

    setof

    relatedconcepts.

    All

    ofthese,

    includingalso

    them

    ethodologicalperspectiveand

    theconceptof

    “conditionalm

    atrix,”take

    intoaccount

    theoverw

    helmingly

    important

    temporality

    inherentin

    coursesofaction.

    Major

    topicsthatw

    erethen

    discussed—alw

    aysin

    terms

    ofaction

    andinteraction—

    includedw

    orkand

    itsrelations

    with

    other-.

    forms

    ofaction,

    thebody,

    thoughtprocesses,

    symbolizing,

    socialw

    orldsand

    arenas,representation,

    theinterplay

    ofroutine

    andcreative

    action,•àn

    dthe

    relevanceof

    theconcept

    ofsocial

    worlds

    tounderstanding

    and4stu

    dyin

    gcontem

    porarysociety.

    Consideration

    ofthese

    exemplifying

    top

  • i’ieuuaL

    eu

    L’rU

    er

    anatru

    ctura1

    Urciering

    247

    icsp

    rov

    ided

    anelaboration

    ofthe

    relativelyspare

    initialpresentationc’f

    theassu

    mptio

    ns

    and

    theoryof

    action.

    TH

    EIN

    TE

    RA

    CT

    ION

    IST

    PO

    SIT

    ION

    When

    firstread

    ing

    Parsons

    du

    ring

    my

    grad

    uate

    stud

    ent

    years,I

    rec’-.ognized

    anassu

    mptio

    nof

    histh

    atclashed

    head

    -on

    with

    my

    readin

    gdf:

    Dew

    ey.P

    arsonsseem

    edto

    believeth

    atstability—

    order—-w

    asprim

    ary’an

    dth

    atchange

    was

    secondary.F

    orD

    ewey

    and

    otherP

    ragmatists,.

    changew

    astak

    enfor

    gran

    tedas

    centralbut

    thedirections

    itw

    ould

    takèJw

    ereproblem

    atic.T

    hedirection

    and

    redirectionof

    changedaction

    were

    problematic

    inthe

    senseth

    atth

    eyw

    erenot

    strictlydeterm

    ined

    .H

    owever,,

    theyw

    ereaffected

    byw

    hat

    Dew

    eyan

    dgenerally

    most

    peo

    ple

    callhire.

    This

    termstan

    ds

    forstability.

    Insociology

    itrefers

    tothe

    more

    or,

    lessstable

    orslow

    lychanging

    socialentities,

    suchas

    institutions,orga.’.

    nizations,social

    classes,stratification

    systems,

    and

    deepcu

    ltural

    ortional

    valu

    esB

    utth

    enagain,

    thosestru

    ctural

    entitiesw

    erereg

    arded

    br’

    theP

    ragm

    atistsan

    dthe

    Chicago

    interactionistsas

    neith

    erunch

    angin

    gho1

    unchangeable,because

    thosestru

    ctures

    themselves

    areconstituted’

    ofä-”

    tion.H

    ereis

    Dew

    ey’slan

    guag

    efor

    this:

    [T]he

    permanent

    andenduring

    iscom

    parative.T

    hestablest

    thingw

    ecan

    speakof

    isnot

    freefrom

    conditionsset

    toit

    byother

    things...

    .The

    rateof

    -

    changeof

    some

    thingsis

    soslow

    ,oris

    sorhythm

    ic,that

    thesechanges

    haveall

    theadvantages

    ofstability

    indealing

    with

    more

    transitoryand

    irregularhappenings—

    ifw

    eknow

    enough..

    ..‘A

    thing“absolutely”

    stableand

    unchangeablew

    ouldbe

    outof

    therange

    ofthe

    principleof

    actionand

    reaction,ofresistanceand

    leverageas

    well

    asof

    friction....

    [I]twould

    haveno

    applicability,no

    potentialityof

    useas

    measure

    andcontrol

    ofother’

    events.T

    odesignate

    theslow

    erand

    theregular

    rhythmic

    eventsstructure,

    andthe

    more

    rapidand

    irregularones

    process...expresses

    thefunction

    ofone

    inrespectto

    theother.

    [Also]

    byliteralists

    [structure]is

    oftenconceived

    -

    ofas

    arigid

    framew

    orkto

    which

    allchanges

    must

    accomm

    odateth

    emselves.

    ..

    .Whatever

    influencesthe

    changesofother

    thingsis

    itselfchanged.T

    heidea

    ofan

    activityproceeding

    onlyin

    onedirection,

    ofan

    unmoved

    mover,

    isa

    survival..

    .banishedfrom

    science,but

    remains

    tohaunt

    ph

    ilosophy.

    (Dew

    ey1927,

    pp.71—

    73)

    To

    that

    statemen

    tof

    sixtyyears

    ago,now

    compare

    some

    sentencesby

    aco

    ntem

    porary

    interactionistquoted

    more

    brieflyearlier:

    :, TheInteractionist

    Position

    1:FO

    rinteractionists,

    structuresare

    theenduring

    temporal

    conditionsof

    sit--‘,uations.

    They

    may

    betaken

    forgranted

    bythe

    actorsan

    d/o

    rhidden

    fromthem

    ..

    .but structuresare

    obdurateand

    intrusiveand

    mustbe

    studiedand

    “takeninto

    account”in

    thepragm

    atistanalysesalong

    with

    socialprocesses.[S

    ]tructuresare

    ultimately

    basedin

    thecom

    mitm

    entsof

    individualactors

    tocollective

    action—to

    work

    ofsom

    ekind—

    beit

    state-building,international

    capitalistdevelopm

    ent,social

    movem

    entorganizing,

    drugcarteling,

    ordoing

    sociology.T

    hatis.

    ..structures

    must

    haveboth

    asocial

    psychology(thatis

    relentlesslysociological)

    anda

    larger-scaleorganization.

    Neither

    isadequate

    without

    theother,

    andit

    iscom

    mitm

    entto

    collectiveaction

    thatultim

    atelystructures

    sociallife.

    (Clarke

    1991,pp.

    129—30)

    The

    Prag

    matists

    gaveto

    theseearly

    sociologists,an

    dconsequently

    their.

    descen

    dan

    ts,a

    firmphilosophic

    basisfor

    anan

    tideterm

    inist

    sociology.A

    llform

    sof

    determ

    inism

    (biological,cultural,

    economic,

    political,te

    ch

    nological,etc.)

    arerejected

    infavor

    ofa

    positio

    nso

    mew

    here

    betw

    eenextrem

    edeterm

    inism

    and

    nondeterm

    inism

    .H

    arvey

    Farb

    erman

    (1991,pp.481-82)

    hasrecently

    termed

    thisa

    “softdeterm

    inism

    ,”citing

    Erving

    Go

    ffin

    anan

    dG

    regoryS

    toneas

    advocatesof

    thisposition.

    But

    theadjective

    •soft

    doesnot

    reallycap

    ture

    thep

    ersistent

    Prag

    matist/in

    teractionist

    po

    si:,

    tionon

    determ

    inism

    acrossa

    century.T

    hisis

    better

    conveyedby

    thew

    ord

    sof

    aninteractionist

    colleagueof

    mine,

    Leonard

    Schatzm

    an:

    Ihold

    toa

    non-mechanistic

    determinism

    forhum

    ansat

    least;a

    “determin

    ist”position

    inthe

    sensethat

    noaction

    canoccur

    without

    oneor

    more

    conditionsfor

    itsoccurrence.

    There

    canbe

    noscience

    without

    conditionedaction

    orprocess.

    Biological,

    class,geography

    etc.determ

    inisms

    areold

    andco

    nceptually

    crude...

    .That

    humans

    createaction

    undersom

    econditions

    andin

    spiteofother

    conditionsis

    axiomatic

    with

    me.Is

    nothuman

    interpretationalso

    conditioned?(Personal

    comm

    unication)

    Inthis

    sociologicalversion

    ofthe

    end

    urin

    gphilosophic

    issueof

    con

    straint

    versu

    sfreedom

    ofaction,

    theaction

    issh

    aped

    byconditions

    but

    intu

    rnis

    shap

    edby

    activeactors.

    Thus,

    onecan

    sayyes,

    theredefinitely

    issocial

    structu

    re,but

    itis

    not

    imm

    utab

    le,totally

    unsh

    apab

    le,an

    dcertainly

    not

    entirelydeterm

    inin

    gof

    action.T

    hisdom

    inan

    tin

    teractionist

    persp

    ective

    was

    expressedin

    ap

    articularly

    apt

    ph

    raseby

    oneof

    them

    ost

    imp

    ortan

    tof

    second-generationC

    hicagoans,E

    verettH

    ughes

    ([1962]1971),

    who

    assertedth

    atin

    stitutio

    ns

    sho

    uld

    bereg

    arded

    as“going

    concerns,”in

    terms

    ofthe

    changinginterests

    and

    com

    mitm

    ents

    ofth

    eirm

    embers.

