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A Consumor Behaviour Research on Kefaya the political movement that appeared in the early 2000's the research was made in MRKTG 410 Class at the American University of Cairo with a group of four.
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kefaya Consumer Behaviours Research
By Mariam Elias ( group project of 4)
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Table of Content Figures .................................................................................................................................5 Outline: ................................................................................................................................5 1. Introduction ...............................................................................................................6
a. Political background..........................................................................................6 b. Kefaya .................................................................................................................6
2. Market Research........................................................................................................6 a. Primary research:..............................................................................................6
3. Research Outcomes ...................................................................................................6 4. SWOT Analysis..........................................................................................................6 5. Limitations to the Research Process ........................................................................7 6. Recommendations: ....................................................................................................7 Introduction .......................................................................................................................8
Political Background .................................................................................................8 Kefaya ...............................................................................................................................10
Introduction and Background ................................................................................10 Mission Statement and Objectives .........................................................................11 Analysis of Mission Statement and Objectives .....................................................12 Structure and Job Descriptions..............................................................................13 Achievements: ..........................................................................................................14
Market Research ................................................................................................................14 Focus Group.....................................................................................................................14
Results Focus Groups ..............................................................................................18 Survey Analysis................................................................................................................18 Research Outcomes ...........................................................................................................28 Motivation ........................................................................................................................28 Involvement......................................................................................................................29
The stimulus factors behind the consumer' involvements in Kefaya are:..........29 Possible results of involvement ...............................................................................30
Value .................................................................................................................................31 Personality........................................................................................................................31 Life Style...........................................................................................................................32 Decision Making Process.................................................................................................32
1- Problem Recognition ........................................................................................32 2- Information Search ...........................................................................................33 3. Evaluation of Alternatives ..................................................................................34 4. Product Choice....................................................................................................35
Stimulus effect: ................................................................................................................35 Attitude:............................................................................................................................36 SWOT Analysis .................................................................................................................36 Internal environment ......................................................................................................36
Strengths ....................................................................................................................36 Weaknesses ................................................................................................................37
External environment......................................................................................................37 Opportunities .............................................................................................................37
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Threats .......................................................................................................................38 Limitations to Research process: .......................................................................................38 1. Surveys......................................................................................................................38 2. Focus groups ............................................................................................................38 3. Interviews .................................................................................................................38 4. Time Constraint.......................................................................................................38 5. Reaching the Sample ...............................................................................................39 Recommendations .............................................................................................................39 Consumer wants and needs ..............................................................................................39 Cost to satisfy ....................................................................................................................40 Convenience to buy...........................................................................................................40 Communication.................................................................................................................41 Appendix ...........................................................................................................................43 Focus Group Guide .........................................................................................................43 Survey Guide: ..................................................................................................................44
Interview Guide: Mr. George Isaac: ........................................................................48 Interview Guide: Mr. Adel Hammouda...................................................................49
Reference List....................................................................................................................50 Reading .............................................................................................................................50 Website Resources ...........................................................................................................50 Personal Interviews .........................................................................................................50
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Figures Figure 1: Do you know Kefaya? …………………………………………………….…. 18 Figure 2: What is Kefaya?................................................................................................ 19 Figure 1: Do you think Kefaya has a leading role in the Egyptian Political society…….19 Figure 1: What do you think are the objectives of Kefaya?..............................................20 Figure 1: Are you against or for Kefaya?..........................................................................21 Figure 1: Are you politically oriented?.............................................................................22 Figure 1: What kind of ideologies do you adopt……………………………….…….….23 Figure 1: Why do you think it should produce a publication?..........................................24 Figure 1: If yes, then why?................................................................................................25 Figure 1: Will you join a Kefaya movement if you had the chance?................................26 Figure 1: If yes, why?........................................................................................................26 Figure 1: Age:……………………………………………………………………………27 Figure 1: Gender:……………………………………………………………………...…27
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Outline:
1. Introduction
a. Political background a. Political History (until 2000) b. Legal context; Laws and regulations c. Political Shift
b. Kefaya a. Founders and their history
i. Interview with George Isaac b. Political Agenda
i. Mission statement ii. Objectives
iii. Analysis of Mission Statement and Objectives iv. Structure and Job Descriptions v. Achievements
2. Market Research
a. Primary research:
a. Focus groups i. Analysis and findings
b. Surveys i. Analysis and findings
3. Research Outcomes
i. Motivation ii. Involvement
a. Factors behind the consumer' involvements b. Possible results of involvement
iii. Values iv. Personality v. Lifestyle
vi. Decision making process a. Problem Recognition b. Information Search c. Evaluation of Alternatives d. Product Choice
vii. Stimulus effects viii. Attitude
4. SWOT Analysis
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a. Internal Environment i. Strengths
ii. Weaknesses b. External Environment
i. Opportunities ii. Threats
5. Limitations to the Research Process
a. Surveys b. Focus Groups c. Interviews d. Time Constraint e. Reaching the Sample
6. Recommendations:
a. Consumer wants and needs b. Cost to satisfy c. Convenience to buy d. Communication
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Introduction Political Background
For centuries, Egypt as a nation and country has been subject to various foreign occupations.
Such occupation has influenced Egyptians greatly in terms of political oppression. Not only the
occupation has oppressed the people politically, but also the instability of the regime and the ruling
systems has contributed heavily in such oppression. It is not only the political oppression that
Egyptians suffer from, but also the cultural disintegration and the lack of a national identity.
Egypt had experienced many regulations and laws regarding freedom of access to information
and censorship during the last forty years. This experience has changed due to the change of the
political situation from a socialist system during Nasser’s time to a capitalist system during the time
of Sadat and Mubarak.
In the rule of Nasser, no one was free to voice one’s personal opinions and criticism; also no
one had the right to be demonstrative or opposing to the government. The prisons were crowded by
writers, journalists, artists and even with ordinary people who were just suspected of being involved
in political activities (Dabbous). During Nasser’s Regime, there was a common phenomenon called
“the Dawn visitors,” who had the authority of knocking doors or sometimes breaking through, to
arrest people, even if were out of suspect or not being related to any political activities. At that time,
trust was not a common value, as a person could be sitting on a café with a close friend, having a
political chat; and before morning he gets a dawn visit, as his friend turns out to be a secret agent or a
governmental spy.
Although the regime did not allow any form of channeling ideas or objections, yet it was the
era of mass mobilization, through the success of Nasser to use all the possible Media forms,
including popular Singers such as Um Kalthoum, and Abd El Halim Hafez, to mobilize the public.
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The situation became more open during Sadat’s period from 1970 to 1980. When Sadat
became the president, he started to make major changes in the press. Although there wasn’t direct
censorship as it was the case in Nasser’s rule, however, editors had to practice self-censorship to keep
their jobs. Sadat encouraged a free but a responsible press, so he began to relax press controls by
opening news sources to reporters (Dabbous).
