Konnu and Carnival—Caribbean Festival Arts || JUNKANOO IN THE BAHAMAS

JUNKANOO IN THE BAHAMASAuthor(s): CLEMENT BETHELSource: Caribbean Quarterly, Vol. 36, No. 3/4, Konnu and Carnival—Caribbean Festival Arts(DECEMBER 1990), pp. 1-28Published by: University of the West Indies and Caribbean QuarterlyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23050435 .

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JUNKANOO IN THE BAHAMAS*

by

CLEMENT BETHEL

Yet, even now, weeks afterwards, I have a very clear

mental picture of the queerest Christmas I ever

spent...and in my ear still runs the monotonous un

ending rhythm beaten out upon their drums, trum

pets and cowbells...

Amelia Defries, In a Forgotten Colony, 1917

"Cowbells. You know, it's an extraordinary

thing...when I was abroad I was talking with some

friends, and I said, 'You know, the one thing that

sends me into ecstasy, even now, in my old age, is the sound of a cowbell on a December night.' And they

thought I was crazy. But you know, it was

Christmas!...the whole sound of Christmas. When

they started practice, you know, you could hear...

And I said, 'On a damp still night, if you heard a

cowbell,...(even now, it gives me a thrill)'...and they were surprised to hear it because it couldn't mean

anything to them at all...but to me it meant

Christmas...just to hear one cowbell..."

Bahamian informant,

female, white,

septuagenarian. Nassau, December, 1976

"Stop Junkanoo?! Man, dey couldn't stop dat! Uh

uh!"

Bahamian informant,

male, black,

octogenarian.

Nassau, December, 1976

* Chapter of unpublished M-A. thesis.



2

Twice every year, on Boxing Day (the day after Christmas) and New Year's Day, from 4

to 9 o'clock in the morning, thousands of Bahamians and winter visitors throng Bay Street, Nassau's main thoroughfare, to witness the brilliant parade of fantastically costumed Junkanoos dancing to the traditional music of cowbells, horns, whistles and

goombay drums.

The festival was not always so widely accepted in the Bahamas. At times it was

viewed favourably by the Government; on other occasions it was threatened with total extinction. A study of its development, therefore, provides a penetrating insight into the

social, political, economic and cultural conditions which prevailed at various periods in

the history of the islands.

In tracing this development the following discussion will be divided into four histori cal periods: (a) 1800-1899, (b) 1900-1919, (c) 1920-1947, (d) 1948-present.

1. Historical Development

a. 1800-1899

There is little information in the extant literature on the conduct of the slaves during their Christmas holidays. A journal for the years 1831-32 kept

by Charles Farquharson, a plantation owner on San Salvador confirms the fact that the traditional three days holiday was also granted the slaves in the Bahamas. But the only information relating to their recreational activities

during this period is contained in the entry for 26th December, 1832 and states:

Wednesday. 26. Some of our people gon (sic) abroad to see some of their friends and some at

home amusing themselves in their own way threw

(sic) the day, but all of them at home in the evening and had a grand dance and keep it up until near

daylight.1

It is known, however, that a John Canoe "king" was a "fixture" in the Bahamas as early as 18012 and scattered newspaper accounts confirm that annual celebrations took place, particularly in Nassau, the capital.

During the period following Emancipation it was the custom for the

Bahamian Militia Band to usher in Christmas morning with music. The Market place on Bay Street was the hub of activities and was open from early morning to 9:00 a.m. It was here that John Canoe and his followers danced

and it is interesting to note that in one of the first accounts of his appearance, he is dancing on stilts. The following article describes a typical Christmas

morning in Nassau in the mid-19th century:



3

Another Christmas Day has passed, and the fes tivities of old have commenced "right merrily." The

Yule Log and Wassail Cup of our fatherland are not

seen here, - but these are not the only signs of

Christmas. We have in this distant isle other, and as

cheering reminiscences of the period, and, although no carrol (sic) is sung, the morn is ushered in with

music. The Militia Band and the fifes and drums of

the Regiment break on the slumberer's ear, and

answer for the "Waites;" and the sound of footsteps

at the dawn of day, added to the din of voices and the

noise of "crackers," give intimation of the joyous season.

The markets were open yesterday until 9 a.m.

They were unusually thronged, and the show of meat

and vegetables was extremely good. Several prize oxen, decked out in ribbons, were led over the town,

previous to falling a sacrifice, and "John Canoe"

came forth on stilts in style, much to the gratification of his numerous train of followers. Christmas has

commenced well, and we trust it will end so. We wish

our friends and patrons the usual compliments of

the season.

(The Nassau Guardian, Dec. 26,1849)

In addition to the stilt dancers, which remained a feature of the festival

until some 30 years ago, two other characters, under the guise of Neptune and

Amphitrite also made an appearance each year. The first mention of these

characters is found in the Guardian of 30 December, 1854 in the following

report:

Christmas with its customary festivities has been

passed by all classes of the inhabitants of our little

isle, amidst much mirth and gladness. Christmas

Day was ushered in by the sound of music from the

Militia Band and closed by the burning of an effigy of the soi-disant "Peripatetic," which last con

tributed not a little towards the amusement of those

who live in the Eastern district where it was burnt.

Various grotesque figures, intended to represent

Neptune, Amphitrite and others preceeded by fifes



and tambourines have no succeeding days exhibited themselves in our usually quiet streets exciting the

greatest merriment among the lower orders.

It perhaps seems strange that these two characters, based on Roman and

Greek mythology, should find themselves in the midst of an essentially West

African festival in the Bahamas, but the explanation, as we shall see, lies in the

folklore of the sea, and Bahamians, above all, are a sea-faring people.

Neptune appears in the Dictionary of Mythology, Folklore and Symbols

(1961) as an "ancient Italian divinity of moisture, provider of the perpetuity of springs and streams...identical with Poseidon3 as chief god of the sea." He

is "portrayed as a stately elderly bearded man carrying a trident, sometimes

astride a dolphin or horse."4

Amphitrite, according to the same source is (in Greek mythology), the wife of Poseidon and Queen of the morning sea. She sends sea monsters and drives waves against the rocks and is depicted in art as a Nereid of queenly mien with moist flowing hair bound in a net.

