Kingdom Expectations

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Kingdom Expectations

AbstractFirst century Jewish expectations of the kingdom of God were many and varied, arising through years of

living under foreign rule, and developing through the application of various interpretive traditions to Old

Testament prophecies.

This paper compares Jesus teachings about the kingdom, as recounted in Matthews Gospel, with the

messianic expectations of first century Jews.

Jesus teachings, in both word and deed, delivered on and exceeded these expectations as he synchronised

various schools of messianic thought.


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1.0 Introduction

First century Jews, like their ancestors, eagerly anticipated the Kingdom of God, and the arrival of its king,

the Messiah.1 The concepts of Messiah and Kingdom of God are indivisible.2

To understand first century messianism we must understand its cultural milieu. Israels messianic

anticipation developed in parallel with their political reality, beginning under monarchic rule,3 and intensifying

at the monarchys collapse (in exile), further evolving under Persian, and Greek rule, 4 heightening with the

quasi-fulfillment of the Hasmoneans, before peaking under Roman/Herodian rule.

Documentary evidence charts this development, starting with Old Testament prophecies, where the kingdom

was understood as physical and political, though this was inseparable from the spiritual aspect, 5 inter-

testamental writings track the development of messianic ideals through to the time of Jesus.

Second Temple Judaism anticipated a messiah who would bring the dawn of the physical Kingdom of God,

though by the time of Jesus this understanding was shifting to include the atonement, resurrection and

salvation of the individual.6

1 Beasley-Murray, G.R, Jesus and the Kingdom of God, (Grand Rapids: Wm B Eerdmans), 1986, p 17, The ultimate purpose

of the future coming of the lord and the Day of the Lord is the establishment of the kingdom of God.2 Ladd, G.E, The Gospel of the Kingdom: Scriptual Studies in the Kingdom of God.1959, William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co. Cambridge, p 110, Confession of h is Messiahship is at the same timeconfession of the presence of the Kingdom of God for it is the mission of the Messiah to bring the Kingdom of God to

men.3 Where kingship ideology developed alongside hope for the king of Gods kingdom. It was not, as some (eg Mowinckel, S,

He That Cometh: The Messianic Concept in the Old Testament and Later Judaism, trans. G. W. Anderson (Grand Rapids:Wm B. Eerdmans) 2005, p 20, Fitzmyer, J.A, The One who is to Come, pp 1-7, 27-29, Becker, J Messianic Expectation in

the Old Testament, (Philadelphia: Fortress Press), 1980, p 35) have suggested, a product of the exile - Schaper, J, The

Persian Period, Redemption and Resistance: The Messianic Hopes of Jews and Christians in Anitquity. M. Bockmuehl, &

J. Paget (Eds.), London: T&T Clark. 2009, p 4, There was no contradiction between the divine kingdom and the earthlyDavidic kingdom. And so, the Psalms are one of the main sources for research into early Jewish messianism, Schaper,

J, The Persian Period, pp 4-5, citing Horbury, W. Jewish Messianism and the Cult of Christ, (London: SCM Press), 1998,

p 28 the praises of the king w ill always have been messianic in character, irrespective of any hint of non fulfillment,for in hymns of praise the present king becomes for the moment the Godlike figure of the ideal king.4 As demonstrated by an apparent messianic emphasis in the translation of the Septuagint, cf Schaper, J. The Pers ian

Period, p 13, Horbury, W, Jewish Messianism and the Cult of Christ, (London: SCM Press), 19985 Zeitlin, I.M, The Messianic Idea in Israel, Jesus and the Judaism of His Time, p 38, Schaper, J, The Persian Period, p 36 Sandmel, Rab. S, A Jewish Understanding of the New Testament, (Woodstock: SkyLight Paths Publishing), 2005 (3rdedition) first printing 1956, pg XXVIII, XIX, In a phrase, earlier the Messiah was viewed as freeing the Jews from their

untoward experience with Rome; now the Messiah was viewed as freeing mankind, Jew and Gentile, from its alienation

from God. Schaper, J. Eschatology in the Greek Psalter, (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck), 1995 p 29 this movement

occurred predominantly at the time of the Maccabees, Zeitlin, The Messianic Idea in Israel, p 38 Whereas in the


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Using Matthews accounts of Jesus teaching, we will show that Jesus purposefully set out to reference, or

fulfill in a radically altered way, most messianic expectations of first century Jews, while constructing a new

theological paradigm from divergent threads of Jewish thought.

2.0 Second Temple Jewish Expectations of the Kingdom of God

Despite voluminous documentary evidence for Second Temple Judaisms messianism, some have argued

against prevalent messianic expectation within the era on the basis of perceived silence in the Qumran

documents,7 incorrectly splitting expectations of the arrival of Gods kingdom, and Gods king.8 Documents

produced during the reign of foreign kings could not freely express kingly hopes, 9 and messianism was

arguably so common it was self-evident. 10 Life in the period revolved around observing the Torah and awaiting

the kingdom of God. 11

Inter-testamental writings reveal the messianic framework developed through the application of common,

pre-exilic, Jewish theological rubrics. 12 It began with a salvation figure, introducing a new era, the kingdom of

God,13

and evolved throughout history via external factors.14

2.1 Old Testament Messianic prophesy

Our role in establishing the parameters of messianism at the time of Jesus is to walk a mile in the shoes of

