K.O. Sandnes-The Challenge of Homer_ School, Pagan Poets and Early Christianity (2009)

8/16/2019 K.O. Sandnes-The Challenge of Homer_ School, Pagan Poets and Early Christianity (2009)

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EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN CONTEXT

Editor

John M. G. Barclay

Editorial Board

Loveday Alexander, Troels-Engberg-Pedersen, Bart Ehrman, Joel Marcus, John Riches

Published under

LIBRARY OF NEW TESTAMENT STUDIES

400

formerly the Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement series

Editor

Mark Goodacre

Editorial Board

John M.G. Barclay, Craig Blomberg, R. Alan Culpepper,

James D.G. Dunn, Craig A. Evans, Stephen Fowl, Robert Fowler,

Simon J. Gathercole, Michael Labahn, John S. Kloppenborg, Robert Wall,

Steve Walton, Robert L. Webb, Catrin H. Williams


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Copyright #

Karl Olav Sandnes, 2009

Published by T&T Clark International

A Continuum imprint

The Tower Building, 11 York Road, London SE1 7NX

80 Maiden Lane, Suite 704, New York, NY 10038

www.continuumbooks.com

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including

photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system,

without permission in writing from the publishers.

Karl Olav Sandnes has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and

Patents Act, 1988, to be identied as the Author of this work.

Excerpts from ‘‘De Doctrina Christiana’’ by St Augustine edited by Green,

R.H.P. (1996) and from ‘‘Confessions’’

by St Augustine edited by Chadwick,H. (1991) used by permission of Oxford University Press.

Excerpts from ‘‘De idololatria’’ by Waszink, J.H. and J.C.M. van Windin

(1987) used by permission of Koninklijke Brill NV.

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN 10: HB: 0-567-42664-5

ISBN 13: HB: 978-0567-42664-2

Typeset by Data Standards Ltd, Frome, Somerset, UK

Printed on acid-free paper in Great Britain by Biddles Ltd, King’s Lynn,

Norfolk

http://www.continuumbooks.com/


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CONTENTS

Abbreviations x

Note on Sources xv

Preface xvi

PART 1: SCHOOL AND ENCYCLICAL EDUCATION IN ANTIQUITY 1

1 INTRODUCTION 3

1.1 A Young Boy’s Textbook and a Big Challenge 3

1.2 Literacy and Education among the Christians 5

1.3 Is Greek Education Mentioned in the New Testament? 8

1.4 The Aim of this Study 9

1.5 Method 11

2 SCHOOL IN THE GRAECO-ROMAN WORLD 16

2.1 Introductory Comments 16

2.2 Sources 18

2.3 The Marrou Tradition: A Tripartite Educational Pattern 20

2.3.1 Criticism of Marrou 26

2.3.1.1 Quintilian 28

2.4 Teaching Methods and Discipline 31

2.5 Looking for a Teacher – Starting a Climb to the Top 332.6 Girls Participating as Well? 36

3 THE PIVOTAL ROLE OF HOMER 40

3.1 Homer: the Omniscient 44

3.2 Homer: the Inspired 45

3.3 Homer: Forming the Identity of a Culture 47

3.4 Homer: Interpreted and Criticized 49

4 KNOWLEDGE AND FORMATION: THE INSUFFICIENCY OFENCYCLICAL STUDIES 59

4.1 Teachers as Artisans: An Aristocratic Tradition 61

4.2 What Does Teaching Do to the Students? Some Illustrations 62

4.3 Propaideutic 64


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4.4 Penelope and her Maidservants 65

4.5 Becoming a Good Man (vir bonus) 66

5 PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA: A HELLENISTIC JEW ON GREEK EDUCATION 68

5.1 Sarah and Hagar 69

5.2 ‘Pre-school’ 71

5.3 Why Encyclical Studies? 74

5.4 Real Paideia: The Law of Moses 77

6 SUMMARY OF PART 1 79

PART 2: THE CHRISTIAN AGO ˆ N OVER ENCYCLICAL STUDIES IN THE

FIRST FOUR CENTURIES CE 81

7 JUSTIN MARTYR, HIS STUDENT TATIAN AND TWO PS.JUSTINS 84

7.1 Justin Martyr 84

7.2 Tatian: A Student of Justin 87

7.3 Two Ps.Justins 92

8 T HE APOSTOLIC T RADITION : PROHIBITED OCCUPATIONS 96

9 T HE T EACHING OF THE APOSTLES (DIDASKALIA APOSTOLORUM ) AND

THE SYRIAC TRADITION: ‘AVOID ALL THE BOOKS OF THE GENTILES’ 102

10 TERTULLIAN: LEARNING BUT NOT TEACHING ENCYCLICAL

STUDIES 111

10.1 A Pattern of Insurmountable Contrasts 111

10.2 On Idolatry 114

11 CLEMENT AND ORIGEN: CHRISTIAN TEACHERS IN ALEXANDRIA 124

11.1 Clement of Alexandria: Propaideia Protects Faith 12411.1.1 Adversaries 125

11.1.2 Encyclical Studies are Conducive to Faith 126

11.1.3 Useful or Faith Alone? 129

11.1.4 Supportive Evidence 132

11.1.5 Acting Like Odysseus’ Crew or Like Odysseus Himself 134

11.2 Origen: The Silver and Gold of the Egyptians 140

11.2.1 Origen According to Eusebius 140

11.2.2. A Student Praising his Teacher: Being Trained in

Distinctio 14211.2.3 Origen to His Student Gregory: Plundering the

Egyptians 144

11.2.4 The Threefold Wisdom of the Greeks Borrowed from

Solomon 147

Contentsvi


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11.3 Origen and Celsus: Christian Faith for the Unlearned? 149

11.3.1 Celsus’ Critique Drawn from Christian New Testament

Interpretation 152

11.3.2 Private and Unskilled 157

11.4 The Alexandrian ‘Summary’ 158

12 FLAVIUS CLAUDIUS JULIANUS – EMPEROR AND APOSTATE:

CHRISTIAN TEACHERS ARE IMMORAL 160

12.1 A Law Concerning Christian Teachers 161

12.2 Imperial Rhetoric Inspired by Aristotle and the Bible 169

13 THE CAPPADOCIAN FATHERS 173

13.1 Basil of Caesarea/Basil the Great: Ad adolescentes 17313.1.1 Diakrisis: The Best Way 174

13.1.2 Preparation 174

13.1.3 Learning from Pagan Poets: The Sirens and the Bees 177

13.1.4 Separating Virtue from Vice 180

13.1.5 Mastering the Desires 182

13.1.6 Basil Summarizes 183

13.1.7 An Additional Question 185

13.2 Gregory of Nazianzus’ Encomium for Basil 185

13.3 Gregory of Nyssa’s Life of Moses 188

14 JEROME: AN ASCETIC ADDICTED TO GREEK LEARNING 196

14.1 Renunciation 196

14.2 Greek Education and the Wisdom of Christ (1 Cor. 1–2) 200

14.3 Jerome Ambivalent 201

14.4 Jerome Defends Paul or Rather Vice Versa: Commentary

on Paul’s Letter to Titus 205

14.5 Encyclical Studies Taught in a Christian Setting – Towards

Monastery Schools? 208

15 AUGUSTINE: LIBERAL STUDIES – A WINDOW ON THE

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN GREEK CULTURE AND CHRISTIAN FAITH 214

15.1 Liberal Studies and Conversion 214

15.2 De doctrina Christiana 218

15.2.1 Uti and Frui 220

15.2.2 Truth, Wherever Found, Belongs to God: The Gold of

the Egyptians 222

15.2.3 Knowledge Produced or Found 227

16 SUMMARY OF PART 2 231

16.1 Common Ground – Talking at Cross-Purposes 231

16.2 Opposition to Encyclical Studies 234

Contents vii


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16.3 Encyclical Studies Cannot Be Avoided 234

16.4 Advocates of Encyclical Studies 235

16.5 Arguments Employed in the Debate 236

16.5.1 The Critics 237

16.5.2 The Advocates 238

16.5.3 Acting Like Bees 241

16.5.4 All or Nothing? 242

PART 3: LOOKING BACK TO THE NEW TESTAMENT 245

17 THE NEW TESTAMENT AND ENCYCLICAL STUDIES 247

17.1 General Observations 247

17.2 Paul on Encyclical Studies? 25017.2.1 Paul’s Greek Education 251

17.2.2 ’Gymnastics of the Soul’ – a Reversal of Values 255

17.2.3 Robert S. Dutch 257

17.2.4. A Propaideutic Logic in Galatians? 259

17.2.5 PROKOPH and Usus in Philippians? 263

17.2.5.1 Phil. 4.8-9 264

17.3 Summarizing Paul on Encyclical Studies 269

18 CONCLUSION 272

BIBLIOGRAPHY 279

INDEX OF REFERENCES 306

INDEX OF AUTHORS 317

Contentsviii


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Dedicated tomy teachers,

my late mother and my father in particular


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ABBREVIATIONS

Modern Sources

A Anchor BibleABD Anchor Bible Dictionary

ABRL Anchor Bible Reference Library

ACW Ancient Christian Writers

AKG Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte

ANF Ante-Nicene Fathers

ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der ro ¨ mischen Welt: Geschichte

und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung

ASP American Studies in Papyrology

BAGD Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and OtherEarly Christian Literature (Bauer, etc.)

