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122
CHAPTER - IV
KURICHIAS: A HISTORICAL OVERVIEW
This chapter in a large sense is a continuation of the preceding chapter.
While the preceding chapter dealt with all other tribes of Wynad, in the
present chapter focus is given exclusively to Kurichias. The Kurichias are one
of the oldest inhabitants of Wynad. They manifest a complex culture in their
rituals and beliefs. The Kurichias are well-known for their matriliny,
extensive joint families, marriage and kinship pattern, leadership and family
management, better status for women, high chastity, economic self-
sufficiency, hard-work, observation of social distance and pollution,
proverbial honesty, skill in archery-cum-hunting, collective farming and
orthodox primitive religious practices. No other tribal community in India
has such a complex, colourful and rare features like the Kurichias. So they
are an exceptionally interesting tribe possessing a rare culture and following a
commune type of living. Regarding social superiority, certain tribes like the
Muthuvans and Mannans are superior to others, but of all these tribes the
Kurichias are the elite one. It is believed that they are superior not only to the
tribes of Wynad but to all human beings.1 It seems that there is no similar
tribe in India.2 The Kurichias were the first migrants into the Wynad hills
from the plains.3 Although the period of this migration is not clear in
literature, in all probabilities they migrated to Wynad at least before the 9th
century A.D.4 But there are possible reasons to believe that they were shifting
cultivators and hunters.
1 P.K. Balakrishnan, Jathivyavasthayum Kerala Charithravum (Mal.), Kozhikode,
1982, p.320) 2 A. Aiyappan, et al, Ecology, Economy Matriliny and Fertility of Kurichian, New
Delhi, 1990, p.30. 3 Ibid.
4 Ibid.
123
Since 1881, looking at the various census reports in Kerala, we find
that the Kurichia population varies from census to census. 1881 (7887), 1981
(9876) 1901 (9642), 1911 (9722), 1921 (7465) 1931 (7112), 1941 (1214),
1951 (8529), 1961 (11849), M.6108, F.5741) 1971 (15000, M.7704, F.7996)
1976 (15683, M7984, F 7679).5 The total number of members in Kurichia
families in Kerala by sex and literacy rate by 2001 census are given below:
TABLE 7
Tribe Kurichia Person (Nos.) Male (Nos.) Female (Nos.) Literacy rate
%
Total 32746 16474 16272 78.21%
Rural 32202 16167 16035 77.93%
Urban 544 307 237 94.70%
Source: Census 2001 – Kerala.
Their District-wise distribution in Kerala is as follows:
TABLE 8
Sl.
No. Districts
Person
(Nos.)
Male
(Nos.) Female (Nos.)
1 Kasargod 2 1 1
2 Kannur 8028 3927 4101
3 Wynad 22939 11625 11314
4 Kozhikode 1570 783 787
5 Malappuram 16 10 6
6 Palakkad 4 1 3
7 Trissur 15 8 7
8 Ernakulam 86 59 27
9 Idukki 5 2 3
10 Kottayam 5 3 2
11 Alappuzha 37 37 --
12 Pathanamthitta 2 2 --
13 Kollam -- --- --
14 Trivandrum 37 16 21
Kerala 32746 16474 16272
Source: Census 2001 – Kerala.
5 As quoted in A.A.D Luiz, Tribes of Kerala, New Delhi, 1962, p.110 and Bureau
of Economic and Statistics 1971, Trivandrum.
124
In 2001 census the total Kurichia population was, 32746 in Kerala, i.e.,
they constituted 9 percent of the total ST population in the state (364189 M,
180169, F. 184020). In Wynad District the Kurichias are 22939, i.e., 16.8
percent of the total ST population of that District. It is also accounted that the
Kurichias are 2.93 percent of the total population (780619) of the District.
About these fourth of total Kurichias in Kerala are in Wynad. They are
scattered in about 454 colonies in 3 Block Panchayats in Wynad, largely in all
the seven Grama Panchayats of Mananthavadi Block such as Edavaka,
Thirunelli, Thavinjal, Panamaram, Thondrnad, Vellamunda and
Mananthavadi. The Kurichias of Mananthavadi are presumably taken as an
educationally, economically and politically upcoming tribal group6 in the 10
Panchayats of Vengapally, Kottathara, Kaniyampatta, Muttil, Padinjarathara,
Vythiri, Meppadi, Moopainad, Thariyod and Pozhuthama of Kalpetta Block.7
But in Sultan Batteri Block they are unevenly distributed. In the 8
Gramapanchayats there are only 4 Kurichia colonies in 4 Panchayaths such
as Pulachikuni in Meenangadi, Ayevankolli in Ambalavayal, Chenchadi in
Poothadi and Cheruvayal in Mullamkolli Panchayath of Sulthan Batheri
Block.8
Many tribes in Kerala have legends and various traditions to explain
their origin. These legends and traditions either attribute their origin to some
supernatural circumstances or derive it from mythological characters.9 But
Kurichias of Wynad refer to their affiliation or association with royal
personages and speak of their glorious past. The legends and traditions in
connection with them constitute a significant aspect of this study, because the
6 Source from Panchayath-wise ST list of Mananthavadi Block
7 Source from Panchayat wise ST list of Kalpetta Block.
8 Source from Panchayat wise list of ST Sultan Batheri Block.
9 K.N. Sahay, Dynamics and Dimensions of Tribal Societies, New Delhi, 1998,
p. 62.
125
writers and scholars have popularised various mythologies which trace their
origin from the highest castes within the Hindu caste hierarchy.
Some anthropologists and writers have given the etymological origin
of the Kurichiyars.10
A discussion of self image and identity of the Kurichias
can start with the etymological meaning or the appellation which they used by
themselves or given by others to them. In dealing with the etymology of a
tribal name, it may be noted that many tribes have two sets of names – a
popular name by which the tribe is known by its neighbours and a name
which the tribe uses to identify itself. The Kurichias of Wynad is also known
by another name like Karinair or mala nair. Both types of names generally
refer to certain characteristics or qualities of the tribe. In many respects the
name might have been given to them by their neighbours according to their
occupation or other characters. Certain physical features and social
characteristics prove that the Kurichias have an image of a glorious past in
which they fought against colonial power in support of Pazhassi Raja. They
consider themselves related or at least in some way associated with important
ruling dynasties.
The writers have repeated various speculations regarding the meaning
as well as the origin of the Kurichias. Their name is said to have derived
from 'Kurichi', the name of a day on which they have decided to hunt, or
perhaps from 'Kuri' ie, the external mark, on their chests and foreheads with
bhasmam (holy ashes ).11
But Thurston has observed that this must have been
the production of a highly imaginative person.12
By quoting the words of Dr.
Gundert he viewed that it was derived from or allied to Canarese Korach
10
A.A.D Luize, Tribes of Kerala, New Delhi, 1962, p.III. He has discussed the
etymological meaning of all tribes of Kerala. 11
Edgar Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol. IV (Reprint), Delhi,
1975, p. 126. 12
Ibid., p. 126.