Old Testament Judaism, not to read it through the lens of Jesus, or the New Testament. Calvin was hesitant to

interpret Old Testament passages in a manner distinct from Jewish exegetes.15

Fitzmyer (2007) insists that

biblicalperiodhopes forsalvationcentredonthe destiny ofthe nation,the post-biblical, secondtemple era shows a

concernforindividualsalvation,the earliestofits manifestations beingthe beliefinthe resurrection.7 Collins, J.J, The ApocalypticImagination,p1588 Particularly withregards tothe Apocrypha (kingdomofGodfocus) andPseudepigrapha (messianicfocus),cfvonGall,

as citedby Horbury, W, MessianismamongJews andChristians: twelve biblicalandhistoricalstudies,pp40-429

Schaper, J, The PersianPeriod, p1010 Horbury, W, JewishMessianismandthe CultofChrist, (London:SCM Press), 1998,pp36-63,11 Schurer, E, The History ofthe JewishPeople inthe Age ofJesus Christ:Volume II , A newEnglishVersionrevisedand

editedby Vermes. G, Millar. F, Black. M, (Edingburgh:T&T Clark), 1979,p 49212 Schaper, J, The Persian Period, p 1413 Schafer, P, Diversity and Interaction: Messiahs in Early Judaism, Toward The Millennium: Messianic Expectationsfrom the Bible to Waco, edited by Schafer, P and Cohen, M, (Leiden:Brill), 1998, p 1514 Schafer, P, op. cit, p 1615 Sailhamer, J.H, Introduction to Old Testament Theology: A Canonical Approach, (Grand Rapids: Wm. B Eerdmans),

2006, p 141


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Christian exegetes must be prepared to agree with contemporary Jewish exegetes on the literal meaning of a

given passage before invoking a Christian reading.16

The Old Testament does not use the terms kingdom of God to describe Israels hope,17

or messiah or

anointed one to describe a future king, 18 but Jewish readers used the Old Testament to develop a

theological framework of messianism. The idea of God as king was not foreign to Israel. 19

Mowinckel takes a minimalistic position on messianic prophecies. He says the Psalms inspired later

messianism, but were not inherently messianic. His view identifies several messianic Old Testament

prophecies (Isaiah 4:2, 7:10-17, 8:8-10. 9:1-6, 10:21, 11:1-10, 16:5, 32 :1-8, 55, Jeremiah 17:25, 23:5ff, 33:17ff, 30:9,

21, Ezekiel 17:22-24, 34:23ff, 37:22-25, Hosea 3:4ff, Amos 9:11, Micah 4:8, 5:1-3, Zechariah 9:9ff).20 Mowinckel

suggests the Isaiah passages, like the Psalms, were simply background and not explicitly messianic, and that

all the other prophecies were post-exilic. Fitzmyer (2007) goes further, arguing that any suggestion that pre-

exilic writings were anything more than transitional material is an unwarranted stretch of the

interpretation.21 He refutes any mess ianic undertones in pre-exilic passages (Genesis 3 :15, Genesis 49:10,

Exodus 40:9-11, Numbers 23-24, Deuteronomy 30:4, 2 Samuel 8:2-14).22

These interpretations are guilty of an under-realised eschatology, requiring a particular, historical, and

narrow reading of the Old Testament, failing Fitzmyers own interpretive litmus test,23

Qumran evidence

shows Isaiah was read messianically.

16 Or, as Fitzmyer, J.A, The One who is to Come, p ix puts it A Christian interpreter of the Old Testament should be able

to agree with a contemporary Jewish interpreter of the Hebrew scriptures on the literal meaning of a given passage,

even one mentioning ,orone relatedtosucha concept,before the Christianinvokes his orhercanonical

meaning.17 Beasley-Murray, G.R, Jesus andthe KingdomofGod, (GrandRapids: WmB Eerdmans), 1986,p1718 Mowinckel,op. cit,p4,the Hebrew wordis usedtorefertocurrentkings as the anointedone, Fitzmyer, J.A, The One

whois toCome,pp8-2519 Beasley-Murray, G.R, Jesus andthe KingdomofGod, (GrandRapids: WmB Eerdmans), 1986,pp17-18, Godis describedas Israels king49 times inthe OldTestament, andthe notionofa Godly kingwas commontothe Semiticregionandfor

Israelwouldhave developedinthe wilderness wanderings.20 Mowinckel,op. cit,pp14-1621 Fitzmyer, J.A, The One whois toCome,p26,p3222 Fitzmyer, J.A, The One whois toCome,pp26-3223 See note 16. These propheticpassages were interpretedby early Jewishexegetes as messianic, Qumrandocuments

view Isaiahas messianicprophecy (4QpIsa 7:11-25) cfBlenkinsopp, J, Interpretations ofthe BookofIsaiahinLate

Antiquity, (GrandRapids: WmB Eerdmans), 2006,pp119-121


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Isaiahs suffering servant presents a messianic conundrum. Qumran interpretations of suffering servant

passages do not conflate the servant with the Messiah (the servant texts from 1QIsa), 24 but translators of the

Targum exegetically translate the servant in Isaiah 53 as messiah.25

Rowley (1957), after a lengthy

discussion, concludes that the notion of messiah and servant had common roots in the Psalter.26

Beasley-

Murray (1986) suggests the servant is best understood as a reinterpretation of the messiah, and not a

substitute.27

Beasley-Murray takes a less minimalistic position, adding Zechariah 14:9, and identifying pre-prophetic

passages (Genesis 49, Numbers 17, and 24, Deuteronomy 33), pre-exilic prophecies (Isaiah 2, 4, 9, 11, 30:15ff,