Sadat was considered more liberals than Nasser, he allowed the formation of political parties
and each party could publish their own newspaper and criticize his policies without any form of
censorship, which Nasser never did. However, after some time Sadat realized that the freedom he
gave to the press was misused especially after the strong criticism campaigns of his policies after his
peace treaty with Israel. As a result, he decided to restrict press freedom once again so he restored
censorship in the Egyptian media and closed all opposition papers.
A new era began under the president Hosni Mubarak. The new president was known for his
flexibility and freedom of policies. His style and personality contrasts greatly with those of Nasser
and Sadat. He gave a hand of friendship to the Egyptian media. Although Mubarak has inherited a lot
of policies from Sadat, however, he shows more patience to criticism and democracy.
Mubarak permitted party activity to resume and allowed most banned writers and opposition
paper to reappear without having any direct censorship on them. Although Mubarak gave a large
margin of freedom in the Egyptian media and political practice, however, this freedom is still limited
when compared to western countries. However, political parties, and press practice self-censorship
because they fear that certain subjects may be considered offensive.
Although the rules and regulations of Mubarak’s regime sound liberal and democratic, yet
freedom is not that practiced, because of the fear predisposed at people’s perceptions from previous
regimes and because of what is theoretically mentioned constitutionally is not what is practically
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enforced. The Emergency Law which was applied during the Sadat’s Era and continues to be applied
as we write, puts undefined and unclear measures prohibiting certain behavior that is commonly
identified as freedom of expression.
However, the recent years showed a political shift, in which the government started not only
to constitutionally allow freedom of expression in democratic context, but also in terms of
enforcement of this democratic context, through encouraging people to have a voice, through several
channels of communication. Emergency law, as commonly identified as a double standard within a
democratic country, is currently being debated to be changed to a “terrorism law.”
Starting the year 2001, we find the government control and ownership in several media forms
start to diminish, and that privately owned media started to arise in various forms. The license to
privately owned media was granted by the government; therefore, Dream TV was the first example
of privately owned satellite channels, which was followed by others later. During the past couple of
years, opposition parties were given more licenses to operate along with more licenses for opposition
news papers that freely opposed the government’s actions. But not until the amendment of Article 76
in the constitution that media could openly criticize the president. However, the 2005 presidential
elections opened the doors for such criticism in the Egyptian society and the rise of political non-
party movements for change such as the “Egyptian movement for reform” commonly known as
Kefaya.
Kefaya
Introduction and Background
“We meet and talk all the time. It was a meeting during a Ramadan November 2003, when we
decided that we should call for an action, especially that we expected the constitution amendment
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concerning the presidential elections in 2005,” George Isaac, one of the founders of Kefaya said. The
idea developed and founded by six people; George Isaac, Amin Iskander, Said Abdel Sattar, Abu Ola
Madi, Mohamed Saeed Idris, and Ahmed Bahaa Shabban. The six people belonged to different
political background and had different political ideologies; Islamic, Christians, Communists,
Liberalism, Nasserites, and Independents. They developed the declaration of the Kefaya movement.
“We, the undersigned, are citizens of Egypt, are part of its rich social texture; and are active in its
public life in different arenas: intellectual, civic, political, cultural, and unionist.”
Mission Statement and Objectives
The “declaration to the nation” by Kefaya addresses two main subjects; 1) The Odious assault on Arab Native soil through:
• The US occupation of Iraq; • The Zionist devastation daily wreaked on the Palestinian people bordering on a
holocaust. • The designs including the Broader Middle East Initiative, to recast the chart and fate
of the Arab region and people. All civil and political efforts must be massed and coordinated to ward off this peril to the future survival of the Arab people, and society.
2) The repressive despotism that pervades all aspects of the Egyptian political system and
want for democratic governance: • Termination of the current monopoly of power at all levels, starting with the seat of the
president of the republic; • Effecting the rule of law as the supreme source of legitimacy; • Termination of the current unfounded monopoly and squandering of the wealth of the
nation; • Regaining Egypt’s legitimate and significant, if now lost, place amongst the family of the
nations. (http://harakamasria.org/manifesto_english)
Three Hundred Egyptians signed for this declaration, and it was called “ ا�ل�ح�ر�ك�ة �ا�ل�م�ص�ر�ي�ة �م�ن�
The Egyptian Movement for Reform.” In September 2004, Kefaya held its first“ ,”�أ�ج�ل �ا�ل�ت�غ�ي�ي�ر
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meeting in ‘upper Egypt assembly’ that was scheduled on the exact same timing of the NDP meeting,
yet Kefaya’s meeting was attended by 500 members.
Kefaya as an organization is divided into two working groups: 1) Coordination Committee
with 25 members, responsible for planning and decision making. 2) Executive Committee including
12 members, responsible on daily basis for implementation of the plans and objectives previously set
by the coordination committee.
Because Kefaya is an opposition movement that is not registered as a party, yet heavily
opposes the government and the President, many controversies were raised about the funding of
Kefaya, with several accusations of US funding. Yet Isaac answers “we are an organization with self
funding methods, where our members pay money to cover our costs, and we don’t get any external
funding.”
Analysis of Mission Statement and Objectives
No Specific Objective
Kefaya has no specific objective or goal. It works on a very large scale like “The Odious
assault on Arab Native soil through: The US occupation of Iraq and The Zionist devastation”. It is
not clear whether they want to solve the problems of the whole region or Egypt only. Moreover, their
previous actions were mostly concerning Egypt only and not the region.
Prominence
Doing random demonstrations in random places might be positive in making Kefaya known
for a large number of people, yet it gives the image of random and chaotic movement with no clear
and precise objectives.
Location
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Having no specific location or base for their meeting allows doubt in Kefaya’s commitment
and credibility.
Kefaya is Passive
Kefaya has no specific target audience. According to Mr. Adel Hammouda, Al Fagr Editor in
Chief, Kefaya targets everyone. Meaning that Kefaya targets people belonging to different social
classes, and various political backgrounds; ranging from Liberals, Marquis, Muslim Brotherhood,
leftists, etc… and even people who have no interest in any political ideologies. The point is all these
people have different political views, and therefore have different political demands. Kefaya as a
political movement will never be able to satisfy such political demands. Therefore, Kefaya is a
passive movement. It only appears at the peak of political events, do nothing more than speeches,
strikes, and demonstrations, in order to satisfy the entire the Egyptian target. The fact that it has no
specific target, makes it fail to have specific concrete objectives for people to adopt or believe in, and
therefore it is viewed as a passive movement that fails to take any action, yet only conduct attractive
speeches. Though such failure, Kefaya as a concept could have the opportunity of being an attractive
and workable concept or ideology that could target a segment of the Egyptian community.