126
(Korava). He would rather say it is allied to that word, and that both are
derivatives of Kuru, a hill (of Tamil Kurichi), Kurunilam, etc. and Malayalam
kurissi, a suffix in the names of hilly localities.13
The same view was also
expressed by Luize as the name might be the combination of the Kanarese
word 'Kuri' (hill) and 'chian' (people), to connote people of the hills'.14
Whereas Gopalan Nair viewed these in a different way that the name Kurichia
was given by the Kottayam Raja to this class of people as they were adept in
archery. The expression is 'Kurivechavan' (he who took aim).15
The Kurichias of Wynad occupy a high social status in the tribal
hierarchy of Kerala.16
What makes them elite among the tribes is the
legendary story of their origin from the Nairs of Travancore, who had helped
the Kshtriya Raja to terminate the rule of Veda king of Wynad. On their
return to Travancore they were refused admission to their original caste and
homes. They came back to Wynad, and on arrival discovered that the low-
lying arable land had already been occupied, and were, therefore, forced to
take up abode in the high mountains. Since then the Kurichias claim to be the
'Nair of the hill' and call themselves Nair agriculturists.17
Many of the cultural traits, e.g. the forelock of hair, tuft, house pattern,
ornaments, style of offerings, observances of purity were used to prove that
they were close to the rest of Kerala community.18
The Kurichias have much
13
Ibid. 14
A.A.D. Luize, n. 10, p. 109. 15
C. Gopalan Nair, Wynad: Its people and Tradition (Reprint), New Delhi, 2000,
p.59. 16
P.R.G. Mathur, 'Tribal Movement in Wynad' in K.S. Singh (ed.) Antiquities to
Modernity in Tribal India, Vol. IV, New Delhi, 1998, p.329). 17
T. Madhava Menon (ed.) A Handbook of Kerala, Vol. II, Trivandrum, 2002,
p.724. 18
A. Ayappan, Tribal Culture and Tribal Welfare, University of Madras, 1998,
p. 118.
127
in common with the early nairs.19
These similarities and connections of
Kurichias with early nairs are substantiated by their expertness in archery.
They claim that the Kurichias were the descendants of the Thekku
Perumbadam Villoli Kurinairs who brought them from Perumbadom in the
south by the Raja of Kottayam to fight against the Veda king of early Wynad.
The Villolikari nair means experts in archery and from that term the name
Kurichias may have been derived.
Thus Kurichias in connection with archery are described by H.A.
Stuart as the hunting caste of Malabar,20
whereas in the District Gazetteers of
Malabar, they are described as a 'Jungle tribe of punam cultivators‟ found in
Wynad and the slopes of the Ghats north of Calicut.21
In Malabar, the bow
and arrow was used not only by the Kurichias but also by the Mullukurumans,
the thachanadans, the Malayars, the Kadars of Wynad, the Arandans and the
Kattunaikkans.22
Then what was special of Kurichias is that they were
„compulsive hunters and expert trackers‟. For them hunting was more
religious and it was in the name of Malakari, God. It is believed that the gods,
kings and chieftains were expected to participate in the ceremonial hunt on
the 10th
of the month of Thulam,23
whereas Gopalan Nair recorded these
hunting for three days of 10th
, 11th
and 12th
of the month of Thulam
(corresponding to September – October).24
Even today this hunting
19
S.S. Shashi, Encyclopaedia of Indian Tribe Series – Tribes of Kerala (ed.), New
Delhi, 1995, p.161. 20
As quoted in Edgar Thurston n. 11, p.125. 21
C.A. Innes and Evans (eds.), Madras District Gazetteers – Malabar (Reprint),
Government of Kerala, Trivandrum, 1977, p.136. 22
L.A. Krishna Iyer, Social History of Kerala, Vol.I, New Delhi, 1968, p.76. 23
Aiyappan et al., n. 2, p.79. 24
C. Gopalan Nair, n. 15, p.63.
128
programme in the second week of Thulam is done on behalf of the nair
chieftain by the leader of Kurichia families.25
Although, the Kurichias show such similarities with Nairs they have
not entered into marriage relations with them as they are not Nairs.26
But in
the social milieu of Wynad the Kurichias are a polluting tribe to Nairs.27
Ayyappan states that the Kurichias represent the unsanskritized,
undifferentiated stock of proto-historic Dravidians, comprising both Nairs and
Ezhavas.28
Although both Negrito and Proto-Australoid elements are seen
among the Kurichias, they are not easily identified by their physical
appearance and dress pattern like the Paniyas and Adiyas. Unlike other tribes,
the Kurichias do not publicly participate in festivals. Neither do they go to
the festivals in groups.29
That is why, Murkot Ramunny has mentioned
Kurichias of Wynad as a sophisticated tribe in Kerala.30
Thus some modern
amenities are availed of by the Kurichias.
A peculiar trait that can be found among the tribes of Wynad is that
most of them have connected their lineage with the Nair community. Like the
Kurichias, the Kunduvadians, a small tribe of Wynad also connect their past
with a proud Nair lineage.31
By following matrilineal system, it is probable
that the Kunduvadians are early Nairs who were attached to the Perumal at
25
Interview with Kunhan, Edamana Tharavad,13.10.2008 26
D. Chacko Kannathumodi, Kurichiarude Lokam (Mal.), Trivandrum, 1994, p.2. 27
Interview with K.Vasu, Mananthavadi, 23.3.2008. 28
As quoted in T. Madhava Menon (ed.) n. 17, 2002, p. 724. 29
Interview with Suresh,driver,Valat, 32.3.2008. 30
Murkot Ramunny, 'Land Tenure systems and Land Alienation Among the Tribal
people of Kerala and Tamil Nadu' in S.N. Mishra (ed.) Ántiquity to Modernity in
Tribal India, Vol. III, New Delhi, 1998, p. 126. 31
Raghavan Payyanad, Tribal Folklore – An Introduction, Trivandrum, 2005,
p. 231.
129
Kundival (near Kannoth) and later moved to the forests of Wynad.32
But in
the case of Kunduvadians, the writers have not popularized them as they were
a landless and disappearing community.
Whether the Nair theory regarding the origin of Kurichias is accepted
or not, historically the Kurichias became the tenants of Nair overlords of
Wynad and were obliged to perform various duties for them. The Kurichias
were also recognized as a warrior community like the Nairs under feudal lords
and naduvazhis.33
They have equally participated with Nairs in the
management of many temples of Wynad.34
The Kurichias are the first agricultural tribe from the plains of Malabar
to colonize Wynad, when the caste system had not acquired complex form of
rigidity fixed by pseudo-religious prescriptions.35
As agriculturists they used
to have their own land and worked as independent farmers.36
Formerly they
were shifting cultivators in the land made available to them by the Forest
Department.37
The British allowed them to retain the hill sides for shifting
cultivation and their right to hunt in the forest were not severely curtailed.38
So they mainly settled on hill slopes and raised paddy in the valley, but kept
most of the hill sides under natural forest vegetation because they depended
on these species as the source of bow and arrow. But later the British issued
an order on 12th
April, 1870, by which the shifting cultivation in Malabar
32
A.A.D. Luiz, n. 10, p. 105. 33
As quoted in O.K. Johny, Wayanad Rekhakal, Kozhikode, 2001, p.85. 34
D. Chacko, n. 26, p. 3. 35
T. Madhava Menon (ed.), n. 17, p. 724. 36
A. Aiyappan, Report on the Socio-economic conditions of the Aboriginal Tribes
of the Province of Madras, Madras, 1948, p.93. 37
A. Sreedhara Menon (ed.), Kerala District Gazetteers - Kannur District,
Trivandrum, 1972, p. 200. 38
T. Madhava Menon (ed.), n. 17, p. 726.
130
Forests was prohibited.39
Presently they are engaged in both wetland and dry
land cultivations. They are the first among the tribes of Wynad to start cash
crop cultivation.40
In cash crop cultivation, like Mullukurumans, they
employed a somewhat advanced technology by which they could control and
manipulate the natural resources. Moreover, this also enabled them to make a
balanced relationship with nature. This helped them to raise their level of
adaptation with the surrounding eco-system.41
Traditionally, Kurichias as landholders do not work outside their joint
family field and they maintain a separate natural identity. 42
In the British
records there are some mixed ideas about the Kurichias.Baber in his
description of Wynad mentioned the four castes of agrestic slaves or
conditioned labourers: koorcher (kurichias), kooramer (kurumans) ,kader and
the pannie(paniyans)43
.The Malabar Gazetteers also included them as one of
the agrestic slaves of jungle tribes.44
How did the Kurichias become land
holding community in Wynad is a matter to be historically explained. To
begin with, it was through their relationship with Pazhasi Raja. With settled
cultivation, Kurichias considered the land as their own and were the first to
think about owned land before the migrants and encroachers of land in
Wynad. Above all the Kurichias as fighters were recognized by the Nairs and
natuvazhis. So they were given land for cultivations on the basis of
39
O.K. Johny, n. 33, p. 90. 40
P.K. Prakash, Annyadheenapedunna bhoomi- Adivasiprasnathinte charithravum
rashtreeyavum (Mal.), Kozhikode, 2002, p.35. 41
Bindu Ramachandran, 'Adaptation of Resource Constraints and Displaced
Economy – Tribal Situation in Wynad – Kerala' in Man in India, 2007, p. 291. 42
J.R. Raghu Ramdas, Occupational mobility among the Kurichians of Kerala in
R.C. Swarankar (ed.). Indian Tribe – Health Economy and Special Structure,
Jaipur, 1995, p. 215. 43
Select Committee Reports, Part I, Archives Kozhiode. 44
C.A Innes,et al., n. 21, p. 21.