32, 33, and 35, Jeremiah 23:5ff, 24:5ff, 30-32, and 37, Ezekiel 30:15ff, 32, and 40-48), and Deutero-Isaiah

passages28 (Isaiah 40:1-11, 41:17-20, 43:1-7, 44:24-28, and 48:6-13) as obviously messianic. He summarises the

hope of the kingdom of God as the coming of Yahweh to establish his sovereignty of salvation and a

universal kingdom of peace and righteousness.29

Schaper (2009), following Horbury (1998) suggests that many psalms (Psalms 2, 15, 16, 22, 45, 47, 48, 55 , 58,

69, 72, 103, 110, 118, 145) are implicitly messianic and should be thus understood.30

Prophecies about the messiah include a priestly king of Judaic/Davidic heritage (Genesis 49:10, 2 Samuel 7,

Psalm 2, 110),31

ruling an eternal kingdom (Daniel 2), building a house for Gods name (2 Samuel 7, or

rebuilding Zechariah 1:16-17), arriving humbly in Jerusalem, on a donkey, bringing peace, salvation (Zechariah

24 Blenkinsopp, J, op. cit, 2006, pp 268-269, Fitzmyer, J.A, The One who is to Come, pp 35-38, Fitzmyer asserts Isaiahs

suffering servant was a specific warning to King Ahaz of Gods promises regarding the line of David and could notpossibly be messianic.25 Dumbrell, W.J, The Faith of Israel: a theological survey of the Old Testament, (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic), 2 nd Ed.

2002, p 125 - The Targum does conduct some exegetical gymnastics by ascribing the suffering to Israel and treatingthe messiah as triumphant.26 Rowley, H.H, The Suffering Servant and the Davidic Messiah, The Servant of the Lord: and other Essays on the Old

Testament, (Oxford: Basil Blackwell), 1957, pp 63-92, esp 91-9227 Beasley-Murray, G.R, Jesus and the Kingdom of God, p 2328 Which he assumes was written in exile.29 Beasley-Murray, G.R, Jesus and the Kingdom of God, (Grand Rapids: Wm B Eerdmans), 1986, pp 19-2430 Schaper, The Persian Period, p 4, Horbury, W, Jewish Messianism and the Cult of Christ, p 24, Schaper, J

Eschatology in the Greek Psalter, (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck), 1995, pp 155-15631 Mowinckel, op. cit. p 18


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9:10-17),32

and the resurrection (Daniel 12), and his identification as the Son of Man (Daniel 7:13 was

interpreted as messianic in o ther inter-testamental documents e.g. 1 Enoch 46:1; 4 Ezra 13:3).33

Dumbrell (2002) argues that an emphasis on the restoration of Jerusalem (Isaiah 54:11-17, Micah 5:2-6) was

essential to the inauguration of the kingdom, and that this would be brought about by the presence of the

Davidic king, and death of the servant. 34

Pentiuc (2001) argues that Hoseas messianic prophecies (Hosea 2:1-3; 2:16-25; 3:4-5; 6:1-3; 11; and 14:5-9)

were not, as minimalists suggest a late addition from a Judaic author, 35 but were indicative of an Israelite

expectation of a messiah who not repeat kingly failings, but reunite the nation.36

2.2 Qumran/Inter-testamental expectations

Substantial written evidence paints a reliable portrait of second temple messianism. The Qumran documents,

apocrypha, pseudepigrapha, and the exegetical emphasis placed on the messiah in the Septuagint, provide

insight into the messianic framework at the time of Jesus.37

The inter-testamental period can be divided into four political eras the Persian, Hellenistic, Hasmonean (a

period of self-government), and the Roman.

2.2.1 The Persian Period

The Old Testament closes with Israel under Persian rule. Foreign rule was not a deterrent, or disappointmentto those holding hopes for a Davidic king, but rather the time in which those hopes developed. 38

32 Which was a Rabbinic interpretation of the passage, so consistent with Jewish thought - Ham, C.A, The Coming Kingandthe RejectedShepherd:Matthews reading of Zechariahs messianic hope, (Sheffield:SheffieldPhoenix Press),

2005, p 12233

Washke, E-J, The Significance of the DavidTradition for the Emergence of Messianic Belie fs in the OldTestament,WordandWorld, vol 23, no. 4, Fall 200334 Dumbrell, W.J, The Faith of Israel:a theological survey of the OldTestament, (GrandRapids:Baker Academic), 2 ndEd.

2002, pp 125-126, 21035 Pentiuc, E.J, Messianism in the Book of Hosea in the Light of Patristic Interpretations, Greek Orthodox Theological

Review, vol 46:1-2, 2001 pp 35-56, p 3536 Pentiuc, E.J, p 3637 Schaper, The Persian Period, p 13, Horbury, W, Messianism among Jews andChristians:twelve biblical andhistorical

studies, (London:T&T Clark), 2003, p 5038 Schaper, The Persian Period, pp 10-12


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The notion of two messiahs also developed within this period. Isser (1988) cites Beckers study of post-exilic

Judaism, and suggests the texts bear witness to competing messianic ideologies, between a Davidic king, and

a priestly theocracy.39

Horbury (1998) suggests this was the epoch of editing in which canonical documents were brought together

into what should be understood as a messianic document, and further, that it was an age of concentration on

messianic themes.40

2.2.2 The Hellenistic Period

The Greek empire expanded to include Judea, and the people of Israel, in the early fifth century B.C.41

The Septuagint provides fruitful territory for understanding messianic hope in the period. 42 Schaper (1995)

argued that exegesis conducted by the Septuagints translators makes several psalms explicitly messianic

(especially Psalm 110),43 Pieterma (2005) agrees that such exegesis too place,44 but argues that this is too

great a stretch in the case of Psalm 28, as it relies on unicorns () being interpreted as

messianic.45 Groenewald (2008), following Schaper, finds an exegetical messianic emphasis in the LXX

translation of Psalm 16.46 This exegetical practice is indicative of the Hellenistic Periods theological mores.