    Therefore,alth

    ough

    seemingly

    stablean

    do

    rdered

    ,in

    stitutio

    ns

    shou

    ldn

    ot

    bereified

    becausethey

    aresubject

    tochange

    thro

    ugh

    collectivein

    teraction.

    Ina

    stilllater

    versionof

    thisperspective,

    Barney

    Glaser

    (1968)an

    dI

    wro

    teab

    out

    “structu

    ralpro

    cess”in

    ord

    erto

    suggest

    thein

    terplay

    be-

  • 248N

    egotiatedO

    rderand

    Structural

    Ordering

    ..

    Negotiated

    Order

    tween

    structurean

    dprocess. O

    rsaid

    anotherw

    ay, we

    were

    signalingth

    atstru

    ctural,

    indudin

    gim

    mediately

    contextual,conditions

    affectedin

    teraction

    but

    alsothe

    reverse.(See

    thediscussion

    onthe

    conditionalm

    atrixin

    Chapter

    2.)T

    heiitheritors

    ofthis

    sociologicaltradition

    stillw

    ritein

    thesam

    ew

    ayabout

    therelationships

    ofstructure

    andprocess,

    ofstability

    andin

    stabil

    ity,of

    orderand

    disorder.A

    nd

    theseterm

    srefer

    toany

    levelw

    hethersocietal,

    comm

    unal,organizational,

    suborganizational,or

    evenin

    teractional.

    NE

    GO

    TIA

    TE

    DO

    RD

    ER

    In1963,

    my

    colleaguesand

    Ipublish

    eda

    pap

    er(S

    trauss,B

    ucher,E

    hr

    lich,S

    chatzman,

    and

    Sabshin

    1963)about

    the“negotiated

    order”that

    we

    had

    notedin

    two

    men

    talhospitals.

    Ayear

    laterw

    eoffered

    am

    orede

    tailedversion

    ofthis

    concept(S

    trauss,B

    ucher,E

    hrlich,S

    abshin,and

    Schatzm

    an1964).

    Itis

    no

    tsu

    rprisin

    gth

    atthe

    conceptw

    asquickly

    takenu

    pby

    interactionists,especially

    thosein

    terestedin

    organizations.I

    will

    quotesom

    erem

    arks

    about

    neg

    otiated

    ord

    erm

    ade

    by

    anastu

    tein

    teractionist

    theorist,D

    avidM

    aines,in

    ord

    erto

    emphasize

    theconcept’s

    con

    tinuityw

    iththe

    Chicago

    traditio

    n,

    beg

    un

    around

    thetu

    rnof

    thecen

    tury

    byT

    homas’s

    interestin

    “socialorganization”

    andlater

    spelledout

    inm

    onograp

    hic

    formby

    him

    and

    Znaniecki

    (1918—1920).

    Here

    isM

    aines’sassessm

    ent:

    The

    traditionalsource

    ofstrength

    inthe

    symbolic

    interactionist perspectivehas

    beenin

    therealm

    ofsocial

    psychology..

    ..B

    ycom

    parison,sym

    bolicinteractionists

    generallyneglected

    therealm

    ofsocial organization

    until the1950s. T

    obe

    sure,som

    eindividuals

    worked

    within

    Ihattradition

    onp

    rob

    lems

    of social organizationprior

    tothe

    1950s, but abasic

    conceptual scheme

    consistingof

    organizingconcepts

    andstatem

    entsabout

    howorganizations

    operatew

    aslacking.

    Anselm

    Strauss’publication

    ofM

    irrorsand

    Masks.

    ([1959]1969)

    may

    havem

    arkeda

    turningpoint.

    He

    candidlyadvocated

    them

    ergingof social psychology

    andsocial organization, arguing, forexam

    ple,..,

    thatidentities

    cannotbe

    understoodindependently

    ofthe

    organizationalcontexts

    inw

    hichthey

    existand

    thatsocial

    organizationcannot

    befu

    ily’.

    comprehended

    without

    anappreciation

    ofthe

    interpersonaldim

    ensionàf

    human

    conduct.T

    hem

    ergingof

    thesetw

    oareas

    hasbeen

    acentral

    theme,’ .i.

    runningthrough

    much

    ofthe

    subsequentw

    orkby

    Straussand

    hiscolla

    borators.

    As

    aresult

    ofthat

    work,

    am

    orefocused

    perspectiveon

    sócialorganization

    beganto

    emerge

    inthe

    1960s.B

    ythe

    endof

    the1970s,

    that,

    perspectivedeveloped

    intoa

    systematic

    framew

    orkfor

    thestudy

    oforg

    á

    nizationsand

    socialorders.

    Itrepresentsthe

    currentlydom

    inantsuch

    per

    spectiveto

    havebeen

    bornfrom

    thedom

    ainassum

    ptionsof

    symbolic

    interactionjsm

    ,and

    itsfertility

    canbe

    measured

    bythe

    rapidlyincreasing

    researchactivity

    generatedby

    it.T

    hefram

    ework

    inquestion

    hasbeen

    termed

    the“negotiated

    orderp

    er

    spective.”Itrecognizes

    andattem

    ptsto

    takeinto

    accounttheim

    portanceof

    understandinginteraction

    processesas

    well

    asthe

    structuralfeatures

    oforganizational

    life.It

    stressesthe

    pointof

    viewthat

    oneof

    theprincipal

    ways

    thatthings

    getaccom

    plishedin

    organizationsis

    throughpeople

    ne

    gotiatingw

    ithone

    another,and

    ittakes

    thetheoretical

    positionthat

    bothindividual

    actionand

    organizationa’constraint

    canbe

    comprehended

    byunderstanding

    thenature

    andcontexts

    ofthose

    negotiations.(M

    ainesand

    Charleton

    1985,pp.

    271—72)

    249

    The

    originalform

    ulationof

    theconcept

    owed

    itsorigin

    toan

    interp

    retation

    ofdetailed

    fieldobservations

    made

    inthe

    two

    mental

    hospitalsm

    entionedearlier

    (aprivate

    hospitalan

    dthe

    acutew

    ards

    especiallyof

    astate

    hospital).A

    sresearchers,

    we

    were

    attemp

    ting

    tocap

    ture

    theflex

    ibility

    inthe

    hospitals’division

    oflabor

    and

    thesu

    rprisin

    gly

    flexiblego

    vern

    ing

    rulesof

    actionin

    thesein

    stitutio

    ns

    Adecade

    later,I

    sum

    marized

    theoriginal

    formulation

    ofneg

    otiated

    ord

    erin

    thesew

    ords:

    1.W

    estated

    thatsocial

    orderw

    asnegotiated

    order:in

    theorganizations

    studied,apparently

    therecould

    beno

    organizationalrelationships

    without

    accompanying

    negotiations.2.

    Specificnegotiations

    seemed

    contingenton

    specificstructural

    condi

    tions:w

    honegotiated

    with

    whom

    ,w

    hen,and

    aboutw

    hat.So

    thenegotia

    tionsw

    erepatterned,

    notaccidental

    3.T

    heproducts

    ofnegotiation

    (contracts,understandings,

    agreements,

    “rules,”and

    soforth)

    allhadtem

    porallimits,for

    eventuallythey

    would

    bereview

    ed,reevaluated,

    revised,revoked

    orrenew

    ed.4.

    Negotiated

    orderhad

    tobe

    worked

    at,and

    thebases

    ofconcerted

    actionneeded

    tobe

    continuallyreconstituted.

    Not

    onlyw

    erenegotiations

    continuallyterm

    inated,but

    newones

    were

    alsom

    adedaily.

    5.T

    henegotiated

    orderon

    anygiven

    daycould

    beconceived

    ofas

    thesum

    totalof

    theorganization’s

    rulesand

    policies,along

    with

    whatever

    agreements,

    understandings,pacts,

    contracts,and

    otherw

    orkingarrange

    ments

    currentlyobtained.

    These

    includeagreem

    entsat

    everylevel

    ofthe

    organization,of

    everyclique

    andcoalition,

    andinclude

    covertas

    well

    asovert

    agreements.

    6.A

    nychanges

    impinging

    onthe

    negotiatedorder-_w

    hethersom

    ethingord

    inary

    ..

    .or

    whether

    more

    unusual.

    ..

    —called

    fornegotiation

    orreappraisal.

    This

    meant

    consequentchanges

    inthe

    negotiatedorder.