131
Pāttakarar (leases). Later they enjoyed permanent rights on this traditional
land they possessed.45
Som Kurichia Tharawad might have encroached the
forest land for the purose of cultivation.46
Wynad taluk has been resettled by
C.S. Souter.47
These settlement records shows that some Kurichia Tharawads
in Wynad possessed much land. But the survey works in Wynad has already
been started in August 1920 and was finished in March 1922.48
The name of
Kurichias in the register of land holders in Periya Desam is 'Neeliyottil
Karimbichi Kurichian Raman.49
The name of Kurichian in the Register of
Landholders in Thavinhal Desam is 'Edachola Palodan Kurichian Kunkan'.50
Their lands were commonly owned and cultivated by the members of the joint
family and they were not paid but lived together under the head of the
family.51
It is said that they had a natural aversion to work as coolies or
seldom worked as hired labourers, and did not do so except when they
became quite helpless. But now in the changed situation, due to contact with
others, the youngsters who are seeking economic independence are made to
accept jobs in plantations as labourers and watchers.52
The Kurichia workers
are better paid and largely involved in the National Employment Guaranteed
Scheme (NEGS) in Wynad.53
45
K.K. Annan, "Swantham Mannilum Abhayarthikal' in Malayalam Vaarika, 14
March 14, 2008, p. 37. 46
Interview with Palliyara Raman, Kambalakad, 18.04.2007. 47
Settlement Record, para 3 of G.O. No. 1902, Revenue, dated the 1st Nov. 1926.
48 H.L. Braidwood, Introduction Report on Settlement-Resettlement – The Nilgiri
and Malabar, Wynad – Proceedings No. 105, 1928, p. I. 49
Resurvey and Resettlement Register of Periya Desam, Wynad Taluk, 1928, p. 12
– Revenue Files State Archives, Calicut. 50
Ibid., p. 14. 51
J.R. Raghu Ramdas, n. 42, p. 215. 52
Interview with P. Balakrishnan, a tribal social worker, Mananthavadi,
11.12.2007. 53
Kerala Kaumudi – Flash, 3 November 2007.
132
K.S. Singh states that the Kurichias have a reputation for fearlessness
and truth-worthiness.54
Traditionally, they were simple and religious, the key
'emic' factor explaining the peculiarities of their life style is exceptional
honesty and truthfulness.55
This honesty permeates all aspects of their life.
There are a number of examples shown by various writers like K. Panoor,
Aiyappan, etc. to prove these qualities. In their view it is instilled into them
from infancy by "association with the elders, through their folk songs and the
fear of punishment by the karanavar and the God," at their rituals and
ceremonies, through their taboos and the entire process of socialization. 56
Their folk songs are full of such concepts. They are very rich in their oral
tradition in the forms of songs and stories, etc. “Naripattu” and
“Kumbhampattu” are their folk songs. They speak, a North Malabar dialect
of Malayalam within communities and with others, though with a distinctive
accent and intonation.57
Aiyappan states that because of their sense of equality within the
community there is a total absence of any beggars among them as “they were
generous to a fault; "flatter them a little and they would give anything they
can."58
Thus Kurichias as a tribe are so honest and simple that they can fall
an easy prey to any exploitation. It is stated that even well-to-do Kurichias are
at the hands of the clever Moplas who advance them small sums of money
until their paddy crops find their way to the Mopla's shop and until in the
course of two or three years, they also part with their lands to satisfy their
54
K.S. Singh, People of India – Kerala, Vol.XXVII, Part I, New Delhi, 2002,
p. 720. 55
A. Aiyappan et al., n. 2, 1990, pp.74-75. 56
K. Panoor, Keralathile Africa (Mal.), Kottayam, 1963, pp. 36-56. 57
K.S. Singh (ed.), n. 54, p.713. 58
A. Aiyappan et al., n. 2, pp. 74-75.
133
creditors. 59
Although their social norms had prevented their alienation of
land to a certain extent they were not free from the clutches of settlers. A
number of them have transferred their right of possession to settlers
particularly to money lenders and merchants. 60
The Kurichias identify themselves throughout their life with
matrilineage.61
Historically among them we find matrilineal descent and
virilocal residence.62
Their Joint family under the matrilineal system was
known as Tarawad. Every individual member of the family lived for the
betterment of Tarawad or Matrilineal Joint family.63
Matrilineal descent is
the key rule to their social organization because it is the basis of localized
organization known as mittom which constitutes the clan.64
So they prefer to
live in large matrilineally extended families as a group in a cluster of huts as
mittom under the authority of a maternal uncle. 65
Each mitton had
constituted itself as an economically self-sufficient unit of Kurichia Society.
These matriliny was also widespread among many communities, tribes
and nontribes including artisans and it would be wrong to say that the tribes
borrowed it from the other dominant nontribal communities.66
Many of the
59
C. Gopalan Nair, n. 15, p.64. 60
Interview with V.Soman,tribal activist ,Kalpetta,11.4.2009. 61
T. Madhava Menon (ed.) Encyclopaedia of Dravidian Tribe, Vol. II,
Trivandrum, 1996, p.164. 62
P.R.G. Mathur, Tribal Situation in Kerala, Trivandrum, 1977, p.78. 63
P.V. Balakrishnan, Matrilineal System in Malabar, Cannanore, 1981, p.8. 64
J.R. Raghu Ramdas, n. 42, p. 209. 65
Raghavan Payyanad, n. 31, p. 16. 66
K.S. Singh, (ed.) n. 54, 2002, p.xix.
134
Dravidian tribal communities like the Adiyan, the Karimbalan, the
Kunduvadian, the Kadars and the Thachanad Muppan are matrilineal.67
The Kiruchias are one of the most obstinately matrilineal communities
in the midst of the rising tide of nuclear families with patrilineal succession in
the rest of the state. It is found that there is no much differences in the
matrilinees of Kerala except the Kurichias of Wynad.68
Their commitment to
matrilineal system has been reinforced by a myth. Every Kurichia by birth is
a member of his mother‟s mittom and has his domicile there. 69
The kinship
idea of the Kurichias is based on the principle that everything descends
through the female.70
There is no relation between the status of women and
their matriliny system.71
It is observed that although the Kurichias are
matrilineal their life style is fully patrilineal. Property among them is
inherited in the female line, but a male must be there to manage it.72
The case
of a widow is different, she returns to her natal mittom and her husband‟s
property will be inherited by his sister's children. A woman and her children
may live with her husband in his mittom while he is alive. The Kurichiya
children stay with their parents till 8 or 9 years old, then they are taken to
their mother‟s mitton, where they look after the cattle and other domestic
matters73
. None is there to take care of their education.74
So an unadulterated
67
P.R.G. Mathur, n. 62, p.155, K. Velappan, Adivasikalum Adivasi Bhashakalum
(Mal.), Trivandrum, 1994, p. 25. 68
K.T. Ravivarma, Marumakkathayam – Gothramarumakkathayavum Vadakkan
Sambradayangalum (Mal.), Trivandrum, 2004, p.158. 69
Interview with Kopi,Kakkottara,13.10.2007. 70
P.R.G. Mathur, n. 62, p. 56. 71
K.T. Ravivarma, n. 68, p. 203. 72
Interview with Kannan, Mananthavadi, 23.5.2009. 73
Interview with Rathees, tribal promoter, Kalpetta, 14.4.2009. 74
Presently the Kurichia children are largely sent to schools instead of the
Tharavad.