Schaper identifies the resurrection as a developing belief in the period from the Septuagint and other

apocryphal writings (e.g Testaments of the Twelve Patriachs). 47

Messianism at this point, and in the second temple era, revolved around restorative and utopian tendencies. 48

Fitzmyer (2000) argues that these labels could only be applied to later messianism, 49 distinguishing

39 Isser, S, Studies Of Ancient Jewish Messianism: Scholarship And Apologetics, Journal of Ecumenical Studies, 25:1,

Winter, 1988, pp 56-73, p 68, citing Becker, J, Messianic Expectation in the Old Testament, tr. David E. Green

(Philadelphia: Fortress Press), 1980.40 Horbury, W, Jewish Messianism and the Cult of Christ, 1998, p 4241 Wright, C.J.H, Jesus and the Old Testament Story, Knowing Jesus Through the Old Testament, (Oxford: Monarch

Books), 2005, p 2442 Schaper, J, The Persian Period, p 13, It carries a number of messianic interpretations of the Hebrew original, whichdid not come out of the blue in the early Hellenistic period, at the time when the Pentateuch was translated in

Alexandria.43 Schaper, J, Eschatology in the Greek Psalter, p 12944 Pietersma, A, Messianism And The Greek Psalter: In search of the Messiah, The Septuagint and Messianism, Knibb,M.A. (ed) (Leuven: Peeters), 2005 p 5045 Pietersma, Messianism and the Greek Psalter, pp 73-7546 Groenewald, A, Psalm 16 and Acts of the Apostles Part II, OTE, 21/2, 2008 pp 345-357, pp 353-35547 Schaper, J, Eschatology in the Greek Psalter, p 155


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messianism from eschatology, though acknowledging the two spheres coexisted and overlapped.Israels

eschatological emphasis was individually focused, while their messianism was focused nationally. 50 However,

Jewish messianism always contained an element of both the eschatological and the temporal. The emphasis

changed depending on their circumstances.

2.2.3 Maccabees as Messiahs

In 167B.C, after Antiochus Epiphanes IV installed a statue of Zeus in the temple, the Maccabeus family led a

revolution. Simon Maccabeus cleansed the temple, secured Jewish territory and es tablished peace,51 a

campaign described in messianic terminology, as the freeing of people from the yoke of the Gentiles, he

was proclaimed as the leader and high priest forever (1 Maccabees 13 :41-42).52

Messianism was grounded in the hope of a better future, 53 for some, this future was tied to the Hasmonean

dynastys reign.54

Maccabean names were popular amongst Jewish children of their generation.55

Naming

practices mirrored expectations of deliverance.56

The Hasmonean familys mission, and everlasting rule were tied to the priestly line of Phinehas, and the line of

David by analogy (1 Maccabees 2:54-57).57 Other inter-testamental writings see Judas Maccabeus heralding

the messianic age (1 Enoch 90:9-16).58

But, the Hasmonean political/priestly hegemony was not definitively messianic their claim was not

hereditary, but through deeds and analogy,59 their failure to deliver the kingdom heightened messianic

48 Schaper, J, The Persian Period, Redemption and Resistance, p 849 Fitzmyer, J.A, The Dead Sea Scrolls and Christian Origins. (Grand Rapids: WmB. Eerdmans), 2000. p 7450 Schaper, J, Eschatology in the GreekPsalter, p 2951 Van Henten, J.W, The Hasmonean Period, Redemption and Resistance, pp 20-21, Wright, C.J.H, Jesus and the Old

TestamentStory, KnowingJesus Through the Old Testament, (Oxford: Monarch Books), 2005, pp 24-2552 VanDerkam, J.C, An Introduction to Early Judaism, (Grand Rapids: WmB Eerdmans), 2001, pp 25-2653 Zeitlin, I.M, The Messianic Idea in Israel, Jesus and the Judaismof His Time (Cambridge: Polity Press), 1988, p 3854 Schurer, E, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ: Volume II, A newEnglish Version revised and

edited by Vermes. G, Millar. F, Black. M, (Edingburgh: T&T Clark), 1979, pg50155

Hellerman, J.H, Jesus andthe People ofGod Reconfiguringethnicidentity, SheffieldPhoenix Press, Sheffield, 2007,p244, Six ofthe nine mostpopular male names, andthe three mostpopular female names belongedtomembers ofthe

Hasmonean family.56 Bauckham, R. Jesus andthe Eyewitnesses:The Gospels as Eyewitness Testimony, (GrandRapids:Wm B Eerdmans)