    7.[T

    hedaily

    negotiationprocess]

    notonly

    allowed

    thedaily

    work

    toget

    donebut

    alsoreacted

    onthe

    more

    formalized

    andperm

    anentorganiza

  • 250N

    egotiatedO

    rderand

    StructuralO

    rderingIm

    plicationsC

    oncerningO

    rderand

    Change

    IMP

    LIC

    AT

    ION

    SC

    ON

    CE

    RN

    ING

    OR

    DE

    RA

    ND

    CH

    AN

    GE

    tionalrules,

    policies,and

    establishedconventions

    andunderstandings.

    Inturn,

    thelatter

    servedto

    setthe

    limits

    andsom

    edirections

    ofnegotiation.

    What

    was

    omitted

    [fromour

    firstform

    ulationof

    thenegotiated

    orderw

    as]actors’

    theoriesof negotiation

    [and]detailing

    of negotiationsubprocesses.

    Hence.

    .no

    explicitspecifying

    of ‘conditionsand

    consequencesassociated

    with

    thesesubprocesses..

    .now

    orkingout

    ofa

    paradigmatic

    analysisin

    terms

    of structural contextsand

    negotiationcontexts.

    .. virtually

    noreferences

    tothe

    optionsfor

    alternativesto

    negotiation:coercion,

    persuasion,m

    anipulation

    of contingencies,andso

    on. Issuesrelating

    torules,norm

    s, andthe

    likew

    erehandled

    explicitly,butothers,

    relatingto

    power, coalition, politics,

    andthe

    like,w

    eretouched

    ononly

    implicitly.

    (Strauss1978,

    pp.5—

    7)

    With

    thosequotations

    inm

    ind,let

    uspose

    thefollow

    ingquestion:

    Whathas

    beenadded

    inthe

    chaptersof

    thisbook

    ona

    theoryof

    actionto

    thenegotiated-order

    approach?A

    listingand

    briefdiscussion

    ofsom

    e

    major

    pointsshould

    serveto

    make

    more

    recognizablethe

    implications

    of

    thistheory

    ofaction

    forthe

    issueof

    “order,”at

    variouslevels

    oforg

    ani

    zationaland

    interactionalcom

    plexity.

    1.Im

    plicationsfor

    SocialO

    rder.T

    hevarious

    interactionalprocesses—

    negotiation,persuasion,

    manipulation,

    education,threat,

    andactual

    co

    ercion—w

    illeachhave

    different salience, beof

    greateror

    lesssignificance

    .

    forparticular

    instancesof any

    socialorder.

    Thus,

    governments

    ofsom

    ena

    tion-statesrely

    principallyon

    varioustypes

    offorce

    andthe

    threatof

    1;force,

    but

    evenso

    theym

    akem

    uchuse

    ofpersuasion,

    propaganda,and

    education,including

    socializationof

    children.A

    lso,certain

    forms

    of.ne

    gotiationare

    absolutelyrequisite

    forthe

    governanceto

    bem

    aintained

    with

    relativestability.

    Conversely,

    evena

    “nationof

    laws”

    andrelative

    democracy,

    suchas.

    theU

    nitedS

    tatesof A

    merica, obviously

    isnot free

    ofgovernm

    ental use.o

    f.

    coercionor

    manipulation

    ofcitizens

    andof

    institutionslike

    thepress.

    As’

    isw

    ellunderstood

    bythose

    who

    havebattled

    tom

    aintainthe

    Am

    erican.;

    Billof

    Rights,

    theinevitably

    changingconditions

    ofnational

    andlocal

    life-

    necessitatestrenuous

    effortsand

    shrewd

    interactionalstrategies

    ino

    rdei

    tom

    aintaincivil

    rights—let

    aloneto

    extendthese

    rightsto

    groupspie-’

    viouslydenied

    orshortchanged: blacks,

    wom

    en,children,

    andm

    àieé-..

    centlythe

    disabled.W

    hatis

    trueabout

    thesalience

    ofdifferent

    com

    ia’.

    tionsof

    interactionalprocesses

    fornations

    isequally

    soat

    other,level4

    f.,

    organizationalscale.

    As

    justone

    example:

    Goffm

    an’s“total

    institu

    tion

    (1961a)that

    areseem

    inglyall

    coercionand

    manipulation

    turn

    outalso,tp

    251

    havenegotiations

    overdegrees

    ofpersonalfreedom

    .G

    offman

    makes

    thisclear

    inhis

    discussionof

    “theunderlife

    ofa

    publicinstitution”

    (1961b),although

    mostreaders

    seemto

    havem

    issedthe

    importofhis

    qualificationof

    totalinstitutions

    2.Im

    plicationsforA

    rrangements

    andthe

    ShapingofC

    onditions.In

    the

    oreticalterm

    s,w

    hatis

    thepru

    nary

    significanceof

    theseinteractional

    processes?F

    irstof

    all,they

    constitutenecessary

    basesfor

    making

    thearrangem

    entsthat

    allowcontinued

    interactionto

    takeplace.

    Without

    ar

    rangements,

    therew

    ouldbe

    noroutines,

    nostandardized

    modes

    ofco

    llective

    action,w

    hetherrecurrentor

    episodic.Innovation

    ism

    adepossible

    bysuch

    arrangements,

    fashionedeither

    onan

    adhoc

    orm

    orelong-range

    basis.T

    hevarious

    interactionalprocesses

    areintegral

    alsoto

    shapingco

    nditions

    (theavoiding,

    preventing,adapting,

    manipulating,

    monitoring,

    changing)at

    everylevel

    ofthe

    conditionalm

    atrix.T

    hisis

    astrue

    ofthe

    actionsof

    persons,w

    hichafter

    alldo

    nottake

    placein

    interactionalv

    acuum

    s,as

    ofcollective

    action.Insofar

    asconditions

    donot

    entirelyco

    nstrain

    actionbut

    arereacted

    to,w

    eneed

    topersuade,

    teach,coerce,

    and/o

    rnegotiate

    with

    others,w

    hetherthey

    arepersons,

    groups,or

    or

    gariizations,including

    theirrepresentatives.

    3.Im

    plicationsfor

    Body

    Processesin

    Relation

    toSocial

    Order

    andS

    ymbol

    izing.The

    bodiesof

    actorsare

    implicated

    inthese

    interactionalprocesses

    asobjects

    asw

    ellas

    agents.So

    arethe

    variousbody

    processes.C

    on

    sequently

    thereare

    nosocial

    ordersat

    anylevel

    oforganizational

    scalew

    herebodies

    areirrelevant

    orunim

    portant.(T

    hinkof

    slaveryand

    racialdiscrim

    ination,or

    ofthe

    nearlyuniversal

    societaldom

    inanceby

    males.)

    The

    conceptsof

    “thebody”

    and“body

    processes”include

    “them

    ental.”N

    om

    ind-bodydualism

    canbe

    countenanced.So

    thoughtprocesses

    andselves

    areincluded

    inthis

    calculusof

    thebody’s

    continualsignificance.

    Moreover,

    selvesexist

    insym

    bolicuniverses;

    thatis,

    symbolizing

    isin

    tegral

    toaction.

    Bodies

    ordinarilydo

    notjust

    reactto

    stimuli;

    theyact

    symbolically.

    To

    put

    thism

    etaphorically,bodies

    surviveonly

    insofaras

    theybreathe,

    more

    orless

    unconsciously,w

    ithinan

    embracing

    symbolic

    atmosphere.

    An

    additionaland

    relatedim

    plicationis

    thatthey

    existand

    actand

    areacted

    uponhistorically.

    Individualand

    collectivehistory

    af

    fectscurrent

    actionand

    identities,affecting

    inturn

    theirfutures.

    Sobiog

    raphiesare

    ofcrucial

    importance.

    Sym

    bolizingis

    integraltointeraction

    aroundissues,as

    itisto

    allaction.T

    heprim

    aryarena

    pro

    cess_”d

    efu,jg

    ofiSsues”__inm

    .Lediately

    suggestscontests

    overthe

    rightsof

    ownership

    overclassifications

    andpersp

    ectives.K

    ennethB

    urke(1937)

    some

    yearsago

    offereda

    brilliantlyconceived

    dictionaryof

    terms

    tocharacterize

    them

    assiveshifts

    insy

    mb

    olizatjo

  • dna

    tructuraiurciering

    Implications

    Concerning

    Order

    andC

    hange253

    when

    largesocial

    ordersundergo

    radicalchanges.

    He

    signalizedthe

    ini

    tialdisaffection

    with

    theold

    orderand

    thenthe

    development

    ofnew

    comm

    itments

    andidentities

    aroundnew

    symbols.

