KEATINGE y CONRAD Imperialist Expansion-Chimu Administration of a Conquered Territory 1983

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Imperialist Expansion in Peruvian Prehistory: Chimu Administration of a Conquered

TerritoryAuthor(s): Richard W. Keatinge and Geoffrey W. ConradSource: Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 10, No. 3 (Autumn, 1983), pp. 255-283Published by: Boston UniversityStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/529543

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ImperialistExpansion n PeruvianPrehistory:ChimuAdministration f a ConqueredTerritoryRichardW. KeatingeInstitute of the AmericasSolana Beach, CaliforniaGeoffreyW. ConradHarvard UniversityCambridge, Massachusetts

The expansionof prehistoricempireshas been an importanteature in thedevelopment f civilizations hroughout he world. Yet, archaeologicalre-search directed owards he studyof imperialexpansionand conquestof ter-ritoryhas rarely been attempted.Buildingon previous ieldwork, theprogramof investigationdescribed n this paper is aimedat demonstratingthe impactof imperialistic xpansionon a foreign territory.The research orming the ocus of this paper was undertakenn the Je-quetepequeValleyon the PeruvianNorth Coast. TheJequetepequeValley sone of several valleys known rom ethnohistoric ources to have been con-queredby the ChimuEmpire,a militaristic,expansionist tate dating to theLate Intermediate eriod (1000-1476 A.C.). With ts capital at the urbancenterof Chan Chan in the Moche Valley, some 100 km. south of the Je-quetepequeValley, the Chimueventually xpanded heir controlover 1,000km. of the Peruviancoast. Fieldwork n the Chimuheartlandof the MocheValleyhas led to the development f a model of politico-economic rganiza-tion characterized y state control over land, water, and labor resources.Itis arguedthat, ollowing the pattern dentified n the Moche Valleyregion,the reorganization f the JequetepequeValleyafter the Chimuconquestrep-resented he imposition f an extractive nterprisedesigned o increasethe.}?ow f tributeand labor service to the Chimucapital. In supportof thisargument, he sites of Farfan, an intrusiveChimuprovincialcenter, and Tal-ambo, a Chimurural administrative enter subordinate o Farfan, are de-scribed n detail, their similaritieswith structures n the Moche Valleyregionexamined,and the model of Chimupolitico-economic rganization iscussed.Introduction processes thatthe state level of political organization first

came into being.2 While the conquest theory of stateImperialism and colonialism are as old as the State; they origins is not universally accepted, it is generally agreeddefine the political process. ' that the state and militaristic expansion go hand-in-hand

Indeed, evidence of imperialist expansion in the archae-Wherever the state is found in prehistory, it is asso- ological record is a major criterion for the identificationciated with tetritorial expansion and the incorporation of of prehistoric state polities; most other criteria availableconquered peoples into the framework of empire. Somescholars have suggested that it was by means of such2. Franz Oppenheimer, The State: Its History and Development ViewedSociologically, translatedby John M. Gitterman(VanguardPress: New1. Stanley Diamond, In Search of the Primitive. A Critique of Civi- York 1922) viii, 15; Robert Carneiro, "A Theory of the Origin of thelization (Transaction Books: New Brunswick 1974) 5. State,'' Science 169 (1970) 733-738.


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256 ChimuAdministrationf a ConqueredTerritorylKeatingend Conradin the archaeological recordfail to distinguish chiefdomsfrom states unambiguously.3There is little doubt that the militaristic expansionistpolicies of the many early states would, in modern par-lance, fall under the rubric of "imperialism". The word"imperialism" as most widely used denotes "specificforms of aggressive behavior on the part of certain statesagainst others; the concept refers primarily to attemptsto establish or retain formal sovereignty over subordinatepolitical societies...."4 Most frequently, imperialis-tic behavior consists of a territorialexpansionist policyon the part of a concentrated polity "focused in a rela-tively strong center and diffusing its authority over broadterritorialcontours."5 Although considerable effort hasbeen expended on the definition and evolution of statesocieties in prehistory,6 much less emphasis has beenplaced on the maintenance and expansion of such soci-eties once they have developed. Strictly archaeologicalevidence relevant to the organization and amalgamationof prehistoric state polities has often proved elusive; oc-casionally, important nsights concerning the structureofearly states are provided by textual or ethnohistoricalsources.7 Inevitably, however, these sources are con-cerned primarily with issues involving the dominant pol-3. William T. Sanders and Joseph Marino, New World Prehistory(Prentice-Hall: New Jersey 1970); Elman R. Service, Origins of theState and Civilization (W. W. Norton & Co.: New York 1975).4. Hans Daalder, ''Imperialism," International Encyclopedia of theSocial Sciences 7 (1968) 101.5. Shmuel N. Eisenstadt, ''Empire,'' International Encyclopedia ofthe Social Sciences 5 (1968) 41.6. E.g., V. Gordon Childe, Man Makes Himself (New AmericanLibrary, Mentor Books: London 1951); Robert McC. Adams, TheEvolution of Urban Society (Aldine: Chicago 1966); FrankHole, ''In-vestigating the Origins of Mesopotamian Civilization," Science 153(1966) 605-611; William T. Sanders, ' 'Hydraulic Agriculture, Eco-nomic Symbiosis, and the Evolution of States in CentralMexico," inBetty J. Meggers, ed., Anthropological Archaeology in the Americas(Anthropological Society of Washington: Washington, D.C. 1968)88- 107; Kent V. Flannery, "The Cultural Evolution of Civiliza-tions," Annual Review of Ecology and Systematics 13 (1972) 399-426; Service, op. cit. (in note 3); Ronald Cohen and Elman R. Ser-vice, eds., Origins of the State (Institute for the Study of HumanIssues: Philadelphia 1978); Henri J. M. Claessen and Peter Skolnick,eds., The Early State (Monton: The Hague 1978).7. John H. Rowe, ''Inca Culture at the Time of the Spanish Con-quest," in Julian Steward, ed., Handbook of South American Indians2 (Bureau of American Ethnology: Washington, D.C. 1946) 183-330; John H. Rowe, ''The Kingdom of Chimor," ActAm 6 (1948)26-59; Thorkild Jacobsen, ''Early Political Development in Meso-potamia," Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie und VorderasiatischeArchaol-ogie, Neue Folge 18 (1957) 91-140; L. Dumont, "The Conceptionof Kinship in Ancient India," Contributions to Indian Sociology 6(I962) 48-77; H. G. Creel, "The Beginnings of Bureaucracy n China:The Origin of the Hsien," Journal of Asian Studies 23 (1964) 155-184.

ity; little is revealed of the areasand peoples who sufferedthe impact of imperialistic policy.The effects of imperialist expansion on a conqueredpeople are many and varied. While the goal of the dom-inant polity is ultimately extractive, it may seek to im-plement those goals in various ways: through simpleplunder,colonization, direct incorporation into the dom-inant state structure, indirect rule, resettlement of pop-ulations, etc. The integrity of local cultures may berecognized and allowed to flourish, or the customs andreligious beliefs of the conquerers may be forcefully im-posed upon the conquered. Furthermore, the ramifica-tions of such policies will vary with the level of socialorganization of the subjugated peoples, the nature of theeconomic resources available in the conquered territory,and the degree of affinity between the dominant andsubordinate cultures, to name only a few of the moreimportantvariables. Possible responses on the part of thesubjugatedpeoples to the varying circumstances of theirexploitation may range from a drive towards accultura-tion and assimilation into the dominant culture to thedevelopment of revitalizationmovements thatemphasizea return to the traditionalvalues of the subordinateso-ciety.8 Whatever the case, the indigenous structure ofthe dominated society becomes altered. Such alterationsare generally most evident in political and economic or-ganization, but they may also have effects upon settle-ment patterns and demographic variables.9While a large body of literature exists in the socialsciences dealing with the impact of Western expansioninto other culture areas, the processes of culture changeresulting from prehistoric mperialistexpansion have beenlargely neglected by archaeologists. For the most part,this "oversight" has been a result of the inherentdiffi-culties in attacking such a problem through the archae-ological record. In order to examine the impact of anexpanding culture upon dominated societies, one needsa thorough understandingof the structureand functioningof the dominant culture, along with an analysis of theprocesses giving rise to the expansionist drive. Further-more, the definition and delimitation of a dominatedso-ciety as a unit of study can be problematic in areaswherenaturallyoccurring geographical boundaries fail to dis-tinguish sharply one ethnic group from another.The North Coast of Peru offers an ideal setting for thearchaeological nvestigationof processes of culturechangeoccurring through the domination of outlying culturesbya militaristic expansionist state. From ethnohistorical8. Anthony F. C. Wallace, "Revitalization Movements," AmAnth58( 1956) 264-28 1.9. Benjamin White, "Demand for Labor and Population Growth inColonial Java," Human Ecology 1 (1973) 217-236.