BZNW Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fu ¨ r die neutestamentliche

Wissenschaft

CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly

CRINT Compendia rerum iudaicarum ad Novum TestamentumDACL Dictionnaire d’archaéologie chrétienne et de liturgie

DTT Dansk teologisk tidsskrift

FC Fathers of the Church

GCS Die griechische christliche Schriftsteller der ersten [drei]Jahrhunderte

HNT Handbuch zum neuen TestamentHTR Harvard Theological Review

HUCM Monographs of the Hebrew Union College

HUT Hermeneutische Untersuchungen zur Theologie

JAC Jahrbuch fu ¨ r Artike und Christentum

JBL Journal of Biblical Literature

JECS Journal of Early Christian Studies

JR Journal of ReligionJSNT Journal for the Study of the New Testament

JTS Journal of Theological Studies

LCL Loeb Classical Library

LSJ A Greek-English Lexicon (Liddell, Scott, Jones)


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NICNT New Testament Commentary on the New Testament

NIGTC New International Greek Testament Commentary

NovT Novum Testamentum

NovTSup Supplements to Novum Testamentum

NPNF Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers

NRSV New Revised Standard Version

NTS New Testament Studies

OTP Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (Charlesworth)

PG Patrologia Graeca (J.-P. Migne)

PL Patrologia Latina (J.-P. Migne)

PTS Patristische Texte und Studien

RQ Ro ¨ mische Quartalschrift fu ¨ r christliche Altertumskunde und

KirchengeschichteRST Regensburger Studien zur Theologie

SBLDS Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series

SBLSymS Society of Biblical Literature Symposium Series

SBLWGRW Society of Biblical Literature Writings from the Greco-

Roman World

SC Sources chre ´ tiennes

SNTSMS Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series

ST Studia Theologica

TAPA Transactions of the American Philological AssociationTDNT Theological Dictionary of the New Testament (G. Kittel

and G. Friedrich)

TSAJ Texte und Studien zum Antiken Judentum

TU Texte und Untersuchungen

VC Vigiliae Christianae

WBC Word Biblical Commentary

WUNT Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Alten und NeuenTestament

ZKG Zeitschrift fu ¨ r Kirchengeschichte

Ancient Sources

Aristotle

Pol. Politics

Rhet. Rhetoric

Augustine

Civ. De civitate Dei

Conf. Confessiones

Ep. Epistula

Doctr. Chr. De doctrina Christiana

Unic. bapt. De unico baptismo

Abbreviations xi


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Basil of Caesarea

Adol. Ad adolescentes (Address to Young Men on Reading Greek

Literature)

Cicero

De or. De oratore

Off. De officiis

Clement of Alexandria

Paed. Paedagogus

Protr. Protrepticus

Strom. Stromata

Clement of Rome1 Clem.

Dio Chrysostom

Or. Oratio

Epictetus

Diatr. Diatribai (Dissertationes)

Eusebius of Caesarea

Chron. Chronikon

Hist. eccl. Historia ecclesiasticaGregory of Nazianzus

Disc. Discourse

Or. Bas. Oratio in laudem Basilii

Gregory of Nyssa

Mos. De vita Mosis

Hesiod

Op. Opera et dies

Hippolytus

Trad. Ap. Traditio apostolica

Homer

Il. Iliad

Od. Odyssey

Irenaeus

Haer. Adversus haereses

IsocratesDemon. Ad demonicum

Jerome

Ad Tit. Ad Titum (Commentary on the Letter to Titus)

Epist. Epistula

Abbreviationsxii


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Ruf. Adversus Rufinum

John Chrysostom

Hom. Homolia(e)Josephus

C. Ap. Contra Apionem

Julian

Ep. Epistula

Justin

1 Apol. First Apology

2 Apol. Second Apology

Dial. Dialogue with Trypho

Juvenal

Sat. Satires

Lactantius

Inst. The Divine Institutes

Let. Aris. Letter of Aristeas

(Ps.)Lucian of Samosata

Anach. Anacharsis

Am. AmoresHermot. Hermotimus

Men. Menippus

Macrobius

Sat. Saturnalia

Minicius Felix

Oct. Octavius

Origen:

Cels. Contra Celsum

Hom. Num. Homiliae in Numeros

Petronius

Sat. Satyricon

Philo

Abr. De Abrahamo

Agr. De agricultura

Cherub. De cherubim

Congr. De congressu eruditionis gratiaDeus Quod Deus sit immutabilis

Ebr. De ebrietate

Flacc. In Flaccum

Abbreviations xiii


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Fug. De fuga et inventione

Gig. De gigantibus

Legat. Legatio ad Gaium

Mos. De vita Mosis

Migr. De migratione Abrahami

Plant. De plantatione

Prob. Quos omnis probus liber sit

QG Quaestiones et solutiones in Genesis

QE Quaestiones et solutiones in Exodum

Sacr. De sacrificiis Abelis et Caini

Somn. De somniis

Spec. De specialibus legibus

Plato

Leg. Leges

Prot. Protagoras

Resp. Respublica

Pliny

Ep. Epistula(e)

Plutarch

Mor. Moralia

Quintilian

Inst. Institutio oratoria

Seneca

Ep. Epistulae morales

Sextus Empiricus

Math. Adversus mathematicos

Suetonius

Gramm. De grammaticis

Tatian

Or. Oratio ad Graecos

Tertullian

Apol. Apologeticus

Cor. De corona militis

Idol. De idololatria

Nat. Ad nationes

Praescr. De praescriptione haereticorum

Xenophon

Mem. Memorabilia

Symp. Symposium

Abbreviationsxiv


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NOTE ON SOURCES

Greek and Latin terms are given in the nominative or infinitive, not in the

grammatical form in which they appear in a given quotation. This makes

it easier for a reader to look up these words. This applies primarily towords or phrases, not to citations.


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PREFACE

This project would not have been possible without the support and help

from many. It is my pleasure to express gratitude to those who gave me a

helping hand along the way. I owe thanks to the library staff of my school,MF Norwegian School of Theology, for kindly and patiently providing

me with the literature I needed. My school granted me money to have my

English proofread. This task has been undertaken with patience and

diligence by Dr David Pugh.

Professor Oskar Skarsaune and Dr Reidar Aasgaard were kind enough

to comment upon parts of the study. Assistant Professor Glenn Wehus

looked into the Greek of my manuscript. I am especially grateful to

Professor John M.G. Barclay, the editor of the series, for recommending

my study to T&T Clark/Continuum for publication. His careful readingand comments have contributed considerably to the improvement of the

manuscript. This applies to Professor Loveday Alexander as well; she

offered constructive criticism of a first draft of the manuscript. I owe

thanks to Senior Editor Haaris Naqvi for his help and cooperation in

preparing the manuscript for publication. Although I have benefited from

the help of many people, any shortcomings or mistakes remain fully my

responsibility.

I dedicate this book to all my teachers, from my childhood on to

present-day colleagues, but especially to my parents who introduced me tothe pleasure of learning, and who introduced me to Christ.

Oslo, Summer 2008


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PART 1

SCHOOL, HOMER AND ENCYCLICAL EDUCATIONIN ANTIQUITY


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Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

1.1 A Young Boy’s Textbook and a Big Challenge

Among the so-called Papyri Boriant of Egypt there are some pages fromthe handwritten textbook of a student, apparently a young boy, in the

fourth century CE.1 The book gives a glimpse of life in ancient primary

schools, no different from other similar findings from antiquity. Here are

listed the Homeric gods and their mythology – all taken down in order to

facilitate memorization. The names which this schoolboy had to learn by

heart appear in similar fragments from students’ exercise books.2

Compared to other textbooks from ancient primary schools, this papyrus

is not extraordinary – except for the cross it bears!

On the first sheet of the papyrus the boy has drawn this Christiansymbol followed by the Greek word qeov", meaning God. This word isfollowed by the Greek letters egwl-; but unfortunately, the papyrus isdamaged, and the complete word therefore remains to be reconstructed.