The character Neptune was central to traditional initiation rites per

formed at sea on the occasion of the crossing of the equator, and Horace Beck, in his work Folklore and the Sea (1973), wrote:

There were other means used to train the green hand (young sailor) and initiate him into the fellow

ship of the sea... There were...certain rough ceremonies, on special occasions, that welcomed

him into the ranks of shellbacks (seasoned sailors). Chief among these ceremonies were those pertain ing to "crossing the line" or the equator, and on

longitude 180 degrees. The former made one a son of Neptune, the latter a member of the order of the Golden Dragon.5

These initiation rites stemmed from the ancient seaman's belief that

strong tidal currents and disturbed waters were the result of the action of

subaqueous monsters and in order to propitiate them, some kind of ritual

varying from human sacrifices to prayer had to be performed. A successful

crossing led to festive activity. As man's knowledge of the sea became more

sophisticated, however, human sacrifice was abandoned and by the end of the 16th century the ceremony had acquired its present form.



5

Characteristic of these rites is a visit from someone disguised as Neptune. Sometimes he is alone, sometimes accompanied by his wife Amphitrite and a

motley court. Any young sailor "crossing the line" for the first time is seized

by Neptune, who, with the help of the crew, lather the poor novice's face with

tar, roughly shave him and then douse him with salt water. Having successfully survived this ordeal, the green hand is proclaimed a "son of Neptune."

Although Beck makes no mention of the fact, these initiation ceremonies

also occurred at the crossing of the Tropic of Cancer. Lady Nugent, wife of

Sir Charles, Governor of Jamaica from 1801 to 1805, describes their crossing into the tropics thus:

29th (June 1801) - Pass the Tropic. Neptune and

Amphitrite came on board, and there was a

masquerade throughout the fleet, which lasted al

most the whole day. General N. and I were un

molested, and allowed to see all the sport without

any annoyance. Some poor men were sadly pulled about, and shaved in the roughest manner, though all was done in perfect good humour.6

There are no available descriptions of the costumes worn by the

Bahamian Neptune and Amphitrite, but in order to be recognized as such,

they must have followed closely the traditional costumes worn at sea. Of

interest, therefore, is the following description of Neptune's costume as seen

on a sea voyage in the 1870s:

A navy blue blanket for a robe, thrown over his head

and fastened under the chin, was draped over his

shoulders and trailed behind. Its edges were

trimmed with gulfweed, and bunches of rope-yarn,

painted green to give it the effect of eelgrass right from the bottom of the sea, were sewn on for the

occasion. He wore a crown which was painted red

and a canvas mask which had two holes cut for the

eyes, and another for the nose, which protruded and

was also painted red, while around his mouth and

over his chin was a fringe of rope-yarn, for whiskers, the ends of which were picked out, blossoming into

bunches of oakum over which he frequently squirted tobacco juice. In his right hand he carried a five

pronged grainstiron fitted with a pole, for a trident, from which dangled pieces of rope-yarn to give the

effect of green seaweed and in his left hand was a



speaking trumpet. His big sea boots were much too

large, but were in keeping with the rest of his cos tume.7

There is every reason to believe that the sea god and goddess made their

first appearance in a Bahamian Junkanoo Parade, not in Nassau, but in one

of the south eastern islands of the chain, possibly Inagua, for only these islands

lie south of the Tropic of Cancer. Furthermore, the Heneaga Salt Pond

Company was established in 1849 to develop the salt ponds of Inagua and the

next 25 years were the most prosperous in the history of that island. Craton

wrote that "at the peak of production additional salt ponds were opened on

Rum Cay, Ragged Island, Exuma and Rose Island." This meant heavy sea

traffic from the north and if the initiation ceremonies occurred on every ship

crossing into the tropics on its way to Inagua, the idea was bound to take root

in that island sooner or later.

To substantiate this argument, older Inaguan informants stated that in

their Junkanoo parades there was always an Old Neptune figure. In addition, further support came from an informant from near-by Ragged Island. She

stated that Junkanoo was not known on that island but that a masquerading figure called Neptune, usually with two or three followers appeared every Christmas and went from door to door singing and dancing.

While Neptune continued to roam the streets of Inagua and Ragged Island every Christmas, both he and his Queen soon disappeared in Nassau and by 1857 we read of their demise in the capital in the December 30th edition

of the Nassau Guardian.

If we except the noise made by Chinese crackers and other fireworks, the festivities of Christmas have

passed off quietly enough in our little isle. The rep resentatives of the illustrious "Johnny Canoe" of former days have dwindled down to two or three, and as for "Neptune and Amphitrite" they have not left their watery domain at all this season.

It would seem from this account that Junkanoo was fast approaching extinction. But there were two factors which prevented it from completely

dying out. First, it was connected with another traditional custom - that of

"burning the Guy" on November 5, Guy Fawkes Day. This tradition originated in England and commemorates the foiled attempt on the part of Guy Fawkes to blow up the Houses of Parliament with gunpowder in 1605. Throughout many of the British possessions the day was celebrated with fireworks and the



7

burning of an effigy of Guy Fawkes. In the Bahamas the effigy was burnt to

the accompaniment of cowbells, horns, whistles and goombay drums - the

traditional music of Junkanoo. Crowley provides an accurate account of a

Bahamian Guy Fawkes celebration which he witnessed at Fresh Creek, Andros in an article appearing in the July, 1958 edition of Man? To many a

Bahamian, November 5 represented the beginning of the preparation period for Junkanoo. After November 5, the musicians did not put away their

instruments, and on many a night after the Guy Fawkes celebrations were over,

one could hear little groups of musicians here and there practicing the music

for Christmas Junkanoo. In this way the two events tended to reinforce each

other.

Secondly, white Bahamians belonging to the ruling merchant class of the

day participated freely along with the blacks on both these occasions. Powles,

in 1888, cites this as the main reason for the preservation of Junkanoo during the time he was in the Bahamas.