135
Marummakkathayam (inheritance to nephew) is now found only among the
Kurichias of Wynad. It necessitates them to have the institution of the
mooppen (headman). The office of the headman is not hereditary as in the
case of other tribes.75
This headman can be identified by the knife with a
silver handle in an engraved sheath which he always carries. He is elected by
divination.76
In Wynad these headmen are known as Pittan, the eldest member in the
Tarawad. The property of the Tarawad is managed by him. Only he has the
right to sell, mortgage or lease the property. Since the Pittan is old all the
matters of the Tarawad are probably managed by another able and educated
one, Karyastan. 77
He also looks after the official and economic matters of the
Tarawad. Stephen Fuchs has viewed this as they have two headmen, a senior
one and a junior one.78
The role of Pittan is important in all affairs of this
community as he is deeply conscious about the welfare and cohesion of the
family. If any Pittan fails in discharging these onerous responsibilities, the
dissatisfied members invoke a Moonnaman deivam (deity) This may induce
the unsatisfactory pittan to step down. The rest invoke the blessing of the
ancestors (Nizhal or Nekal) and a new pittan is choosen.79
Traditionally the
Pittan works no longer, nor joins hunting parties and desists from having
nonvegetarian food. He does not join the parties negotiating marriage nor
does he attend the wedding function.80
As he is in charge of all activities,
normally Pittan will not sit in a line along with other members at feast.81
He
75
A.A.D. Luize, n. 10, pp. 112-13. 76
Interview with Chandu.Kakkottara, 13.10.2009. 77
Interview with Appayyan,Edamana, 11.2.2008. 78
Stephen Fuchs, The Aboriginal Tribes of India, New Delhi, 1992, p.248. 79
T. Madhava Menon (ed.) n. 61, p. 163. 80
Ibid., p. 428. 81
Interview with Vellan, Karyastan , Edamana ,Mananthavadi, 24.3.2009.
136
ensures that they are properly done under his supervision by a junior member.
When a Pittan's status is legitimised and the Koram (it seems to be the
corrupted form of Komaram) is selected from the senior most among the
Pittans of the 4 lineages (Pulpadi, Ilayadath, Pakkava and Nelliyeri) at a
formal ceremony of the elders. In case of Kurichias as a matrilineal
community, the lineage is the unit of social organization, the head of each
lineage being automatically the members of their tribal council.82
All cases
relating to the violation of customary laws are referred to this council and
settled amicably by imposition of fines or the propitiation of clan deities.
Though the traditional caste councils of Kerala could not survive the pressure
of change during the 19th
and 20th
centuries, the tribal council of Kurichias
exists. But, now a days, the authority of the council is sometimes challenged
and this entails ostracism and excommunications. Though Kurichia women
have a considerable share in Kurichia social life no woman can ever became
the head of a sub-clan and thus she cannot be a chieftain.83
But the wives of
Pittans have some powers in the internal affairs of their families.84
The matriliny of Kurichias is based on „Kulam‟ concept. The Kulam is
the maximal matrilineage or 'clan', each with its own deity, ancestral spirits
and shrines. All the members of a clan reckon their descent from a common
ancestress. 85
Traditionally, they think that there was originally 108 clans, of
which only 62 could be identified at the beginning of the 20th
century.
Aiyappan has mentioned about the 5 service clans, functioning as community
washermen, thus form occupational subcastes to wash the cloths polluted by
women. Later, they were found guilty of adultery and driven away to
82
A. Ayyappan, n. 36, p. 93. 83
Interview with Kuttan, Edamana,12.10.2008. 84
Interview with Janaki, Palliyara Mittom, Kaniambatta 18.4.2007. 85
A. Aiyappan, n. 2, p. 17.
137
Coorg.86
The rest 57 were recognized into two moieties with 26 and 31 clans
respectively. 87
As an informant, Palliyara Raman, is of the opinion that of
these 57 kulas one has recently disappeared and now there exists only 56
kulas.88
The names of 56 kulas and their Tarawads to which the kulas
belonged is given in Appendix IV. Although there are 56 Tarawads still
existing in Wynad, their origin is mythical and has different versions in
tradition.89
Although all kulas are occupying equality in social status some are
dignified due to different factors. The Nellikudiyan Kulam of Kakkotara
Tarawad is superior because they were the first worshippers of the deity
malakari.90
The pittan of Thalakkal clan enjoyed a special respect and a
sacerdotal status equal to that of a Brahmin, in respect of the memory of
Thalakkal Chandu, the great Kurichia rebel against the British.91
Chandu
belong to Karkodan kulam of thalakkara tharawad. Presently it is Palliyara
Tarawad that plays a great social role, and it is managed by Palliyara Raman,
a political leader and social activist. This Tarawad is the largest joint family
ever reported in Anthropological literature.92
Tarawads differ on the basis of kulas and are generally known in the
name of place where it is situated. It is heard that no tarawad can exist without
Kulas. Achappan, a well known adivasi Vaidyan in Edathana Tarawad at
Valatt, informed that many tarawads without Kulas had disappeared due to
86
Ibid., p. 17. 87
T. Madhava Menon, (ed.), n. 17, p. 727. 88
Palliyara Raman is a notable politician and a well educated karyastan of
Palliyara Mittom of Kurichia joint family in Kaniyampatta Panchayath. 89
D. Chacko Kannattumodi, n. 22, p. 2. 90
Aiyappan, n. 2, p. 17. 91
In the British records, it is Thalakkal for actual name Thalakkara. 92
Aiyappan, n. 2, p. 17.
138
lack of persons to look after it.93
The tarawads like Mundodan, Elanholi,
Pillanhi, Mannari and Padiyeri belong to this group.
These Tarawads or Mittoms are easily identified as it is built in the
form of Nalukettu. There is an open yard in front of each Taraward i.e.,
mittom. It is kept meticulously clean and plastered over with cowdung.94
Mittom is important as an identity marker that each has a name, and the
household itself is known by that name. Every mittom has a separate
scheduled areas called erkottupura or ettappura for child birth and
'theendaripura.' These tarawards are mainly scattered both in Mananthavadi
and Vythiri taluks. Many of them were economically rich in the past and a
centre of joint families consisting of 100 to 200 members.95
Now in the
changed situation the total setup of joint family system has collapsed.
Palliyara Mittom, one of the biggest joint families had accommodated 27
families with 250 members, but now it is confined to 3 families of 22
members.96
This is the case with all Tarawads in Wynad. The families have
now settled separately in the land allotted by the tarawad. Such land has no
title deed or pattayas.97
In many tarawads even the Karyastan does not live
there but in a separate household near to the tarawad. Presently the
Karyastans of all mittoms are literate to deal with the official and non-official
matters outside the Tarawad. In many tarawads there is a system of keeping a
93
Interview with Achappan, Vaidyan,Valat, 23 .3 .2009. 94
Mittom is the venue for the important life cycle rituals, ancestral worship rites
and congregation of the extended households and relatives on all important
occasions. 95
Joint family included members spread over 3 or 4 generations; wives stay with
husbands but children remain in fathers household only till they are about 5 to 6
years old when they return to their natal mittom. 96
Interview with Vellan, Palliyara mittom,Kaniambatta 18. 4. 2007 97
Interview with Balan , a Kurichia tea shop keeper,Edamna, 15 .2 .2007. He said
that due to lack of proper document on land they were unable to enjoy various
benefits on agriculture from Tribal Welfare Department, etc.