    The

    same

    symbolic

    shiftsoccur

    ona

    lessradical

    andm

    assivescale

    when

    onlyparts

    ofsocial

    orderschange

    andare

    replacedby

    newer

    perspectives,stances,

    vocab

    ularies,

    anddifferent

    emphases

    oninteractional

    forms,

    andw

    ithap

    pear

    anceof

    differentgenerational,

    gender,racial,

    ethnic,and

    otheridentities.

    4.Im

    plicationsforthe

    SeveralG

    eneralO

    rders.In

    thesecond

    chapter,I

    brieflydiscussed

    theconcept

    of“orders”

    andtheir

    subtypes:spatial,

    temporal,

    technological,w

    ork,sentim

    ental,m

    oral,and

    estheticorders.

    These

    areconvenientanalytic

    terms

    forconceptualizing

    clustersofgeneral

    conditionsthat

    actorshave

    totake

    intoaccount

    when

    interacting—or

    donot,to

    theirperil.A

    ctionand

    interactionare

    playedout,for

    instance,overtim

    eand

    incertain

    spaces.H

    owever,

    thespecifics

    ofspace,

    time,

    work,

    sentiment,

    andother

    typesof

    conditionsvary

    locallyin

    accordancew

    ithprecisely

    when,

    where,

    how,

    andw

    hythe

    interactionoccurs.

    Insom

    esituations,

    itisthe

    schedulingthatis

    irritatinglyconstraining

    andin

    othersituations

    itis

    thedeadlines

    orthe

    pacingof

    actionsthat

    needto

    bem

    anaged.L

    ocally,too,

    oneor

    anotherorder

    may

    behighly

    significant,if

    onlytem

    porarily:too

    small

    aspace

    tow

    orkin,

    toom

    uchoversensifivity

    ofyour

    co-workers,

    ortoo

    greata

    moral

    hazardto

    risk.Interactional

    processesare

    necessaryfor

    shapingany

    ofthese

    clustersand

    subclustersof

    conditions.

    5.Im

    plicationsfor

    theM

    ultiplicityof

    Perspectivesand

    Resulting

    Contin

    gencies.E

    ndemic

    tointeraction

    isthe

    probabilityof

    discrepanciesbe

    tween

    theperspectives

    ofsom

    eparticipants

    inany

    interaction.T

    hism

    ul

    tiplicityofperspectives

    derivesfrom

    differentialstatuses,

    experiences,and

    mem

    bershipsin

    groups,organizations,

    andsocial

    worlds.

    Perspectives

    profoundlyinfluence

    theactions

    andinteractions,

    thestances

    takenw

    ithrespect

    tothe

    making

    anddiscarding

    ofarrangem

    ents,and

    thepreferred

    forms

    ofinteractional

    process(w

    hichanyhow

    areperceived

    asstrategies

    bythe

    interactants),bethey

    manipulation,negotiation,persuasion,

    orthe

    threatofcoercion.

    Inand

    ofitself,the

    multiplicity

    ofperspectives

    ensuresa

    richnessof

    interactionajflow

    ,because

    representativenessvaries

    frominteraction

    tointeraction

    andw

    ithinthe

    interactionitself.

    Multiplicity

    alsoguarantees

    thatcourses

    ofaction,

    exceptperhaps

    quitebrief

    ones,w

    illhave

    elements

    ofsurprise,

    willproduce

    theirow

    ncontingencies

    quiteaside

    fromthe

    externalones.

    6.Im

    plicationsfor

    SocialW

    orldsand

    Their

    Mem

    bers.W

    ithrespect

    toperspectives

    andrepresentativeness

    incontem

    porarysociety,

    thep

    artici

    pationsin

    socialw

    orldsand

    subworlds

    areparticularly

    significant.O

    rga

    nizationsare

    usuallycom

    posedof

    mem

    bersw

    hoare

    drawn

    fromm

    orethan

    onesocial

    world

    orperhaps

    evenm

    orethan

    onesubw

    orld.A

    sw

    ehave

    seen,the

    social-world

    basesare

    oftenexplicit b

    ut

    theycan

    alsoenter

    intointeraction

    implicitly,

    silently,unnoted.

    This

    canbe

    allthe

    more

    so,since

    eachinteractant

    belongsto

    andis

    orientedtow

    ardvarious

    socialw

    orldsand

    subworlds,

    some

    ofthem

    unknown

    tothe

    otherinteractants.

    Itfollow

    sthat

    arrangements

    andm

    odesof

    interactioncan

    bedeeply

    affectedby

    thosem

    emberships

    andthe

    correspondingidentities

    ofthe

    mem

    bers.

    7.Im

    plicationsfor

    lrenas.M

    ultiplicityof

    perspectivesabout

    coursesof

    actionis

    likelyto

    bringabout

    discussionand

    debate,if

    notdow

    nrightargum

    ent.W

    hendisagreem

    entsare

    ona

    largescale,

    with

    many

    issuesopen

    tocontest,then

    thisinteraction

    islikely

    tobe

    referredto

    asan

    arena.In

    thisbook,

    Ihave

    extendedthat

    conceptto

    coverconflicts

    overissues

    arisingat any

    scaleof

    organization. Forexam

    ple, families

    andfriendships

    founderover

    persistentdifferences

    ofissues;

    theyalso

    manage

    tobe

    maintained,

    andsuch

    disagreements

    aresurm

    ountedthrough

    oneor

    anotheror

    combinations

    ofinteractional

    processes.

    8.Im

    plicationsforO

    rderand

    Disorder.

    The

    existenceand

    evolutionof

    multiple

    perspectivesand

    consequentlyof

    arenasdoes

    notimply

    atotally

    changeablesocial

    unit.O

    rderand

    disorderexist

    coterminously.

    Of

    course,order

    canbe

    perceivedfrom

    differentstandpoints,

    sothat

    oneperson’s

    ordercan

    beanother’s

    breakdown

    oforder

    (“disorder”or

    “diso

    rgan

    ization”).

    While

    some

    perceivedisorder

    inA

    merican

    societybecause

    ofw

    idespreadbirth

    controland

    legalizedabortion,

    othersfirm

    lybelieve

    societalorder

    isenhanced

    becauseof

    those“hum

    anepractices.”

    Or

    an

    otherexam

    ple:T

    hecivilw

    arcurrently

    ragingin

    Yugoslavia

    representsto

    many

    non-Yugoslavs, and

    presumably

    tom

    anyY

    ugoslaviancitizens

    also,a

    breakdown

    ofthe

    nation-statebut

    toothers

    thew

    arrepresents

    apath

    tom

    uchpreferred

    socialorders

    inthe

    formof

    severalbreakaw

    aynation-

    statesbased

    inhistorically

    distinctiveethnic,

    religious,and

    politicaltra

    ditions. Even

    inthe

    midstof

    ashattering

    eventthatm

    ostparticipantsand

    observersm

    ightagree

    representsdisorder,

    them

    assflight

    fromP

    arisas

    theN

    aziarmy

    approachedthatcity

    in1941,even

    thisseem

    inglycom

    pletecollapse

    ofcivic

    ordercontained

    elmen

    tsof

    order,albeit

    atdifferent

    organizationallevels.

    Surely

    itm

    adesense

    forsom

    epeople

    toflee

    Paris.

    Some

    Parisians

    wisely

    chosefeasible

    destinationsand

    made

    arrange

    ments

    form

    eetingfriends

    orkin

    inthe

    eventof

    gettingseparated,

    andso

    on.Interactional

    processescertainly

    were

    takingplace

    then—som

    eeffec

  • 254N

    egotiatedO

    rderand

    StructuralO

    rderingThe

    Role

    ofMatrix

    Conditions

    tivelyresulting

    inthe

    savingof

    lives,preserv

    ing

    ofresources,

    and

    main

    tainingof

    family

    contact.

    I’RO

    CE

    SS

    UA

    LO

    RD

    ER

    ING

    What

    thendoes

    allofthis

    discussionad

    dup

    toin

    terms

    ofthe

    concepts

    oforder

    andchange?

    Isorder

    only“negotiated

    order”or

    isit

    something

    more?

    Aquick

    reviewof

    theoriginal

    usageof

    thisterm

    will

    showthat

    it

    referredto

    theoverall

    orderof

    mental

    hospitals,and

    perhapsof

    most

    hospitalsin

    general(S

    trausset

    al.1963,

    1964).L

    ater,in

    my

    bookon

    negotiations(S

    trauss1978),

    Iw

    asconcerned

    with

    spellingout

    andarg

    u

    ingfor

    thecentral place

    ofnegotiation

    inhum

    anaffairs, and

    inrelation

    to

    socialorder.