2006, pg77 Bauckham alsoidentifies twoother widely attestednames, Joshua andMenahem, as those which, along

withthe Hasmonean names, were popular because oftheir association withthe nationalisticreligious expectations ofnational deliverance andrestoration by God.57van Henten, J.W, op. cit, p21, Horbury, W, Messianism amongJews andChristians:twelve biblical andhistorical

studies, p4958Rainbow, Melchizedek as a MessiahatQumran, Bulletin for Biblical Research, vol 7, 1997 pp179-194, p193


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expectation.60

While employing messianic terminology, the dynastys own records (1 Maccabees) stop short of

making specific messianic claims.61

2.2.4 Rejection of the Hasmonean model

Qumran documents feature two messiahs, a priestly Messiah of Aaron (1QSa ii, 4Q541), and a Davidic, kingly

Messiah of Israel (4Q285, 1QSa ii, 4 Ezra, 2 Baruch),62

the notion of two messiahs an Old Testament

antecedent, describing two sons of oil (Zechariah 4:14). This emphasis on heritage is taken as a rebuke of

the Hasmoneans unwarranted fusing of the categories.63

The Davidic messiah is subordinate to the priestly messiah,64 who would come at a time of turmoil, in the final

days (Qumran 4Q541), teaching according to Gods will, displacing darkness in the face of strong opposition

and violence (4Q541 lines 6-7) and understood in line with the teacher of righteousness (CD vii). 65

Debate continues over whether the two messiahs are individual figures, or aspects of the same figure. 66

Hurst (1999) argues convincingly that the notion of two messiahs is a scholarly invention, and a result of

dubious translation practices.67

The priestly messiah was a post-exilic development, and either the result of

priests seeking to legitimise their authority,68 or the political reality, a priestly messiah was likely more

palatable to the nations foreign rulers. The two figures are synchronised in another Qumran document,

59 van Henten, J.W, The Hasmonean Period, Redemption and Resistance:The MessianicHopes ofJews and Christians inAnitquity. M. Bockmuehl, & J. Paget (Eds.), London:T&T Clark. 2009, p2160 Zeitlin, I.M, The MessianicIdea in Israel, Jesus and the Judaism ofHis Time (Cambridge:Polity Press), 1988, p38, cf1

Maccabees 14:35-3661 Schaper, J, Eschatology in the Greek Psalter, p14062 VanDerkam, J.C, op. cit, p158, van Henten, op. cit, pp21, 2863 Vermes, Geza. Jesus the Jew. A historian's reading ofthe Gospels. (London:William Collins Sons), 1973. p130, van

Henten, J.W, The Hasmonean Period, Redemption and Resistance:The MessianicHopes ofJews and Christians in

Anitquity. M. Bockmuehl, & J. Paget (Eds.), London:T&T Clark. 2009, p22, Chilton, B. & Neusner, J. Judaism in the NewTestament, (NewYork:Routledge), 1995, p86, Collins, J.J , The ApocalypticImagination, pp141-143 discusses the

Testament ofthe Twelve Patriarchs as they evolved and finds that messianicideas within were for messiahs from Levi

and Judah, and that these expectations arose in relation to the corruption ofthe priesthood in the Maccabean era(p142), also p158.64 Collins, J.J, op. cit, p16065 van Henten, p26, This elusive teacher ofrighteousnessfigure has been identified as the founder ofthe Qumran

community. Ham, C.A, The Coming King and the Rejected Shepherd:Matthews reading ofZechariahs messianichope,

(Sheffield:Sheffield Phoenix Press), 2005, p12366 Shafer, P, Diversity and Interaction:Messiahs in Early Judaism, Toward The Millennium:MessianicExpectations from

the Bible to Waco, p3567 Hurst, L.D, Did Qumran Expect Two Messiahs, Bulletin for Biblical Research 9 (1999) pp157-180, esppp179-18068 Mowinckel, op. cit, p6


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where the Danielic son of Man would herald the kingdom of the priest-king Melchizedek,69

who was linked to

salvation, and the atonement (11QMelchizedek),70 the Qumran community expected this to happen soon, hence

their wilderness migration.71

The arrival of the messiah is eschatological in nature, involving the final judgment and punishment of the

wicked (Damascus Document xix 10-11).72 In rejecting the Maccabean dynasty the divergent threads of

emphasis on eschatology and messianism were synergised.73

The Qumran community pioneered the now but

not yet eschatology of Christianity, they both fervently awaited the coming of the kingdom, and believed they

were already participants in it. 74

The Qumranic juxtaposition of present and future notions of Gods kingdom, and several characteristics of the

expected Messiah reveal that New Testament messianic model was not as far removed from expectations as

some suggest.75

2.2.5 Messiah in Herods time

Roman rule led to a further evolution of messianic hope, and a return to the emphasis on a triumphant

Davidic figure. Following the Hasmonean dynasty he succeeded, Herod avoided adopting Messianic tones for

his kingship.76

The Psalms of Solomon, a product of the era, have been ascribed to pharisaic circles,77 they frame the

common expectation of a military Da vidic Messiah contrasting the Herodian monarch,78 who will restore

69 Knohl, I, Melchizedek: A model for the Union of Kingship and Priesthood in the Hebrew Bible, 11QMelchizedek, and theEpistle to the Hebrews, Text, Thought and Practice in Qumran and Early Christianity: Proceedings of the Ninth

International Symposium of the Orion Center for the Study of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Associated Literature , edited by