The interpretation of egwl- is far from certain, but egwl- apparentlyforms the first part of an unfinished word. The appearance of the cross as

well as qeov" has led scholars to assume that this textbook once belongedto a Christian schoolboy.

The textbook is probably evidence of a schoolboy between 7 and 12

years of age, coming from a Christian home, and seeking some kind of protection against the curriculum he was expected to memorize. This may

shed light on the interpretation of egwl-. From Jewish tradition theChristians adopted the practice of saying a beraka, a blessing or a praise

when they embarked on various kinds of activities (see e.g. Eph.1.3; 1 Pet.

1.3). Greek texts normally render the Hebrew beraka with qeo;" eujloghtov", meaning ‘Blessed/Praised be God.’ Could the letters egwl-be what is left of a schoolboy’s unsuccessful attempt to write eujloghtov"?

1 This ‘notebook’ is presented by Leclerq 1938: 2901–02; see also Marrou 1956: 325 andLaistner 1950: 51. My presentation is dependent upon their interpretation.

2 Examples from similar notebooks are collected by Ziebarth 1913. Cribiore 1996 is an

extensive study of school in Graeco-Roman Egypt based on the evidence found in such

material; see e.g. pp. 27–33, 53–55. Photographs of this material are collected at the end of

her investigation. The significance of such school texts is emphasized also by Morgan 1998.


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Raffaella Cribiore’s study of similar school exercises gives examples of

errors found in this material, which she says are abundant. In fact, the

presence of errors in the copying is an indication of the school origin of

the text.3

The theory gleaned from this papyrus can hardly be proved, but it looks

probable. The textbook can, therefore, be seen as a helpful illustration of

the topic of this book: What opinions and attitudes did the Christians of

the first four centuries CE hold with regard to primary education? Papyrus

Boriant may possibly witness to how a boy solved this challenge. He

attended school and memorized what he was told to do, but he sought

protection against the Homeric gods in the primary symbol of his faith.

Thus this textbook witnesses to a conflict with which many believers were

concerned. John Chrysostom voices a question which echoes throughoutthe history of the Early Church: ‘What is the use [o[ felo"] of sending ourchildren to the grammarian [ eij" didaskavlou"], where, before learningtheir texts [oiJ lov goi], they will acquire wickedness [kakiva], and, in theirdesire to receive a trifle [ to; e[latton], they will lose the most importantthing [ to; mei'zon], all the vigour and health of their soul [ yuchv] (Adversusoppugnatores vitae monasticae 3.11/PG 47.367).4 The text echoes Jesus’

dictum about his follower taking up the cross and forfeiting life (Mk 8.34-

38 and parallels). This question is raised in a situation where Christian

parents in Antioch were involved in a debate with John Chrysostom aboutmonastic training of their sons. It thus comes from a developed stage in

the conflict which this book is investigating. But the question echoes the

question which many Christian parents, mostly from the elite, must have

asked themselves throughout the first centuries CE.

The papyrus mentioned above attests to a problem frequently addressed

in early Christian writings: Was there a place for a Christian in pagan

schools? To what extent was it possible for a Christian ‘to take pleasure in

the reading of pagan books and in making of them his favourite mental

diet’.5 This question paves the way for much greater questions, allinvolved with the relationship between the Christian faith and Greek

classical tradition and culture. To approach this complex theme from the

perspective of education and what children were taught in school will

illuminate the cultural conflict, with the challenges and exchange involved

as well.

3 Cribiore 1996: 91–96.

4 According to the translation found in Athanassiadi 1992: 1.

5 Ellspermann 1949: 7. According to Herodotus 2.53-54, it was Homer and Hesiod who

taught the Greeks about the gods, about their names, forms, descent and doings. Herodotus

thus claims a close connection between these poets and Greek piety.

The Challenge of Homer4


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1.2 Literacy and Education among the Christians

Estimates of literacy in antiquity vary a lot. Literacy in antiquity has, with

reference to the entire population of the Roman society, been estimated ataround 10 per cent; in other words, only one in ten people were able to

read. This variety is partly due to the scarcity of material from which

general conclusions can be deduced, and partly also to how literacy is

defined. William S. Harris estimates that fewer than 15 per cent of the

population in the Western provinces possessed the skills of reading and

writing to a useful extent; i.e. beyond the level of writing their own name

and signing documents (semi-literacy).6 The percentage was probably

somewhat higher in the Eastern provinces. Generally speaking, literacy

was restricted to a privileged minority, the intellectual elite, a fact which ismirrored also in the Christian texts to be studied in the present study. The

Christians did not differ substantially from the rest of the population with

regard to literacy rates.7 Nonetheless, it is worth pondering the fact that

early Christianity was a textual community, and remained so for the five

centuries of interest in this study. The New Testament itself demonstrates

that teaching, and reading and writing in particular, were matters of much

concern to the Christians. A piety based on written documents necessarily

promotes literacy in one way or another.8 Here the Christian movement

differs from ancient religions, be they public or domestic. Due to thebookish nature of early Christianity, this movement has more in common

with contemporary philosophical schools. More significant, however, is

the fact that the Christian faith was born in a Jewish setting where reading

and writing were crucial to both domestic piety and synagogue worship.9

Due to the role assigned to the Law, its interpretation, scriptural reading

and traditions, the Jews valued literacy and education. The nascent

Church followed this practice to a large degree; it became a religion

heavily dependent upon books and reading.

The emphasis on studying the Law of Moses in the synagogues madethem appear as a school. The New Testament provides glimpses of this

situation. When Jesus debated with the scribes in the Temple (Lk. 2.46-

50), he is depicted as a teacher among teachers. The Gospels present Jesus

as a Jewish teacher surrounded by his students (maqhtaiv).10 Paul was astudent in the school of Gamaliel, the Rabbi, in Jerusalem (Acts 22.3).

6 Harris 1989. Hock 2001: 58 gives an estimate of ‘no more than 15 per cent’.7 Gamble 2004: 29–32.

8 This is pointed out by Harris 1989: 218–21; Millard 2000: 157–58.

9 See Crenshaw 1998; Riesner 1981: 97–245.

10 This fact is a point of departure for some recent works on how the Gospel tradition

originated; see Riesner 1981 and Byrskog 1994.

Introduction 5


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Paul took an elementary education, probably also including rhetoric,

either in Tarsus or Jerusalem.11

In the light of these facts, it seems justified to assume that literacy

among Jews and Christians was somewhat higher than the average 10 per

cent of Roman society. This is, however, a hasty conclusion. The textual

nature of Jewish worship and Christian faith does not necessarily imply a

higher literacy rate among ordinary adherents. The bookish nature may

well be accounted for by the elite only. Furthermore, by means of public

reading and repeated hearing (orality), the illiterate majority was given

access to the texts of liturgy and Scripture without themselves being able

to read.12 From the very outset of this study we have one fact and one

indication guiding the rest of the investigation. The fact is that Christian

worship and piety were dependent upon some who were literate. Theindication is that this ability was primarily found among elite members; in

other words, the Christian discourse on Greek education owed much to

social differences among the Christians.

Nonetheless, teaching and education among the early Christians took

three forms. In the first place, in accordance with Jewish practice, children

were given religious training at home.13 Early Christian writers took Eph.

6.4 as a point of departure for emphasizing the importance of teaching

children at home:14 ‘And, fathers, do not provoke your children to anger,

but bring them up in the discipline and instruction of the Lord.’ Theauthor of this text makes use of words at home in texts addressing

upbringing and teaching of children in the ancient society. Of prominence

is, of course, the appearance of paideiva and nouqesiva which are bothassociated with ancient practices of how to instruct children.15

In the second place, Jesus’ words according to Mt. 28.18-20 initiated a

practice of preparing recent converts and candidates for baptism by

teaching them. Some New Testament texts assume teaching of this kind

(Rom. 6.17; Heb. 5.11-14), and from about 200 CE this became more

organized. Heb. 5 addresses the need for progress in teaching orupbringing. The addressees are blamed for still being like children in

need of milk instead of solid food. By now they should have become

didavskaloi (teachers), but they are still taught the elementary knowledge( ta; stoicei'a th'" ajrch'") of God’s words. This text abounds with logic as

11 Hellholm 1989. Vegge 2006 has substantiated this; more on this in Ch. 17.2.1. He

argues that this happened in Tarsus. Greek education was, however, also available in

Jerusalem; see Hezser 2001: 60–109 cf. Scha ¨ fer 1998: 32–39, 53–57.

12 This is emphasized by Harris 1989: 221; Gamble 2004: 29–32 and Hezser 2001: 496– 504. Hezser argues that the Jewish literacy rate must have been lower than among Romans in

the first centuries CE.