    This

    argument

    didnot

    precludethe

    roleof

    otherprocesses,

    andindeed

    theycould

    beseen

    operatingin

    conjunctionw

    ithnegotiation

    inthe

    variousinstances

    oftypes

    ofnegotiation

    exploredin

    that book.Y

    et

    Idid

    notthere

    addressanalytically

    howthe

    variousprocesses

    combined

    or,as

    here,their

    relationshipsto

    otherphenom

    ena.M

    eanwhile

    theterm

    negotiatedorder

    hasdeveloped

    acareer

    ofits

    own,

    aftersom

    eyears

    ofuse,

    mainly

    bysym

    bolicinteractionists,

    coming

    to

    standfor

    flexibleorganizational

    arrangements,

    thefluidity

    ofoverall

    in

    teractionalpatterns

    atany

    levelof

    scale,and

    thatsocial

    ordersare

    forms

    ofactivity:

    Apropos,

    theastructural

    bias[of

    which

    symbolic

    interactiomsm

    issom

    etim

    esaccusedi,

    andto

    thecontrary,Sym

    bolicInteraction.

    ..has

    createda

    negotiatedapproach

    tosocial order,atalllevels

    of organizationalscale, thatfundam

    entallyhas

    changedthe

    way

    we

    conceiveof

    allinstitutions

    (seeespecially

    Strauss1978).

    (Farberman

    1991,p.481)

    Given

    therhetorical

    historyof

    theconcept

    ofnegotiated

    order,it

    may.

    betoo

    lateto

    substitutea

    newone,

    but

    Iw

    illattem

    ptthis.

    Isuggest.tw

    q..

    neww

    ordsin

    combination:

    processualordering.

    My

    useof

    av

    erb—

    ord

    er

    ing—instead

    ofthe

    usualnoun

    ism

    eantto

    emphasize

    thecreative

    :or

    constructiveaspect of

    interaction,the“w

    orkingat”

    and“w

    orkingouto

    f”.

    orderingin

    theface

    ofinevitable

    contingencies,sm

    alland

    large.ThiS

    same

    conceptionis

    embodied

    inE

    verettH

    ughes’sim

    ageryof

    institu

    tioni

    as“going

    concerns,”noted

    afew

    pagesago,

    andof

    courseby

    thei’rg

    -1

    matists.T

    heG

    erman

    sociologist Hans

    Joas(1992)

    hasrecently

    hig

    hlig

    hted

    .

    thisem

    phasison

    creativityby

    theA

    merican

    Pragm

    atistsand

    theearly.

    Chicago

    interactionists.T

    hisconcept

    ofprocessual

    orderingof

    creativityis

    meant

    toem

    brace

    255

    even

    1m

    aintopic

    discussedin

    thisbook,

    andof

    coursem

    anym

    ore.If

    elaboratedthrough

    furtherresearch

    andthought,

    thisconcept

    hasthe

    potentialfor

    developingw

    hatis

    manifestly

    stilla

    verycrude

    theoreticalschem

    efor

    understandingw

    hatis

    involvedin

    anytype

    ofordering.

    Yet

    thisleaves

    unanswered

    thequestion

    ofthe

    relationshipsbtw

    eenthis

    newconcept

    (processualordering)

    andthe

    olderone

    (negotiatedorder).

    Itis

    stillm

    ybelief

    thatthough

    negotiationis

    otilyone

    ofthe

    interacrionalprocesses,

    itm

    ustbe

    am

    ajorC

    ontributorto.any

    socialor

    dering.A

    srem

    arkedearlier,

    evenpredom

    inantlycoercive

    ordersulti

    mately

    requireand

    producenegotiation,

    andlots

    ofit.

    This

    takesplace

    notonly

    among

    theoppressors

    themselves

    asw

    ellas

    among

    theo

    ppressed,

    but

    alsobetw

    eenboth.

    The

    same

    istrue

    ofpredom

    inantlym

    a-.nipülative

    orders,since

    them

    anipulatorsare

    likelyto

    needallies

    who

    inturn

    will

    expectsom

    ething.in

    exchangefor

    theirservices

    orS

    upport.E

    xchanging,trading

    off,bargaining

    wheeling

    anddealing,

    com

    pro

    mis

    ing,power

    brokering,engaging

    incollusion,

    andeven

    coerciveneg

    otiat

    ingare

    threadedthroughout

    theinteractions

    aroundspace,

    time,

    wrk

    ,sen

    timen

    t_resu

    lting

    inthe

    reificationsthat

    arecom

    monly

    referredto

    ascivil

    orsocial

    orders.V

    How

    ever,more

    generallythe

    conceptofnegotiatedorder

    was

    designedto

    refernotm

    erelyto

    negotiationand

    negotiativeprocesses.

    Italsopoints

    tothe

    lackof

    fixityof

    Socialorder,

    itstem

    poral,m

    obile,and

    unstablecharacter,

    andthe

    flexibilityof

    interactantsfaced

    with

    theneed

    toact

    throughinteractional

    processesin

    specificlocalized

    situationsw

    hereal

    thoughrules

    andregulations

    existneverthejesa

    theseare

    notnecessarily

    preciselyprescriptive

    orperem

    ptoriiycO

    nstraflzg.M

    yintent

    incoining

    theconcept

    ofprocessual

    orderingis

    notm

    erelyto

    capturethe

    same

    atthbutesof

    interactionbut

    toextend,

    deepen,and

    make

    possiblea

    more

    detailedunderstanding

    ofnegotiated

    orders.V

    TH

    EN

    EC

    ES

    Sfly

    OF

    PR

    OC

    ES

    SU

    AL

    OR

    DE

    RIN

    GA

    ND

    TH

    EF

    OU

    ND

    AT

    ION

    AL

    RO

    LE

    OF

    MA

    TR

    IXC

    ON

    DIT

    ION

    S

    This

    sectionw

    illconsist

    ofa

    simple

    example

    thatis

    designedto

    bepersuasively

    instru

    ctive

    andto

    leadto

    anadditional

    andim

    portantth

    eoretical

    point.C

    onsiderthe

    characteristicsof

    am

    oreor

    lesscom

    pletelyroutinized

    thoughcom

    plexset

    ofprocedures:

    routinesurgery.

    Inthis

    typeof

    surgery,every

    procedurehas

    beenso

    oftenpracticed

    thathazardis

    minim

    aland

    contingenciesare

    preparedfor

    with

    additionallyw

    ell-tried

    procedures.T

    heequipm

    entis

    familiar

    and“in

    order.”B

    eforethe

    actualsurgery,patients

    havebeen

    preparedby

    standardprocedures,and

  • 256N

    egotiatedO

    rderand

    StructuralO

    rderingThe

    RoleofM

    atrixC

    onditions

    aftersurgery

    theyare

    takencare

    ofby

    equallyroutine

    proceduresboth

    in

    theoperating

    roomand

    inthe

    postopw

    ard.A

    lltheactors

    inthis

    drama—

    physician(s),nurses, and

    others—know

    theirw

    ell-rehearsedparts.

    Given

    nom

    ajorcontingencies,

    everythingproceeds

    smoothly

    andthere

    isno

    likelihoodof

    disagreement

    overeither

    medical

    ornursing

    carepro

    ce

    dures.T

    hisunruffled

    pictureof

    aroutinized

    orderis

    completely

    deceptive.

    History

    isblotted

    outby

    ahighly

    focusedpresent.

    The

    contentioushis-

    toryof

    antisepsisis

    totallyin

    thebackground,

    forantiseptic

    procedures

    aretaken

    completely

    forgranted.

    The

    jurisdictionalarena

    battlesover

    *

    who

    shouldcontrol

    theanesthesia

    alsois

    shroudedin

    pasthistory

    (per

    hapsrem

    embered

    bythe

    anesthesiologistfrom

    hisor

    herstudent

    years

    when

    thelegendary

    strifew

    asinvoked.)

    The

    surgicaltechnology—

    both

    theprocedures

    andthe

    equipment—

    alsohave

    theirhistories:

    Sociologi

    callythese

    arerelevant

    tothe

    surgicalaction

    butordinarily

    noneof

    the

    actorsnotices

    them.

    Backgrounded

    alsoare

    items

    fromother

    levelsof

    theconditional

    ma-

    ;

    trix:for

    instance,the

    differentialtraining

    ofeach

    typeof

    professional,or

    theusual

    highdegree

    ofstatus,

    privilege,and

    power

    ofthe

    surgeons

    within

    thehospital

    andthe

    comparable

    accessibilityof

    theirresources.