Clements, R.A and Schwartz, D.R, (Leiden:Brill), 2004, p 263, Rainbow, Melchizedek as a Messiah at Qumran, Bulletin for

Biblical Research, vol 7, pp 191-19370 Van Henten, op. cit, p 23, VanDerkam, J.C, op. c it, p 138,71 VanDerkam, J.C, op. cit, p15872

van Henten, J.W, op. cit, p2473 Zeitlin, op. cit, p38, Whereas in the biblical periodhopes for salvation centredon the destiny ofthe nation, the post-biblical, secondtemple era shows a concern for individual salvation, the earliestofits manifestations beingthe beliefin

the resurrection. This newidea, expressedexplicitly in the visions ofthe book ofDaniel (dated167 -165 BC) emergedout

ofthe same crisis thatprovokedthe Maccabean revoltandgave rise tothe Pharisaicmovement.74 Beasley-Murray, op. cit, p4975ibidpp49-51, Van Henten, J.W, op. cit, p2876 Freyne, S, The Herodian Period, Redemption andResistance:The MessianicHopes ofJews andChristians in

Anitquity. M. Bockmuehl, & J. Paget(Eds.), London:T&T Clark. 2009, p3377ibid, p144


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Jerusalem.79

Chapter 14 links the messiah with the resurrection of the dead,80

while chapters 17 and 18 are

explicitly messianic,81 depicting a human, warrior king,82 begotten by God, as a conglomerate of the Davidic

Messiah, and Danielic Son of Man,83

who, according to Gods design, will destroy Israels enemies the kittim

(Romans),84

gather scattered Israel, renew Jerusalem and the temple, and physically establish the kingdom

of glory, the nations would then pay homage to the God of Israel (Sibylline Oracles 3:704-6, 717, 756-9,

Psalm of Solomon 17:1, 38, 51).85 He would come after a time of ordeal, following an Elijah figure, he would be

from the line of David, a learned human with powers from God, and free from sin.86

The military messiah was the dominant emphasis in this time, though other messianic ideas continued to

develop. For some, the warrior king morphed into a heavenly judge.87

The books of Enoch introduces a single figure various called: the righteous one, the chosen one, the anointed

one, and the son of man (1 Enoch 48.6 -49.4) combining Old Testament ideas (Daniel 7, Isaiah 11, Psalm 2, Isaiah

40-55), in a way that prefigured a similar New Testament notion. This figure would judge the wicked.88

2.3 John the Baptist and the Disciples as first century case studies

John the Baptist interpreted the messianic mission in terms of national purification, which led to his

questioning of Jesus messianic status (Matthew 11:2-3).89 His testimony of the coming messiah involves a

gathering of Gods people, and burning up of the others (Matthew 3:12).

His father, Zechariah the Priest, sings of Jesus messianic purpose, and links him to the Davidic line (Luke

1:69), expecting delivery from Israels enemies (Luke 1:71), and salvation through the forgiveness of sins (Luke

1:77).

78 Atkinson, K, On the Herodian Origin of Militant Davidic Messianism a t Qumran: New Light from Psalm of Solomon 17,

Journal of Biblical Literature, 118/3, 1999, pp 435-46079 ibid, p 143, It appears that hope for a Davidic messiah was inspired in part by opposition to the Hasmonean

monarchy80 Schurer, E, op. cit, pg 50381 Stanton, G, Messianism and Christology: Mark, Matthew, Luke and Acts, Redemption and Resistance: The Messianic

Hopes of Jews and Christians in Anitquity. M. Bockmuehl, & J. Paget (Eds.), London: T&T Clark. 2009, p 79 82 VanDerkam, J.C, op. cit, p109, Collins, J.J, op. cit, p15983 van Henten, op. cit, p2884ibid, pp25-2685 Zeitlin, I.M, op. cit, p41, VanDerkam, J.C, op. cit, pp131-13286 Zeitlin, I.M, op. cit, pp39-4087 Freyne, op. cit, pp42-4388ibid, p4289 Hellerman, J.H, Jesus andthe People ofGod Reconfiguringethnicidentity, SheffieldPhoenix Press, Sheffield, 2007,

p259


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Johns arrival itself was a fulfillment of a p articular stream of messianism. Malachi (4:5) and the Apocrypha

(Ben Sirach Ecclesiasticus 43:10-11) required the appearance of an Elijah figure to herald the impending

arrival of the Messiah.

The disciples were ordinary Jewish people from a variety of backgrounds (Matthew 4:18, 21, 10:1-4),90 with

presumably representative expectations for the Kingdom of God. They had, in Jesus, recognised the messiah

(Matthew 16:16) without grasping the nature of Jesus kingdom. Their expectations for a temporal kingdom

were consistent with their contemporaries (Matthew 18:1-3; Matthew 20:20-23; Mark 11:9; Mark 11:10; Luke

9:46-48; John 1:19-5). They demonstrate the pervasive expectation for national restoration, when they ask the

resurrected Jesus Lord, is this the time when you will restore the kingdom to Israel? (Acts 1:6).91

2.4 Summary of expectations

The first century conception of this Messiah was jumbled. He would simultaneously be an anointed, pre-

existing, human, eschatological agent,92 who would deliver Gods people from their enemies, and bring about

peace, his k ingdom,93

righteousness, and prosperity, or a political figure who would gather diasporan

Israelites and free Jerusalem from the oppression of Roman rule, 94 his coming would usher in judgment day,

and the resurrection of the dead. 95 Goldsworthys (2000) definition of Gods kingdom as Gods people, living in