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Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 10, 1983 257dressed by the project. Before discussing the specificsof the currentstudy, however, a brief review of the or-ganizational principles of the Inca Empire will providethe backgroundfor an understandingof the hypothesesgeneratedfor testing against the archaeological recordofthe JequetepequeValley.The Inca Model

The Chimu were succeeded as the master empire-buildersof the CentralAndes by the Inca of the southernPeruvian highlands. Between 1438 and 1532 A.C. theInca conquered the entire Andean world from southernColombia to central Chile; as mentioned above, one ofthe polities subjugatedwas the Chimu Empire. The Incaare best known from ethnohistorical sources, althoughseveral of their provincial centers, Huanuco Pampa inthe north central highlandsl2and Chiquitoy Viejo on theNorth Coast'3 have been studied in recent years.

At present the Inca model provides the best source oftestable hypotheses concerning the administrationof ear-lier Andean empires. Colonial Spanish accounts of Incagovernment describe a rigid hierarchy of decimally or-ganized population units overseen by imperial officials.The limited archaeological research done to date, how-ever, suggests a far more flexible pattern.Wherethe Incaencountereda strongly centralizedpolitical organization,they tended to co-opt it wholesale into the imperial gov-ernment; Inca facilities were added to existing sites. Innew provinces that had lacked strong, centralized au-thoritythe Inca established a series of administrativecen-ters and reorganized the local population into the idealhierarchyof decimally based units. The actions taken inan individual case could vary anywhere between thesetwo extremes.Incaadministrativefacilities are distinguished by char-acteristic styles of architectureand ceramics. Inca cen-ters, especially ones imposed by the state, tended to be"empty" or "artificial", in the sense that their perma-nent populations were relatively small and consistedmainly of state personnel. Local people who served atthese sites did so on a rotating basis and were not per-manent inhabitantsof the centers. Importantcenters had

12. Craig Morris and Donald E. Thompson, "Huanuco Viejo: AnInca Administrative Center," AmAnt 35 (1970) 344-362; Craig Mor-ris, "State Settlements in Tawantinsuyu: A Strategy of CompulsoryUrbanism," in Mark P. Leone, ed., Contemporary Archaeology(Southern Illinois University Press: Carbondale 1972) 393-401.13. Geoffrey W. Conrad, ''Burial Platforms and Related Structureson the North Coast of Peru: Some Social and Political Implications,"unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University (1974); idem,''Chiquitoy Viejo: An Inca Administrative Center in the ChicamaValley, Peru,'' JFA 4 (1977) 1-18.

sources it is known that the Chimu Empire dominatedthe entire North Coast region before its conquest by theInca sometime between 1462 and 1470 A.C.10Recent andongoing fieldwork in the Moche Valley, heartlandof theChimu Empire, has led to the delineation of specificpatterns characteristic of Chimu politico-economic or-ganization, and should yield numerous insights into theprocesses giving rise to an expansionist impetus on thepart of the Chimu.ll Furthermore, the topography ofthe Peruvian Coast provides a natural delimitation ofregional culturalunits in the form of relatively small rivervalleys, each of which is separated from the others bystretchesof uninhabitabledesert. Given this naturaldef-inition of a unit of study, plus prior knowledge of thepolitico-economic forms of the imperialistic polity, itshould prove possible to trace the processes of changeoccurringin a dominatedterritoryas a result of conquestby the Chimu.

The research described here focuses on the regionalpolitico-cultural unit represented by the JequetepequeValley on the PeruvianNorthCoast. Both ethnohistoricaland archaeological evidence indicate thatthis valley wasconqueredby, and incorporated nto, the Chimu Empire.Given the prior knowledge of the politico-economicstructure of the Chimu heartland, the research in theJequetepequeValley represents a unique opportunitytoexamine the application of this pattern to conqueredter-ritory, as well as the impact of Chimu administrationonthe indigenous structuresof the valley. The investigationof these problems requires a methodology aimed at therecovery of archaeological datarelevant to three distinct,though interrelated, issues: (1) delineation of the socio-politico-economic system of the valley before annexationby the Chimu; (2) definition of the administrativepoli-cies and patterns utilized by the Chimu to control andexploit the conquered territory;and (3) determinationofthe ramifications of these policies in terms of their gen-eral effects on the social organizationof the valley as awhole, with specific attentionbeing directed to changesin the organizationand utilizationof land, laborand waterresources, trade networks, settlement patterns, and reli-gious and culturalpractices. Working under the hypoth-esis thatpatternsof administrationutilized by the Chimuin the Moche Valley should be decipherable from thearchaeologicalrecord of the Jequetepeque Valley datingto the period of annexation, researchto date has focusedprimarily on the secoIld of the three major issues ad-

10. Rowe, 1948 op. cit. (in note7) 26-59.11. RoggerRavines,Chanchan.MetropoliChimu Institutode Es-tudiosPeruanos: ima1980);MichaelE. MoseleyandKentC. Day,eds., Chan Chan:AndeanDesert City (Universityof New MexicoPress:ASbuquerque982).


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258 ChimuAdministration f a ConqueredTerritorylKeatingend Conradextensive food-storage acilities and areasreserved ortheproduction f certaingoods. Centers n frontier reashousedmilitarygarrisons.The Incaalso providethe model for the goals of theexpansionof Andeanempires.Inca state projects andpersonnelweresupported y a system of labortaxationregulated y reciprocal bligationsbetween he stateandits citizens.Local kin-groupsowed a certainamountoflabor time to the state per year; one of their primarydutieswas to farmstate-owned griculturalands. In re-turn,the state had to feed, shelter,equip, andentertaincitizens fulfilling labor obligations. The Inca Empiresought to increase its labor forces throughexpansion;beyond he desire for labor ay the need for state-ownedfarmlandso supportofficialpersonneland to fulfill re-ciprocalobligations o taxpayers.The system of labortaxationand the management f state-ownedands wereoverseenby administratorsased n provincial nca cen-ters.Hypothesesand ResearchDesign

The availablenformation n theChimuandInca Em-piresyieldeda seriesof first-levelhypotheses obe testedwithin the researchsetting. In the most generalsense,theproblemsunder onsideration anbe subsumed ndertwo questions.First, arethe sketchyethnohistorical c-countsof the Chimuconquestandannexation f the Je-quetepequeValleyvalid? Second, to whatextent can amodelof provincial dministrationerived romthe IncaEmpirebe applied to the Chimu?Specifichypotheses,along withthe measuresdesigned o test them,are givenbelow.