    I

    couldcontinue

    tüs

    listfor

    quitea

    while—

    including,for

    instance,that

    surgeryand

    surgeonsare

    repletew

    ithsym

    bolism(for

    instance,rep

    re

    sentingthe

    epitome

    ofskilled

    andlife-saving

    medical

    work),

    imagery

    of

    magic, aw

    e, anxiety, bodilyvulnerability,

    andpotential

    deathheightened

    byfrequent

    visibilityin

    bothcom

    mon

    andm

    ediadiscourse.

    Each

    and

    everyprocedure

    takenfor

    grantedtoday

    hasits

    historyas

    doeach

    ofthe

    participatingprofessions

    and“the”

    hospitalitself

    (seeW

    iener,F

    ager-

    haugh,S

    trauss,and

    Suczek

    1979).So

    doa

    fewim

    ponderablesthat

    mightjust

    haveentered

    thisparticular

    surgicalepisode.

    Suppose,

    forexam

    ple,that

    thesurgeon

    isJew

    ishor

    an

    African

    Am

    erican.T

    odaythat

    makes

    nodifference

    whatever

    inthe

    in

    teractionaround

    thepatient,

    butconsider

    what

    thatinteraction

    might

    havelooked

    likew

    henJew

    sand

    African

    Am

    ericansw

    erefirstbecom

    ing

    surgeonsor

    asw

    omen

    noware

    increasinglydoing.

    The

    pointcan

    be

    underlinedby

    notinganother

    statusthat

    iscurrently

    changingand

    en

    teringthe

    surgicaltheater

    andsurgical

    wards:

    The

    statusof

    patien

    ts

    and/o

    rsurgeons

    with

    HIV

    isan

    issueunder

    debateand

    scrutiny, making’

    many

    ordinarilyroutine

    operatiQns

    anythingbut

    completely

    routine.

    Also

    onem

    orecluster

    ofconditions

    ofprim

    eim

    portance:the

    masØ

    industrialenterprises—

    pharmaceutical,

    medical

    supply,and

    mediçal

    equipment

    especially—w

    ithoutw

    hichcontem

    porarym

    edicalpractiçç

    would

    beinconceivable. T

    heindustries

    areparalleled

    within

    thehosp

    jal

    bydepartm

    entsand

    specializedpersonnel:

    pharmacy,

    pharmacists,.ajM

    257

    pharm

    acolo

    gist

    5;central

    supplydepartm

    entsand

    theirw

    orkers;bio

    technicians

    andtheir.staffs.

    All

    playtheir

    background.roleseven

    when

    sur

    geryand

    itstreatm

    entare

    uneventfuland

    routine.W

    hensurgery

    ism

    orecom

    plexor

    exceedinglyintricate,

    thenthe

    kindsof

    conditionsand

    contingendesthat

    canaffect

    thecourse

    ofinteraction

    greatlyincrease

    and,analytically

    speaking,are

    much

    more

    visible.T

    heprocessual

    orderingthen

    ism

    uchm

    oreevident.

    Italso

    existsfor

    routinesituations

    andactions;

    itisjust

    lessevident.

    Ifthis

    isso

    forsm

    allprojects

    likeaccepting

    apatientfor

    surgeryand

    seeinghim

    orher

    througha

    courseof

    surgicaltreatm

    ent,think

    ofw

    hatisinvolved

    inthe

    processualordering

    ofa

    largeproject,

    anorganization

    ofany

    size—or

    anentire

    nation-state!A

    nim

    portantim

    plicationof

    thisexam

    pleabout

    surgeryand

    itsex

    tension

    toless

    routineordering

    isthat

    theconditional

    matrix

    entersinto

    theordering

    inoften

    completely

    unnotedbut

    essentialw

    ays.Som

    eare

    soindirectin

    theirinfluence

    thatperhapsonly

    aresearcher

    cantake

    thetim

    eand

    energyand

    possessthe

    requisiteskills

    totrack

    theirconditional

    paths.In

    sayingthis,Iam

    leadingup

    tothe

    pointthat

    matrix

    conditionsare

    foundatio

    lthroughout

    theprocessual

    orderingthat

    resultsin

    socialorders.

    This

    isa

    somew

    hatdifferent

    butrelated

    pointthat

    Ihave

    oftenm

    adeelsew

    here(cf.S

    trauss1985;C

    orbjrtand

    Strauss

    1988;seealso

    Becker

    1982;M

    étraux1991;

    Star

    1991);nam

    ely,that

    actionsessential

    togetting

    work

    accomplished

    arefrequently

    invisibleto

    anyonew

    hois

    abystander

    orw

    hoonly

    seespart

    ofthe

    work

    process.T

    hisrelative

    invisibilityis

    som

    etim

    esdeliberately

    furtheredby

    thosew

    horeceive

    orretain

    them

    ostbenefit

    fromthe

    invisibility,so

    that“this

    isa

    profoundlypolitical

    pro

    cess”(Star

    1991,p.

    281;see

    alsoF

    larroway

    1989).In

    theexam

    pleabove,

    itisthe

    surgeonsw

    hocontinue

    togetthe

    mostm

    oneyand

    prestigerather

    thanany

    ofthe

    many

    subsidiaryW

    orkersw

    houltim

    atelym

    akerecovery

    r:from

    surgerypossible;

    butit

    isthe

    politicalskills

    ofthe

    medical

    pro

    fession

    thathaveensured

    continuedeconom

    icand

    occupationaldom

    inanceY

    etthe

    emphasis

    onthe

    power

    anddom

    inanceaspects

    oflargely

    unrec

    :ognized

    actors,although

    useful,oughtnot

    topreem

    ptthe

    more

    inclusiveissue—

    _thatto

    understandthe

    creationformafion

    maintainm

    g..stsbijty-

    andch

    angin

    g..ch

    angeal

    natureofany

    order,the

    interlockingim

    pactsof

    conditions[including

    them

    oral(A

    ddelson1990)]

    atvariousm

    atrixlevels

    needto

    berecognized,

    orat

    leastsom

    ewhat

    apprehended.O

    therwise

    justiceis

    notdone

    tothe

    complexity

    ofthe

    processualordering

    ofsocial

    orders.T

    heinteractjonlstview

    oforder

    isthat

    itis

    created,and

    ism

    aintainedor

    :changed

    indesired

    directionsthrough

    action.O

    rder(ing)is

    notsom

    ethingthat

    isto

    beunderstood

    onlyin

    terms

    ofconcepts

    ofeffective

    comm

    unjcation

    (Lyotard)

    orthe

    dominant

    influenceofco

    nsep

    us

    (Haberm

    as)and

    surelynot

    bythe

    people-lessabstractions

    ofvarious

    typesof

    systems

  • prde—D

    isorder,Stability—

    Instability,andC

    hange259

    eU

    udL

    eU

    iiraeraria

    tructu

    ra1

    Ordering

    theory(L

    uhman).

    What

    Iamasserting

    isnecessary—

    atleastim

    pliedinthc

    interactionisttheory

    ofaction—

    isconsideration

    ofthe

    collectivew

    orkiri.out

    ofordering,

    involvingself-interactive

    actorsand

    thevarious

    inte

    ra-.

    fiveprocesses.

    [SeeB

    ecker(1986,

    pp.11—

    13)for

    anotherrecent

    phrasingof

    thispoint;

    seealso

    Gerson

    (Forthcom

    ing)for

    aw

    onderfullydeta

    ilddem

    onstrationof

    itin

    histracing

    ofthe

    evolutionof

    biologicaltheories’

    andresearch.]

    Hence

    theterm

    processualordering

    Hence

    alsoif

    wear

    tobe

    accurate,w

    em

    ust

    thin

    kof

    ath

    eory

    ofacting

    rather

    thana

    theo

    ry’ó

    faction.

    Inthis

    book,trajectoryhas

    beenthe

    simunarizing

    conceptfor

    thi4

    .interactionist

    theory.

    OR

    DE

    R-D

    ISO

    RD

    ER

    ,S

    TA

    BIL

    ITY

    -INS

    TA

    BIL

    ITY

    ,A

    ND

    CH

    AN

    GE

    ,.

    This

    conceptand

    theassum

    ptionson

    which

    itrests

    (see,respectively,

    Chap

    ters2

    and1)

    haveone

    lastim

    plicationpertaining

    tothe

    issueof.J

    orderand

    changethat

    was

    touchedon

    above.There

    Inoted

    theopposing

    stancesof

    Parsons,

    thefunctionalist,

    andthe

    Pragm

    atists/interactionistson

    thatissue.

    Ifyou

    examine

    closelyD

    ewey’s

    argument

    inthose

    same

    pages,you

    cansee

    thecom

    plexityof

    thisissue.