Gods place, under Gods rule is a fitting summary of Jewish expectations of the messianic kingdom.96

Any messianic claims would be assessed on the basis of these missions, but were hardly likely to involve a

wholesale recognition from a theologically diverse nation.97

90 Including at least one Zealot, cf Zeitlin, I.M, op. cit, pp138-13991 Hellerman, J.H, op. cit, p25992 Collins, J.J, The Apocalyptic Imagination, (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans), 2 nd Ed. 1998, p12, describes the

manifestation of the kingdom of God and a mediator withroyal functions as two of six common apocalyptic motifs,

Mowinckel, S, He That Cometh: The Messianic Concept in the Old Testament and Later Judaism, trans. G. W. Anderson(Grand Rapids: Wm B. Eerdmans) 2005, p3, To use the word `Messiah' is to imply eschatology, the last things. It is,therefore, a misuse of the words 'Messiah' and 'Messianic' to apply them withkings who were actually reigning.

Fitmyer, J.A The One who is to Come (Wm. B Eerdmans), 200 7, pp1-793 Fitzmyer, J.A, The One who is to Come, pp1-7, 182-182, Mowinckel, S, He That Cometh: The Messianic Concept in the

Old Testament and Later Judaism, trans. G. W. Anderson (Grand Rapids: Wm B. Eerdmans) 200 5, p394 Mowinckel, op. cit, p795 Sandmel, A JewishUnderstanding of the New Testament, p2896 Goldsworthy, G, Gospel and Kingdom, The Goldsworthy Trilogy, (Carlisle: Paternoster Press), 2000, p5497 ibid


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Horsley (1985) summarises the expectations of the four major first century philosophical groups the

Pharisees, Sadducees, Essenes, and Zealots. The Pharisees were expecting a Davidic king, the Sadducees a

priestly figure, the Qumran community an anointed priestly king (though Horsley sees the two as separate

figures), while he argues the Zealots had no messianic preference.98

3.0 Jesus teaching about the kingdom

A question arising in studies of the Historical Jesus is how conscious Jesus was of the messianic

interpretation of his ministry. For much of the last century the answer to this question was that he was not at

all aware,99 this pendulum swung in the present century to the understanding that Jesus was aware of his

messianic mission, and framed his ministry in that way. 100

Jesus begins his ministry by proclaiming the arrival of the kingdom of God (Matthew 4:17). His messianic

intentions are clear. The arrival of Gods kingdom is synonymous with the arrival of the messiah. By declaring

that the kingdom arrives in his presence he makes a declaration about his identity.

We will focus briefly on the Sermon on the Mount, operating on the thesis that it was the introduction of the

parameters of the kingdom of God.

3.1 Jesus teaching on the Kingdom in Matthew

The Sermon on the Mount rejects the Pharisaic understanding of the law, and in the Beatitudes (Matthew 5:2-

12) makes reference to the types of people who will inherit the kingdom. Subverting the military paradigmby rewarding the poor in spirit, the meek, and the peacemakers (Matthew 5:3, 5, 9), he links belonging to the

kingdom to a desire for righteousness rather than heritage (Matthew 5:6,10), and exalts the persecuted

rather than the triumphant (Matthew 5:11).

His teaching regarding the kingdom within that sermon reveals that entry into the kingdom depends on

righteousness that exceeds the Pharisees, and doing Gods will (Matthew 5:17-20, 7:21-23), a righteousness he

then spells out with regards to morality. He links being a son of God with forgiving ones enemies (Matthew

5:43-48), and calls for members of the kingdom to pray for it to come (Matthew 6:7), seeking it above al l else

(Matthew 6:33).

98 Horsley, R.A, Menahem in Jerusalem: A brief messian ic episode among the Sicarii not Zealot Messianism, NovumTestamentum, XXVII, 4, 1985, pp 334-348, at p 337 pp 337, 34099 Hengel, M Jesus, the Messiah of Israel, Studies in Early Christology (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1995), p. 16.100 Ellens, J.H, Jesus Self-Concept and Church Christology, Text and Community: Essays in Memory of Bruce M.

Metzger Vol 2, (Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press), 2007, pp 40-41


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Afterwards, in his interactions with the Roman Centurion he reveals that the kingdom is open to all nations

(Matthew 8:10-13). This interaction alone subverts the expectation that Jesus would forcibly remove Roman

rule, as here he deals peacefully with a member of the Roman army.

Jesus calls himself the Son of Man and establishes a distinction between life within the kingdom and outside it

(Matthew 8:18-22). He proclaims the kingdom wherever he goes (Matthew 9:35). He proclaims the Son of

Mans arrival within the time of the disciples (Matthew 10:23). His sword is not literal, but rather a method

to separate those who are in the kingdom from those who are not (Matthew 10:34-38).

He responds in the affirmative to John the Baptists enquiry. Linking his messianic claims to his miraculous

deeds (Matthew 11:4-6), he claims John is the Elijah to his Son of Man (Matthew 11:9-19). He links himself to the

Isaiaic servant who brings the gentiles to God (Matthew 12:15-21), and links his ministry to the arrival of the

kingdom (Matthew 12:28).

He teaches in parables to reveal truths about the kingdom to those who have been given its secrets (Matthew

13:11).