Hierarchyof ChimuAdministrative entersThe Chimu Empireshould have establisheda hier-archyof administrativeenters n theJequetepequeVal-ley in order to regulate he social, political, economicand religious life of the local population. If the Incamodelholds, majorcenters shouldhave been patternedafter the imperialcapital of Chan Chan and should be

identifiablerom the presenceof the typicalfeaturesofChimuadministrativerchitecturemanifestedat ChanChan. As one descends the administrative ierarchy,centersshould become smaller,moresimplified, moreschematic 'miniatures" f ChanChan.For many years, the site of Pacatnamuhas usuallybeen identified as the principalChimu administrativecenter n the JequetepequeValley. Prior o the researchdescribed ere, however, urveyof Pacatnamu adshownthat, for a variety of reasons, this interpretationould

not be correct.14Instead, it was proposed that the site ofFarfanshould be identified as the Chimu provincial cap-ital since it bears a closer architectural resemblance toChan Chan and is more strategically located than Pacat-namu. Another site, Talambo (moreproperly, one struc-ture located within a larger site area known as La Calerade Talambo), was identified as a possible local centersubordinate to Farfan. Hence, together with the distantsite of Chan Chan, Farfanand Talambo seemed to definea hierarchy of administrative centers containing at leastthree levels: first-order imperial capital, second-orderprovincial capital, and third-order ocal center.Accordingly, Farfanand Talambo were chosen for ex-cavation. If they were indeed part of a hierarchy of ad-ministative centers, their architectural omponents wouldhave to be examined for true formal and functional equi-valencies to their Chan Chan counterparts. Such equi-valencies would then permit determinationof the specificactivities carried out on the various levels of the pro-vincial administrative hierarchy. Identification of spe-cific activities would indicate which of the valley' sresources the administrative enters controlled, and wouldallow the formulation of hypotheses concerning the goalsof the Chimu conquest.Chronology

The scanty ethnohistorical information available atpresent indicates that the Jequetepeque Valley was con-quered during the early part of the Chimu expansion.lsIf so, the earliest Chimu structures at Farfan and Tal-ambo should be contemporaneous with relatively earlystructures n Chan Chan. Cross-datingof Farfan and Tal-ambo with specific sectors of Chan Chan would makethe Jequetepeque Valley the first Chimu province whosedate of annexation could be established and would be amajor step toward establishing a chronological frame-work for the Chimu expansion.Four methods of determining chronology were avail-able, threerelative and one absolute.First, ceramicscould14. R. W. Keatinge, D. Chodoff, D. P. Chodoff, M. Marvin, andH. Silverman, ''From the Sacred to the Secular: First Report on aPrehistoric Architectural Transition on the Peruvian North Coast,''Archaeology 28 (1975) 128-129; Richard W. Keatinge, ''ReligiousForms and Secular Functions: The Expansion of State Bureaucraciesas Reflected in PrehistoricArchitecture on the Peruvian North Coast,"AnnNYAS 293 (1977) 229-245; idem, "The Chimu Empire in a Re-gional Perspective: Cultural Antecedents and Continuities," in Mose-ley and Day, eds ., op. cit. (in note 11) 197-224.15. Ruben Vargas Ugarte, "La Fecha de la fundacion de Trujillo,"Revista Historica: Organo del InstitutoHistorico del Peru 10 (1936)229-239; Philip A. Means, Ancient Civilizations of the Andes (CharlesScribner's Sons: New York 1931) 56-57; Rowe, 1948 op. cit. (innote 7) 28.


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Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 10, 1983 259be analyzed and compared with Chimu ceramics fromthe Moche Valley throughthe use of computerprogramsdeveloped by one of the authors.l6 (Since high-statusChimu structureswere kept clean during their use, ce-ramics found on the surface usually belong to post-aban-donmentsquatteroccupationsand do not date a building'sconstruction. The date of construction must be estab-lished by ceramics from unquestionably early contextssuch as dedicatory burials incorporated n the building'sarchitecture.) Second, through computer analysis AlanKolata has been able to propose a chronology of adobebrick forms at Chan Chan;l7 similar analysis of bricksfrom Farfan would allow us to determine the internalsequence of construction at Farfan and to correlate thatsequence with the Chan Chan chronology. (Since thebuilding at Talambo is made of stone masonry, the brickmethod is not applicable to this structure.) Third, thebrick sequence has been used to derive a sequence ofchanges in the form of small administrative "offices"known as audienciasat Chan Chan; once the forms ofaudienciasat Farfan and Talambo were known, theycould be correlatedwith the ChanChan sequence. Thesethree methods of relative dating-ceramics, bricks andaudiencias could then be compared with one anotherfor consistency and would thus serve to test the validityof the proposed brick and audienciasequences. Finally,carbon-14analysisof samples from securecontextswouldadd absolute dates to the relative chronology.Pre-ChimuOrganization ndImposedvs.Co-OptedCenters

The centuries immediately preceding the Chimu con-quest were an era of political fragmentationon the NorthCoast. The exact nature of political organization in theJequetepeque Valley during this period will have to beestablished by future research, but it was apparentlynotstrongly centralized. If the Inca model can be applied tothe Chimu, then a major administrativecenter like Far-fan, established in a region lacking strongly centralizedauthority,shouldhave been imposed rather han co-opted.Thatis, Farfanshould have been built apartfromexistingpolitical centers; its major architectural componentsshould closely parallel those found in the Chimu heart-land, and there should be no extensive occupationdatingto the epoch immediately preceding the Chimu conquest.16. RichardW. Keatinge, "Chimu Ceramics from the Moche Valley,Peru: A Computer Application to Seriation," unpublished Ph.D. dis-sertation, HarvardUniversity (1973).17. Alan L. Kolata, "Chan Chan: The Form of the City in Time,"unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University (1978); idem,''Chronology and Settlement Growth at Chan Chan," in Moseley andDay, eds., op. cit. (in note 11) 67-86.

If excavations at Farfanyielded evidence of a large, im-mediately pre-Chimu occupation, then the Inca modelcannot be applied to the Chimu, and other models willhave to be developed."Empty''vs. PopulatedCenters

If the preceding hypothesis of imposed centers provedto be valid-and, again, if the Inca model is valid forthe Chimu-major Chimu administrative centers in theJequetepequeValley should have been "empty" or "ar-tificial". Thatis, theirpermanentpopulationsshouldhaveconsistedmainly of official personnel. The centers wouldhave been supported by members of local kin-groupsworkingstate-ownedfields elsewhere in the valley. Theseagriculturalwork forces would have been drawn fromthe total valley populationon a rotatingbasis and shouldnot have resided permanentlyin the majoradministrativecenters. Farfan, therefore, should have had a relativelysmallpopulationcomposed of state functionariesand theirretainers. If excavations revealed a large, permanentpopulationof lower-class agriculturalists,hen, as above,the Inca model cannot be applied to the Chimu and analternativemodel will have to be developed.The Research Setting

The researchprogramin the JequetepequeValley rep-resents a logical outgrowthof previous fieldwork under-taken in the region. Both the broaderconsequences andthe integrative nature of the Jequetepeque Valley re-search can be better understood when viewed from theperspectiveof previousNorthCoast fieldworkas a whole,particularlyfieldwork undertakenin the Moche Valley.Therefore, the Jequetepeque Valley will first be placedwithin this broadercontext through a brief synthesis ofprevious fieldwork on the North Coast, emphasizing theresearchat Chan Chan. Having provided this overview,it will then be possible to discuss the research in theJequetepequeValley in more specific terms.ThePeruvianNorthCoast

The archaeological area of the Peruvian North Coastconsists of 10 river valleys (FIG. 1) that cross one of thedriestdesertregions in the world. Locatedin these coastalvalleys are some of the largest Pre-Columbiancenters inthe New World. Yet, many of these large sites togetherwith their associated hinterlandsare only now beginningto receive more than superficial study. Scientific inves-tigationof these remains will clearly add considerably toour knowledge of the processes involved in culturalevo-lution, the development of the state, and the rise of civ-ilization.While the archaeological ruins of the North Coast at-