    The

    openingphrase

    ofD

    ewey’s

    statement

    “theperm

    anentand

    enduringis

    comparative”

    set

    thefram

    eof

    hisargum

    ent.H

    eis

    balancingthe

    prioritiesof

    stabilityand

    thoseof

    change:som

    etimes

    thereis

    anadvantage

    inem

    phasizingstab

    ility,

    but

    notalw

    aysor

    forall

    purposes.D

    ewey’s

    Pragm

    atistperspective

    leadsto

    aprim

    aryfocus

    onthe

    interactionbetw

    eenhum

    ansas

    activeagents

    andrelatively

    stableconditions

    (or“structure”)

    andbetw

    eenthe

    former

    andcontingencies

    asw

    ell.So

    heis

    alsoem

    phasizingthe

    interac

    tionbetw

    eenthe

    routine(stable)

    andthe

    novel(change),

    theroutine

    providinga

    nondeterministic

    framew

    orkfor

    action,which

    inturn

    canbe

    affectedby

    actorsand

    theiractions.

    (This

    same

    positionw

    asexplored

    inC

    hapter8,

    concerningthe

    interplayof

    theroutine

    andthe

    novel,but

    statedin

    sociologicalterm

    s.)T

    heearly

    Chicago

    interactionistsw

    ouldnot

    haveread

    thisparticular

    passageof

    Dew

    ey’sbut

    surelyhad

    absorbedits

    generalthrust

    froma

    readingof

    hisprevious

    writings.

    The

    analysisofT

    homas

    andZ

    naniecki(1918—1920)

    centeredaround

    theconceptualcouplet

    ofsocial

    organizationand

    socialdisorganization.

    This

    was

    theirterm

    inologyfor

    socialorder

    andsocial

    disorder.B

    oththey

    andsociologists

    fromother

    traditionshave

    tendedto

    equatestability

    with

    orderand

    instabilityw

    ithchange.

    (Though

    thosesam

    einteractionist

    au

    thorsem

    phasizedthat

    socialdisorganization

    couldbe

    acondition

    forindividual

    andcollective

    creativity.)T

    hisseem

    sreasonable,b

    ut

    thispair

    ingdoes

    notfit

    well

    with

    my

    theoryof

    action.M

    yreasoning

    isas

    follows.

    The

    basicinteractionist

    assumptions,

    plus

    observations, suggest

    atleast

    aprelim

    inary

    lineof

    thinkingth

    atrefuses

    toreify

    anyof

    theseterm

    s.In

    fact,it

    rejectsthe

    conceptof

    “disorder”since

    thena

    dichotomy

    isassum

    edbetw

    eenorder

    andchange.

    This

    interac

    tionst

    lineof

    thinkingem

    phasizesthe

    activityof

    “defining.”W

    hetherevents

    andinstitutions

    seemrelatively

    unchangingor

    rapidlychanging

    issurely

    am

    atterof

    differentialperspectives

    thataffect perceptions

    ofpar

    ticularactors

    atparticular

    times

    andplaces

    andin

    particularsituations.

    What

    isone

    actor’srapidly,

    evendrastically

    changingw

    orldis

    another’srelatively

    unchanging,stable

    world.

    Ifboth

    actorsagree,

    itm

    ayonly

    bethat

    althoughtheir

    experiencesand

    perceptionsdo

    infact

    differm

    arkedly,

    nonethelessthe

    convergenceof

    definitionis

    profoundlyaffected

    byperspective

    asrelated

    tothe

    particularitiesof

    time,

    place,and

    situation.P

    erspectives,experiences,

    andselective

    perceptionall

    havean

    interre

    latedbearing

    uponhow

    personsand

    collectivitiesdefine

    andco

    nseq

    uen

    tiallyact

    toward

    events.Y

    ouw

    illundoubtedly

    findthat

    lastassertion

    noncontestable,if

    seemingly

    banal.A

    more

    radicalstatem

    entm

    ightbe

    thatthere

    isno

    surefirew

    ayto

    provethe

    degreeof

    changeor

    stabilitycharacterizing

    agiven

    place,tim

    e,or

    situation,no

    matter

    howscientific

    theclaim

    may

    beabout

    thecriteria

    forassessing

    orm

    easuringit.

    Scien

    fistsalso

    haveperspectives

    andtheir

    definitionsof

    change-stabilityare

    frequentlyfound

    debatableby

    colleagues,suspect

    bylaypersons,

    andlater

    generationsw

    illsurely

    revisetheir

    definitionsand

    estimates.

    Perhaps

    noone

    would

    disagreew

    iththe

    generalstatem

    entthat

    some

    thingsare

    changingrapidly

    while

    othersare

    changingslow

    ly—leaving

    asidew

    hichspecific

    onesbelong

    toeach

    set.A

    sD

    ewey

    wrote,

    “therate

    ofchange

    ofsom

    ethings

    isso

    slow.

    ..that

    thesechanges

    haveall

    theadvantages

    ofstability

    indealing

    with

    more

    transitoryhappenings—

    ifw

    eknow

    enough”(1927,p.

    71).H

    isstatem

    entapplies

    notonly

    toscien

    fistsbut to

    everyactor

    inthis

    world

    ofours—

    thoughnot,alas, his

    proviso.T

    hekey

    questionsthen

    forevery

    actorare,

    What

    ischanging,

    what

    aspectof

    it,in

    what

    directionand

    atw

    hatrate?

    And

    sohow

    dothese

    affectm

    e(or

    us)and

    howshall

    I(w

    e)act?

    Isthe

    world

    “goingto

    hellin

    ahandbag”

    oris

    itravishingly

    andrefreshingly

    changingfor

    thebetter?

    The

    world

    referredto

    cannotm

    eaneverything

    but

    implies

    some

    implicit

    orexplicit

    ranking:Som

    echanges

    areview

    edas

    more

    essentialto

    theactor’s

    definitionof

    changeor

    stability,and

    inevitablyw

    ithreference

    toparts

    ratherthan

    thetotality

    ofthe

    symbolized

    world.

    Sothe

    issueis

    notw

    hethersocial

    scientists,or

    anyoneelse,

    canassess

    changeand

    itsproperties

    accuratelyr

    evenapproxim

    ately.Social

    scientists,Ireason,

    donothave

    tosolve

    theunsolvable—

    isthe

    world

    changingrapidly

    oris

    itnot,

    andw

    hichparts

    ofit,

    etc.?R

    ather,our

    main

    issueis

    tostudy

    howspecific

    institutions, organizations,social w

    orlds,and

    othercollectivifies

    answer

    suchkey

    questionsas

    were

    listedabove.

  • Negotiated

    Order

    andStructural

    Ordering

    ,d—

    Djso

    rd,

    Stability—Instability,

    andC

    hange261

    260Schatzm

    aflsuggests

    thatthe

    ideaof

    socialorder

    isso

    significant:

    [B]ecause

    ofthe

    natureof

    thestake

    peoplehave

    init—

    astake

    inpositio

    ns

    identityand

    itscontrol—

    alsoa

    stake,n

    itscom

    fort—[ifl

    oneis

    uncomfort

    able,[theni

    one“calls

    for”changes.

    Theirony

    is..

    .thatthe

    callis

    almost

    always

    forparticular

    changesw

    hichm

    ightaffect an

    uncomfortable

    aspectof

    orderthat

    appearsto

    exist.[Soj

    On

    theone

    hand,order

    isubiquitous

    1live

    init,

    findcom

    fort,predictability

    orrelative

    certaintyin

    it.C

    hangeoccasionally

    threatensm

    ystake

    init,..

    .my

    senseof

    familiarity, know

    ingand

    control overm

    ystake. O

    nthe.other

    hand, attim

    es,ideologically, I see

    orderas

    affordinglow

    qualityof

    lifefor

    selfor

    othersand

    soI

    want

    some

    change, butonly

    theright kind.

    ..

    .SoI

    tryoccasionally

    toferm

    ent changeor

    steerongoing

    changein

    theright

    direction.(Personal

    comm

    unication)

    Return

    nowto

    thesem

    anticsof

    theusual

    pairingof

    thefollow

    ingsociological

    terms:

    stabiIityinstabffitY(or

    change)and

    order-disorder(or

    inT

    homas

    andZ

    naniecki’Slexicon,

    socialorganization

    andsocial

    disor-ganization). Is

    thereonly

    onedim

    ension,ru

    nnin

    gfrom

    verystable

    (order)to

    veryunstable

    (disorder)?If

    so, where

    doeschange

    belong?Is

    it always

    destabilizing?D

    oesit

    varybetw

    eenonly

    slightlydestabilizing

    tovery

    much

    so?D

    oesit

    neverprom

    otestability?