I doubt if any of them have the least notion of who

Guy Fawkes was, or what he did, but they would not

omit observing Guy Fawkes' Day on any consid

eration. Every 5th of November his effigy is carried

in procession with bands of music and torches, and

solemnly hung on a gallows prepared for that pur

pose. The darkies are fond of processions, and never

miss an opportunity of getting one up.

About Christmas time they seem to march

about day and night with lanterns and bands of

music, and they fire off crackers everywhere. This is

a terrible nuisance, but the custom has the sanction

of antiquity, though no doubt it would have been put down long ago if the white young gentlemen had not

exhibited a taste for the same amusement.10

Moreover, it seems that even as early as the 1890s the Junkanoo festival

was beginning to assume added dimensions which tended further to reinforce

its significance to the Bahamian people. The Nassau Guardian of 24 Decem

ber, 1890, for example published the following notice:

We have been informed that tomorrow morning a

Masked Army will muster on the Eastern Parade

whence they will proceed down Bay Street to the

Royal Victoria Hotel grounds, and then to Govern

ment Hill where they will deliver an address to His



8

Excellency the Governor. The members of the army are young machanics and cigar makers who are

desirous of obtaining advice as to whether they shall

go to Cuba or wait here for employment. They are

supposed to arrive at government Hill at six o'clock, and at eight o'clock to partake of a breakfast with a

few of their invited friends.

The period of the year (Christmas Time), the time of day (overlapping with the early Christmas morning Junkanoo Parades), and the masquerade

aspect of the affair leave little doubt in the author's mind that these marchers

were Junkanoos. We know from numerous newspaper accounts that each year on the anniversary of the Emancipation of Slaves and particularly during the

periods of severe economic depression the combined Friendly Societies in

Nassau organized marches on Government Hill, the residence of the British

Governor. There they officially presented their grievances of the year past in

the hopes of having them redressed.

The Junkanoo march referred to above was in all probability organized

by the same civic-minded groups as a subsequent report states that the

marchers on this occasion were led by the Grants Town Friendly Society Band.

(Nassau Guardian, 27 December. 1890).

The 1890 articles are the earliest documented accounts of the people

using the Junkanoo festival as an agent for social change and as a vehicle to

prod the Government into effective action. As such this represents an early

forerunner of the present day practice of employing Junkanoo bands to

mobilize the people during election campaigns.

The Friendly societies were always most circumspect in their behavior.

There were, however, others who were not so orderly. As the country ap

proached the turn of the century, therefore, the Government became increas

ingly concerned about the indiscriminate marching about "day and night" at

Christmas time and in 1899 the Street Nuisances Prohibition Act was intro

duced. In order to allow the Junkanoos specified time to celebrate, however, the Rules and Regulations of the Act were waived from 6 p.m. to 10 p.m. on

Christmas Eve and New Year's Eve and from 4 a.m. to 9 a.m. on Christmas

Day and New Year's Day. My older informants stated that during the evening hours only semi-costumed stragglers wishing to "let off steam" could be seen

wandering over the city, but that the traditional period from 4 a.m. to 9 a.m.

was reserved for the "real" Junkanoos - complete with costumes and music.



9

b. 1900-1919

This period together with the last quarter of the previous century was

characterized by unrelieved economic depression. The last economic boom

for Bahamians had been occasioned by the Blocade running during the

American Civil War; and there was no respite from the depression which

followed until the Prohibition period of the 20s, when a number of Bahamians

became rich overnight through rum running,

My informants, who were young people during the early years of the

century, stated that Junkanoo at this time was characterized by rival masked

and costumed bands, representing the various districts of the island. These

"gangs", each headed by a leader, "dancing backwards a curious kind of pas seul - one step forward and two steps back"11 would "rush" along Bay Street

in the opposite directions and the resulting clashes sometimes ended up in

brawls and mock fighting. It is said that Bahamians waited patiently for

Christmas, when they could, under disguise of Junkanoo costume, avenge themselves on persons who had wronged them during the year. The metal

cowbells, at these times, served a dual purpose, and the whips carried by some

of the Junkanoos came in handy as weapons. Junkanoo then was energetic,

spontaneous and abandoned.

Many looked upon this "rushing" up and down Bay Street as a senseless

waste of energy, and the Tribune voiced these sentiments in its editorial of

January 3,1911.

The New Year holiday was heralded early on Mon

day morning by the customary noise of horns, bells

and drums and the grotesque masqueraders dis

ported themselves along Bay Street with an energy and vigour which if put into their pursuit of their

avocations during the year will be to some purpose.

The "grotesque masqueraders" noted in the foregoing extract wore cos

tumes very different from those seen today. They were inventive, individual

and frightening. Money was scarce and therefore the costumes were made

from any cheap materials available. These included newspaper, tissue paper,

sponge, banana leaves and "crocus sack", the coarse brown sack in which

imported food stuffs were contained. The doby was completely covered and

on the head was worn a fantastic hat, usually conical with a broad brim, or in

the shape of a wasp's nest. The face was always disguised in some way,

sometimes being blackened with charcoal, whitened with flour, or covered by

a mask. The mask, apparently was the most frightening aspect of the costume.



10

This might be a stocking drawn over the head, or a hand-made cardboard

cut-out construction, or a wire gauze mask which was painted. The most

terrifying type were those referred to as "sifter faces". These were "store

bought", meaning factory manufactured, and were made from a wire, gauze like material. "Pinky-white" in colour and totally devoid of expression, these

masks were contoured and had two slits for the eyes. One informant thought that they were imported from Germany; another suggested that they might have come from Japan.

The masks may well have been imported from Germany for this was the

period when considerable shipping traffic was being conducted between

Europe and Central America by the Hamburg-Amerika Line and the royal Netherlands Line. Furthermore, Inagua was a port of call from whence

contract labourers from all the islands were recruited for work on the Panama

Canal, the Mexican Railways and the mahogany industries of Central America.