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260 ChimuAdministration f a ConqueredTerritorylKeatingend ConradFollowing he ViruValleyProject,a number f otherinvestigators ade mportantontnbutionso NorthCoasculturehistory.23 t was not until 1969, however,withthe commencementof the Chan Chan-MocheValleyProjectof HarvardUniversity, hatanother oordinateeffort on the scale of the ViruValley Projectwas un-dertaken.Designed in part to counterthe ''Viru-centrism" which since 1946 had been of necessity aningrainedeatureof NorthCoastarchaeology, heChanChan-MocheValley Projectfocused its efforts on theMocheValley, located ust northof Viru. As with theViruValleyproject, hroniclingheentireculturehistoryof the Moche Valley was of basic importance o theresearch esignof theChanChan-MocheValleyProject.Attention,however,wasalsodirected o thestudyof thenatureanddevelopment f urban ettlementswhichcul-minatedn the Pre-Columbianity of ChanChan.24Sincethe startof theChanChan-MocheValley Proj-

ect, a numberof additionalscholars have undertakestudieson a varietyof problems elated o theprehistorof the NorthCoast25 ndseveraladditional rchaeolog

Viru Valley, Peru," Yale UniversityPublications in Anthropology43(1950); William Duncan Strong and Clifford C. Evans, Jr., ''CulturalStratigraphy in the Viru Valley, Northern Peru," Columbia Studiesin Archaeology and Ethnology 4 (1952); Gordon R. Willey, "Prehis-toric Settlement Patterns in the Viru Valley, Peru 8 BAEBull 155(1953); Donald Collier, "Cultural Chronology and Change as Re-flected in Ceramics of the Viru Valley, Peru," Fieldiana. Anthro-pology 43 (Chicago Natural History Museum 1955).23. Julio C. Tello, Arqueologia del Valle de Casma (PublicacionAntropologica Archivo "Julio C. Tello," Universidad San Marcos:Lima 1956); Paul Kosok, "E1 Valle de Lambayeque," Actas y Tra-bajos del 11Congreso Nacional de Historia del Peru 1 (1960) 49-67*idem, Life, Land, and Water in Ancient Peru (New York 1965); RafaelLarco Hoyle, La Cultura Vicus (Santiago Valverde: Lima 1965); Don-ald A. Proulx, "An Archaeological Survey of the Nepeha Valley,Peru," Research Reports 2 (Department of Anthropology, Universityof Massachusetts:Amherst 1968); Richard P. Schaedel, ''Major Cer-emonial and Population Centers in NorthernPeru," in Sol Tax, ed.,Civilizations of Ancient America: Selected Papers of the 29th lnter-national Congress of Americanists 1 (University of Chicago Press:Chicago 1951) 232-243; Schaedel, ''Incipient Urbanization and Sec-ularization in Tiahuanacoid, Peru, " AmAnt 31 (1966) 338-344; idem,"The Huaca E1 Dragon," JSocAmer 55 (1966) 283-471; MichaelWest, "Chan Chan, Peru, An Ancient Metropolis: Results of a Set-tlement Pattern Survey," unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Universityof California, Los Angeles (1967).24. Ravines, op. cit. (in note 11); Moseley and Day, op. cit. (in note11).25. E.g., Christopher B. Donnan, "Moche Occupation of the SantaValley, Peru," University of California Publications in Anthropology8 (1973); Donald A. Proulx, "Archaeological Investigations in theNepeha Valley, Peru,'' Research Reports 13 (Department of Anthro-pology, University of Massachusetts: Amherst 1973); Richard P.Schaedel, "The City and the Origin of the State in America," Actas

Figure l. The North Coast of Peru.

tractedthe attention of many early explorers, such as E.George Squierl8 and Adolph BandelierSl9 t was not untilthe work of Max Uhle20 that scientific archaeology wasintroduced to the region. Moreover, though severalscholars made important contributions to the develop-ment of chronological sequences through excavation orsurvey,21 it was not until the work of the Viru ValleyProject22undertaken in 1946, that the baseline for NorthCoast archaeology was clearly defined.18. E. George Squier, Peru: Incidents of Travel and Exploration inthe Land of the Incas (Harper and Brothers: New York 1877).l 9. Adolph F. Bandelier, ' 'Journal of 1893, " unpublished manuscripton file at the American Museum of NaturalHistory, New York (1893).20. Max Uhle, ''Die Ruinen von Moche," JSocAmer m.s. 10 (1913)95-117; also see Alfred L. Kroeber, ''The Uhle Pottery Collectionsfrom Moche," University of California Publications in American Ar-chaeology and Ethnology 21 (1925) l91-234.21. Rafael Larco Hoyle, Los Mochicas I (Casa Editora "La Cronicay Variedades, " S . A . Ltda.: Lima l938); idem, Los Mochicas11(Casa Editora "La Cronica y Variedades," S.A. Ltda.: Lima 1939);idem, Los Cupisniques (Casa Editora ' 'La Cronica y Varie-dades " S . A . Ltda : Lima 194 1 ; idem, La Cultura Wirll (So-ciedad Geografica Americana: Buenos Aires 1945); Kroeber, op. cit.(in note 20); idem, "Archaeological Explorations in Peru, Part I:Ancient Potteryfrom Trujillo," FieldMusAnthSer2(1) (Chicago 1926);idem, ''Archaeological Explorations in Peru, Part II: The NorthernCoast," FieldMusAnthSer 2(2) (Chicago 1930); Wendell C. Bennett,"Archaeology of the North Coast of Peru:An Account of Explorationand Excavation in Viru and Lambayeque Valleys," AnthPapAm-MusNHist 37(1) (New York 1939) .22. Junius B. Bird, "Preceramic Cultures in Chicama and Viru," inWendell C. Bennett, assembler, A Reappraisal of Peruvian Archae-ology, SAAMem 13(4) (1948) 21-23; James A. Ford and Gordon R.Willey, "Surface Survey of the Viru Valley, Peru," AnthPapAm-MusNHist 43 (1949); Wendell C. Bennett, "The Gallinayo Group,


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Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 10, 1983 261ical projects have been undertaken n Viru26and in Lam-bayeque.27Taken together, all these studies have provideda framework for a more comprehensive understandingofNorth Coast prehistory than is possible for many otherregions of Peru.The MocheValley:Heartlandof the ChimuEmpire

Of critical importanceto this study is the definition ofChimu politico-economic patterns. Without this knowl-edge it would be fruitless to attempt a study of the impactof Chimu imperialist policies on conquered regions. Theresearch by the Chan Chan-Moche Valley Project hasprovideddata on the organizationalcharacteristicsof theMoche Valley heartland. This information can now beused as a model against which the Jequetepeque Valleydata can be tested, thus capitalizing on a unique oppor-tunity to apply an organizationalmodel developed in theheartlandof an imperialistic state to the archaeologicaldata associated with the annexation of conquered terri-tory. In order to facilitate a better understanding of thequestions involved, it will first be necessary to summa-rize the relevant results of the Moche Valley research.Built by the Chimu during the Late Intermediate Pe-riod (ca. 1000-1476 A.C.), Chan Chan stretches oversome 24.5 sq. km. and was the capital of a militaristic,expansionistempire which at its height encompassed over1,000 km. of the Peruviancoast.28 As mentioned earlier,