    And

    isa

    highdegree

    oforder

    notalso

    somew

    hatchangeable

    insom

    eof

    itscom

    ponents?C

    onversely,does

    so-calleddisorder

    (asduring

    asocial revolution)

    retainno

    elements

    ofstability?

    (To

    quoteS

    chatzman

    again:“If

    Ican

    anticipatechange

    andfeel

    predictive[aboutiti

    thenchange

    ispart

    of‘order.’

    IfI

    amunhappy

    with

    some

    aspectsof

    order, I‘call’

    forchange—

    [butlcertain

    kindsonly.”)

    Where

    aninteractioniS

    ttheory

    ofacting

    appearsto

    leadis

    notm

    erelyto

    asocial

    constructiViSt,

    andcertainly

    notto

    aradically

    relativisticview

    ofsocial

    orderand

    socialchange.

    How

    ever, where

    it takesus

    needsto

    beclearly

    stated.A

    tany

    levelof

    analysis,from

    classicalsociology’s

    socialorder

    toG

    offman’s

    interactioflalorder,

    orderrefers

    torelatively

    predict-able

    events.T

    hesein

    turn

    arepredictable

    becauseroutines

    (whether

    sim-.

    plepro

    cedures

    orthe

    rulesand

    regulationsand

    structuresof

    complex

    organizationsor

    ofinstitutions)

    havebeen

    createdby

    thosew

    hohave

    enoughpow

    eror

    influenceto

    definethem

    asso.

    Now

    ,the

    usualinteractioflist

    viewabout

    socialdisorder—

    andin

    teractionists

    arenot

    alonein

    thisview

    —is

    thatdisorder

    iscreated

    byevents,

    thatare

    eitherunpredictable

    ornot

    predicted;hence

    routinesare

    ren

    deredproblem

    aticin

    greateror

    lessdegree.

    The

    eventsthem

    selves.largely

    occurbecause

    actorsw

    hoare

    discontentedw

    ithcertain

    aspectsO

    fthe

    orderare

    attempting

    tobring

    aboutchange.

    Whether

    theysucceed

    or

    not,som

    em

    easureof

    disorderis

    precipitated.(O

    fcourse,

    disordercan):-c

    occurtem

    porarilythrough

    physicaldisru

    ptio

    n1

    asin

    earthquak

    es1’

    merely

    bethe

    by-productof

    remote

    orexternal

    eventssuch

    asw

    arsor

    conquest.)T

    hisperspective

    onorder—

    arather

    comm

    onsenseone—

    implies

    thatdisorder

    isa

    usefulanalytic

    concept,but

    Ido

    notbelieve

    itis.

    There

    isalw

    aysorder;

    thew

    orldnever

    doesgo

    completely

    topieces,

    exceptper

    hapsbriefly

    intotal

    mass

    panics.E

    venin

    panics,how

    ever,com

    pletedisintegration

    isan

    illusionbecause

    intheater

    firepanics

    them

    adrush

    istow

    ardthe

    exitsand

    notto

    anywhere

    else;likew

    isew

    henpersons

    orfam

    iliesflee

    invadingarm

    iesthey

    some

    actirrationally

    but

    othersact

    with

    fullrationality.

    Such

    breakdowns

    asoccur

    duringperiods

    ofsocial

    disintegrationconsequently

    providechanged

    conditionsthat

    bearon

    subsequentactions,

    whether

    actorsperceive

    thisclearly

    ornot.

    Ordering

    isongoing.

    Whoever

    callssom

    easpect

    ofthe

    orderingby

    thenam

    eof

    disorder(or

    some

    synonymfor

    it)does

    sofrom

    aperspective,one

    thatwe

    needto

    knowfor

    accuratelyaccounting

    forthis

    interpretativeclaim

    .1

    Incontrast,

    “socialchange”

    isa

    usefulanalytic

    concept,but

    onlyif

    we

    carefullyseparate

    theperspectival—

    socialconstructivist—

    issuefrom

    theone

    nowbeing

    discussed,thatis,How

    ischange

    (orsocialchange)

    relatedto

    (social)order

    anddisorder?

    Change

    cannotpossibly

    beeither

    equiv

    alenttodisorder

    (assuming

    itexists)or

    antitheticaltoorder

    becauseitcan

    enhanceor

    diminish

    theone

    orthe

    other.C

    ontributoryto

    each,it

    isthe

    servantof

    neither.H

    owever,

    changeand

    lackof

    changeare

    perceivedby

    actorsas

    more

    orless

    relevantto

    themselves,

    andw

    hoact

    asappropriately

    aspos

    siblew

    ithregard

    tothese

    accordingto

    theirow

    nlights.

    Som

    etimes

    theirlights

    provedisastrous

    forthem

    selvesor

    foroth

    ers.2

    Whether

    ornot

    we

    would

    judgethem

    bytheir

    resultsis,

    again,not

    thequestion.

    Im

    aintain

    thatour

    analytictask

    isdarified

    ifthe

    conceptof

    changeis

    distin

    guishedconceptually

    fromthe

    order-disorderdim

    ension,w

    ithspecfIc

    questionsto

    beasked

    abouttheir

    perceivedrespective

    relationshipsas

    theyem

    ergein

    particulartim

    es,places,andsituations—

    andthrough

    par

    ticularinteractions.

    All

    ofthis

    isnot

    todeny

    theubiquitous

    natureof

    change.C

    hangeis

    ceaseless:S

    ometim

    esit

    isdiscernible

    (butto

    whom

    andw

    hen?)and

    sometim

    esnot

    (likewise).

    An

    interactionisttheory

    ofacting

    follows

    throughon

    itsow

    nassum

    ptions,opting

    forthe

    primacy

    ofcollective

    action.It

    thereforeem

    phasizescontingencies

    andthe

    inevitablechanges

    broughtabout

    bythem

    .B

    utat

    thesam

    etim

    eit

    cannot,m

    ustnot,

    failto

    linkcontingencies

    andaction

    tothe

    more

    slowly

    moving,

    more

    stableelem

    entsof

    thesocial

    environment

    createdand

    maintained

    sometim

    esm

    anygenerations

    ago.T

    oround

    offthis

    chapterI

    offer:“A

    noteto

    Shakespeare”

    written

    byan

    anonymous

    literarycritic:

  • ailu

    truC

    tura

    lU

    rcte

    ring

    Ham

    let:“T

    obe

    ornot

    tobe,

    thatis

    thequestion.”

    ...

    Oh,

    come

    nowS

    hakespeare,you

    knowvery

    well

    thatH

    amlet’s

    inactionis

    onlyanother

    formof

    action.Y

    ouare

    cleverlym

    akingus

    followhis

    innerdebate,

    which

    ofcourse

    mirrors

    them

    orevisible

    interactionbeing

    playedout

    among

    thefull

    castof

    characters—H

    amlet’s

    mother,

    stepfather,friends,

    Ophelia,

    thecourt,and

    Ham

    lethimself.

    Therein

    liesthe

    question:practical

    forthe

    Prince,

    seemingly

    philosophicalbut

    actuallyof

    significancefor

    allof

    us,w

    hogen

    erationby

    generationreinterpret

    hisenigm

    aticansw

    ers.C

    annyS

    hak

    espeare

    tohave

    presentedus

    with

    suchan

    ambiguous

    world:

    acreated

    orderlystructure—

    orperhaps

    astructured

    orderingof

    reality?

    NO

    TE

    S

    1.A

    graphicillustration

    ofthis

    was

    Hedrick

    Smith’s

    documentary

    portrayalof

    Russia,

    shown

    onT

    Vsom

    em

    onthspost-G

    orbachev.V

    iewers

    were

    shown

    anum

    berof

    scenesreflecting

    intenseanger

    atthe

    enormous

    risein

    pricesand

    toward

    theavarice

    ofprivate

    speculators,w

    hileseveral

    entrepreneursw

    ithen

    thusiasmor

    incalm

    rationaltones

    explainedthe

    many

    opportunitiesnow

    op

    ening

    bothfor

    themselves

    andthe

    countrythrough

    anem

    ergentprivate

    economy.

    Respectively

    theyw

    ereshow

    ingthe

    two

    facesof

    theord

    er/diso

    rder,

    comm

    on-sense

    definition.2.

    Iborrowthis

    usagefrom

    thehistorians

    Com

    mager

    andM

    orrison,who

    oncesuggested

    aboutK

    ingG

    eorgeIll’s

    policytow

    ardthe

    Am

    ericancolonies

    thatw

    hateverhis

    intentions,his

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