13 See Barclay 1997: 68–72; Bakke 2005: 152–201.

14 See e.g. Guroian 2001; Barclay 1997: 75–78.

15 See BAGD s.v.; LSJ s.v.



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well as terms which bring to mind traditional Graeco-Roman discourse on

education. Although the text refers to Christian teaching intra muros, it

draws heavily on ancient pedagogical traditions related to the so-called

encyclical training (see below). The concept of a development towards

maturity encapsulates a basic idea of Greek education.16 This connection

is further strengthened by the metaphor of milk and solid food (see

below). Finally, the text also includes the verb gumnavzein, which is closelyassociated with the raising of children in Greek education, thus demon-

strating familiarity with this tradition.

In 1947 the Norwegian scholar and bishop Bjarne Skard wrote a novel

about the teaching of catechumens in North Africa about 200 CE. The

book, Carthaginian Schooldays,17 is based on Tertullian’s texts, and Skard

gives a vivid and fascinating picture of what it was like to be a student inthis school. Home-teaching as well as schools for catechumens aimed at

introducing children and recent converts to the Christian faith and

doctrines.

Thirdly, some Christians attended the education commonly available

(encyclical teaching – see later) in the society – just like the schoolboy in

Papyrus Boriant. The Christians took no initiative to organize common

teaching of the children outside their homes and churches. The attendance

of Christian boys (and presumably some girls) at these pagan schools

became a hot issue among the Christians. It is the aim of this book todescribe this challenge, and to present the debate and solutions sought

throughout the first five centuries CE. It is my conviction that schooling

and education will prove particularly helpful in investigating the cultural

encounter between Christian faith and Greek culture. This is so because

primary education was so intimately connected with values, identity and

traditions in ancient society. The schools thus provided the means for

passing down key notions of the Hellenistic culture. Was this last-

mentioned education a big issue in the Church? Probably not, due to the

fact that the vast majority of people, Christians included, were illiterate.But it was still an important issue, not because it necessarily affected most

believers, but because it raised fundamental questions on the relationship

between Christian faith and pagan tradition. It raised questions of

hermeneutical significance far beyond the question of participation in

Greek education.

16 See e.g. Lucian of Samosata Hermotimus, where education is seen as climbing towards

a top, which was a common way of addressing education; see Ch. 2.5 in this study.

17 The book is only available in Norwegian; Kartagiske skoledager (1947).

Introduction 7


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1.3 Is Greek Education Mentioned in the New Testament?

There is hardly any direct evidence of how Christians were involved with

traditional Greek education in the New Testament. Still, we can safelyassume that this was an issue of relevance and high on the agenda,

particularly for the well-to-do. Although our topic primarily appears in

later sources, we can be confident that the problem, challenge and

differing views were there from the beginning. This claim will be more

fully substantiated throughout this investigation.18 For the present, it

suffices to say that this is suggested by some observations. In Gal. 3.24

Paul writes that ‘the law was our paidagwgov" until Christ came’.19 ThisGreek word frequently appears in texts about the upbringing and teaching

of children. In Paul’s text it does not refer to the teacher, but to the personwho took care of the children. The word can be translated in various

ways. The paidagwgov" was a slave assigned to take care of the children.This implied taking them to their teachers. At the teacher’s the

paedagogues probably listened to the teaching and thus picked up

knowledge conveyed there. Accordingly, the paidagwgoiv often appear aspersons of some training, and they were expected to behave well, speak

well, and to have skills in teaching.20 In this way, many paidagwgoivplayed an intermediary role between the parents and the children. Not all

homes could afford to have paidagwgoiv; they marked well-to-dofamilies.21

Paul makes use of the paedagogus in a theological argument in which

this figure is clearly distinguished from the role of the teacher. Due to

Paul’s theological rhetoric, the distinction between the paedagogus and the

teacher is often exaggerated. In fact, the roles of the two were sometimes

blurred. The role of the paedagogus extended beyond caring for the young

children. As Chapter 2 will demonstrate, ‘primary’ education was often

given at home, particularly so with students from the elite. Quintilian, for

instance, speaks about the instruction given at home (see below). The paedagogus is the most likely candidate for being responsible for this

teaching.22 For the present, it is important to notice that Gal. 3.24

nonetheless demonstrates that Paul assumed his readers to be familiar

with the figure of the paidagwgov". The way Paul draws on this figure inhis argument in Galatians implies familiarity with traditional education,

although his readers themselves did not necessarily belong to the strata of

the society where these persons were at home.

18 Ch. 17 in this study will return to this issue.19 NRSV has ‘disciplinarian’. Biblical citations are from NRSV.

20 See e.g. Plato Resp. 467D; Pol. 308D–E; Plutarch Mor. 4A–B; Shelton 1998: 102;

Rawson 2003: 165–67; Vegge 2006: 22–29.

21 See e.g. Plato Leg. 808D–E; Cribiore 2001: 45–50.

22 Thus Booth 1979: 3; Cribiore 1996: 16–17.



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In 1 Cor. 4.14-17 Paul describes his teaching in a way which echoes

ancient pedagogical literature: ‘admonish’, ‘remind you of my ways’,

‘teach’, ‘imitate’, ‘ paidagwgoiv’. This text thus confirms how dependentearly Christian discourse on teaching and upbringing was on traditional

Greek education. In the preceding chapter (1 Cor. 3.1-2), Paul reproached

his converts in Corinth for not having passed the level of being nourished

on milk (cf. Heb. 5 above). Philo demonstrates that this was a popular

metaphor associated with Greek elementary education, the so-called

encyclical studies. According to Agr. 9, milk is nourishment for children

( nhv pioi); tevleioi (cf. Paul’s pneumatikoiv), however, eat wheaten bread,which is for grown-ups. This refers to encyclical studies which offered

milk-like food as opposed to wisdom ( frov nhsi", swfrosuv nh, ajrethv)

fitting for mature men (cf. Congr. 19–20). In Prob. 160, Philo refines themetaphor. He says that children are given milk to drink. Encyclical studies

will later replace the milk (aj nti; gavlakto") and provide soft food only,which is later again replaced by the meat of philosophy. According to

Quintilian, teachers should act as nurses ‘careful to provide softer food for

the still undeveloped minds and to suffer them to take their fill of the milk

of the more attractive studies’ (Inst. 2.4.5).23 These texts mirror different

levels in Greek education (see Chapter 2).

According to 1 Tim. 4.8, the Christians are urged to train themselves in

godliness, for ‘while physical training [ gumnasiva] is of some value,godliness is valuable in every way’. This text assumes familiarity not only

with the language of education, but also with the physical training

associated with Greek education.

From these observations we conclude that although school and

education are not directly mentioned in the New Testament, they are

clearly assumed as something with which Christians were familiar. Greek

education formed a significant part of the world the Christians had to

make decisions about. It is therefore not anachronistic to assume the

presence of a debate among the first Christians, although the issue is madeexplicit only later. Towards the end of this investigation we will, therefore,

return to the question of the New Testament.

1.4 The Aim of this Study

Education involved both literacy and numeracy. As we will see, the final

goal of education was to promote the quality of the mind: in short, virtue.

Literacy was seen as the primary means of achieving this. My main

interest in this study is, therefore, literacy, the reading skill which accessed

23 For similar references in Epictetus, where Greek education in general is described in

terms of milk and philosophy in terms of solid food, see Dutch 2005: 250–51.

Introduction 9


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the cultural canon dominated by Homer’s writings (see Chapter 4). Our

topic provides a pathway to understanding how the Christians viewed the

Hellenistic culture which developed from the time of Alexander the Great

until the first centuries CE. Greek language, mythology, sport, temples,

theatres, etc. worked as glue in this culture, thus making it a complex

unity. Greek education held a significant role in conveying these traditions

and values. Cribiore says that ‘education became a powerful agent for

preserving ‘‘Greekness’’ ’.24 Sources from this period demonstrate how

Jews as well as Christians struggled to keep their identity and still wanted

to be reckoned as citizens or among the members of society; 1 and 2

Maccabees speak of apostasy among the Jews due to the introduction of

Greek customs, among which Greek education was prominent (1 Macc.

1.11-15; 2 Macc. 4.10-20). These texts also mention the reaction caused byGreek athletic competitions in the vicinity of the Jerusalem Temple. The

gumnavsion was a symbol of Greek identity and education in a way whichmany Jews found provocative. The strong opposition witnessed in these

writings should, however, not distract from the fact that Jews neither

thought nor acted unanimously in these questions.