Structure and Job Descriptions
Kefaya chose to be a movement and not a political party because the political parties have an
upper glass ceiling and are limited. Mr. Isaac said that one of the reasons that Mr. Star chose to be in
Kefaya and he is a Muslim brotherhood is that Kefaya as a movement has more freedom. The colours
of the Logo were chosen based on harmony and not for specific symbolism. They have no location
and they held their meetings in different places like "the Egyptian institute for studies" in 26th of July
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Street or in the syndicate of journalists and another in the Kasr El Aini street. "Next 14th of April "we
have a conference called "for a country of fairness and freedom,” said Mr. Isaac.
They want to target all the Egyptians and they have no rules or specific recommendation to
enter the Movement except that the person should not mention his ideology, another thing is that they
all should trust each other.
Achievements:
The first strike was in 12th of December 2004, in front of the "د�ا�ر �ا�ل�ق�ض�اء �ا�ل�ع�ا�ل�ى�" and it was
the memorial of human rights in the world. They put stickers of Kefaya on their mouth and bodies
and they stroked to say enough 24 years of ruling.
Their members reached 14.641 and new members can join through applying through the
website. Kefaya made their self known through emails, website and free press like "ا�ل�ن�ا�ص�ر�ى�
.Kefaya stroked in 22 governments ." �ن�ه�ض�ة �م�ص�ر ”and "�ا�ل�ع�ر�ب�ى
"We are the reason behind article 76 and we believe that we will change the emergency law," said
Mr. Isaac stating their achievements.
Market Research Focus Group Two different focus groups were conducted; where samples were taken from two different
segments. Each focus group consisted of 10 participants, age ranged from 20 to 45. The first group
targeted social classes A and B and was conducted at one of the members’ houses. Five volunteers
were males and the other five were females. Each of the participants had a different view about
Kefaya movement, in terms of its achievements and objectives, but what they all saw in common was
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that it was a movement opposing some of the government’s attitude of implementing its laws and are
calling for changes without actually stating a clear solution.
When they were asked whether Kefaya had a leading role in the Egyptian political society,
they all agreed that it does not have a leading role because Kefaya is confined to demonstrations,
with no further steps. In addition, members of the group mentioned the idea that Kefaya was an
unorganized group that has no set objectives and lacks reliable leadership. As for Kefaya’s
objectives, some saw that the movement is mainly confined to objecting passing on the presidency
from Mubarak to his son, while others disagreed by saying that Kefaya has no clear concrete
objectives, chaotic and unorganized; going along with the country’s political situation. One believed
that Kefaya only attracts people through its chosen attractive name, which conveys the psychological
being of the majority of the Egyptian society.
All participants agreed that Kefaya had not benefit the Egyptian society in anyway, but each
had his own interpretation of that, where some thought that Kefaya was very limited and unorganized
which gave people the impression that it was not serious enough to take up all their ideas to a higher
level. Some thought the existence of such a movement benefits the country in a way but it does not
benefit the individuals involved and affected by its existence. On the contrary, some saw that this
movement might lead people to despise the government and rebel which would then be the exact
opposite of benefiting Egypt. Others believed that Kefaya was not a practical movement, it only gives
an international image that Egypt is a democratic country that allows freedom of speech.
Even though all participants did not care to know details about Kefaya's upcoming events,
protests and meetings, they all encouraged Kefaya to publish its own private newspaper because they
thought that the public has the right to know its objectives and everything they do, including their
achievements and the violations they may be subjected to. When asked if any of the participants
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would want to join the movement, the majority disagreed because they believed that it was a passive
movement that does not act upon what they say they want and so it would not add up any benefits to
them. Those who agreed to join claimed they would only do so if Kefaya sets clear objectives and
progress.
When the participants were asked about the opponents of Kefaya, the majority agreed that its
main opponent was the government (National Democratic Party, NDP). In addition to the
government, one specified that it was the NDP’s Policies’ Committee lead by Gamal Mubarak and
which targets youngster to join the NDP. Others thought it could be any political party that has
another perspective other than Kefaya.
Each participant was asked to personalize Kefaya and describe how they see it. They all
agreed that Kefaya was a typical average middle aged Egyptian citizen. This person was viewed as a
desperate, lazy, worn-out, married, frustrated, stubborn, and oppressed.
As for the second focus group, C and D were the target social classes. The focus group
consisted of 8 males and 2 females and was conducted at one of the security’s office. When the
participants were asked whether they know Kefaya or not; all male participants knew about the
movement, while both females did not, therefore throughout the focus group the females tend to
agree to what the males’ points of view. When they were asked what Kefaya is; some said that it was
a governmental tool used to silence oppressed and frustrated people. Others believed that it was a
movement that was against the government only at the time of the Egyptian presidential elections but
other than that Kefaya was one of the government’s followers. They also believed that Kefaya was an
imposed movement by the Egyptian government to reflect that Egypt is promoting freedom of speech
on an international level.
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The participant’s opinions were split into two when asked about Kefaya’s opponents. The part
that believed that Kefaya belonged to the government believed that the Muslim Brotherhood was its
major opponent. On the other hand, the people who believed that Kefaya adopted the Muslim
Brotherhood ideology thought that the government was Kefaya’s major opponent and competitor.
As for Kefaya’s objectives, the participants felt neutral inclined to negative feelings towards
Kefaya because they saw that it was a passive movement which made non-noticeable changes that
have been made after conducting massive protests and was with no clear objectives. They viewed the
movement as one that just objects and talks without taking any action, but they actually mixed up
Kefaya movement with the Muslim Brotherhood, and believed that it existed only to target Islam.
The participants said that they do not care to know about Kefaya’s events and protests unless
it will directly affect them, but on the other hand they encouraged that Kefaya would publish its own
newspaper to notify various people about what they do and their current events. The majority of the
participants rejected the idea of joining Kefaya claiming that if they wanted to join a reform
movement, they would want to join one that actually does something rather than just talk. One of the
major points that was brought up and that made people reject joining Kefaya was that people doubted
Kefaya’s source of funding. The participants questioned where Kefaya funded its protests or events.
Personalizing Kefaya from the participant’s points of view was in the form of an old man who
has passed a lot of bad experiences, was disabled, and noisy, in the sense babbling all the time.
From the previous focus groups, we conclude that the majority of people belonging to all
classes know about Kefaya, but they do not have correct information or facts about it, which lead to
misinterpretation of Kefaya’s objectives. They believe that Kefaya is a passive movement, yet could
hold future significance to the Egyptian society. This significance could only be achieved through
restructuring their objectives and guidelines, as well as proving that they can actually change the
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Egyptian’s future or destinies rather than just talking, demonstrating, and protesting. All people are
calling for a more refined and civilized way of communicating with the government rather
demonstrations and protests, if this happen; more potential members would be encouraged to join
Kefaya.