The idea that the masks came from Japan may have been suggested by the slit eyes and expressionless features, both of which combined to produce a somewhat oriental effect. It is perhaps worthy of note here that Monti in his excellent work on African masks makes mention of the fact that:

the Balumbo group - composed of different tribes scattered over Gabon and the republic of the Congo, such as the M'Pongwe, the Mashango, the Eshira and the Bakota - find the basic expression of their own art in the mask. The most noted and widely spread mask shows a graceful female face, which is white under the dark elaborate hairstyle, with elon

gated eyes, and lips parted in a light enigmatic smile. There is a surprising resemblance to certain theatri cal masks of the Far East. The masks are worn by the initiates of the mukuy society in a dance performed on stilts and are thought to have the function of

symbolising the spirits of the dead.12

The creative individuality of the costumes was also noted by Defries in her description of the Christmas masquerade she saw in Nassau in 1916.

The general impression I got as daylight broke was a mass of people who had been looting one of the

anthropological collections of the Natural History Museum in New York and had then gone crazy! The



11

masks were cheap and machine made and were in imitation of white people.

When dawn broke...the Commandant ap

peared, imaculate in white, and he seemed oblivious to the fact that in the dancing throng there were more than one parody of his uniform! There was even a "kiltie", and there was a parody of a British

The latter never danced at all, but walked

sedately, carrying a book and an umbrella - always alone. Quite a number - even of the dancers - were alone and I did not once see male and female dance, as we do, in couples.

Several solitary men danced with closed

umbrellas, as in the "cake-walk".

Some of the dresses would not have disgraced any masked ball; the shapes of the hats worn were

very interesting and the effect of them was fine. A

few of the tallest hats were surmounted by little Union Jacks.

Many of the dresses were variations on Pan

taloon, and not the least remarkable thing about

them being the choice of colours displayed. The combinations were not only striking and original but often quite beautiful as well.13

The element of parody in the Bahamian Junkanoo of this period is

strikingly similar to that noted by Patterson in the Homowo festival of the Ga

people of West Africa. He wrote of the latter:

The improvised masks seen in this section (of the

procession) are often native caricatures of local

European officials.14

Singing also played an important part in Junkanoo of this period. Im

provised songs, providing a social commentary on the year's events were

popular. Often important local dignitaries were derided in these songs, but

my informants were reluctant to divulge the words as many of the victims were

still alive. The texts of some of the more innocuous songs (which are still sung

today) are presented below. The preoccupation with food, as noted in two of

them, may have been a reflection on the general food shortage characteristic

of the period.



12

Ex. 1 Mama, Bake De Johnny Cake (Sung at Christmas Junkanoo)

Me

CfialfiiS J=/l&

ill fYtft - mil iAHe tefiM-M a>a CttiM-nnCon-.d Ma&j>k£ Af jbwj-w cAne

4i—r—f VERSE

\ * <i n—-— y j f iF i' tf\y _J^ -= . 7T- C

9 lrrJ —r—^— 0 * j h.-'-ft— ̂ j ^ ' JJ

r nn„>», \n /jVH ATirtiftu, iotum A Mo , MAK rf (J/-D£f.

TtfAAiusiaib ffib* m£A\a&l

Spare me Another Year O Lord (Sung at Christmas Junkanoo)

QH — ■■, -u — 1— fo4 JT]J £=*

/*f A/j-*t&/? i'ne / M

(4 ^ ^ 1 H-p

—^ ——— > >—>—/ . j/%& Mi /l-A.

i-:

—

oV

—J

i£t y

J

£7)<r ,«rf 0

Lt>£D .

cV JH51 - k-r. A uu ' 1 0

Sai'mefau TbrtA-ilA-riA I fin. meUf t-iiti SA-A)A ~a)A ( JfAte be 4-UMi£J(. I'iAH. ; iff- LotfU

TMuSLiiSeB frtim miHaH't

Ex. 3 A-Rushin' Through De Crowd (Sung on Both Occasions)

A- tinh-aJ' a-ftiIM-Itl' k-ttSji-M'1'llHtM OCCIfiiJD. A'RiSlI- ikJ' t - bSt-M' t-tusH-Hl' iktUHi flf c Xtu/D

7/tt/JSc/T/afJ fttn lAEHoM

This was also the period for tricks and pranks. At Christmas time, the

young men in the city would remove gates and fences from their hinges,

obstruct the streets with boats and carts, and remove bridges covering water

drains. The Tribune of December 27,1913 advocated that these hoodlums

should have the knowledge injected into them

through the medium of their dermis with a cat-o



13

nine-tails and lengthened curtailment of the liberty, which they put to such ill use.

All in all, this newspaper was anything but pleased with the conduct of

the Junkanoos. In a nostalgic commentary of December 24, 1913, the editor

had written:

Yes! In the old days ones slumbers were undisturbed in the early hours of Christmas morning as indicated

above, and we think more rationally than now. When we woke up in the old days it was to hear the melody of the militia band, serenading their officers and local officials, or the less pretentious fiddle and tam bourine orchestra serenading their patrons or the

revellers enjoying in their own way the pleasing as surance that "Christmas comes but once a year."

Things have changed and we are forced to admit not for the better. The dawn of the great festival is now ushered in by a senseless din of dis cordant horns and bells by no means silver-toned, and the beating of anything that can make a noise.

A horrible incongruous celebration of the

Nativity of "The Prince of Peace."

Nearing the end of the period under discussion, the Bahamas was faced

with the prospect of total economic collapse. World prices for sisal and

sponge, the two chief export commodities, had declined. The War had put an

end to the Hamburg-Amerika Line operations in the Bahamas, and with it the

end of contract labour in Central America. And to make matters worse, almost

2,000 Bahamians who had served in the War were returning home only to face

unemployment.

But the Bahamas was once more saved by the intervention of fate, this

time in the form of the Volstead Act, passed by the United States Congress in December, 1919. This Act made it illegal for Americans to manufacture,

import or sell intoxicating liquors, and thus began the highly profitable

"Bootlegging" period in the Bahamas. Liquor supplied from Britain was

smuggled into the United States at enormous profits. Every available vessel

was pressed into service and the American Coast guards were no match for

the experienced Bahamian seamen. Fortunes were made overnight and as Bell

wrote in 1934, everybody in the Bahamas profited, for



14

neglected churches were renovated with liquor money, charities were refinanced, life in general took on a splendour and a spaciousness.15

c, 1920-1947

The Bootleg period lasted until 1933 and during this time many changes were seen in the Junkanoo costumes. They became more flamboyant; there

was a greater concentration of interest in the head- dress; and although the

traditional steeple and bee-hive hats were still much in evidence, more

elaborate figures, such as animals, birds, flowers, ships and other objects were

now worn on the head. In addition the tissue paper fringe costumes, which

had always been a traditional part of the parade, gradually replaced those

made from newspaper, sponge and sacking.