Neither did all Christians agree in defining the proper relationship to

Hellenistic culture. The New Testament witnesses discussions and

arguments on how the Christians should interact with the Roman

authorities and the temples.25 Later Christian sources include athleticcompetitions, theatre and shows in this list of disputed issues.26 These

challenges are certainly older than the sources in which they appear as

topics under discussion. Such was probably also the situation with the so-

called encyclical education. Christian faith was put into practice through

scriptural reading, interpretations, prayers and liturgy. All this required

that some were able to read and write. Differing views, therefore, emerged

among the believers, as well as intense debate on how to deal with the

ancient ‘ paideiva-system’. The aim of this book is to unfold this debate

and the arguments paving the way to different positions and solutions.The ultimate aim is to shed light on a challenge which early Christians

faced even at a time before the sources directly address it. This historical

topic raises fundamental theological questions on the relationship between

faith and pagan culture. The historical material in this study thus serves

the purpose of looking into one of the main hermeneutical challenges

which faced the Christians: Are they allowed to participate in the reading

of pagan texts, and if so, how should they do it?

The debate on this issue among the first Christian generations

24 Cribiore 2001: 9.

25 See e.g. Ra ¨ isinen 1995 who demonstrates the diverse attitudes towards Graeco-

Roman culture witnessed in the Book of Revelation.

26 See e.g. Guyot and Klein 1994: 98–121.



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developed competing viewpoints for how the relationship between

Christian faith and pagan texts and traditions might be conceived. In

order to understand the Christians of the New Testament period better, I

believe it is necessary to listen carefully to how believers in the first

centuries CE. addressed questions of Greek education. The question of

reading Homer in particular lends itself to a study on the relationship

between the nascent Christian faith and the surrounding society. The

theatre, athletic competitions, festivals and baths, to mention some areas

which were controversial to Christians, were, at least in principle,

avoidable. Christian believers could, more or less, do without participat-

ing in these institutions. But could they do without reading? This is

precisely the implications of the challenge of Homer to the Christians.

Thus the question of education forced the Christians to think throughtheir position.

1.5 Method

We have pointed out that our topic is not addressed directly in the oldest

Christian sources, but they show awareness of a society in which

traditional Greek education was at work. This makes it necessary to

illuminate the situation of early Christians with the help of later sources.We thus hope to portray a challenge which was relatively constant from

the beginning until Augustine in the fourth century CE. Obviously, the

situation differed due both to time and place, but the sources nevertheless

point out problems and solutions which were typical of the entire period

in question. The Christian sources (Part 2) will be presented in

chronological order without any claim to depict a historical development.

The sources are hardly representative of the time of their composition;

rather they are examples of competing attitudes and positions. The next

chapter will demonstrate that, in spite of all the diversity of Greekeducation, a fixed pattern is discernible in ancient education throughout

the centuries in question. This supports a method where later sources are

used to describe situations typical of Christians in the ancient world.

Christian sources can thus also shed light on the first Christian

generations without forgetting that later sources represent a development

or furthering of what might have been present in nuce earlier.

The backbone of the presentation is the involvement with key texts.

This is not a book about the Christians and education in antiquity in

general, but a presentation of some key texts on this issue. The topic is

presented through a collection of some influential and informative texts

which are then commented upon. This allows that some themes will

appear more than once. This source-oriented approach will prove

beneficial for the investigation; it brings the reader closer to the sources

Introduction 11


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themselves, and also to an awareness of the context in which our topic is

being raised.

Education in antiquity generally followed a threefold pattern, elemen-

tary or primary, secondary and higher education. The next chapter will

substantiate this, and also demonstrate the diversity found in the sources.

For our investigation it is important to remember that the Christian

sources of relevance usually lump these levels together. The discussion is

not always specific on this point. It is therefore difficult to define precisely

the level they address. The Christian sources often treat school and

education within discussions of how Greek philosophy and Christian faith

were to be understood. In practice, however, to most believers, this

theological issue involved sending their children to the teacher nearby

offering classes in reading Homer and copying the texts of the poets.Nonetheless, this is not a book about Christianity and Greek philosophy

or early Christian apologetics in general. The presentation will focus on

the question of education, which will, however, work as a window on the

question of culture and faith.27 The writings of Homer in particular

formed important building-blocks for the sense of a common identity in

antiquity. These writings were precisely what many Christians found to be

obstacles for their participation in education. Given the pivotal role of

Homer in Greek education (see Chapter 3), the study focuses on charting

attitudes to Homer in early Christian literature.We have pointed out that in the relationship to Greek culture and

customs Jews and Christians very often developed related strategies.

Philo, the Alexandrian Jew of the early first century CE, forms an

interesting point of comparison. His writings vividly present the situation

of a Jewish minority in the Greek metropolis. One of the issues to which

he gives special attention is Greek education and how his fellow Jews

should respond to this challenge. Philo will, therefore, be discussed in a

separate chapter (see Chapter 5), following the presentation of education

in antiquity and preceding the Christian sources. Philo is of particularinterest because he bridges the historical gap between the later Christian

sources and the silence of the New Testament on our topic. He represents

the period about which our Christian sources are silent on the question of

Greek education. Philo allows us to assume a debate on this also among

the Christians. Jewish education, as it appeared in the family and

synagogue, is not in view in this investigation. The focus is throughout on

classical education in Graeco-Roman society. This is also the perspective

on Philo in our presentation.

The investigation will be based on sources where questions aboutschool, teachers and education are explicitly raised. An alternative

27 Ellspermann 1949: 1 rightly points out that Christian attitudes to paganism and pagan

literature in particular can be fully understood only if the school problem is included.



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approach would be to investigate the level of education on the part of

Christian authors by looking into their use of texts, traditions and

knowledge taught in the schools of their culture. That approach would

provide examples of Christians who probably participated in the ancient

encyclical curriculum. Furthermore, it would also offer a counterbalance

to the problem-oriented focus of the texts on education. However, some

such investigations have already been presented. Gu ¨ nter Glockmann has

investigated the influence of Homer on early Christian literature up to

Justin Martyr (c. 150 CE), and does not find any Homeric quotation, with

the sea narratives in Acts as possible exceptions.28 He takes these findings

as indicative of a lack of Greek education among the early Christians.29

Justin, however, demonstrates knowledge of Homer’s writings, thus

showing his dependence on Greek education.30 Glockmann rightlyassumes that references to Homer’s writings are indicative of familiarity

with the cultural canon taught in schools. Dennis R. MacDonald has

suggested that Mark’s Gospel and the Book of Acts are thoroughly

embedded in Homeric traditions, and are in fact consciously imitating

Homeric language, style and narrative technique, aiming at a theological

rivalry with Homer.31 He says that ‘one best reads these texts against the

backdrop of classical Greek literature and mythology’.32 In short, ‘early

Christian authors . . . wrote as they had been taught in school’.33 I

consider MacDonald’s view exaggerated, but vis-a `-vis Glockmann 1968,his works are still necessary corrections. Similarly, Marianne Palmer Bonz

suggests that Luke–Acts was composed with Virgil’s Aeneid as a structural

paradigm.34

Peter Lampe has presented a prosopographic investigation of the

Christian community of Rome in the two first centuries, including the

level of education some of the key figures went through, tracing both their

social and educational background. He concludes that the relationship

between education and social status is multi-levelled; this makes it

28 Glockmann 1968: 56: ‘In keiner Schrift des Neuen Testaments begegnet der Name des

‘‘grossen’’, ‘‘besten’’, ‘‘vornehmsten’’ und ‘‘ersten’’ Dichters der Hellenen, wie Homer spa ¨ ter

von christlichen Schriftstellern – freilich zumeist mit einer gewissen ironischen Distanzierung

– genannt worden ist.’ (‘No New Testament writing mentions the name of ‘‘the greatest’’,

‘‘most distinguished and the first poet’’ of the Greek, as Homer was called by later Christian

authors – although mostly with some ironical distance’: my trans.) Freund 2000 investigates

the question of Virgil’s role in early Latin Christianity. The hermeneutical thrust of my study

is not focused upon in their books.