Results Focus Groups
People highly encourage the issuing of a private newspaper dedicated to informing the public
about Kefaya’s achievements, objectives, and upcoming events, providing sufficient information
about the movement in order not to mistake it with other political entities, whether the government,
parties, or independent movements. This will also shift the focus off Kefaya’s financial status, and
eventually would eliminate any doubts surrounding its funding sources.
Regarding how people view Kefaya, we believe that the movement should change its image
to attract new blood and get rid of the perceived image about Kefaya and its existing members, which
is one that is portrayed as a middle aged, noisy, helpless, and worn-out man, which supposedly is the
contrary of the movement; which we believed that is young and active.
Survey Analysis
1. Do you know Kefaya? a. Yes b. No
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Figure (01)
The previous diagram shows that 78% of the respondents knew of the existence of Kefaya.
This emphasises that the majority of the Egyptian community do know about the existence of an
entity called “Kefaya” but they are not actually aware about what services or product does Kefaya
produce. The 22% who did not know what Kefaya is were eventually eliminated from our
sample, therefore, the remaining are will be accounted as our 100% sample.
2. What is Kefaya? a. Political Party b. Political Movement. c. Governmental Movement. d. Newspaper. e. Political Revolution. f. Other, Specify…
Figure (02)
Out of our continuing correspondents, more than 60% said that Kefaya was a political
movement, while the remaining referred to Kefaya as a political party, political revolution and
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other alternatives which were incorrect. This indicates that the majority, who knew Kefaya,
understood that it was a movement, trying to calling for more rights and asking for change, and
not a political party seeking power and governmental authority and control.
3. Do you think the Kefaya has a leading role in the Egyptian Political society? a. Yes b. No c. Maybe
Figure (03)
The majority of the respondents, 43%, believed that Kefaya was ineffective, the rest were
divided between the options that Kefaya was either effective or could be effective. These results
indicate that Kefaya’s objectives were vague or unclear to the majority of the Egyptian society
and this is why they did not comprehend what Kefaya does, and eventually they perceived Kefaya
as ineffective and do not have a leading role in the Egyptian society. More than 30% believe that
Kefaya, actually, does have a leading role in the Egyptian society which tells us that they see it as
effective and that its voice is heard to a certain extent and reaches a group of people. About 26%
said maybe which we believe means that they either understood some of Kefaya’s actions and
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believed that they do have a leading role in the society or they were passive towards whether
Kefaya has a leading role or not.
4. What do you think are the objectives of Kefaya? (Mark as many).
a. Enough corruption. b. Promoting free elections. c. Against Mubarak’s government. d. Promotes the National Democratic Party (NDP). e. Promotes other political parties. f. Promotes political reform. g. Promotes social reform. h. Promotes economic reform. i. Promotes educational reform.
Figure (04) The previous chart shows how people view Kefaya’s objectives. It is quite noticeable that the
number of answers chosen out way the number of respondents, as each respondent was allowed
to mark as many as he/she saw was applicable, according to their own perception. Some
respondents marked inapplicable or options showing the point that Kefaya does not have clear
and concrete objectives. More than 40%, 30% and 25% of the respondents believed that Kefaya’s
objectives were mainly against Mubarak’s regime, corruption, and the promotion of free elections
respectively, linking Kefaya as a movement to these three events in specific. Therefore, this tells
us that Kefaya was most noticeable during these events. This tells us that Kefaya was most
noticeable during the presidential elections. The linking of Kefaya to these three incidents in
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people’s perceptions indicate that Kefaya do not have clear cut set objectives, that may be known
to the target.
5. Are you against or for Kefaya? a. Against. b. For. c. Neutral.
Figure (05)
The previous pie chart shows that almost 50% of the respondents are neutral to Kefaya as a
movement. This percentage implies that people’s predisposed perception about Kefaya is that it is a
neutral passive movement. The other 50% were divided into two; where almost 12% were against
Kefaya and the remaining 38% are for Kefaya and believe in it as a movement. From this chart we
concluded that those who are neutral to Kefaya perceive it as passive which in a sense reflect the fact
that Kefaya has no clear set objectives. If Kefaya had clear cut objectives then people would link
them to the movement, so then they can be either for or against Kefaya instead of being passive
towards it.
6. Are you politically oriented?
a. Yes
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b. No
Figure (06)
When we asked our respondents if they were politically oriented or not; 56% said that yes
there were politically oriented and the rest, 46%, said that they were not. From this chart we can
conclude that the majority of our sample are either politically oriented in a sense that they care to
know what happens in the political arena and are always up-to-date with current events so they either
are members in political parties, or they just know what the current political news that is going on
around them.
7. What kind of political ideologies do you adopt? a. Liberal b. Muslim Brotherhood c. Communist d. Leftists e. Ruling Party
Figure (07)
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Out of the 56% who said that they are politically oriented in the previous question, when
asked about the kind of political ideologies do they adopt, 23% said that they consider themselves
liberal, whereas 20% followed religious ideologies, which in this case is the Muslim Brotherhood.
We can conclude from this chart, that the 23%, who consider themselves liberal, do want to call for
change, which is exactly the objective of Kefaya. Therefore, we may consider that out this 56% ratio,
the ones who do not follow Kefaya, as a concept, maybe our potential adopters.
8. Do you think Kefaya should produce a newspaper or a publication?
a. Yes b. No c. Maybe
Figure (08)
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Asking our respondents about what do they think about Kefaya issuing a newspaper, 54%
encouraged the issue of the newspaper, 18% were unsure about the idea. Given that the majority
agreed or encouraged the issuance of a publication reflects that the public are willing to know more
about Kefaya’s objectives and achievements. This implies to us that Kefaya’s objectives, sources of
fund and other vague aspects are yet to remain unclear to the general public. The others did not
recommend that Kefaya issues a publication or a newspaper.
9. Why do you think it should produce a publication? (Mark as many) a. To promotes its political movement. b. To update the people with its upcoming events. c. To support the government. d. To attract new segments of the Egyptian society. e. Other, Specify…
Figure (09)
Out of the 70%, who in the pervious question mentioned that Kefaya should either or may
produce a newspaper, had different reasons behind them agreeing to the idea of issuance of a
publication or a newspaper. Promoting political movements and updating the people with Kefaya’s
upcoming events were the two main reasons that people thought Kefaya should issue a publication.