He enters Jerusalem as the Messiah (Matthew 21:1-12), cleanses the temple (Matthew 2 1:12-17), and claims to

be not the son, but the Lord, of David (Matthew 22:41-45). Finally, he predicts his return, in glory, as apowerful messiah who will gather his people from the four winds (Matthew 24:29-25:46).

He is crucified for claiming to be king (Matthew 27:37), although he had made a distinction between his

kingdom and Caesars (Matthew 22:15-22).

3.2 Jesus the Revolutionary

A debate continues over the nature of Jesus revolutionary approach101 and its overlap with the zealot

movement.

102

Concurrence exists on the idea that at the very least Jesus was tried and executed by the

101 cf Brandon, S.G.F, Jesus and the Zealots, (Manchester: Manchester University Press), 1967, Montieforre, H.W, Revolt

in the desert, NewTestamentStudies, Cambridge, vol8, 1961-2, pp 135-141, and others who suggestthatJesus was a

self styled Zealotmessiahwho conducted a revolution againstRome and was executed as a result102 For a summary of the debate see Bockmuehl, M, Resistance and Redemption in the Jesus Tradition, Redemption and

Resistance: The Messianic Hopes of Jews and Christians in Anitquity. M. Bockmuehl, & J. Paget(Eds.), London: T&T Clark.

2009, pp 66-70, Zeitlin, I.M, Jesus the Revolutionary, Jesus and the Judaismof His Time, (Cambridge: Polity Press),

1988, pp 134-145


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Romans as a revolutionary, a messianic pretender,103

and perhaps as a zealot,104

and that the zealot

movement influenced his ministry.105

Brandon (1967) argues from Jesus silence with regards to the movement that he was at least sympathetic to

the zealot cause, 106 suggesting the only distinction between Jesus and the zealots was a belief that the

kingdom of God was imminent.107 Zeitlin (1988) argues that the need to distinguish Simon the Zealot from the

other disciples (implying they were not) shows he was not leading a movement of zealots.108

Jesus affirmation of meek peacemakers is a stark contrast to the Zealots violent campaign.

3.3 Messiah and the Resurrection

Jesus claims that his death and resurrection after three days is a sign that his kingship is greater than

Solomons (Matthew 12:38-42), and afterwards that through it all power has been given to him (Matthew

28:16-20).

3.4 Jesus and the Old Testament

Jesus synthesised Old Testament concepts with his messianic claims. He was simultaneously the Davidic

messiah, Isaiahs suffering servant, the Melchizedek like priest king, and Daniels Son of Man. 109

While the Isaiah passages were interpreted as messianic by segments of the Jewish community, that was not

a majority reading. It seems certain that the Jews did not expect the Messiah to come as a suffering andcrucified servant.110 This is the point at which Jesus messianic mission stands in stark contrast to the

expectations of his Jewish audience.

4.0 Conclusion

Despite being misunderstood by his audience, Jesus teaching about the kingdom of God were consistent with

first century messianism, his version of the kingdom was consistent with prophecies, teachings, and

103 Hengel, M, Was Jesus a Revolutionist(translated Klassen, W.), (Philadelphia: Fortress Press), 1971, Bird, M, Are You

the One toCome, 159.104 Cullmann, O (The State in the New Testament, (New York: Charles Sribners Sons) 1956, p 49105 Cullmann, O (The State in the New Testament, (New York: Charles Sribners Sons) 1956, p 39, Hellerman, J.H, Jesus

and the People ofGod Reconfiguring ethnicidentity, Sheffield Phoenix Press, Sheffield, 2007, p 141106 While he spoke againstthe Pharisees, Sadducees, and Herodians, he did notspeak againstthe zealots Brandon,

S.G.F, Jesus and the Zealots (Manchester, Manchester University Press), 1967, pp 326-328107 Brandon, S.G.F, Jesus and the Zealots108 Zeitlin, I.M, op. cit, p 139109 Mowinckel, op. cit, p 9110 Ladd, op cit. p111


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expectations of the arrival of the messiah. The misunderstanding was not due to category error, but a

different emphasis and a delay between the realisation of Gods kingdom, and the last days.

A plain reading of the Old and New Testaments, without Western scholarly presuppositions, provides

overwhelming evidence for a messianic framework operating in the Old Testament, and for Jesus as the

fulfillment of that expectation. 111 Contra the messianic minimalists, Kaiser (1995) quotes Beecher (1905): This

messianic doctrine, [was] preached by the prophets, sung in the Psalms, built into the temple, r[ose] with the

smoke of every sacrifice112

In the light of Jesus teaching about the kingdom, Jewish expectations at the time involved both an over-

realised, and under-realised eschatology. In placing his messianic emphasis on the suffering servant rather

than a physical triumph, Jesus harnessed common paradigms from the Hebrew Bible in a manner that was

chronologically disjointed from the expectations of the day, but in a way that exceeded them.113

He dealt with an eschatological problem (sin, death, and judgment) in a temporal manner, with the promise to

deal with the temporal problem (no physical kingdom of God) in an eschatological manner.114

His apostles

developed the notion of the second coming in a messianic framework, with their prophetic predictions

capturing the essence of first century expectation not already fulfilled in Jesus first coming (eg Revelation

19:11-21).

The resurrection authenticated Jesus mess ianic claims. At his death, his followers should have abandoned

any messianic notion, instead they became convinced, and identified him as both Messiah, and Lord,115

developing the expectation of a future coming of their messiah as the Davidic military commander who would

establish the physical kingdom of God for all time.

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