29 Glockmann 1968: 59.30 Glockmann 1968: 193.

31 See his 2000 and 2003. For a critique, see Sandnes 2005.

32 MacDonald 2003: 14–15.

33 MacDonald 2003: 2.

34 Bonz 2000.

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impossible to deduce social status from the level of education.35 Slaves

who accompanied children to school, being their paedagogi , acquired

through their presence at the instruction familiarity with skills usually

connected with participation in education.36 This is, however, not to deny

that educational opportunities were generally accessed through higher

social origin. Little education may well be combined with wealth, as with a

freedman like Trimalchio. In his Cena Trimalchionis, Petronius has

Trimalchio summarize Homer’s writings and Greek mythology in a

distorted way. This very rich man has no precise knowledge of the basic

knowledge required of Roman nobility (Sat. 58). Similarly, Petronius

amuses his readers by having one of Trimalchio’s friends, Hermeros, say

that he has not learned geometry, literature nor the nonsense (alogia) or

wrath (menia) of Achilles. The accusative plural menias is a reference tothe opening line of the Iliad where mh' ni" is the very first word. In short,Hermeros had not learnt Homer’s text, but he says ‘I do know my capital

letters [lapidariae litterae]37 and I can work out percentages in weights and

measures and currency’ (Sat. 58).38 The fee given to the teacher for the

knowledge Hermeros scorns is wasted since it does not necessarily give

access to loans. Hermeros makes a laughing-stock of Ascyltos who is well

educated but unable to make money.39 Trimalchio enjoys Hermeros’

attack on Ascyltos, but calms the situation by having the company listen

instead to the actors reciting Homer.The approach applied by Glockmann and Lampe is demanding, and

goes beyond the limits of this investigation. Furthermore, their approach

will amplify the methodical problem of our topic, namely the fact that the

sources mainly speak from the perspective of the intellectual elite. Their

approach, therefore, gives limited insight into the debate on Greek

education among the Christians, and the tensions caused by it. It must,

however, be pointed out that a negative attitude to Greek education does

not necessarily imply lack of education. Tertullian (see Chapter 10), for

example, sharply criticizes encyclical training, but is still familiar with it.The topic of this book is of interest to a wider public. In the first place,

it gives a presentation of the kind of schools children in antiquity

attended, and also the contemporary pedagogical debate. The book thus

35 Lampe 1989: 299–300.

36 There is evidence that some masters trained their slaves to read and write, thus

making them more useful and also raising their price; see Haines-Eitzen 2000: 58–60.

37 This is probably synonymous with quadrata littera found in inscriptions, such as cave

canem, mentioned in Sat. 29.38 Quoted from Walsh 1996.

39 Philodemus, the Epicurean philosopher, assumes the presence of uneducated members

even in the philosophical school. These worked as manual labourers, were uneducated in

gravmmata, and hence in need of help from members who had a good Greek training; see

Snyder 2000: 57–61.



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introduces the historical roots of present-day education. In the second

place, the book describes how early Christian interpretation of the Bible

partly developed from the reading of Homer in ancient schools. The book

thus addresses a hermeneutical question of how authoritative texts are to

be interpreted – be they Homeric or biblical. Finally, the debate on

education among the first Christian generations encapsulates the question

of whether and, if so how, Christian faith interacted with pagan culture.

Homer in particular, mirrors their attitude to pagan education and culture

in general.

Introduction 15


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Chapter 2

SCHOOL IN THE GRAECO-ROMAN WORLD

2.1 Introductory Comments

In order to understand why and how Christian believers were challengedby issues related to school and education, it is necessary to possess some

historical knowledge about ancient schooling. It is the aim of this chapter

to provide this. What kind of school did children, mostly boys, attend?

What were they taught there? What were the teaching conditions? These

are some of the issues which will enable us to read the Christian texts (Part

2) more adequately.

Present-day readers tend to think of ‘school’ in antiquity in terms

similar to our contemporary world, with a sequential arrangement of

programmes and curricula organized so that the first feeds into the next.This chapter will demonstrate that this is misleading. We have to think in

terms of flexibility, local variations and circumstantial differences. The

Roman Empire was vast, and education was not in any way controlled or

supervised by authorities. My investigation also covers a large period of

time: the first four centuries CE. All this suggests not uniformity but

variation and flexibility.

‘School’ in this investigation is not a reference to buildings or public

institutions; in fact it rarely is in antiquity.1 Primarily ‘school’ refers to the

activity performed by teachers who taught their students. School was

1 Rawson 2003: 184–87 demonstrates some public interest in education in Rome, Pliny

Ep. 4.13 being an interesting example, albeit hardly representative of the situation. In this

letter he tells of a visit to his home town Comum. Due to the lack of teachers, children had to

leave home and study at other places. Pliny expresses a strong opinion on the importance of

keeping the children at home during their studies. As a remedy he suggests teachers hired by

collective funding. Pliny will himself contribute to this. The question of teachers should not

be left to the parents alone to decide:

The children born here should be brought up on their native soil, so that from their

earlier years they may learn to love it and choose to stay at home. I hope that you

will introduce teachers of repute, so that nearby towns will seek education here, and

instead of sending your children elsewhere as you do today, you will soon see other

children flocking here to you.

Pliny’s text also illustrates the difference between country and city in matters of education.


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more or less identical with the teacher. This means that ‘school’ as a

fellowship of teachers, together providing a curriculum of various subjects

at different levels, was rarely found in the ancient world. To avoid

the misunderstanding that schools were organized in this way, it is

probably preferable to speak of ‘going to the teacher’s’. Greek has no

regular word for ‘school’ at this early period. The students are said to

‘go to the teacher’s’ ( eij" didaskavlou), ‘to the writing-teacher’s’ ( eij" grammatistou').2 In full it would be to ‘go to the teacher’s house, placeetc.’, but this phrase does not imply a reference to any physical location

where a teacher gathered his students. The sources assume that teaching

took place in houses, courtrooms, colonnades or under a shady tree, in the

palaivstra (wrestling-place) or in the gymnasium.3 In a treatise where DioChrysostom speaks favourably of the ability to remain unaffected byconditions (Or. 20.20), he holds the elementary teachers (oiJ tw' n

grammav twn didavskaloi) to be good examples. They practise in thestreets, without being distracted by the passing crowd (Or. 20.9-10). In

20.11 he allows an objection concerning his example, namely that the

elementary teachers perform an activity which does not affect the mind

properly, as does true paideia, which is philosophy requiring both

seclusion and retirement.4 When we speak of ‘school’ in this study, this isthe flexible situation we have to take into consideration.

Nonetheless, Teresa Morgan has argued convincingly that, in spite of all variations, literate education, which was essential for Greek culture,

was adopted and adapted by the Romans so profoundly that Hellenistic

and Roman literate education are rightly discussed as a single phenom-

enon. From the time of the Macedonian kings, education created stability,

continuity and cultural identity which worked as a glue in the ancient

world for more than a thousand years: ‘It is one of the places where it is

possible to see how strongly, despite all local variations of politics,

bureaucracy, culture and social structure, a sector of the ancient world

regarded itself as an entity.’5 It is possible to distinguish between classicalGreek and Roman education. However, Roman schooling was, as already

pointed out, to a large extent borrowed from the Greek. The similarities

are so obvious that Henri-Ire ´ ne ´ e Marrou introduces the chapter on school

in Rome by saying that the presentation, strictly speaking, is superfluous.6

Quintilian, the famous teacher of rhetoric in Rome in the late first century

CE, attests this fundamental similarity in his full account of Roman

2 E.g. Plato, Lysis 208C; see Griffith 2001: 66.3 Alexander 1994: 73–76; Morgan 1998: 18–19; Cribiore 2001: 21–36.

4 Dio Chrysostom here assumes noisiness as typical of school life; this is confirmed in

Martial Epigram 9.68.11 (quoted later).

5 Morgan 1998: 24.

6 Marrou 1956: 265.

School in the Graeco-Roman World 17


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education (Inst. 1) (see below).7 Since Roman education developed from

the Greek culture, this study will draw upon both Greek and Latin

sources in depicting ancient schools. According to Cicero, knowledge is to

be sought from the Greek (De or. 3.137). He thus remembers how his

teachers primarily taught him and his friends to speak Greek perfectly (De

or. 2.2). I am, therefore, confident that it is justified in this context, and

that it will serve our purpose to give a unified presentation of Graeco-

Roman education.

Ancient sources share the idea of mastering a ‘circle of education’; i.e.

to be ‘encircled’ with everything necessary to know. This common

education started with learning to read and write; it continued with the

reading of classical authors, and it included grammar, literary criticism,

arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, music, rhetoric and philosophy. This listof disciplines varies in the sources, but it was commonly called ej gkuvklio" paideiva.8 The corresponding Latin expression is septem artes liberales.The idea was that a man who mastered these deserved the respect of

society; he was a cultured male citizen.9 The fullest description of this

circle of education is given by Quintilian in his Inst. 1.10.1-6. He includes

learning to read and to write, grammar, literature, geometry, astronomy,

music and logic. He calls these disciplines orbis doctrinae. Quintilian says

that the circle of education represents the necessary instruction before

boys are handed over to the teacher of rhetoric: priusquam rhetori traduntur (1.10.1). The ultimate goal is, therefore, rhetoric. As pointed out

by Morgan,10 this is possibly the reason that Quintilian left out both

rhetoric and philosophy from his definition of encyclical studies. He

considered the liberal arts as paving the way for these two types of

superior learning.