Other saw that they should issue a newspaper in order to attract more segments of the Egyptian
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society. This implies that people are not aware of Kefaya’s objectives and reasons behind even
existing. The Egyptian society are in need of being informed about Kefaya’s objectives,
achievements and be more aware of its upcoming events in order either to feel belongingness to the
movement or be more politically oriented with Kefaya’s accomplishments.
10. Will you join a Kefaya movement if you had the chance?
a. Yes b. No c. I don’t know
Figure (10)
61% of the respondents said that they may (26%) or will not (35%) join Kefaya if they had
the chance. The vagueness of the objectives reflects the uncertainty of people about Kefaya, and
therefore their willingness to join Kefaya as a movement or registering at Kefaya’s website at least.
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11. If yes, then why? a. New experience. b. Support you opinions and thoughts. c. Believe in Kefaya as a movement. d. Other, Specify… e.
Figure (11) Out of 85% of the respondents, 28% mentioned that they would join Kefaya, while justifying
a reason for joining the movement between the different alternatives given. The least percentage was
given to the alternative that the respondents believed in Kefaya as a movement. This would ensure
the idea that Kefaya as a movement may not have clear objectives so that people may believe in or
adopt. Their justified alternative reasons for joining Kefaya is that Kefaya as a movement may be
either a new experience, or a way of supporting their own thoughts and views, even though they
could not believe in Kefaya as a movement or entity.
12. Age: 13. Gender: a. 15-25. a. Male b. 25-35. b. Female c. 35-45. d. Over 45 e.
- 28 -
Figure (12) & (13)
The previous charts show the age groups and the gender distribution of the respondents. The
age groups varied from the age of 15 to the age of 40. The gender distribution was almost fair; and
was a maintained factor when distributing the survey.
Research Outcomes In our research we have two categories of consumers, first the actual or current consumers
and they are the members of Kefaya who are the 14 thousand, the second category are the potential
consumer and they are people who know Kefaya and believe that Kefaya has a positive influence on
the current political events . In our analysis of the following concepts we have to identify both types
of consumers. Moreover, the six founders of Kefaya are not considered consumers, but the sellers of
the idea and movement to the consumers whether the actual r current ones.
Motivation
It is the process that leads people to behave as they do. It occurs when a need is aroused that
the consumer wishes to satisfy. Once the need is activated, a state of tension exists that drives the
consumer to attempt to reduce or eliminate the need.
The frustration from the political and economic circumstances, the need to change, the global
pressure of having democracy, the numerous and rapid changes in both global and national events,
the presence for a wider gap of freedom after a long history of oppression, the new political context
- 29 -
of being able to participate politically all where the motivations behind the actual consumers to
choose this product.
Therefore the need for the consumers of Kefaya is utilitarian, as they believe that it is
essential to stop the corruption and distraction of the political and current environment. So the
members join Kefaya for conceptual reasons; changing the countries current problems. Moreover,
there are hedonic reasons associated with entering Kefaya.
Hedonically speaking, members join Kefaya because they feel they are emotionally attached
to the concept, some go with the flow and get excited with the demonstrations and strikes. "The
Egyptians have always depended on heroic and charismatic figures to lead them, the motivation for
Kefaya members is that there is no leader and all are those heroic and charismatic figures." Mr. Isaac
said.
Involvement
According to our textbook, it is a person's perceived relevance of the object (Kefaya) on their
inheritance needs values and interests. (Solomon)
The stimulus factors behind the consumer' involvements in Kefaya are:
• The differentiation of alternatives :
1. The first alternative the consumers have is that they don't participate in any of the
current political activities. This alternative is unlikely to be chosen because with the
increased level of freedom presented in the change of article 76 in the constitution and
more freedom for media, people have grown more eager to join a political entity.
- 30 -
2. The second alternative is to join one of the political parties, yet because the parties are
weak, limited and has many internal problems; people would be subjected to
limitations and won't achieve the freedom they were looking for. .
• Source of communication :
Kefaya communicated through mainly the website, making themselves known through the
strikes in the streets, meetings and conferences, emails, and publishing their plans in the free
press. Yet none of these is effective way to communicate with the illiterate people.
• Content of communication;
In the Consent of Kefaya’s way of communication to the consumers, they should address both
utilitarian and hedonic needs, thus be informative in their content by stating facts and updating
the consumers with their achievements and the importance of their plans and at the same time
have the emotional side in their content to make the consumers more excited and enthusiastic to
act.
Possible results of involvement
• Relative importance of the product/ concept:
Consumers would believe that it is essential to contribute politically and that Kefaya
as a movement has larger scoop of freedom than other alternatives like political parties. Yet
the surveys and the focus group has revealed that the reasons for detachment were
misconception about Kefaya to be Islamic movement promotes Islam and oppose the
government , believing it is ineffective , fear , many generations are not used and didn't
experience any freedom of expression and political participation.
• Perceived Differences in products attributes:
1. liberal movement not limited to a certain ideology
- 31 -
2. Flexible entrance, no limited to a specific features or group of people.
3. Have more freedom than other political parties.
4. allow self expression
5. Makes consumers believe they are effective and contribute in the countries reform.
Value
I It is the belief that some condition is preferable to its opposite. (Solomon)
The value associated to Kefaya mainly is freedom versus oppression .this is in addition to self
expression without torturing, gaining their human rights (believe, express, revolt ….etc), making a
difference to the society, being involved in the current political events, integration in the global
values of democracy and freedom .
"The need for balance became even more of a mantra for many after September 11 2002."
said Michael R. Solomon (Consumer behaviour). Kefaya provides this need of balance to its
consumers and copes with the global terms created after September 11.
Personality
The set of traits people attribute to a product as if it were a person. (Solomon)
1. Desperate,
2. Lazy,
3. Worn-out,
4. Married,
5. Frustrated,
6. Stubborn,
- 32 -
7. Oppressed.
8. Old man who has passed a lot of bad experiences,
9. Disabled,
10. Noisy
Life Style
It is a pattern of consumption reflecting a Peron's choices of which he or she spends
time and money. (Solomon)
• Majority of middle or upper middle class. Since the upper-class is not much concerned
and lower classes are illiterate about the movement.
• Educated
• Highly effected by the political and economic turbulences
• Commonly employs.
• Fed up and oppose the political system.
Decision Making Process
1- Problem Recognition
According to Solomon in his textbook, Consumer Behaviour, it is when the customers
recognize a difference between their current state and their ideal state. There is need recognition and
there is opportunity recognition. Need recognition is when the customer’s ideal state moves
downward, while opportunity recognition is when the customer’s ideal state moves upwards.
Problem recognition occurred when the consumers realized that they are oppressed, and have
been ruled by the same person for 24 years, became fed up with the corruption and the unsolved
- 33 -
problems along the years. Need recognition occurred as the consumer’s ideal state of having human
rights, freedom and democracy moved downward. Moreover, globalization has contributed that
countries that doesn't have democracy or freedom does not fit globally.