And the Junkanoos continued to sing as they paraded. One of the songs from this period inadvertently celebrated the new found liquor prosperity. The repetitive text is found below:

Ex. 4 Neeley, Your Rum So Sweet

ir r j b j ■Ufflu i pm ules-Ltf iW Aim St Sneer. nice-to1 lioK ton* Si SuuT.tlec-Lit MMm bSuur.ila-LMhtfltniStSufrT.

CnjM.rn Sf fornix •listAn- % schrMlst lHU

Mr. Neeley was the owner-operator of a dance hall and drinking house called "The Weary Willies" which was situated "Over-the-Hill" in New

Providence. The local preachers were scandalized by this particular song because the tune used was identical to that of a favourite church anthem

called, Jesus Your Name So Sweet.

Another song popular with the Junkanoos recounted the story of the fire which destroyed the Old Colonial Hotel in 1921.

Ex. 5 Do A'Nanny

=1 n ^

J=/2a 1/£*$£ _—-—

4

-f= , '

? T

-i ^4—L-^E ±±4 \=± t=U b~b| FP y 4=

/. ZW b6 rto-t£L 6u'tj0ouuj mitm (uaJ aki'h* a)/£ , a^£ !

smack iij' smoarri. L£f'hit f/ibti .



15

H fr-»i n J — Ctia #US

-=Hr -T—f |-"T ■ ■ /=* - ®—'; I' > J La A'jJ/W-n/tf ! bo .

!■ r r

^ u ; 2)j >/' vtobrti Do / 1' AlAlh ̂

j; u nj— 2>o /♦' Mv-i/-/ tiu i/i Da

'

Ate Do A' MAd-/jr, Do

2. De hotel burn down to the groun' No more dancin' in dis town.

Eh-eh, do a' nanny, do. Chorus

3. Dere was a woman who thought it safer to bring out all of her tissue paper. Eh-eh, do a' nanny, do. Chorus

4. Dey use de water from the swimmin' pool Das how dey save the Central School.

Eh-eh, do a' nanny, do. Chorus

5. Dey try dey des' to put fire out But de hose it burs' and wouldn't spout. Eh-eh, do a' nanny, do. Chorus

6. When de fire was at its height De Commandant sen' for dynamite. Eh-eh, do a' nanny, do. Chorus

First verse transcribed from memory. Words for additional verses from

Nassau informant, 3 April, 1977

It is noteworthy that during this period of prosperity, the authorities and

the press seemed more kindly disposed towards the Junkanoos, and immed

iately following the end of Prohibition, a voluntary committee with members

drawn from a cross section of civic minded Bahamians, was formed to

encourage participation in the parades. This committee raised funds by public

subscription so that cash prizes could be offered for the best costumes in

various categories.

Another change in the organization of Junkanoo took place at this time.

The Church authorities had for decades been complaining that the Junkanoo



16

celebrations interfered with Christmas church services. Defries had noted this

as early as 1916, when she wrote:

At eight o'clock the people began to scatter, but all

day long in all the streets you might meet detach ments of them and hear the strange beat of their bells and drums, while in the churches negro voices rose on the air singing in unison Christian hymnsl (Italics original.)16

In 1938, therefore, Boxing Day,17 the day after Christmas, was also

declared a public holiday and the Junkanoo Parade was shifted from

Christmas morning to the morning following. The date of the New Year's Day

parade was unaffected by this change.

In spite of all these efforts to keep everyone happy, however, the world wide recession of the 30s, which led to considerable hardship in the Bahamas,

began to take its toll, and, as has been noted whenever the people were

discontented, their attitude was reflected in the behaviour of the Junkanoos. It comes as no surprise, therefore, that we read the following editorial in the Guardian of 29 December, 1939:

One of the objectionable features of the New Year celebration here is that minature John Canoe Parades sans costume or organization, appear

sporadically on busy streets for several days before and after New Year's Day at the imminent risk of

stragglers being struck by passing vehicles. Often the

spirit of the marchers is a bit truculent and vehicles of all sorts are deliberately impeded. Drivers of motor cars and cyclists are helpless against this sort of behaviour since it does not justify ploughing a road through the inconsiderate merry-makers. Per

haps the phenomenon of the irresistible urge to march to the rhythm of cowbell and tomtom would be of interest to the psychologist, sociologist or just plain tourist but to the average resident it is a bit overdone to put it mildly. The impulse appears too

strong to be resisted but, even in a gay holiday season, some courtesy and care is needed in public thoroughfares.

This 'truculunt' behaviour was only indicative of a move on the part of all the peoples of the West Indies towards change in their social conditions.



17

Labour problems were endemic in the West Indies at this time and there were

serious riots in Barbados (1937), Jamaica (1938), St. Vincent (1935), and

Trinidad (1937).

The inevitable riot in the Bahamas occcurred in 1942. It rose out of an

unresolved wage dispute, when Bahamian workers employed on the construc

tion of the air force base in New Providence, discovered that they were being

paid considerably less than their American counterparts. The rioters stormed

Bay Street, smashing windows and looting shops. The Government was stag

gered. This type of behaviour was so out of keeping with the peace-loving nature of the average Bahamian. The Company of the Cameron High-landers

garrisoned in New Providence was summoned and the rioting quelled, and

shortly thereafter a settlement between the two factions was reached.

The Government, however, was badly shaken. As a precaution against

any similar disturbances breaking out in the future, all public gatherings were

banned, and this ruling, as a matter of course, included the .1 unkanoo Parades.

But a custom so embedded in the psyche of a people dies hard and

although the Junkanoos were not seen on Bay Street for many years, the

following newspaper reports attest to the fact that they were very active

elsewhere on the island.