y Memorias del XXX1X Congreso lnternacional de Americanistes 2(1972) 15-33; Michael E. Moseley, "An Empirical Approach to Pre-historic Agrarian Collapse: The Case of the Moche Valley, Peru,'' inNancie L. Gonzalez, ed., Social and Technological Management inDry Lands, AAAS Selected Symposuim 10 (1978) 9-43; Fred Nials,Eric Deeds, M. E. Moseley, Sheila G. Pozorski, Thomas G. Pozorski,and Robert Feldman, "El Nino: The Catastrophic Flooding of CoastalPeru, PartI, " Bulletin. Field Museum of Natural History 50 (7) (1979)4-14; Part II, by the same authors appearedin ibid., 50(8)(1979) 4-10.26. Michael West, ''PrehistoricHuman Ecology in the Viru Valley,''California Anthropologist 1 1) (1971) 47-56.27. KentC. Day, ''Royal OntarioMuseum. LambayequeValley (Peru)Expedition," QuarterlyReport (1971) mimeo; idem, ''Midseason Re-port, ROM Lambayeque Project,'' (1975) mimeo; Izumi Shimada,''Economy of a Prehistoric Urban Context: Commodity and LaborFlow at Moche V Pampa Grande, Peru,'' AmAnt 43 (1978) 569-592;MarthaB. Anders. ''Investigation of State Storage Facilities in PampaGrande, Peru,'' JFA 8 (1981) 391-404; Izumi Shimada, ''The BatanGrande-LaLeche Archaeological Project: The First Two Seasons,"JFA 8 (1981) 405-446.28. Kent C. Day, "Urban Planning at Chan Chan, Peru,'' in P. J.Ucko, R. Tringham, and G. W. Dimbleby, eds., Man, Settlement andUrbanism (Gerald Duckworth and Co. Ltd.: London 1972) 927-930;Michael E. Moseley and Carol J. Mackey, ''Chan Chan, Peru's An-cient City of Kings,'' National GeographicMagazine 143 (1973) 318-354; Richard W. Keatinge and Kent C. Day, ''Socio-Economic Or-

sometime between 1462 and 1470 A.C., only 7Q yearspriorto the arrival of the Spanish, this large coastal em-pire was conquered by the expanding Inca Empire.29While there is a wide variety of structuresand build-ings within the civic center of Chan Chan,30the mainarchitecturalfocus of the site is on the monumental ar-chitecture consisting of 10 northerly oriented rectilinearcompounds of ciudadelas.31 he well planned interiorsof these structures FIG. 2) are characterizedby a massive,pilastered entry adorned with carved wooden figures,largeentry courts, banks of contiguous rooms which mayhave served as storerooms, U-shaped structures calledaudiencias32ypothesized to have functioned as admin-istrative "offices", and usually, but not always, a mas-sive, northerly directed burial platform.33These hugecompounds are thought to have been the palaces of whatthe Spanish chroniclers refer to as the Chimu "kings"and headquarters or state control over a well organizedredistributive economy. In addition to the compoundsthere are sections of "intermediate architecture"34con-

ganization of the Moche Valley, Peru, During the Chimu Occupationof Chan Chan,'' JAR 29 (1973) 275-295; Keatinge and Day, ''ChanChan: A Study of Precolumbian Urbanism and the Management ofLand and Water Resources in Peru,'' Archaeology 27 (1974) 228-235; Michael E. Moseley, ''Chan Chan: Andean Alternative to thePreindustrialCity," Science 187 (1975) 219-225; Kent C. Day, "ChanChan, Peru. Art and Architecture of Chimu Civilization as CulturalSymbol,'' Artscanada 208/209 (1976) 16-30; Ravines, op. cit. (innote 11); Moseley and Day, op. cit. (in note 11).29. Rowe, 1948 op. cit. (in note 7) 26-59.30. Michael E. Moseley and Carol J. Mackey, Twenty-Four Archi-tecturalPlaces of Chan Chan (Peabody Museum Press, Harvard Uni-versity: Cambridge 1974).31. Kent C. Day, "Architecture of Ciudadela Rivero, Chan Chan,Peru," unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University (1974).32. Idem, 1972 op. cit. (in note 28) 927-930; idem, op. cit. (in note31) 188-200; idem, ''Walk-in-wells and Water Management at Chan-chan, Peru," in C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky and J. A. Sabloff, eds.,The Rise and Fall of Civilizations (Cummings Publishing Co.: MenloPark 1974) 182-190; Anthony P. Andrews, ''A Study of U-ShapedStructures at Chan Chan and Vicinity, Peru: Functional and Chrono-logical Implications," JFA 1 (1974) 241 -264.33. Day, 1972 loc. cit. (in note 28); idem, op. cit. (in note 31) 210-219; T. Pozorski, "The Las Avispas Burial Platform at Chan Chan,Peru," Annals of Carnegie Museum 48 (Pittsburgh 1979) 119-137;Geoffrey W. Conrad, 1974 op. cit. (in note 13); idem, ''Royal Burialsof Ancient Peru," Bulletin. Field Museumof Natural History 49 (1978)6- 11, 20-26; idem, ' 'Cultural Materialism, Split Inheritance, and theExpansion of Ancient Peruvian Empires,'' AmAnt 46 (1981) 3-26;idem (1982), "The Burial Platforms of Chan Chan: Some Social andPolitical Implications," in Moseley and Day, eds., op. cit. (in note11) 87-118.34. Michael West, ''Community Settlement Patternsat Chan Chan,Peru," AmAnt 35 (1970) 74-86; A. M. Ulana Klynyshyn, "Elite


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0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 >METERS \

LJ AUDIENCIAS 03 WALK_gN_WELLS RAMPSC

L BURIAL E STOREROOMS

262 ChimuAdministration f a ConqueredTerritorylKeatingend ConradFigure 2. Plan of Ciudadela Rivero, oneof 10 such palace structures at ChanChan. It is representative of the later endof the architectural sequence defined forthese particular buildings. Note that thecompound can be divided into threedistinctive parts (north sector, centralsector, and canchone) with the internalarchitectural features represented asdescribed in the text.

o

Ioz

oUJ

-

zUJ


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Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 10, 1983 263

Figure3. TheMoche-Chicama egionshowingthe locationof the threeruraladministrativeentersmentioned n the text.

tainingwellplanned ooms,courtsS nd corridors utofsomewhatess complexity han the architecturalonfig-urations oundwithinthe compounds.A third type ofarchitectureepresented t ChanChanis the SIAR or"smallirregulargglutinatedooms",35whichprobablyservedas the residencefor the mass of ChanChan'spopulation ndin whichthereis considerable videnceforcraftspecialization ndcottage ndustry.36One of the moststrikingdiscoverieswithinthe mon-Compoundsn ChanChan," in Moseley andDay, eds., op. cit. (innote 11) 119-144.35. JohnR. Topic, "The Lower Classat ChanChan:A QualitativeApproach, unpublishedh.D.dissertation, Iarvardniversity1977).36. Idem, ';Lower-Class Social and Economic OrganizationatChanChan," in Moseleyand Day eds., op. cit. (in note 11) 145-176.

umental architecture is the apparent association of U-shapedstructures alled audienciaswith contiguousbanksof rooms interpretedby the Chan Chan-Moche ValleyProject as storerooms. These rooms have been hypoth-esized as storerooms on the basis of their arrangement,their high single entries, and their total lack of associa-tion with domestic debris or equipment.Research in the non-urbanareas of the Moche Valleyindicates that during the Late Intermediate Period theruralsustaining area of Chan Chan was characterizedbya complex system of massive irrigationnetworks water-ing huge expanses of field systems.37 Excavation in theMoche-Chicama region (FIG. 3) at three rural sites that

37. James Kus, "Selected Aspects of Irrigated Agriculture in theChimu Heartland, Peru," unpublished doctoral dissertation, Univer-sity of California Los Angeles (University Microfilms: Ann Arbor