139
register which mentions the time and date of birth of babies in the families of
the Tharawad and names and dates of marriages of members in the tarawad. It
is the duty of parents to inform such details. It also gives the details of the
baby's parents.98
Economically, one may think, some tarawads are somewhat rich and
selfsufficient, because they possess much land, but individually Kurichias are
poor as they get only a meagre amount of land if it is to be distributed among
them which is not conducive to cultivation. In contrast to this, it is heard that
Kukkodan, Cherulu, Koodanu, etc. are the tarawards having large amount of
land and with less members.99
In a meticulous observation it seems that the
scarcity of land and increasing Kurichia population are the present problems
of this community. Now their main grievances are that the representatives of
Government and census reporters who visit the Kurichia Tarawad
misunderstand them as landlords and rich. This has finally led the government
to withhold benefits to them.100
Since agriculture is the main source of
income of Kurichia tarawad, the agricultural decline in Wynad also has
adversely affected them. It is heard that this has led them to sell their land
recently. But many tarawads have assigned their land to nontribals for
cultivation on the basis of lease for a small amount of rent.101
Non-tribal
communities have widely capitalized on this situation.
The recent trends of change had affected the living pattern and
economic setup of many tarawads, but it could not affect their beliefs and
98
Interview with Vellan, the Karyastan, Edamana Tharavad ,24 .3 . 2009. He said
that the system of informing the child birth had already been in the tarawad but
it was only after 1970 they began to register and the register books from 1980
onwards were available there. 99
Interview with Kunhiraman ,Valat, Mananthavadi,23.3.2009 100
Interview with Kunhaman, a member of 'K.S.SM, Manantavadi,22.3.2009. 101
Interview with Kumaran, Sultan Battery, 11.10.2007
140
customs.102
Their rituals and ceremonies are still going on as usual because
every tarawad has its own temple and deities. Recently the „thira utsvam‟
(temple festivals) are conducted by the Kurichias with a large participation of
nontribals in their adjoining areas by sponsoring cultural activities. A large
part of the income of the Tarawads is being spent on such festivals,
ceremonies and rituals. No fund is collected from family members as well as
from outside.103
In the present situation there would be no scope for emergence of new
tarawads but there still exists the trend of disappearing the tarawad-centred
commune life due to the decline of joint family system. There are no instances
of intertribal and Intratribal conflicts among the tribes of Wynad.104
But in the
distant past there had been conflicts in some Kurichia tarawards for the post
of Muppan and finally this had led to the origin of new tarawads by capturing
the revenue lands.105
The joint family system and a particular pattern of social life and
behaviour formed them as a distinct tribal community in Kerala. But to a
certain extent it has limited their expansion and economic diversification.
Traditionally this tribe has its own rigid rules while dealing with others. To
them even the high caste people in the plain are untouchables.106
But the
report of the Evaluation committee viewed that the practice prevailed among
them cannot strictly be called untouchability.107
Their untouchability is
102
Interview with Kopy, elder Kurichia member Edamana tarawad, Mananthavadi,
24.3.2009. 103
Interview with Raman, s/o Chandu, Edamana, Mananthavadi, 24.3.2009. 104
Interview with Palliyara Raman,Kaniyambatta, 15.8.2009.
105 Ibid.
106 P.V. Balakrishnan, n. 63, p. 8.
107 Report on the Evaluation Committee on the Welfare of SC/ST and OBC in
Kerala State, Trivandrum, 1964, p. 91.
141
different from that of caste untouchability. In the name of beliefs still they do
not allow non-kurichias inside the house and even other kurichias would not
be allowed into the resting houses without taking a bath. Thurston has
described this tribe as a respectful community and various venerable terms are
used by different tribes to address them.108
While mentioning the names of
tribes in Wynad at that time, Gopalan Nair found it difficult to draw any
distinction between them except so far as the Kurichias are concerned, who
admittedly held the highest position and had fairly and widely practiced
untouchability.109
In social interaction they were confined within their
community. Every tarawad had its own set of carpenter‟s tools and seldom
required the help of professional carpenters and blacksmiths. Ploughs, yokes,
etc. and palm leaf umbrellas, baskets and wicker works are made by
themselves.110
Earlier, instead of purchasing their requirements from the open
bazars they got them from visiting peddlers who charged exorbitant rates.111
Money accounts always confused them. They are so truthful that whatever
the creditor says is due from them they pay without effective questioning. As
a consequence of their timidity and ignorance many Kurichias who were
substantial landholders are now very heavily indebted to the various money
lending classes in the small towns of Wynad.
Like some Brahmins the Kurichias are also orthodox. Their orthodoxy
had some interesting and inconvenient repercussions. These orthodoxies were
a handicap to them in all walks of life, especially in educating their children
and accepting modern medicine.112
Unlike other tribes in Kerala, the
Kurichias have a kitchen culture, a single kitchen for all members in a joint
108
Edgar Thurston, n. 11, p. 192. 109
C. Gopalan Nair, n. 15, p. 51. 110
Ibid. 111
A. Sreedhara Menon (ed.), n. 37, p. 200. 112
A. Ayyappan, n. 36, p. 94.
142
family, and a seasonal menu. In their food pattern they follow a traditional
concept. They refused to eat food cooked by anyone other than a Kurichia.
During their long wanderings they refrain from eating till they have returned
home, which they enter only after a bath. So they can live for a long time
without any food. A kurichia Bank employee, K.K. Annan, informed that
sometimes they carried food while they were travelling, but they would never
take it back to home unless they had used it.113
It is also known that Kurichias
accept cooked and uncooked food and water from the Vanniyar, Kongu
Vellala and Velan Chetiyar, but abstain from doing so from the Boyar and
Arundathiyar.114
It is also stated that the kurichias also abstained from committing
crime and led a truthful life, because the imprisonment of a kurichian was
almost social death. In jail he would have to break the kurichia rules by eating
the food. Any threat of punishment by imprisonment would terrorize a
Kurichia to such an extent that he would part with all his possessions to
escape the ordeal.115
The education, even though late among them, has forced them to come
out of their orthodoxy. Traditionally, the kurichias do not sent their children
to school. Since they are highly religious they think that education is
sacrilegious as it destroys the clan setup and its rituals. They think that writing
on white paper with dark ink is a divine punishment as it puts a curse on
them.116
Many of the younger generation are illiterate and probably beguiled
by the illicit liquor vendors. The government has taken this seriously and only
a few has got higher education as a result of enforcement programmes. It was
113
Interview with, K.K. Annan, Federal Bank, Mananthavadi, 30.3.2008. 114
K.S. Singh (ed) The scheduled Tribe, New Delhi, 2003, p. 660. 115
A. Ayyappan, n. 36, p. 94. 116
Interview with Balan,Kakkotara,18 .3.2008.
143
only in 1970 that a kurichia could pass the BA Degree.117
K. Panoor and
others did much for starting education among them.118
Even though Kurichia
children reached the school they would collectively abstain from others as
they were instructed by their parents.119
It was from the school that the
Kurichia children learned how to deal with others while practicing pollution.
It is heared that the Kurichia children would take two baths, before and after
the school day120
.
The Harijan Welfare School at Parambukava (Kottayam Taluk) and
Vengapally (Vythiri taluk) are the only two schools having reasonable
patronage because all the students and the cooks there are Kurichias. Earlier
in these schools girls were conspicuously absent. A few girls at that time
attending the Harijan Welfare School at Vengapally belonged to the outcaste
families. The taboos about pollution initially inhibited the parents from
sending their children to school. But the children from outcaste Kurichia
families had been to schools and many of them are in government services.121
But the global changes have taken them away from such beliefs and finally
eroded the Kurichia bastions.122
It is only recently, that there is a growing
trend among them to send the children to school. Although the Kurichias are
landholders and elite among the tribals their orthodoxy could not help them to
utilize the situation for educational uplift. This may be one of the best things
that they could realize in a changed situation
117
Interview with P. Chandu, Meechantha, 15.8.2008. Chandu the first B.A Degree
holder from the Kurichia Community belongs to Kolayad Panchayath in Kannur
District. He retired as Deputy Registrar from the University of Calicut in 2001 118
K. Panoor, 'Ente Hridayathile Adivasi', in Malayalam Varika, May,2005 . 119
Interview with K.Panoor, Thalassery, 23.1.2007. 120
Interview with Kelu, rtd, Forest Dept., Mananthavadi, 23.3 2009. 121
Interview with Leela, govt. employee, Kurichia outcaste family, Kannur,
5.5.2007. 122
T.Madhava Menon (Ed.), n. 61, p. 168.