Unlawful Parade

During the early part of last evening a hundred or

more people paraded through several streets in the

Southern District, ringing cowbells and beating drums, in spite of the fact that an order under the Defence Act Regulations strictly forbids these

parades. The police are undoubtedly taking the

necessary steps to prevent this breach of the law.

The Nassau Guardian, December 22,1942

Illegal Parade

A fairly large "John Canoe" parade was seen last

night in the neighbourhood of Oakes Field in spite of the present regulations forbidding such gather

ings. Many of the men taking part in the parade carried large sticks with which they tapped passing



18

cars, though no damage was done. The incident was

reported to the police and we trust that every precaution is being taken to enforce the regulations in this respect.


New Year's Eve parade Dispersed

During New Year's Eve and New Year's morning the Police were obliged to disperse several crowds of men who were parading through some streets

ringing cowbells and making other noises. Several men were arrested and convicted in the Magistrate's Court this morning on charges of disturbing the

peace.

The Nassau Guardian,

January 3,1944

This unhealthy state of affairs continued until, partly as a result of repeated petitions to

the Government on the part of the Junkanoo Committee, and partly because the

Government itself began to view Junkanoo as a powerful tourist attraction, the parades were again officially recognized in 1947,

On this occasion the Guardian commented:

A Committee, recently formed, has raised by public subscription money enough to provide valuable cash

prizes for the best costumes, and this incentive will no doubt provoke competitive efforts to restore some of the glories of carnival times of former years. But this in itself is not enough. It will be remembered that it was the gradual degeneration of our annual John Canoe Parade into a mere pretext for

hooliganism that eventually led to their disap pearance. It is by their conduct - perhaps more than

by their costumes - that the public will judge the

masqueraders this New Year. Seemly behaviour is

by no means incompatible with the carnival spirit; jollity need not induce riotousness or intemperance, but these former rather banish the latter. It would be well if these considerations were taken into account in the awarding of the prizes. The John Canoes are



19

being weighed in the balance; and it rests entirely with them not to be found wanting. The police will be expected to exercise great vigilance.


d. 1948 - the present

The return of the Junkanoos to Bay Street three days later was greeted

by enthusiastic crowds. In the following few years, however, it was noted that the number of non-costumed "rushers" far exceeded the number of costumed

Junkanoos. For the next decade, therefore, the Committee was concerned

primarily with re-organization of the Festival, for while, each year, the cos

tumes grew increasingly elaborate, the attendant problems of logistics had to

be solved.

The '60s' and '70s' saw many radical changes in the Festival. In seeking tighter organization of the Parade, many new regulations were imposed. As a

measure of protection for the costumes, no non-costumed persons were

allowed on the streets during the parades. In order to ensure that this ruling was followed, the parade route was cordoned off. This tended to isolate the costumed paraders and also to accentuate the gap between performer and

audience. In addition it was decided that, in order to protect a tradition that seemed uniquely Bahamian, only those costumes entirely made of paper

fringe would be eligible for awards.

Significant also during this period was the increased participation of

females in an event previously regarded as the sole premise of males. In

addition, a greater number of white Bahamians began to take an active part

in the festival and in general a broader cross section of the population is now

represented. Today, for example, it is not unusual to see the Prime Minister

and other Ministers of the Government "rushin" in the Parades.

The Junkanoos, themselves, have become better organized. Today fewer

individual entrants are seen as they are gradually being replaced by large bands. Numbering between 40 and 200, these bands are sponsored by local

business houses, which finance the now expensive construction of the cos

tumes. Striving for originality, each band selects a theme, which is carried out

in every detail by all members of the band.

Designing and constructing the costumes begin months before Christmas.

Large sheds are used for this purpose as the costumes are made in secrecy so



20

that rival bands do not see each other's designs until the date of the Festival

itself. The technique of applying the paper fringe to the under garment of the costume has become more and more refined, and the former coarse fringing has given way to a fringe so fine that it resembles shredded coconut.

Each band provides its own music. The musicians, who formerly had

clustered around the principal drummers in "gangs", are now strung out in

long lines so that all members of the band can hear the rhythms. In some cases when the band is especially large, more than one group of musicians is

required.

The costumes have become so enormous, in some cases cumbersome and

unwieldy, that a height restriction of 11 ft. had to be imposed. In addition, because of the huge size, two-way Junkanoo traffic on Bay Street became

virtually impossible. As a result, a circular one-way route utilizing more streets was introduced in 1973. While it must be admitted that the new arrangement makes for a smoother flow of traffic, one no longer hears the interesting clash of contrasting rhythms which used to occur when one band passed another

going in the opposite direction.

To many an old-timer, who remembers the spontaneity and sheer fun of

the pre-'60s parades, the Festival has now become too organized. They claim that the Festival has now become nothing more than a parade of costumes.

Furthermore they contend that even these costumes, brilliant though they

might be, have lost the essential element of the old masquerade parades, for

today masks are no longer required.

All these points may be valid, but the spirit of Junkanoo is not entirely lost. Every Boxing Day and New Year's Day, there are still those who cannot control the irresistible urge to "rush". In order to qualify as "costumed"

Junkanoos, they attach the barest minimum of paper fringe to their every day clothes, take out their cowbells, drums and whistles and join the parade. These

"scrap gangs", as they are called, add much to the spirit of the occasion, (and in many cases, the best music), and the fact that they are often composed of

youngsters augurs well for the future of the Festival.

The Music

While many changes were taking place in the costumes, organization and time of the Festival, information gathered from older informants indicates that the music, at least insofar as the present century is concerned, remained relatively unchanged.

The fifes and tambourines, noted in 1854 in the Guardian, has fallen into disuse by the turn of the century and only a few minor changes have occured in the composition



21

of the Junkanoo instrumentarium since then. The former emphasis on singing has today been largely replaced by a wider selection of melodic instruments, notably the trumpet,

saxophone and trombone. In addition slight changes in the type of idiophone used have

been noticed over the years. For example, older informants state that in the old days there was sometimes a Junkanoo who scraped a jawbone in the parades. While this

instrument is no longer in evidence, the rim of a tyre struck by a metal rod has been

introduced in the last ten years.