2-Information Search There are two sources of information; internal search and external search
• Internal Search: When customers search their own memory banks for
information about different product alternatives. This through what they
know about other political parties and Muslim brotherhoods
• External Search: Customers obtain information from the press and their
website, friends or just observing their demonstrations.
There are two types of basic information search, pre-purchase search and ongoing search.
a. Pre-purchase search is when the customer recognizes a need and then searches the
market place for specific information. For the minority of people, the need and want
for reform motivates them to search for political entity that is consistent with their
own beliefs and allows self expression and thus they might refer to Kefaya.
b. Ongoing search is when the customer browses for fun or to stay up-dated as to what
is happening in the market. Kefaya being controversial political movement is able to
make its way out to the public through demonstrations and through normal
newscasts. So an ordinary individual who did not seek to be in counted with such
movement could be easily reached by Kefaya.
Perceived Risks
- 34 -
This, according to Solomon, is the belief that the product has potentially negative
consequences. In our case they are:
1- Monetary Risk Since the members are the only sponsors for the movement's funds, so there is a
monetary risk for the actual consumers but the potential ones.
2- Functional risk The movement might be ineffective and thus be waste of time and effort.
3- Physical risk Since the emergency law is still implemented there is a risk that they would be put in
jail and tortured.
4- Social risk If people perceive Kefaya in a negative manner, its members would be perceived in
the same manner.
5- Physiological risk Are the frustrations that could occur due to the static circumstances. 3. Evaluation of Alternatives
Identifying Alternatives
a. Evoked Set
This is a set of product alternatives that is already in the consumers’ memory, in addition
to those prominent in the environment. Usually there are a small number of alternatives.
Kefaya succeeded to be part of the evoked set of many Egyptians.
b. Product Categorization
Consumers mentally place a product with a set of other comparable products. C/D
class categorize it with opposes of the government and Islam promoters like Muslim brotherhood.
A/B categorizes it with liberal ideologies and parties like Al Ghad and Al Wafd.
- 35 -
4. Product Choice
a. Brand Positioning
It is the specific niche in which the brand defines itself as occupying in the
competitive environment. Positioning addresses differentiating brand attributes,
user benefits and target segments, singly or in combination. (Which Ideology it
belongs to which is liberal /gives personal benefits / segmented to political
oriented people)
b. Evaluative Criteria
These are dimensions used to judge the merits of competing options (effective or
not effective /limited freedom or wider gap of freedom).
c. Determinant Attributes
Attributes used to differentiate among choice. (No Specific ideology, more
freedom, more popular, has no political intentions like reaching
Presidency, free entrance.)
d. Brand loyalty:
Consumers who are in other political parties are hardly to shift to Kefaya as they
have loyalty to their party.
Stimulus effect:
The word Kefaya, is commonly used among Egyptians expressing their fed up of any
situation, that means that the hearing stimulus is grabbed by such a word. The vision stimulus is
grabbed by the demonstrations it self that is not commonly viewed in Egyptian streets. In addition to
- 36 -
the demonstrations grabbing the eye’s attention, Kefaya’s logo has very catchy colours (Red and
yellow) which are two colours that are commonly identified as catchy and provokes attention.
Attitude:
• Value expressive function: Kefaya as a concept of reform defends our values as citizens
which allow people to speak out what they are fed up with whether socially, economically, or
politically. Therefore; it allows people to express their values.
• Ego-Defensive function: Kefaya again as a concept that allows people to speak out, allows
people to protect them selves from what they believe is threatening their daily lives as
citizens, and gives them the chance of channelling their concerns of these threats to the media,
and to the government through demonstrations and declarations.
• Knowledge function: as this function is defined as the need for order, structure, or meaning, it
perfectly fits Kefaya’s objectives for Enough corruption (thus order), enough Mubarak and
against the passing of rule to Gamal Mubarak (thus restructuring the political system of the
country), and finally it motivates people to have a stand, to object, and to have a stance and
identity (sense of meaning).
SWOT Analysis
SWOT analysis internally (the internal environment) is its strengths and weaknesses,
externally (the external environment), it is the opportunities and threats that the company could face.
It’s a systematic evaluation of the organization’s resources and capabilities. We defined Kefaya’s
SWOT analysis as follows:
Internal environment
Strengths
- 37 -
• Kefaya is a totally Egyptian based movement, so they reflect the identity of every
Egyptian individual
• It’s increased credibility among the society, as Kefaya’s members are aware of
the country’s political and economic situation and so they act accordingly.
• Being an independent movement, means that it conveys the true voice of the
people, makes Kefaya members capable to express themselves easily.
Weaknesses
• Being unorganized and unstructured; having no location and no set objectives
might give a false impression about Kefaya
• Having no clear objectives, resulting from the complete independence form and
political entity’s context confuses people.
• Improper ways of communication especially to lower social classes led to the
misinterpretation of Kefaya’s role in the Egyptian political society.
External environment
Opportunities
• Emergency law is being changed to Terrorism Law; this means that r5estrictions
will only be implemented to terrorist acts which allow more freedom to all
Egyptian citizens without fearing the government.
• Kefaya is more credible than political parties because these parties seek power
and authority while political movements like Kefaya only seek reform.
• Global pressure surrounding the Middle East encouraging more freedom of
expression in this region gives Kefaya to have more freedom of speech.
• Two of the major political party in Egypt, Al Wafd and Al Ghad, calling for
liberalism are facing major problems that give Kefaya a chance to evolve because
it has become one of the few liberal political movements now in Egypt.
- 38 -
Threats
• Inability to convey the message within the instable political context.
• Entrance of new opponents and competitors in the political arena, like other new
movements, like Karama movement, calling for reform takes the spotlight off
Kefaya.
Limitations to Research process:
1. Surveys
We were able to distribute only 200 copies to different segments of the society; where 100
respondents belonged to A/B class, and the other 100 belonged to the C/D class, yet those 200
respondents can not be accounted as a fair representative sample of the 72m Egyptian population.
2. Focus groups
Our focus group does not represent all the target audience; females participating in the C/D
focus group were uneducated and have no or little political background which eventually does not
representing the sample of the society.
3. Interviews
We were only able to interview one of Kefaya’s founders and failed to interview other
members of the movement as the time scheduled for the interviews is after the due date for this
draft. As they are prominent people we could not fit their schedule.
4. Time Constraint
This research is supposed to be conduced on a fair sample of a 72m population, which would
require massive time and effort, keeping in mind that this research was conduced in only 2
months. For more precise and accurate results, on the professional level, this project would have
required more time.
- 39 -
5. Reaching the Sample
Reaching our target sample from social classes A/B was much easier than reaching C/D
classes. This was directed affected from our other limitation, time constraint, mentioned earlier.