2.2 Sources

The sources for encyclical education are of two kinds: literary and non-

literary. Literary sources are Greek and Roman authors who address

questions relating to education. Of special importance among these are

Plato, Republic and the Laws; Cicero, De oratore; Ps.Plutarch, On

7 Townsend 1971: 139 aptly remarks: ‘Roman education should be viewed as one aspect

of Hellenistic education with Latin added to the curriculum and with less stress on the

physical training.’

8 See e.g. how Philo defines this in his Congr. 11–18, 74–76, 142, 148–50; Morgan 1998:6–7, 34–39, 42–43.

9 Andersen 1999: 11. Cribiore 2001a: 241 rightly points out that although encyclical

usually concerns ‘the totality of the disciplines that encircled a student’, it also refers

sometimes to ‘the cyclic revisiting of the same texts’.

10 Morgan 1998: 35.



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Education of Children (Mor. 1A–14C); Quintilian, Institutio oratoria; and

Philo of Alexandria, On Mating with the Preliminary Studies (De

congressu). These sources are often idealized remarks about education,

and they assume the social elite of the society. Hence they witness to ideals

rooted in the upper strata of society more than daily practice. The non-

literary evidence includes papyri, ostraca (pieces of clay pottery on which

students took their notes), waxed wooden tablets, pieces of parchment

with fragments from teachers’ textbooks and students’ notebooks with

gnomic maxims. The student’s notebook partly preserved in Papyrus

Boriant (see Introduction) is, of course, an example of non-literary

sources. The Egyptian desert has preserved numerous pieces of such

material, and the studies of Cribiore (1996) and Morgan (1998) draw

heavily on this. Cribiore lists the levels or categories of these students’exercises, which demonstrate the sequence of their learning:

Letters of the alphabetAlphabetsSyllabariesLists of wordsWriting exercisesShort passages: maxims, sayings and limited amount of versesLonger passages: copying or dictationScholia minoraCompositions, paraphrases, summariesGrammatical exercisesNotebooks.11

The non-literary sources allow access to daily life in ancient schools.

Teresa Morgan has argued for the primacy of the non-literary sources

over the literary sources. She emphasizes that these sources mirror a social

context different from most of the literary sources. Furthermore, they

attest how fragmentary and uncompleted was the training. From theliterary sources one has the impression that most of Homer was read, and

with equal frequency. The non-literary sources, however, correct this

picture. Many Homeric texts have survived in the school sources. Thus

they testify to the primary importance of Homer in school (more on this

later), but his writings appear mostly in smaller units, quotations and

clusters mainly from the beginning of the works, and some recurrent

scenes which attracted interest: ‘The striking thing about most of the other

survivals, however, is that they do not cover the narrative.’12 From this

material Morgan concludes that a notion of core and periphery was in

use. Most students were taught only a core of skills, texts and authors

11 Cribiore 1996: 31–32, 140.

12 Morgan 1998: 107.



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during their education. Few moved beyond the core and received the

education mentioned in the literary sources.13 For the present investiga-

tion, however, it is of significance that a fundamental overlapping between

the non-literary and literary sources is observable. This allows us to

assume an educational ‘system’ in practice: ‘The papyri include all the

components of ej gkuvklio" paideiva on which elite sources agree, and theelements which do not appear in papyri are typically characterized in

literary sources as extras, alternatives or aims, rather than means of

education.’14

2.3 The Marrou Tradition: A Tripartite Educational Pattern

In 1948 H.I. Marrou presented his study Histoire de l’education dans

l’antiquité . The book has appeared in several editions, and has been

translated into many languages. It is truly a classic on this topic. Yun Lee

Too says that ‘Marrou’s work has come to occupy a position as the

authoritative history of ancient education.’15 Marrou has popularized the

standard tripartite picture of ancient education. Literary instruction was,

according to this view, divided into three levels: primary, secondary and

‘higher’ education, each supervised by a different teacher.16 These levels

were taught sequentially, and each was supervised by different teachers.The upbringing of children proceeded in corresponding levels; small

children up to age 7 ( paidei'o"); children ( pai'") from 7 to 14, andadolescent (meiravkion) from 14 till age 20. True paideiva started, then, inprimary schooling at age 7. Until then the home provided for the needs of

children, and their upbringing was spoken of in terms such as

aj nastrofhv,17 which means nourishment.18 From this it is deduced thatprimary education started at about the age of 7, and that secondary

education continued when the student had learned his ABC.

In primary education, learning to read and write were given mostattention. The elementary teacher was called grammatisthv". This pointsto the main activity, namely to work with ta; gravmmata, the letters, that ishow to identify, copy and pronounce the letters of the alphabet as well as

how to combine the syllables. In Latin, a teacher at this level was called

13 Morgan 1998: 71–73, 77, 88, 103–4.

14 Morgan 1998: 50.

15 Too 2001a: 1.

16 See how this pattern structures the presentation of Hellenistic schools and educationin dictionaries; e.g. Alexander 1992; Townsend 1992.

17 See e.g Aristotle, Pol. 1336B.

18 Cf. trofov", the person, mostly a woman, who cares for the small children. Paul the

apostle compared his responsibilities with his recent converts in Thessalonica with those of a

trofov" in private homes (1 Thess. 2.8); see Malherbe 1970.



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ludi magister, or simply litterator, which is derived from litterae, letters.

Teachers on this level did not enjoy high repute and status. Their

occupation was often taken to exemplify an unlucky person or one who

had failed. In the dialogue Menippus, Lucian of Samosata has a character

saying after a short visit to Hades: ‘But you would have laughed much

more heartily, I think, if you had seen our kings and satraps reduced to

poverty there, and either selling salt fish on account of their neediness or

teaching the alphabet [ ta; prw' ta didavskonta" gravmmata], and gettingabused and hit over the head by all comers, like the meanest of slaves’

(Men. 17).19 In the first stage, the teaching aimed at enabling the students

to read extracts, usually aloud, from classical texts.20 The teachers were

seen as conveying to their students the practical skill of reading, very

much like an artisan or labourer in reading and writing (see Chapter 4).This contributed to the low status of the grammatistaiv.

Learning the alphabet was the most important activity in primary

education. Notebooks which have been preserved, such as wooden wax

tablets, pieces of broken pots or papyri, show how the alphabet was

taught. From this material we know that the students learnt the alphabet

forwards and backwards, and that they were taught to read in rhythm,

and to memorize and pronounce difficult words or names.21 From the

letters they moved to syllables, words and sentences (see above). The

notebooks show that teaching was primarily done by means of memorizing. The aim was correct and beautiful writing and correct

pronunciation of letters and syllables. This was learned either by following

the outlines of letters carved into a wooden tablet, by the teacher guiding

the hand of his student, or by copying the teacher’s model between

parallel lines.22 Lists of Homeric names were to be memorized. The

teachers explained and commented upon the identity and deeds of these

names, and thus introduced students to Greek history, culture and

identity.

Martial, who lived in Rome in the last part of the first century CE, is wellknown for his epigrams satirizing daily life in the city. Of course, satirists

are prone to exaggeration, but their exaggerations usually take typical

scenes as the point of departure. This seems to be the case when Martial is

describing a teacher working in the vicinity:

19 All citations from LCL unless otherwise indicated. For more evidence that primary

teachers were objects of derision, see Booth 1981.20 See e.g. Acts 8.28-30 and Quintilian Inst. 1.8.1-2, in which reading aloud is assumed.

The comparison between reading and singing is also relevant here; cf. Clement Protr.

4/59.1-2.

21 On school exercises, see Cribiore 1996: 27–55.

22 See Cribiore 1996: 122–28.



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What have you to do with me, cursed schoolmaster [ludi magister],

creature hateful to boys and girls? The crested cocks have not yet

broken silence and already you make a din with your savage roaring

and your thwacks. The bronze resounds as loudly from smitten anvils,when the smith is fitting a barrister23 to the horse’s middle. The shouting

rages less wildly in the great Amphitheater when the winning buckler24

is applauded by its backers. We your neighbors ask for sleep – not all

night through; to lie awake is nothing much, but to lie awake all night is

a cross. Dismiss your pupils [discipulos dimitte suos]. Will you take as

much for holding your tongue as you get for shouting? (Epigram

9.68.11)

The text is instructive, conveying a picture of early-morning loud recital

from the school, to the annoyance of the neighbours. Martial seems toassume that even girls attended this school (see later in this chapter). The

teaching is accompanied by harsh discipline. His contempt for the ludi

magister shines through clearly, for instance in his mention of the

payment. The text illustrates what it meant for schools to be ‘public’;

instruction took place in ways which could be observed by the

community; sometimes to its annoyance.