144
As a distinct tribe in rituals and rites they are more secluded in social
customs from other tribes. Like education, their orthodoxy is conspicuous in
accepting modern medicine. Among the tribal medical practitioners Kurichias
have a special recognition due to their nature of discases and treatments.123
They have their own approach towards it as prevention is better than cure. It
is observed that an excellent environmental sanitation is maintained around
their households. Like Harappans their hygiene and neatness of houses, etc.
are connected with their religious beliefs and rituals.124
The salubrious
climate of Wynad, topography of hills and valley together must have
contributed to their health.125
In the tribal society, the Kurichias generally had
lived longer than any other tribe.126
The prolonged studies of Kurichias by
Aiyappan and Mahadevan have revealed several possible reasons for the
general Iongevity and overall health of the elderly Kurichias.127
Their work
pattern also provided them with essential exercise. There had been a seasonal
menu which included healthy food habits like ragi and meat as staple foods
coupled with regular intake of green leafy vegetables and tubers.128
In the
beginning the meat they used was collected only through hunting.129
A
pharmacological analysis of the leafy and root vegetables they consume has
reported beneficial influence on cardiac protection, retardation of the aging
process and prevention of diabetes mellitus.130
Above all, the aged Kurichias
123
Tribal Medicine mean that the tribal traditional knowledge of herbal plants, its
practical methods and its related believes and concepts. 124
A. Aiyappan, n. 2, p.41. 125
K. Mahadevan et al., 'Lifestyle, Health and Longevity, of the Kurichian' in
Discovery of Wynad - the Green Paradise, Wynad 1993, p. 44. 126
Ibid. 127
Aiyappan, et al., n. 2, p. 41. 128
Interview with Kutty Raman, Thalakkal, 24.3.2009. 129
Interview with Vasu, Kalpetta, 11.4.2007. 130
Aiyappan et al., n. 2, p. 41.
145
believe that, their strict observation of distance they maintain with other
population for fear of social pollution in fact effectively helps them to avoid
the chances of infection of several communicable diseases. Eventhough
nutritious problems among the Kurichias have not been reported, their
changed food habits in modern time may adversely affect them.
Nevertheless, now-a-days they are used to a vegetarian diet because of the
strict prohibition of hunting.131
Their intake of ragi was also reduced on
account of conversion of land into coffee, tea and pepper estates.
In medical practice each tribe has its own mode of treatment for
various diseases and its practical knowledge has been orally transmitted from
one generation to another.132
Their treatments are highly related to religious
beliefs, so their ideas of treatment and knowledge about the herbal plants are
not passed on to others. If they do so, they believe that, its effectiveness
would no longer exist. But one has to acquire the knowledge about it by his
own intuitions.133
KIRTADS has collected the names of many tribal medical
practitioners from the Kurichia community under the directorship of
Vishwanathan Nair.Konichal Achappan, an expert in this field was appointed
as tutor for imparting the knowledge of medicinal herbs.134
KIRTADS with
the help of Achappan was started a three year certificate course in tribal
medicine, for 10 tribal students at Valat in 1993. As the tutor Achappan could
popularize this treatment by giving it for all. To him “treatment is for all,
teaching is only for tribes”.135
Thus he freed this treatment from the clutches
131
Mahadevan et al., n. 125, p. 45. 132
Interview with Dasan, adivasi vaidyan, Mananthavadi, 11.4.2009. 133
Intrview with Vellan, Kurichia vaidyan , valat, 23.3.2009. He says that they also
acquire knowledge through many sources, on the eve of hunting, from monkeys
and other animals, sometime even in sleeping. 134
In an interview, Achappan claims that he can identify 305 herbal plants, but
many of them are not available now. 135
Ibid.
146
of traditional superstitions. But, even with this modern approach it seems
often unfit for many new diseases among the tribes of Wynad. In a changed
situation in the new world of diseases, the young generations are not
conversant with these medicines. Some believe that the effectiveness of their
medical treatments are not useful for themselves but for nontribals after its
commercialization.136
Mystery surrounds their treatments by which a few are
monopolising it. The poor people of other tribes who are also well versed with
their own treatment are exploited by this monopoly. Still it is steeped in
superstition that the mantras and gods are more powerful in this treatment
than their medicine.
No other tribe in Kerala is so strict and scrupulous about pollution and
customary laws like the Kurichias of Wynad. These unwritten customary
laws have guided the social interaction among them without any change and
those who have violated have been excommunicated. If any Kurichia
shappens to violate their social norms as sharing food with other castes, then
he will be usually excommunicated.137
A woman or a child known to have
eaten anything polluting was immediately outcast.138
Several little children in
the Christian institutions are those who were thrown out of their homes for an
act of pollution. Large numbers who have married within the forbidden
degree of relationship or married a cousin have been outcast.139
Such outcast
groups are widely seen in Kizhpalli, Kadiathu, Nedumpoyil, Kattayad of
Kottayam taluk, Kuppathod of Mananthavadi and in other places.140
If any
Kurichia member commits adultery outside their community, they are liable
136
Interview with Kuttappan,Valat, 23 .3.2009. 137
Interview with Gopalan, K.S.SM, Mananthavadi;11.10.2008. 138
Luize, n. 10, p. 111. 139
Marriage outside the tribe and within the clan is strictly forbidden. But they also
observe sub-caste endogamy and phratry exogamy. 140
Interview with Chandran,social worker, Thavinhal,10.10.2007.
147
to excommunication.141
In such cases it is known from an informant that
some ritual ceremonies would be conducted as if they are dead.142
The eldest
members of all Tarawads had already decided which mittoms or Tarawad are
to be engaged in marriage alliance. Even today any marriage agaisnt this
belief is strictly prohibited. Sexualiaisons or marriage between members of
the same mittom are incestous and entail immediate excommunication.143
Such people are sent beyond the boundary of Wynad,especially to Coorg.
There is no return for this people and the they are never re-admitted to the
tribe.144
Excommunication for sexual offence is inflexible, even if women are
the victims of violence. In the past in such cases, the entire mittom would
have been excommunicated.145
They excommunicated erring partners even
on suspicion, especially if the intimacy suspected is with a member of any
other community. The members would probably be either from non-tribals or
their relatives. Thus a small mistake was taken as violation of social norms to
throw a person out of the caste.146
At the same time, they have remedial measures for removing pollutions
by purificatory ceremonies. But they are so seldom performed that those
141
T. Madhava Menon (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Dravidian Tribes, Vol. II,
Trivandrum, 1993, p. 205. 142
Interview with Mathew,a converted Christian, Pallikunnu, 16.10.2008. 143
Aiyappan explains, Mariyadi, and eriyadi as two kinds of incests among them
and differentiated viz. mariyadi or tolerable because the pair are members of
affinal clans and eriyadi or intolerable between members of fraternal clans.
Those guilty of the mariyadi undergo a ritual purification, but the eriyadi entails
instant ex-communication. 144
Interview with Chandu vaidyan, Palott, 23.3.2008. 145
T. Madhava Menon, (ed.) n. 140, p. 206. 146
Interview with Thomas, a converted Christian,Kambalakad,11.4.2007.