Our main concern was that people from C/D classes constantly doubted us. Not all believed that
we are university students doing a research project, and were not so comfortable talking with us
about a political issue freely.
Recommendations Because we are marketing an idea and not a product, we will be using the marketing 4 C’s
instead of the 4 P’s.
Consumer wants and needs
As shown throughout our research, starting with Egypt’s political and legal history, in
addition to the political shift Egypt is experiencing recently, it is obvious that people are politically
oppressed and the new generations are unfamiliar with freedom of expression and government and
regime opposition. Only here, comes the strength of Kefaya as a movement that reflects the true
voice of people. The name of the movement itself reflects how a common Egyptian feels about his
daily life whether culturally, economically or politically.
In order to reach these successful results, we recommend that Kefaya should actually start by:
1. Setting clear realistic objectives tailored only for Egypt:
This will add credibility to the movement because when potential consumers perceive how Kefaya
actually made a difference in its country of origin then they will trust Kefaya to expand on a wider
scale and voice its movement in the rest of the Middle East. And so, when Kefaya presents clear,
- 40 -
realistic and logical objectives and mission statement, the potential customers will tend to believe in
Kefaya as a movement and therefore consume its concept, allowing it to expand a stream of thought.
2. This can only happen when Kefaya segments its market.
And by segmenting the market, we mean, know who to target and how to target them, in order to
build a professional, successful and trustworthy image so that the potential consumers will start
trusting the movement an eventually would be interested to join Kefaya. This segment mainly consist
of both the B and C classes, due to the fact that these two classes they are the most in need of a
economic, social and of course political reform, and would be the most interested for any movement
that calls for this reform.
Cost to satisfy
Kefaya is a concept rather than being a service or a product, so eventually it is costless. The
movement just motivates people to abandon their silence and start speaking out, and it doesn’t
require any membership fee or cost. So when it comes to cost, we recommend that Kefaya does not
require a fee in order to become a Kefaya member and that’s because we believe that you don’t need
to buy a concept we’d rather you trust it and adopt it.
Convenience to buy
As mentioned in the SWOT analysis, the weaknesses of Kefaya, the access of the idea is
restricted mainly to the educated people of higher classes that can afford logging onto the internet to
view Kefaya’s declaration to the state, or to receive the forwarded emails that Kefaya uses to
publicize for its agenda. Kefaya as a concept as explained to be costless is convenient to join, yet as
mentioned people especially the unfortunate and uneducated that represent the majority of the
population and our potential segment who are in desperate need to say “enough” or “ك�ف�ا�ي�ة�.”
- 41 -
We, therefore, recommend that Kefaya should have a defined location; where people can
meet and talk about issues that they want to change. This will also be more convenient to potential
consumers, because then even the uneducated and illiterate people who want to join Kefaya who
have an alternative rather than use the website, which either they can afford to have, even if they did
it’ll not come in handy when they can not use it.
Communication
Kefaya communicates to the society through email forwards, official website and finally
through its demonstrations. The demonstrations could put Kefaya as an item on the news and
therefore, reflect the real objective or the real essence of Kefaya through the accessible newscasts.
Another point is that Kefaya issues various press releases according to the political circumstances or
the political context taking place in the country or in the Middle East. The proximity of this political
context would attract the target to listen to Kefaya’s speeches and therefore, may get the chance to
believe in Kefaya as a movement or ideology.
We recommend that Kefaya issues a regular publication or a newspaper that will benefit
Kefaya, members and potential consumers in so many ways. First Kefaya will have a chance to
clearly reflect its objectives and achievements to all the Egyptian society. It will also prove
credibility of Kefaya, especially when they define their main source of funding and so they can
define and attract the right target. And so they will be able to dedicate more money to the movement
itself and successfully achieve their goals.
- 42 -
- 43 -
Appendix Focus Group Guide ♦ Do you know Kefaya?
♦ What is Kefaya?
♦ Do you think that Kefaya has a leading role in the Egyptian Political society? Why? ♦ What do you think are the objectives of Kefaya?
♦ In your opinion, did Kefaya benefit Egypt in any way? How?
♦ Describe Kefaya as a person
♦ Do you care to know about Kefaya's events and protests?
♦ Do you encourage Kefaya to publish a newspaper? Why?
♦ Would you want to join them? Why?
♦ Who are the opponents of Kefaya?
- 44 -
Survey Guide:
We are conducting this survey about Kefaya, for academic purposes. Your contribution in answering this survey is important to us.
1. Do you know Kefaya? f. Yes. g. No, please move to question 12.
2. What is Kefaya? h. Political Party. i. Political Movement. j. Governmental Movement. k. Newspaper. l. Political Revolution. m. Other, Specify…
3. Do you think the Kefaya has a leading role in the Egyptian Political society? n. Yes. o. No. p. Maybe.
4. What do you think are the objectives of Kefaya? (Mark as many). q. Enough corruption. r. Promoting free elections. s. Against Mubarak’s government. t. Promotes the National Democratic Party (NDP). u. Promotes other political parties. v. Promotes political reform. w. Promotes social reform. x. Promotes economic reform. y. Promotes educational reform.
5. Are you against or for Kefaya? z. Against. aa. For. bb. Neutral.
6. Are you involved in any political activity? cc. Yes dd. No
7. What kind of political ideologies do you adopt?
ee. Liberal ff. Muslim Brotherhood
- 45 -
gg. Communist hh. Leftists ii. Ruling Party
8. Do you think Kefaya should produce a newspaper or a publication?
jj. Yes. kk. No, then move to question 10. ll. Maybe.
9. Why do you think it should produce a publication? (Mark as many) mm. To promotes its political movement. nn. To update the people with its upcoming events. oo. To support the government. pp. To attract new segments of the Egyptian society. qq. Other, Specify…
10. Will you join a Kefaya movement if you had the chance? rr. Yes. ss. No, move to question 12. tt. I don’t know.
11. If yes, then why? uu. New experience. vv. Support you opinions and thoughts. ww. Believe in Kefaya as a movement. xx. Other, Specify…