According to this standard view, students advanced to the next stage

when they were ready for it. Working on grammar and the exegesis of the

poets required skills in both reading and writing. The transition to thesecond stage, therefore, depended upon these skills. The teachers taught

style, language and morals based on these as well as on other texts. The

students were given exercises, pieces to memorize and recite, supervised by

grammatikov". The secondary curriculum of grammar and literature partlyoverlapped on the first stage, but it was more complex and sophisticated.

The students now passed from words and syllables to literary works,

primarily those of Homer. By teaching classical literature, the school-

masters were gradually forming an identity based on the great traditions

of the culture. Most important were Homer’s epics, the Iliad and theOdyssey. Homer was ‘the poet’ par excellence, and the Iliad was,

according to the number of copies found, three times more popular

than the Odyssey.25 The literature with which the students had to occupy

themselves made frequent mention of the gods, and pagan mythology, as

Jews and Christians would call it, was important. The authority assigned

to these epics is due to the guiding and intervening role the deities have in

these stories. The destiny of people and history are decided on Mount

23 In a note, the LCL edition says that successful lawyers were in the habit of erectingequestrian statues of themselves in their vestibules (cf. Juvenal Sat. 7.125).

24 In a note the LCL edition says that this was carried by Thracian gladiators. They had

a reputation for rarely winning. When they won, however, the applause would be all the

louder.

25 For the fragmentary nature of this learning, see references above.



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Olympus. These texts are, accordingly, religious poems. It is the awareness

of this which made education a much-discussed topic among Christians of

the first century CE. The subjects taught at the primary and secondary

stages were collectively called encyclical (see above).

Students who finished the two first levels had different options. They

were to find a teacher in medicine,26 law, rhetoric or philosophy.27 The

students continued their study of literature, but were now focusing on

how this knowledge would prove helpful for speeches and philosophy.

The textbooks, progymnasmata,28 used for the purpose of rhetoric,

demonstrate the continuing use of Homer at this advanced level of

education. For young Greek boys from well-to-do families this was also

the time to start the so-called ‘ephebian’29 education, which could last for

two years. The activities of the gumnavsion30 were meant to complete andadd to what the youth had so far been taught. Emphasis, however, was

laid on physical training and athletics. Traditionally, this training was

motivated by the need to prepare for defending the city in time of war.31

Studying at the gymnasia gave the youngsters access to public positions, in

politics and administration,32 particularly so in places where Greek

culture was highly valued. In his Symposiakon 9 (Mor. 736D–37D),

Plutarch tells us how civil servants in Athens attended an aj povdeixi" wherestudents performed in reading, geometry, rhetoric and music. This Greek

term implies some form of evaluation or inspection.Participation in the activities of the gymnasia was reckoned as a

criterion of Greekness, and necessary to enjoy full rights as a citizen. This

is illustrated in 2 Maccabees 4, a Jewish text describing how Greek and

pagan mores were introduced to Jerusalem at the time of Jason the high

priest (c. 160 BCE):

26 The writings of Galen give some insight into medical education; see Alexander 1992:

1009–10.

27 See Alexander 1992: 1007–09. In Arrian’s compilation of the discourses of his teacher,

namely Epictetus, we see a philosophical teacher at work. See also Culpepper 1975: 135–40.

28 See Vegge 2006: 121–38.

29 This word is derived from the Greek e[ fhbov", meaning young adolescent.

30 A gymnasion was a sports ground, very often with a colonnade providing shade to

protect against heat or shelter from wind and rain. The word is derived from Greek gumnov"

(naked), due to the fact that athletic exercises were performed nude. Ps. Lucian Am. 45

mentions physical training as integral to boys’ education, although this element was declining

in the first century CE. Quintilian does not share the Greeks’ enthusiasm for athletics in

education (Inst. 1.11.1), but his scepticism is, in fact, testimony that some children in Romecontinued to include physical training in their education.

31 See e.g. Lucian, Anach. 10, 14, 20, 24, 30.

32 In the Western parts of the Roman Empire, Augustus encouraged a similar education

in collegia juvenum, emphasizing physical training; see Townsend 1971: 151 with further

references.



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. . . to establish by his authority a gymnasium and a body of youth

[ gumnavsion kai; ej fhbei"on] for it, and to enrol the people of Jerusalemas citizens of Antioch (9) . . . he took delight in establishing a

gymnasium right under the citadel, and he induced the noblest of theyoung men to wear the Greek hat.33 There was such an extreme of

Hellenization and increase in the adoption of foreign ways because of

the surpassing wickedness of Jason, who was ungodly and no true high

priest, that the priests were no longer intent upon their service at the

altar. Despising the sanctuary and neglecting the sacrifices, they hurried

to take part in the unlawful proceedings in the wrestling arena34 after

the signal for the discus-throwing, disdaining the honours prized by

their ancestors and putting the highest value upon Greek forms of

prestige35 (vv. 9, 12–15)

Athletics, practised in the Greek way, but also education in general, are

here seen as a distinct mark of Greek identity. The implicit accusation

against Jews participating in the activities described here is that they have

abandoned their Jewish identity for the Greek.

Cicero and Quintilian considered rhetoric the peak of education. Both

of them, however, acknowledged the need to attend lessons in encyclical

studies or artes liberales before embracing the proper education of

rhetoric (e.g. Cicero, De or. 1.73-77; 1.137; 2.5-6). Cicero presents these

studies as comites ac ministrae oratoris, ‘attendants and handmaids of oratory’ (De or. 1.75). As will appear later in the present investigation, this

is a standard way of talking about encyclical education: it provides

knowledge which prepares for, paves the way for, or ministers, to real

knowledge, available in rhetoric, philosophy or medicine.36 Furthermore,

encyclical subjects were usually described in terms of a beautiful

maidservant (ministra) or attractive woman as opposed to the legal

wife, the symbol of ‘higher education’.37

The Roman philosopher Seneca (see Chapter 4) attended the classes of

the philosopher Attalos (Ep. 108). The aim of this education was not tolearn how to debate, but how to live; not to collect knowledge but to

develop or improve souls (Ep. 108.23). This is, as we will see in Chapter 4,

an implicit critique of encyclical studies. Training in philosophy is

distinguished from the rest of the curricula taught in the schools in its aim

of ennobling the souls of the students. Encyclical teachers teach their

33 Hermes wore a broad-brimmed hat, and he was often associated with athletic

competitions.

34 The Septuagint has here ej n palaivstrhæ.35 The Septuagint has here timaiv and dovxai, which in this context probably refer to the

wreath given to the winner of the competitions.

36 The basic structure of this logic was easily applied by Jews as referring to knowledge

preparing for Torah, or by Christians for the Christian faith.

37 More on this in Chs 4.4; 5.1. 3 and 14.1. 3.



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students to analyse Virgil’s sentence fugit . . . tempus. The students would

be taught the grammar of this sentence, how often these words appear in

Virgil’s writings, etc. The philosophy teacher, however, takes this sentence

as a point of departure to teach his students how to make right use of time

(Ep. 108.24-26). The same sentence from Virgil is thus studied with

different purposes, among which only the latter is truly important,

according to Seneca. The philosopher’s lessons aim at words becoming

acts: ut verba opera sint. The way philosophers taught their students was

organized in order to bring about this. In his Ep. 6.56, he addresses his

friend Lucilius. In order to convey wisdom (sapientia) to this friend,

Seneca sends him some books in which he has marked the passages

Lucilius ought to study carefully:

Of course, however, the living voice [viva vox] and the intimacy of a

common life will help you more than the written word. You must go to

the scene of action [res praesens], first, because men put more faith in

their eyes than in their ears, and second, because the way is long if one

follows precepts [ per praecepta], but short and helpful, if one follows

patterns [ per exempla]. Cleanthes could not have been the express image

of Zeno, if he had merely heard his lectures; he shared in his life, saw

into his hidden purposes, and watched him to see whether he lived

according to his rules [an ex formula sua viveret]. Plato, Aristotle, and

the whole throng of sages who were destined to go each his differentway, derived more benefit from the character than from the words of

Socrates [ plus ex moribus quam ex verbis Socratis traxit]. It was not the

class-room of Epicurus [schola Epicuri ], but living together under the

same roof, that made great men of Metrodoru

Documents

K.O. Sandnes-The Challenge of Homer_ School, Pagan Poets and Early Christianity (2009)