148
excommunicated have to remain outside the society for good.147
In the past,
the touch of a Paniya, Adiya or any other untouchables necessitated a bath
and 40 dips to remove the pollution.148
They used to observe untouchability
with all except the Wynadan Nairs. Certain things such as avil (rice flakes),
plantain and arrack (liquor) are exempted from the list of pollutants.149
Although the Kurichias of Wynad have left the orthadox concepts and
are open to innovations, they have not yet come within the purview of social
workers even after half a century of independence. No person has came out
within the community against these superstitious beliefs. But with the spread
of education and the growth of contact with nontribal people these extreme
superstitious are bound to disappear from their midst. Presently the
youngsters have began to think about the supersticious beliefs followed by
their predecessors. In their inhuman attitude the Kurichias hesitate to touch
even their blood relations who have been outcast due to breach of their
taboos.150
From the first decade of the 20th century such outcast people were
welcomed to the Christian fold in Wynad as part of proselyization.
Divisions among the Kurichias
Historically, the Kurichias have an uncompromising stand on orthodox
traditional beliefs, which in the early part of the 20th century were enforced
strictly. This resulted in a large number of excommunications due to their
deviation from the customary commensual and connubial norms.
147
It is heard from an informant that the purification ceremonies in regard to
serious offences relating to incest were costly. For a minor offene there is a
remedy like paying a five of 3 quarter of rupee and even 3 rupees and also
through a sprinkling of punyaham (holy water). Interview with Rajappan,
Kakkottara, 22.3.2008. 148
K. Panoor, n. 56, p.39. 149
Interview with James, a convertd Christian, Kambalakad, 11.4.2007. 150
Report of Commission on the Socio-economic Condition of SC/ST, Vol.I, Part I,
Trivandrum, 1998, p. 84.
149
Excommunications led to intra-tribal divisions and finally segmented them
into four sub-divisions: (1) Jatikurichian or Kurichias of Wtynad who
accepted the titular name of Kurichian from the Kottayam Raja, (2) the
Kunnam Kurichians, who settled in Kannavam forest in Kuthuparamba and in
Kolayad Panchayath of present Kannur District, (3) The Anchilla Kurichia,
descendants of five lineages of Tirunelli village in Mananthavadi, (4) Pathiri
Kurichian or Christian Kurichian, the outcast Kurichians who had embraced
Christianity at Pallikunnu.
The first two Kurichias claim themselves to be the original Kurichias.
The Kurichias in Wynad are known as melekurichians (Kurichias on the top
of the Hills) whereas the Kunnam Kurichias are known as Keezhe kurichians
(Kurichias below the mountain or foot hill). The last two divisions were ex-
communicated mainly due to incest, levirate and sororate.151
The four
divisions of Kurichia tribe are differentiated from one another at social,
territorial and religious levels.
Not all the tribesmen from Perumpadom who came at the call of the
Kottayam Kings got the name of Kurichia.152
Those who were afraid of
meeting the King were called Kunnamkurichians (those who went to the side
of the western Ghats). Only those who went to the forest of Wynad were the
real Kurichias.153
So the real Kurichias were also known as 'Tarawad
Kurichian'. They have some similarities with the Kunnamkurichians of
Kannavam forest. Formerly intermarriage between these groups was
prohibited but interdining was permitted.154
At present they are reconciled
151
'Levirate' is the marriage of a woman to her diseased husband's brother, 'sororate'
is preferred form of marriage where a sister marries the widowed husband of her
deceased sister. 152
T. Madhava Menon, (ed.) n. 140, p. 204. 153
Ibid. 154
Interview with James, converted Christian, Kalpetta, 12.4.2007.
150
with each other. Although the Kurichias of Wynad do not marry outside the
District a few made marriage alliance with Kunnam kurichias of Kannur
District. The Kunnam Kurichias of Kolayad Panchayath of Kannur consider
themselves as superior to all others, even to those of Wynad. There are many
who have already left their orthadox circle, and are open to innovations. The
Anchillakurichians and PathiriKurichians are untouchables to the
Jatikurichians. Those who deviated from the traditional norms were ex-
communicated and were not taken back in any of matrilineal joint families of
Jatikurichians. Some of these outcast Kurichias migrated to live with their
predecessors in Tirunelli, in the north of Wynad bordering Coorg in
Karnataka. These people formed another sub-group known as Anchilla
Kurichian.155
The excommunicated Kurichias have widely been converted to
Christiantiy and these groups of people are sarcastically called by locals as the
Pathirikurichian.156
The term 'pathiri' means a Christian priest, and has been
derived from their association with the Christian faith and priests.157
Christianisation in this context closely resembled optimistic westernization.
The name has evolved locally in order to differentiate the converts from the
main Kurichia group with whom they have several links.
Although the study of conversion has been a traditional subject of
interest to a few anthropologists and historians, what is important is to
understand the circumstances which are reported to have been instrumental in
the case of conversion of Kurichias to Christianity.158
In fact, it was the strict
enforcement of conservative tradition in the Kurichia community that led to
155
K.S. Singh, All Communities - H.M., New Delhi, 2002, p.192. 156
Interview with Josehp, Converted Christian, Kambalakkad, 12.4.2007. 157
K.S. Singh (ed.), n. 54, p. 721. 158
Dick Kooiman, 'Conversion and a Socio Cultural Change', in Journal of Kerala
Studies, Vol. 12, Kerala University, 1984, p. 2.
151
conversion. The conversion that took place after ex-communication from the
Kurichias represents the adoption of alien elements of religion, and may be
accounted mostly for its facilities than the faith.159
Although they achieved a
better social change a genuine change in belief is not there.160
Some
sociologists look upon conversion as a source of division within a tribe.
Conversion has been one of the important facts for sub-dividing the
tribal communities,161
but the progress of conversion has not been spectacular,
except for a few among the Kurichias. The history of tribal conversion in
Wynad begins with the missionary work during the last decade of the 19th
century among the Kurichias and Paniyas. During this period Wynad was
under the diocese of Mysore, which functioned at Banglore till the formation
of another diocese at Calicut in 1923. 162
It was Fr. Adigad, the priest of
Mananthavadi church, who started missionary work for the first time by
converting two excommunicated Kurichia families to Christianity. He
donated them some piece of paddy field at Pathivayal near Mananthavadi and
later many such Kurichia families came to this way of embracing Christianity.
For the next ten years these missionary works were conducted among the
tribals by Fr. Weiterin and about 140 Kurichias were converted under his
auspices.163
The major missionary groups that came to Wynad during this period
were London Mission Society (LMS), Church Mission Society (CMS), and
Basal German Evangelical Society (BGES). The missionary activities were
strongly undertaken by CMS. The proselytizing process was accelerated in an
159
T. Madhava Menon (ed.) n. 17, p. 195. 160
Jacob John Kattakayam, 'Conversion and Social Change Among the Mala Araya
Tribe', in Journal of Kerala Studies, University of Kerala, 1985, p.7. 161
B.D. Sharma, Planning for Tribal Development, New Delhi, 1984, p.10. 162
Centenary Souvenir, Lourd Matha Church, Pallikunnu, 2000, p.41. 163
Ibid.
152
organized form by Fr. Armand Shan Mary Jefrino, a saint in Parish Church
Mission Society, who was sent by Bishop Eujin Luiz Kaynor of Mysore
diocese to Wynad in 1908. His missionary activities and the condition of the
Kurichias are mentioned in his diary titled as 'My Kurichians', in French.164
Fr. Jefrino had acquired land to open his Mission centre at Kaniyamkunnu
from a local chieftain, Kappathod Nair in the year of 1908.165
He founded a
church at Pallikunnu near Kambalakad in Kaniyambatta Panchayath under the
Parish Church of Lourd Matha. This church belongs to the Latin Catholic
diocese of Calicut from 1923 onwards. Jefrino became the President of the
Wynad Taluk Board (1922-23) started settlement at Kaniambatta for the
converts from the Kurichia community.166
Jefrino offered refuge to a large number of Anchillakurichians who had
been excommunicated. At the earliest the outcaste Kurichias were exiled to
Kudag, later they embraced Christianity by the work of Jefrino. The details
of the converted tribals are found in the Baptism Register of Pallikunnu
church from 1908 to 1923.167
As per in the register about 650 tribal members
were given baptism, of this 573 tribals were baptisised under the auspices of
Fr. Jefrino.168
Fr. Jefrino founded this church mainly for the sake of converted
Kurichias in Wynad. For about 70 years the excommunicated Kurichias took
to Christianity and a strong congregation of „Kurichia Christians‟ has been
established. Fr. Jefrino also made some land grants to settle the converted
164
This diary is translated to English by Fr. Antony Machchado and Fr. Lefre, and
later into Malayalam by Mary Zakariya in 1976. 165
K.S. Singh, n. 54, p.721. 166
K.K.N. Kurup, Moden Kerala-Studies in Social Agrarian Relation, Delhi 1998,
p. 156. 167
The first page of this Register has given in Appendix 6. After 1923, the
conversion activities of this church in Wynad was shifted from the diocese of
Mysore to the newly formed diocese at Calicut. 168
The Baptism Register gives details with name and family accounts of the
converted tribals.