Despite these minor changes, which have been noted as a matter of record, the

traditional Junkanoo music is central to the very essence of the Festival, and, as the

foregoing historical account of its development has demonstrated, it is the only intrinsic

element which can be considered indispensable to the Festival as a whole.

Music accompanies all Junkanoo activities and continues unabated until the Festival

has ended. Certain rhythms are associated with specific activities, for example, march

ing to Bay Street, "rushin" in the Parade itself, celebrating a victory, and even, when the

Junkanoos are exhausted, as an aid to conserving energy. In all cases, however, the

music contains certain inherent characteristics, which, to a Bahamian, render it unmis

takably recognizable as Junkanoo music.

The Instruments

The choice of instruments, for example, is unique. While no chordophones are used, a wide variety of idiophones, membranophones and aerophones are employed. Of these

the most important are the membranophones, which are confined to the native goom

bay drums. As the musicians are active participants in the Parade itself, the drums are

always held under the arm and suspended from the shoulder by means of a strap. They are invariably played with the bare hands.

The idiophones most generally used are the locally made cowbells. Three methods

are used in playing.First, when played in pairs, they are held, one in each hand and

shaken. Secondly, they may be struck, one against the other. Often a particular "beat"

requires that both these techniques are used. Lastly, when one bell is used, it may be

struck externally with its clapper. The tyre rim struck by a metal rod is likewise played in the same manner.

A variety of aerophones are used and include such instruments as the conch shell,

whistles of various descriptions, toy horns, fog horns, bicycle horns, bugles, trumpets,

saxophones, and trombones, among others.

General Features

The music is generally multi-linear in texture with each section of the ensemble

having its own characteristic function. Rhythmic features are predominant, while

melodic elements perform a secondary role. The ensembles today are large, and a



22

typical group of 80 musicians might comprise 60 cowbell players, 15 drummers, and five

players of melodic instruments. Cowbell players often double as whistle blowers.

Rhythmic Aspects Junkanoo music functions primarily as an accompaniment to marching, and is

therefore in simple duple or quadruple time. The drums, sometimes divided into two sections - lead drums and second or bass drums - are responsible for providing the basic

rhythms. Local musicians state that there are three basic Junkanoo "bents": (i) The Hill

Beat, (ii) The Fast Beat, and (iii) The Slow Bent. Each of these beats has a distinct function and is played at specified times during the Festival.

(i) The Hill Beat

The name of this rhythm derives from the fact that most of the groups taking part in Junkanoo lived in the general vicinity south of a range of hills on the outskirts of Nassau. This general area is today colloquially known as "Over-the Hill". The Junkanoos had to march over this hill on their way to Bay Street and for this march they used a rhythm which served the purpose of conserving (heir

energies for the rigorous parading which lay ahead. This particular rhythm came to be known as the Hill Beat. Sometimes it is used in the Parade itself, when the

Junkanoos, after many hours of steady music making, become exhausted. The

rhythm is somewhat military in character and may have been influenced by the Band of the Bahamian Militia during the last century. All drums provide the basic

rhythm for the "beat" as follows:

Ex. 6 The Hill Beat

i-M-4

(ii) The Fast Beat

It is this rhythm and its variants that are most often heard during the Parade itself. The basic pattern is again provided by the drums, which in this case are divided. The lead drummers play the following rhythm:

Ex. 7 The Fast Beat (Lead)

t ft

\ |: pj'jn)!1 }rf};



23

while the second drummers plaf this rhythm:

Ex. 8 The Fast Beat (2nd or Bass)

. } f J A fffn • L ' i 11 1

Sometimes a single drummer will play the resultant of these two rhythms combined as follows:

Ex. 9 The Fast Beat (resultant ■ 1 drum)

*—*

(iii) The Slow Beat

When a group gets tired it may resort to either the Hill Beat or the Slow

Beat, the basic rhythm for the latter being as follows:

Ex. 10 The Slow Beat

t t ft tr

\ i1! juuujnjuu

Within the framework of these basic beats, each group strives for originality and as a result many variants maybe heard at the parades. Tempi also vary from

group to group. Some play the rhythms at a brisk speed, while others prefer a

slower more deliberate pace. The tempi indicated in the foregoing examples are

typical of the faster speed.

While the drums provide the basic rhythms for the various beats, the

cowbells establish a rhythmic pattern which remains the same until the "beat" is

changed. Nketia, the eminent Ghanaian ethnomusicologist, refers to this rhyth mic pattern as the time line, and describes it as a unifying point of reference to



24

• 18 which all the other instruments may relate. Noteworthy here is the fact that in

Ghanaian music, it is also most often the bells which supply the time line.

In the examples of cowbell rhythms which follow, the symbols u and d indicate the up and down positions of the cowbells when shaken, while s indicates when

they are struck together. The most basic cowbell rhythm is produced when the bells are simply shaken up and down. This produces the following rhythm:

Ex. 11 Cowbell Rhythm 1

In order to produce variety, however, a combination of the updown motion and the striking motion is used. The following example serves to illustrate a typical rhythm in which both techniques are used:

Ex. 12 Cowbell Rhythm 2 ^i£!) tloiu\ ft

1 HrhlUtlH Ml J7 1-dl U. D U. 2 uD S U J U I D u D

LJL

Ex. 12 Cowbell Rhythm 2

A similar combination of techniques is used in the cowbell rhythm for the Hill Beat. Note that it exactly duplicates the drum rhythm for the same "beat".