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264 ChimuAdministration f a ConqueredTerritorylKeatingendConradsharerepetitive architecturalpatterns and topographic lo-cations has facilitated the functional delineation of Chimururaladministrative centers.38These sites are character-ized by structures that incorporate many of the architec-turalattributesof the Chan Chan palaces and are thoughtto have been responsible for the maintenance of statecontrol over rural land, water, and labor resources. Theoccurrence of audenciaswithin the main structures ofthese administrative centers (FIGS. 4-5) iS assumed to besymbolic of the regional extension and economic unityof state control and authority centered at the capital. Insummary, the association of audienciaswith contiguousrooms thought to have been storerooms, as well as theirlocation in state rural administrative centers, has led tothe development of a model of Chimu socio-economicorganization in which audienciasare seen as the archi-tectural expression of the exercise of state control overthe production, storage, and redistribution of goods.39

The archaeological evidence from Chan Chan and itsrural sustaining area in the Moche Valley strongly sug-gests that Chimu society was characterized by a hierar-chical social order and a powerful elite that exercisedabsolute control over the production, storage, and redis-tribution of goods. While construction of canals and themanagementof rural productionwere organized throughruraladministrative centers, responsibility for the overallfunctioning of the economy, together with the adminis-tration of storage and redistribution, was centralized inthe ciudadelasat Chan Chan. Given this organizationalpatternfound in the Chimu heartland it was proposed40that such a model for the organization of ruralproductionand the administration of economic resources might per-haps be extended to other valleys of the Chimu-domi-

1972); Day, 1974 op. cit. (in note 32); Ian S. Farrington, "Irrigationand Settlement Pattern: Preliminary Research Results from the NorthCoast of Peru," in T. E. Downing and McG. G. Gibson, eds., Irri-gation's Impact on Society, Anthropological Papers of the Universityof Arizona 25 (1974) 83-94; idem, ''Land Use, Irrigation and Societyon the North Coast of Peru in the Prehispanic Era," Zeitschrift furBewasserungswirtschaft 12 (1977) 151-186; idem, "The Archaeol-ogy of Irrigation Canals, with Special Reference to Peru," WA 11(1980) 287-305; I. S. Farrington and C. C. Park, ''Hydraulic Engi-neering and IrrigationAgriculture in the Moche Valley, Peru: c. A. D.1250-1532," JAS 5 (1978) 255-268; Richard W. Keatinge, "UrbanSettlement Systems and Rural Sustaining Communities: An Examplefrom Chan Chan's Hinterland," JFA 2 (1975) 215-227; F. Nials etal. op. cit. (in note 25) Parts I and II.38. Keatinge, op. cit. (in note 16); idem, iiChimu Rural Administra-tive Centres in the Moche Valley, Peru,'' WA 6 (1974) 66-82.39. Keatinge and Day, 1973 op. cit. (in note 28) 282-285, idem,1974 op. cit. (in note 28) 230-232.40. Keatinge, 1973 op. cit. (in note 28) 292-293.

natedNorthCoast. One of the primarypurposesof theresearchdescribedherewas to test this proposition.TheResearchFocus

Within he NorthCoastsettingtheJequetepequeVal-leyrepresents n importanthough argelyneglectedareaof researchFIG. 6). Situated ome 100 km.northof ChanChan,the JequetepequeValley (sometimesreferred oas the PacasmayoValley) is the third argestvalley onthe Peruviancoast in terms of total area(56,184 hec-tares).41The agricultural roductivity f the valley wasnotedas early as 1547 A.C. by Pedro Cieze de Leon42who described t as one of the most fertileand thicklysettledof the coastal valleys.The prehistoryof the JequetepequeValley is littleknown.A number f large sites in the valleyhave beenmentioned n general surveys of the North Coast re-gion,43but only the sites of San Jose de Moro44 ndPacatnamu4save been the focus of publishedarchaeo-logicalexcavations.Moreover,only Kosok'swork46 e-gins to approach a comprehensiveoverview of thearchaeological roblems nherent n a studyof the area.Unfortunately,Kosok'sresearch,whichcenteredon thenature f the prehistoricrrigationworks n the valley,4741. Luis E. Ortega, El Valle Jequetepeque y Sus Requerimientos deRiego (Camara de Comercio y Agricultura de Pacasmayo, Pacasmayo,Peru 1962) 3; David A. Robinson, Peru in Four Dimensions (Amer-ican Studies Press: Lima 1964) 166- 167.42. Pedro Cieze de Leon, The Incas of Pedro Cieze de Leon (Uni-versity of Oklahoma Press: Norman 1959 [1553]) 321-322.43. Kroeber, op. cit. (in note 21); Schaedel, 1951 op. cit. (in note23); Eiichiro Ishida, Koichi Aki, Taiji Yazawa, Seiichi Izumi, HisashiSato, Iwao Kobori, Kazuo Terada, and Taryo Obayashi, Andes 1:University of Tokyo Scientific Expedition to the Andes (KadokawaPublishing Co.: Tokyo 1960); Kosok, 1965 op. cit. (in note 23).44. Hans Dietrich Disselhoff, Gott Muss Peruaner Sein (F. A. Brock-haus: Wiesbaden 1956); idem, "Tumbas de San Jose de Moro (Prov-incia de Pacasmayo, Peru)," Proceedings of the Thirty-SecondInternational Congress ofAmericanists, Copenhagen (1958) 364-367;idem, "Cajamarca-Keramik von der Pampa von San Jose de Moro(Prov. Pacasmayo)," Baessler-Archiv, Neue Folge VI (Berlin 1958)181-193.45. Heinrich Ubbelohde-Doering, "Ceramic Comparisons of TwoNorth Coast Valleys," op. cit. (in note 23) 224-231; idem, "Berichtuber archaeologische Feldarbeiten in Peru. II," Ethnos 24 (1959) 1-32; idem, "Bericht uber archaologische Feldarbeiten in Peru. III,''Ethnos 25 (1960) 153-182; idem, On the Royal ffighways of the Inca(Praeger Publishing Co.: New York 1967); Wolfgang Hecker andGiesela Hecker, "ArchaologischeUntersuchungen n Pacatnamu, Nord-Peru," Indiana, Beiheft 9 (Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut Preus-sischen Kulturbesitz: Berlin 1977)46. Kosok, 1965 op. cit. (in note 23) 115-128.47. See also Herbert H. Eling, Jr., "InterpretacionesPreliminares delSistema de Riego Antiguo de Talambo en el Valle de Jequetepeque,


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Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 10, 1983 265into the Jequetepeque Valley.52 Ethnohistorical sourcesalso supportthis interpretation.According to the chron-icle of Father Antonio de la Calancha,s3 the Jequete-peque Valley was annexed to the Chimu Empire whenan expeditionary force sent north from Chan Chan by aChimu ruler conquered the valley under the leadershipof a general whose name was Pacatnamu. Meanss4pro-vides the following summarytranslationof the pertinentparts of Calancha's chronicle.Ss After deciding to con-quer the Jequetepeque Valley, the Chimu ruler

". . . sent a very bravecaptainof his, chosen forhis skillfromamonghis most warlikemen, into thatvalley. Aftermuch difficult ighting he victoryrested with the captain,andtwelve leaguesof territorywere therebyaddedto therealmof his master,the Chimo The nameof the captainwasPacatnamu . . Afterhis victory, he Chimomadehimgovernor f the territorywhichhe had conquered nd. . .thevalley was namedPacatnamun his honor,beingtodaycalledcorruptly acasmayo.The hill uponwhich hecaptainbuilt his house, theremainsof whichare still to be seen, iscalledPacatnamuo thisday . . .. . . Nearthis river, and close beside the sea, rise somemountainshree leagues long, quite treelessand, indeed,entirely terile,even in the seasonof rainsandmistswhenothermountains f theregionproducegrassand bring orthflowers. The mountainnearestto the river is that calledPacatnamu, nd todayit displaysa largenumberof build-ings and ruins,someof whichwere the palaceof the Chi-mo's Governor ndhis household...."