12. Age: yy. 15-25. zz. 25-35. aaa. 35-45. bbb. Over 45
13. Gender: ccc. Male. ddd. Female.
14. Major: eee. Engineering. a. Computer Science. a. Economics. b. Mass Communication & Journalism. c. Business Administration. d. Political Science. e. Other, Specify
- 46 -
�ه�ل �ت�ع�ر�ف �ك�ف�ا�ي�ة؟
�ن�ع�م -1 �ل�ا -2
�م�ا �ه�ى �ك�ف�ا�ي�ة؟
�ح�ز�ب �س�ي�ا�س�ى -1 �ح�ر�ك�ة �س�ي�ا�س�ي�ة -2 �ح�ر�ك�ة �ح�ك�و�م�ي�ة -3 �ج�ر�ي�د�ة -4 �ث�و�ر�ة �س�ي�ا�س�ة -5
�ه�ل �ت�ع�ت�ق�د �ا�ن �ك�ف�ا�ي�ة �ل�ه�ا �د�و�ر �ر�ي�ا�د�ى �ف�ى �ا�ل�م�ج�ت�م�ع �ا�ل�م�ص�ر�ى؟
�ن�ع�م -1 �ل�ا -2 �ا�ح�ت�م�ا�ل -3
�ف�ى �ر�أ�ي�ك �م�ا �ه�ى �أ�ه�د�ا�ف �ك�ف�ا�ي�ة؟
�ك�ف�ا�ي�ة �ف�س�ا�د -1 �ت�أ�ي�ي�د �ا�ن�ت�خ�ب�ا�ت �ح�ر�ة -2 �ض�د �م�ب�ا�ر�ك -3 �ى�ت�ؤ�ي�د �ا�ل�ح�ز�ب �ا�ل�و�ط�ن -4 �ت�ؤ�ي�د �ا�ح�ز�ا�ب �أ�خ�ر�ى -5 �ت�ؤ�ي�د �ا�ح�ز�ا�ب �س�ي�ا�س�ي�ة �أ�خ�ر�ى -6 �ت�ؤ�ي�د �ا�ل�ا�ص�ل�ا�ح �ا�ل�س�ي�ا�س�ى -7 �ت�ؤ�ي�د �ا�ل�ا�ص�ل�ا�ح �ا�ل�ا�ج�ت�م�ا�ع�ي -8 �ت�ؤ�ي�د �ا�ل�ا�ص�ل�ا�ح �ا�ل�ت�ع�ل�ي�م�ى -9 �ت�ؤ�ي�د �ا�ل�ا�ص�ل�ا�ح �ا�ل�ا�ج�ت�م�ا�ع�ى -10 �ه�ل �أ�ن�ت �م�ن �م�ؤ�ي�ي�د�ي�ن �ك�ف�ا�ي�ة؟ �ن�ع�م -1 �ل�ا -2 �م�ح�ا�ي�د -3
�ه�ل �ت�ه�ت�م �ب�ا�ل�س�ي�ا�س�ة؟
�ن�ع�م -1 �ل�ا -2 �ا�ح�ي�ا�ن�ا" -3
�أ�ى �ا�ي�د�و�ل�ي�ج�ة �س�ي�ا�س�ي�ة �ت�ت�ب�ع؟
- 47 -
�ل�ي�ب�ر�ا�ل�ى -1 �د�ي�ن�ى -2 �ش�ي�و�ع�ي -3 �ى�ي�س�ا�ر -4 �ا�ل�ت�ي�ا�ر �ا�ل�ح�ا�ك�م -5 �ه�ل �ت�ع�ت�ق�د �ا�ن �ك�ف�ا�ي�ة �ي�ج�ب �ا�ن �ت�ص�د�ر �ج�ر�ي�د�ة؟
�ن�ع�م -1 �ل�ا -2
�ل�م�ا�ذ�ا �ت�ع�ت�ق�د �ا�ن�ه�ا �ي�ج�ب �أ�ن �ت�ص�د�ر �ج�ر�ي�د�ة؟
�ل�ت�ؤ�ي�د �ت�ي�ا�ر�ه�ا �ا�ل�س�ي�ا�س�ى -1 �ل�ل�ا�ع�ل�ا�ن �ع�ن �ا�ل�ا�ح�د�ا�ث �ا�ل�ق�ر�ي�ب�ة -2 �ل�ت�ئ�ي�ي�د �ا�ل�ح�ك�و�م�ة -3 �ل�ج�ز�ب �ش�ر�ي�ح�ة �ج�د�ي�د�ة -4 �ه�ل �م�ن �ا�ل�م�م�ك�ن �ا�ن �ت�ن�ض�م �ا�ل�ي �ح�ر �ك�ة ؟ �ن�ع�م -1 �ل�ا -2 �ل�ا �ا�ع�ل�م -3
�ا؟�ا�ذ�ا �ك�ا�ن�ت �ا�ج�ا�ب�ت�ك �ن�ع�م �ف�ل�م�ا�ذ
�ت�ج�ر�ب�ة �ج�د�ي�د�ة -1 �ل�د�ع�م �ا�ف�ك�ا�ر�ك �و �أ�رء�ك -2 �ا�ي�م�ا�ن�ى �ب�ك�ف�ا�ي�ة -3
�ا�ل�س�ن؟ -�ا15-25
5-�ب25-3 -�ت35-45
-�ث>45
�ا�ل�ج�ن�س؟ �ذ�ك�ر -�ا
�ا�ن�س�ى-�ب
- 48 -
Interview Guide: Mr. George Isaac:
1. How did Kefaya start; when (why not before that time)?
2. What were the initiatives and who started it?
3. Why did you choose it to be a political movement and not a party?
4. Were there any legal procedures/ authorizations to begin the movement?
5. How do you make your self known to the public?
6. What are the conditions that members should have in order to be part of Kefaya?
7. Another question on the same thing, is it only signing up?
8. Where is the location of Kefaya?
9. Where do you hold your meetings, plan your events and protests?
10. Who is allowed to attend your meetings?
11. What is the level of commitment does Kefaya require?
12. What are Kefaya’s objectives?
13. What does Kefaya have to do with the Iraqi and Palestinian situations?
14. Who are your major opponents or competitors?
15. What are your major threats?
16. What do the red and yellow colours, in Kefaya’s logo represent?
17. Are there any protests taking place outside Egypt organized by Kefaya?
18. What are the benefits and motives that members gain?
19. Do you think people agree with Kefaya?
20. What do you do for changing Kefaya’s image?
21. What is the link between Kefaya and the media?
- 49 -
Interview Guide: Mr. Adel Hammouda
3. Do you think Kefaya as a movement is active?
4. Do you think it is effective?
5. Why do you think Kefaya is passive?
6. Who do you think are the target of Kefaya?
7. What do you think are the kefaya’s objectives?
8. Why do you think Kefaya does not have concrete objectives?
9. What do you think Kefaya should do to improve its image in the Egyptian political
arena?
- 50 -
Reference List
Reading
Alexandria Report; Sonia Dabbous
Consumer Behaviour, Buying, Having and Being; Michael R. Solomon
Website Resources
Mission Statement, Objectives and other statistics;
(http://harakamasria.org/manifesto_english)
Personal Interviews
Adel Hammouda; Al Fagr Newspaper Editor in Chief
George Isaac; One of Kefaya’s Main Founders