Ex. 13 The Hill Beat (cowbells)

*-nr 1 u III JU

Out ullSUJ) U 1

Occasionally, a single cowbell, whose clapper has been removed, is struck

externally by this clapper. The tyre rim struck by a metal rod is used in the same way as a solo instrument. In these cases, the rhythm produced cannot be

said to provide the time line as it is for the most part inaudible to a large majority of the players in a particular group. Its function, therefore, is to enrich the texture rhythmically by increasing the density. Typical of these rhythms are the following:



25

Ex. 14 Cowbell or Rim struck externally (1)

i e/ I si | j* i in^h imin jo

Ex. 15 Cowbell or Rim struck externally (2)

* -*-+\ ^ 5^—J—<1 j|

Also serving to enrich the texture rhythmically are the nonmelodic

aerophones, such as the conch shell, the whistles, the toy horns and the bicycle horns. These instruments sometimes perform a solo role, but most often are

heard in pairs so that an antiphonal effect is created. One instrument produces the call, while the other supplies the response. Frequently these rhythmic

phrases overlap. In order to create interesting contrasts, instruments of

different timbres are paired together. For example a high pitched whistle

might be answered by one of a lower pitch or a conch shell might be answered

by a bicycle horn. To increase further the antiphonal effect, the two instrumen

talists are positioned at some distance from each other in the marching formation. Typical of these Call and Response rhythms are the following:

Ex. 16 Call-and-response rhythm (1)

Him ft nun wmsTie

Latil fITU ft uirnsne

z 4

1

4

-r 7 > FH j> 1 \ 7 j1 fn i. ' J/ 's«

[>l> s

' »

?// )ff 1* > / / fV t w t ' ' <»

s m.

Ex. 17 Call-and-response rhythm (2)

i -L uihithe ^

Owu if!1 IE} shell if

x M h j

fj1 Affl

> J*>

114.

1 un.



26

Melodic Character

As has been noted earlier, melody plays a secondary role in Junkanoo music.

Many of the groups are content with the complex rhythms produced by the

combination of instruments already discussed. Some, on the other hand, increase

the textural richness by adding complete melodies or melodic motifs. When a

tune is used in its entirety the song chosen is usually a Junkanoo song, folksong, or a local song made popular within the last year. Most frequently, however, short

melodic motifs, most often employing pitches of the major triad, are used.

Typical of these are:

Ex. 18 Melodic Motifs

Ex. 19

ti—=— i> f tfrlfi f *. H|

-AH 3—

V 11 f

-_i UJ—/■—-—

h \ ! J1

In order to get the full impact of Junkanoo music, all of its component parts

must be heard simultaneously. The two examples which follow, therefore, are

transcriptions of Junkanoo music recorded in Nassau at the New Year's Day parade earlier this year.



27

Ex. 20 The Fast Beat

)s/3o

ifillHfCT

rfiM uMsne

lolj urf/srie

into zou&ILL

CeudfLLi

LEAD bRim

SAB DlfuM

nt-j kJ p 11; ^ l[Uiu f

7 a ft 0 FTI l> l> > if PITI f ;h f

1 ; j=n fa * i ? FH

7 »/> f p~) p c fn fp Kfi p p m

fl r" o /n rp mr* /n rn u 1-4

fi u. 6. uJfufl a

f t t t t f

^ npif-R V U i M J> S U i a

!> KHfnrB 4

4 7 j /* p n ffn J n - • ffP 4 i i i 1 ' i i

Ex. 21 The Hill Beat

i~61 thfid

Ulrfisrif

CoUitUlLC

Solo D#uH

L0tt> /Mb $,

OKullf

■ ? p p p iP P P --

^ 7 */> j>J» 7 .

p .j. J' J* P P P } >; h ji ■ u 7

J) u

.7 p p P D a 2 U D u 2> 1 u D u

>p fin.

• J. / f t

K" i1 i1 fl }p p .

Conclusion

In conclusion it should be noted that, while the music discussed in this

chapter is primarily associated with the Junkanoo Festival, it is by no means the

only occasion on which it may be heard. Junkanoo music lies at the very core of

the Bahamian mentality and as such is central to his being. Whenever Bahamians

feel the need to celebrate an event of deep significance or national import they



28

do so with Junkanoo music. For example, when Sidney Poitier, the Bahamian

actor, was awarded an Oscar for his performance in "Lilies of the Field," he was

greeted at Nassau International Airport by numerous bands playing Junkanoo

music; when in 1967, it was learnt that the predominantly white ruling minority

Party had been overthrown by the present Government, the sounds of Junkanoo

music echoed throughout the city; and when in 1973, the Bahamas gained its

Independence and became a sovereign nation, the event was marked by perfor mances of Junkanoo music. It must be acknowledged, therefore, that this music

is much more than the mere accompaniment to a masquerade parade. It is deeply rooted in the cultural heritage of the Bahamian people and as such represents their past, their present and their aspirations for the future.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. Charles Farquharson, Journal for1831-32, Nassau, 1957, p. 83.

2. Reid, "The John Canoe Festival," Phylon. 1942, p. 9.

3. Greek god of the sea, identical with Neptune, the Roman god of the sea.

4. Gertrude Tobes, Dictionaiy of Mythology, Folklore andSymbols, New York, 1961.

5. Horace Beck, Folklore and the Sea, Middletown, Conn., 1973, p. 116.

6. Frank Cundall (ed.) LadyXugent'sJournal:JamaicaOneHundredYearsAgo, London, 1907, p. 9-10.

7. Frederick Pease Harlow, The Making of a Sailor. Salem, Mass., 1928, p. 178-9.

8. Michael Craton, Histoiyof'theBahamas, London, 1963, p. 222.

9. Daniel J. Crowley, "Guy Fawkes Day at Fresh Creek, Andros Island, Bahamas," Man, v. 58, July, 1958, pp. 114-115.

10. L. D. Powles, The Land of the Pink Pearl, London, 1888, p. 147-48

11. Amelia Defries, In a Forgotten Colony, Nassau, 1917, p. 74.

12. Franco Monti, .African. Masks, London, 1969, p. 131-32.

13. Defries, In a Forgotten Colony, Nassau, 1917, pp. 76-77.

14. Orlando Patterson, The Sociology ofSlaveiy, Jamaica, 1973, p. 246.

15. H. McL. Bell, Bahamas: Isles of June, London, 1934, p. 191.

16. Defries, In a Forgotten Colony, Nassau, 1917, p. 78.

17. Boxing Day, 26 December, traditional English holiday.

18. J. H. Kwabena Nketia, The Music of Africa, New York, 1974, pp. 131-33.



Documents

Konnu and Carnival—Caribbean Festival Arts || JUNKANOO IN THE BAHAMAS