Kosok56has suggested that it was a large compound atanother Jequetepeque Valley site, Pacatnamu, whichserved as the palace of the governor referred to in Cal-ancha's chronicle Since the 1974 survey, which in-cluded Pacatnamu, however, it became evident that thelargest compound at that site is neither an anomaly nordoes it bear the striking resemblance to the compoundsat Chan Chan seen in the compounds at Farfan.s7More-over, a careful readingof Calancha's chronicle indicatesthat there is considerable room for interpretationof thelocation of Governor Pacatnamu's palace. The "moun-

involved only surface survey and did not include exca-vations. Given the general lack of researchand publishedinformationon the prehistory of the Jequetepeque Val-ley, extensive site surveys were undertakenduring thesummer of 197448and during all of 1977.49 These sur-veys were followed by excavations at the sites of Farfanand Talambo duringthe summer of 1978. In the case ofFarfan, he site hadpreviouslybeen assignedto the ChimuEmpire on the basis of "Chan-Chan-like" architectureand surface sherds noted by Richard Schaedel5 in hisgeneral North Coast survey undertaken n the late 1940s.Kosok51makes a brief mention of the site in his workas well. Together with the research at Chan Chan andfollowing the 1974 and 1977 surveys of the JequetepequeValley, however, Farfan took on crucial importance interms of understandingthe politico-economic organiza-tion of the Chimu Empire.

FarfanLocated on the ancient inter-valley highway near itsjunction with the main road to the highlands, the site ofFarfan stretches along the eastern side of the modernPanamericanHighway near the center of the valley (FIG.6). Covering a total area of about 1 sq. km., the site isca. 3.5 km. long but never more than 0.25 km. wide,having been destroyed on the west by constructionof thehighway and on the east by encroaching farmlands. Themajorarchitectureat the site consists of six compoundsstrung in a line next to the highway (FIG. 7). Like themuch larger compounds at Chan Chan, these structuresat Farfan are constructed of adobe brick. Most of thesecompounds have sustained considerable interiordamagefrom looters and bulldozers, while much of the terrainoutside of them has been disturbedby gravel miners andcultivation. Nevertheless, a number of additional fea-turesincluding looted cemeteries, platforms, small struc-tures, and canals can still be seen.The results of the previous surveys indicated thatFar-fan very likely represented a Chimu site unit intrusion

52. Keatinge et al., op. cit. (in note 14); Keatinge, 1977 op. cit. (innote 14); idem, 1981 op. cit. (in note 14).53. Father Antonio de la Calancha, Coronica Moralizada del Ordende SanAugustfnen el Peru, con Sucesos Egenplares en esta Monarquia(Pedro Lacavalleria: Barcelona 1638), Book III, Chapters I and II.54. Means, op. cit. (in note 15) 56-57.55. Calancha, loc. cit. (in note 53).56. Kosok, 1965 op. cit. (in note 23) 123.57. Keatinge, 1977 op. cit. (in note 14) 229-245; idem, 1982 op.cit. (in note 14) 207.

Peru,'' in Ramiro Matos, ed., Actas y Trabajos del III CongresoPeruano, El fIombre y la Cultura Andina 2 (1978) 401-419.48. Keatinge et al. op. cit. (in note 14); Keatinge, 1977 op. cit. (innote 14); idem, 1981 op. cit. (in note 14).49. Idem, 'iArchaeology and Development: The Tembladera Sites ofthe PeruvianNorth Coast, ' ' JFA 7 (1980) 467-475; idem? i 'EconomicDevelopment and CulturalResource Managementin the ThirdWorld:An Example from Peru,'' JAR 38 (1982) 211-226.50. Schaedel, 1951 op. cit. (in note 23) 235.51. Kosok, 1965 op. cit. (in note 23) 123.


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266 ChimuAdministration f a ConqueredTerritoryfKeatingend Conrad

O 1 3 5 lOm.s=Scale M.

1z1 LOOTERS IT[


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O 1 3 5 lOm.-__ - ,

SCAlE NMETERSSTRUCTURE

Figure5. Plan of the main structure t the ruraladministrativeenterof Quebrada el Oso (G1235) ocatedon thesouthern ide of the ChicamaValley, between he Moche and Jequetepequeegions. Note the architecturaletailsofthe buildingand compare hem to those shown n Figures2 and 4.


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268 Chimu Administration of a Conquered TerritorylKeatinge and Conrad

Figure6. The lower Jequetepeque alley, showing he locationof Pacatnamu1), Farfan 2), and CalaradeTalambo 11), as well as the following major ites: CerroFaclo (3), Singan 4), Anlape 5), Portachuelo eCharcape 6), Las Estacas 7), San Jose de Moro (8), CerroChepen 9), Chavinde Calara 10), Ventanillas 12),Nambol 13), Sisnan(14), and Dos Cabezas 15).

tain nearest the river" which is part of a chain of moun-tains "three leagues long" (a Spanish league is equal toca. 3 miles) on which Pacatnamu is supposed to havebuilt his palace could easily be a reference to the chainof hills running to the west of Farfan, which coinciden-tally is ca. 9 miles long. Compound II at Farfan (FIG. 7)which contains a burial platform, an audiencia, nd banksof contiguous rooms like those found at Chan Chan, islocated at the SE foot of these hills, nearest to the Je-quetepeque River. Following the patternknown from thecompounds at Chan Chan, these associated architecturalfeatures, especially the presence of a burial platform in-dicating the intermentof a person of high status,58 tronglysuggest that this particular compound may have beenGovernor Pacatnamu's palace.58. Cf. Conrad, 1981 op. cit. (in note 33) 3-26; idem, 1982 loc. cit.(in note 33).

Given limited time and financial resources, togetherwith the dilapidated condition of much of the site, ex-cavations were concentrated in Compound II (FIG. 8), theonly compound at Farfan containing a burial platform.The other five compounds at Farfan are viewed as sec-ondary structures subordinate to Compound II. They arenot as well preserved as Compound II, and survey sug-gests that they were never as complicated architecturallyOne other compound may contain an audiencialstoreroom complex, and another may contain an isolated au-diencia.None has a burial platform. No excavations wereconducted in these other compounds, but samples ofbricks from all of them were measured for chronologicalpurposes.Briefly, the excavations in Compound II revealed manyfeatures which, though not always identical to thoseknown from the Moche Valley, strongly confirm the


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Figure 7. Base map of Farfan (PM6994) showing the sixcompounds strung along the modern Panamerican Highway.


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270 Chimu Administration of a Conquered TerritorylKeatingeand Conrad

N

10 20 3 40mis.

COMPOUND1PLANMAPLEGEND

m t STOREROOMtOt BIN

______ DESTROYEDALL\811,

-/,,,,,. LOOTING

t CHANGENFLOOREVEL. .

,

_ _ _ _ _

-

o > o > o

o oo oo o o

3R

Figure 8. Plan of Compound II showing the architectural features discussed in the text.