153
Kurichias in the adjoining areas of the church. Among these a few has
converted with their own interest and a large group of excommunicated were
forced to take conversion.
The strength of Pathirikurichian started increasing and a viable
community was formed with the addition of new ex-communicants who opted
to join the Christian fold to acquire an emancipated identity than the Anchilla
Kurichian. They were re-settled in the land around the church of Lord Matha
at Pallikunnu. It is found that more than 580 family members of
Pathirikurichians (95% of people) live within the precinct of this church.
These people are believed to be the members of the 5th and 6th generations of
Pathirikurichians.169
A few families also reside at the Tirunelli Village and
Pookode near Vythiri.170
The 85 year old Pilacheri Joseph (S/o Pilacheri
Raman) and 75 year old Palikkal Joseph are two venerable pathiri Kurichians
belonging to the second generation of this group. They enjoy the same status
as that of Kurichia Moopans. They are also in the forefront of religious
performance of the Lord Matha Church.171
An interesting aspect regarding
this church is that it has several rituals and practices similar to those prevalent
in Hindu Temples.172
Like any church it has an annual festival for two weeks
in February and it draws large throngs of devotees from other parts of Kerala.
Now it is believed that there has been a decline in their number due to
paucity of suitable matrimonial alliance and absence of fresh conversion.173
169
Joseph K. Job, "Mathaparvarthanathinte Wayanadan Padanangal", in
Pachchakkuthira, Pachakkuthira, October 2009, p.7. 170
Interview with Fr. Edwin Thundathil, Priest of Pallikunnu Church, 2.9.2009. 171
Ibid. 172
Interview with M. Joseph,Converted Christian,pallikunnu,2.9.2009. 173
Since there is no practice of extreme limit of pollution among the kurichian the
chance for excommunication is very rare unless it is a very serious matter. No
recent conversion and excommunication is reported among the Kurichias – K S
S M .Mananthavadi.
154
They seek alliance from the Jatikurichian, failing which from other Christian
communities in their neighbourhood. Thus getting suitable matrimonial
alliance within this community is the current problem. With the marriage to
other Christian denominations they have exposed them to the realities of the
competitive market. Community level endogamy is the main rule guiding
marriages of the Pathirikurichian.174
They belong to the Late Catholic denomination of Christianity and
worship the Lourd Matha, the patron saint of the Parish. By following the
Christian way of life the new born child is named and baptised on the 8th day
in a ceremony held in the nearby catholic church. The first communion
(adikurbana) of boys and girls are held within 12 years of age. Death of a
Pathirikurichian is announced by intoning of church bell and the body is
burried in the church cemetery. Among them the rituals are observed strictly
with great piety and fervour, but celebrations have been curtailed to reduce
expenses. They have no voice in the management of the church, though they
are devotees. It is the Roman Catholic Priest of Parish Church who is all in
all and performs all life-cycle rituals and imparts religious teachings and
conduct worship.175
In such a way they have gradually lost their consciousness of being
outcaste Kurichias and maintain an ethnic identity. They became patrilineal
and followed community level of endogamy and lineage exogamy for three
generations.176
However, a new system of social division has developed
among them based mainly on patrilineage. The names of these patrilineages
are derived from the name of mittom or tarawad to which the head of the
174
K.S. Singh (ed.) n. 54, p.723. 175
Ibid., p.726. 176
Ibid., p.723.
155
lineage belonged before the conversion.177
Nuclear families are most
common types among them and follow patrilocal residence after marriage.
Among them there is no hierarchy of lineages, thus they have developed a
social control mechanism which is quite different from that of the original
Kurichias. Their territorial chief is called 'Nattayma' whose jurisdiction
extends over the pathirikurichia families falling within the limits of the
Pallikunnu Church.178
A tribe may be converted to Christianity, but so long
as the tribe maintains its homogeneity, consciousness of kind and territorial
integrity, it still remains a tribe.179
So the PathiriKurichian have the
constitutional status of an ST. They are not listed separately among the STs
but are entitled for all the constitutional safeguards applicable to the
Kurichias.
In North-east part of India the educated Chritian tribals are superior to
the non-converts in socio-cultural terms as they are leading a better life.180
Whereas in the case of educated Pathirkurichians of Wynad they are socially
inferior to the original kurichian as they are excommunicated by them.181
Though PathiriKurichians do not have social status equal to the
Kurichias, their self-perception is high in comparison with the other tribal
communities of Wynad.182
In view of themselves, conversion to Christianity
had a multidimentional impact on them. They have achieved higher status
177
Ibid. 178
K.S. Singh, n.155, p.1921. 179
T.B. Naik, "what is a tribe, conflicting definition" in L.P. Vidyarthi (ed.) Applied
Antropology in India,' Allahabad 1968, p.86. 180
K.L. Sharma, Re-conceptualising Caste, Class and Tribe. Jaipur, 2001, p. 192. 181
Interview with Chandu, S/o Kopi,Kambalakad,10.2.2008. 182
K.S. Singh, n.55, p.723.
156
than that of the outcaste Kurichias, especially in educational level.183
They
have also achieved a high rate of literacy level and their attitude is favourable
for educating their children, who normally study upto the secondary level.
They could also utilize the school facilities established by the Christians in
Wynad and therefore most of them are employed.
The economic resource of Christian Kurichias is land which is
controlled by individuals. They are mainly a landowning community, but the
extent of landholding is very small in most of the cases. Wage labour has
become an important source of income. Agriculture is the main occupation,
wetland paddy cultivation being the primary activity. Subsidiary occupations
are agriculture, labour and government services. Most of this group have
adopted cash crop cultivation both at the level of owner cultivator and
labourer in order to meet the "cash requirements".184
Although the Pathirikurichian's oral traditions of folk songs and folk
tales have a continuity of the Kurichia heritage, they have mostly forgotten
their pristine style and do not attribute to it any relevance. Their skills as
hunters and forest dwellers have been lost but some aspects of their tribal
cultural heritage have survived. So, culturally Pathirikurichians are in a
position of “double allegiance” in which they neither discard the tribal
elements completely nor accept the Christian elements completely. This
„double identity‟, though broadens economic and socio-cultural base of the
converts, does not enable them to get out of the ethnic bondage in a larger
sense of the term. In fact, to the local people they are still pathirikurichians
as David Raman, Gabrael Raman, Thomas Raghavan etc. They are at a
183
Interview with Mathew K. Converted Christian .Pallikunnu,10.2.2009. 184
T. Madhavan Menon, n.17, p.197.
157
distance both from Latin Christians and Syrian Christians.185
In the beginning
Christianity has undoubtedly brought the message of a richer life, wider
companionship and a new sense of dignity to such converts.186
Later it was a
matter of recognition and they live with such a dual identity as they are living
as Christians among the adivasis and as adivasis among the Christians.
185
Joseph. K. Job, n. 169, p.6. 186
Earlier, many of them acquired land with small houses and other benefits from
the missionaries but later this was not much entertained. Now like any tribe
they are also exploited by others, especially by the money lenders.