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Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 10, 1983 271interpretationf Farfanas an intrusiveChimu mperialcenter. The main northern ntranceto the compoundconsistsof a pilastereddoorwayonce adornedwith sixcarvedwoodenfigures,threeon each side of the door-way. Fourof these figureswere foundpartially ntact,eachdepictinghe samedesign:a large,crouchingelineseatedbehinda smallhuman igure FIG. 9). This partic-ularcombination f elementsoccursin the iconographyof earlierNorthCoastsocietiesas well.59Severalturnsbeyondthis doorway ies an openentrycourtwithtwolow parallelbenchesalongeitherside anda two-tierednichedplatformrunningacrossits southernend. Eachnichecontainsa smalladobestep-fret s decorationFIG.10).A rampprovidesaccess to thetopof thefirsttierofthisplatform.Entry o the area of administrativerchi-tectureon thesouthsideof this platforms providedviaa doorwayon the easternside of the entrycourt.Onceentrance o this areahas been obtained,the higherorsecond ierof theplatforms accessibleby a short ateralramp.Access to an audienciawith "bins" in its walls(FIG. 11) iS attainedby followinga series of narrow or-ridorswhichoriginally ed pasttwo binnedbenchesorplatforms.A trenchexcavated hrough he floor of theaudienciato a depthof ca. 2 m. revealeda dedicatoryburialof a young female (FIG. 12), an identicalpatternpreviouslyknownfromChanChan.60The grave goodsaccompanyinghisburial ncludeda stirrup-spoutedes-sel of earlyImperialChimuform. At the northend ofthis same trencha secondburialwas encounteredbe-neatha layerof constructionill and domesticrefuse.Thissecondburialwas thatof anagedadult emaleandincluded eramics f Early i.e. Pre-Imperial)himudatein boththegraveandassociateddomesticrefuse.Immediatelywest of the audiencia s a seriesof con-tiguousrooms that follow the same patternas similarroomsknownfrom ChanChan. Just as in the MocheValley, the bins of the audienciaandthe floorsof theassociatedcontiguousrooms were completelybare ofartifactualmaterialattestingto their precise function.Pollen,soil, andflotationanalysesof samplesretrievedfor detailedstudyhavebeeninconclusive o far;furthertests are in progress.Beyondthe administrativerchi-tecture,a walled, raisedcauseway eads to the areaofthe burialplatform.Thislargestructure adbeen heavilylootedby ColonialSpanishreasure unters.Humanboneand artifactualmaterialconsistingof fine textiles andpieces of fancyfunerary eramicswerefoundscatteredthroughouthelooters'backdirt, learlyattestingbothtothe functionof the structure ndthe statusof its occu-59. Cf. James A. Ford, "The History of a Peruvian Valley," SAm191 (1954), figure of "Cat-God" on p. 32.60. Andrews, 1974 op. cit. (in note 32) 250.

pant. Two groups of contiguous rooms were found lo-cated behind the burial platform, but like the similarrooms in the administrativearchitecture,these, too, werecompletely empty.The identification of Farfan as the "real" Pacatnamuwould seem to be strengthenedby the fact that, in con-trast to the site of Pacatnamu, Farfan is ideally locatedfor the exercise of politico-economic control of the val-ley. Given the Chimu patternof centralized control overstrategic resources and the organization of productionand distribution, the location of Farfan fits the Chimuadministrativepatternmuch better than does the site ofPacatnamu.Thus, considering Calancha's chronicle, ar-chitectural eatures,and location, the site of Farfanseemsto represent a much better candidate for Governor Pa-catnamu'sadministrativecenter than does the site whichtoday bears the name of Pacatnamu.

Summaryf RelativeChronologyFarfan bears evidence of four periods of occupation:

Early or Pre-Imperial Chimu, Imperial Chimu, Chimu-Inca, and Colonial.Traces of Pre-ImperialChimu were found in only oneplace, below the audiencia n Compound II. It was mostlikely a lower-class occupation and apparentlypredatesthe Chimu conquest of the region by several centuries.The occupation was not extensive, and there does notseem to be any substantial architectureassociated withit.The Imperial Chimu occupation is the most importantone for our purposes. Ceramics from the dedicatoryburi-al found beneath the floor of the audienciaand from theburialplatform indicate that Farfan was founded duringearly ImperialChimu times. More specifically, our dataindicate that Compound II should be cross-dated withone particular early Imperial Chimu building at ChanChan, the Uhle compound (FIG. 13). In particular, theform of the audiencia n the administrative architectureat Farfan suggests this chronological alignment:at ChanChan, bins with low lips such as found at Farfan occuronly in the audiencias ocated in Uhle (cf. FIGS. 8,13).Hence, ceramics and audienciasprovide consistent datesfor the construction of Compound II.Measurements of adobe bricks also correlate Com-pound II with the early segment of Chan Chan's occu-pation, but not specifically with the Uhle compound.Kolata's brick sequence for Chan Chan is based on themeanheight:widthratio of the bricks in a building, whichincreases through time. (This ratio ranges from 0.572 inChayhuac, the earliest major compound in Chan Chan,


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272 ChimuAdministration f a ConqueredTerritorylKeatingend Conrad

0 1 234 5cm.

Figure 9. A composite reconstruction drawing of the carved wooden figures that once adorned the doorway toCompound II indicated in Figure 8. Though in various stages of decay due to termite infestation, four of the originalsix figures were found in place and utilized in reconstructing the carving of a large feline crouched behind a smallerhuman figure. Traces of white paint found on the feline head of one of the figures indicates that the carvings wereonce more elaborately decorated.


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Figure10. Close-upphotographf two of the niches found on the north ide of the platform ividing he entrycourtfromthe administrative rchitecturen Compound I. Followinga checkerboard attern, hese niches once coveredvirtually he entirenorthside of the platform nd both sides of the ramp,each niche containing small step-fret igureexecuted n adobe.

Figure 11. Post-excavation photograph of the binned audiencia ound in the administrative architecture of CompoundII at Farfan. Note the ramp visible in the left-center of the photograph which gave access to an elevated section of thestructure which was once roofed. The front part of this elevated section had been disturbed by looters prior to theexcavation activities described here thus explaining the dilapidated condition of the area shown in the center of thestructure. After this photograph was taken, the trench shown in Figure 12 was excavated across the center of the floorof the audiencia n order to locate a dedicatory burial.


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Table1. BrickmeasurementsromCompound I, Farfan.Provenience Dimension Range MeanAudiencia/Store-eight 8-1S cm. 10.1 cm.room Complex width 15-22 cm. 17.7 cm.(n- 113) height:width atio 0.44-0.83 0.57BurialPlatform height 8-15 cm. 10.0 cm.(n- 140) width 14-25 cm. 18.0 cm.height:width atio0.40-0. 88 0.56

274 ChimuAdministration f a ConqueredTerritorylKeatingend Conradto 1.620 in Rivero, the latest.)61Table 1 presentsdataonthe bricks romtheaudiencialstoreroomcomplexandtheburialplatform n Compound I at Farfan.While allof theindividualheight:width atios all within he rangeof ChanChanbricks,themeanvalues are ower than heones Kolata obtained for various segments of Uhle(0.652-0.707). In fact, the meanvalues for CompoundII are very close to the meanvalue for Chayhuac, hefirst large compounderected at Chan Chan. Since allotherevidence favors cross-datingCompoundII withUhle, the second of the Chan Chancompounds,we re-ject a correlationwith Chayhuacderived from adobebricksalone. Instead,we suggest that while the generaltrend of Kolata's Chan Chan sequence (increasingheight:widthatio hroughime)probably olds or Chimusites outsidethe Moche Valley, distantprovincial itescannotbe coIrelatedwithspecificbuildings n ChanCharlon the basis of mean brick ratios.In otherwords, eachvalley of theChimuEmpireprobably eeds tsown bricksequence; recisecross-datingsmustcomefrommultiplelines of evidence.Preliminaryesults of the brickanalysisdo indicatethatall theothermajorarchitecturalomponents f Far-fan were built at the same time as Compound I. Ap-parently he entire site was erected n a single burstofconstruction.hereaftermperialChimuconstruction asconfined o minorremodeling.There were severalepisodes of remodeling n Com-poundII. The most importanthangesfor ourpurposeswerethe sealing off of the audiencia and the closing oftheassociated toreroomsn the administrativerchitec-ture,plus theclosing of access to the burialplatform ndthe northernow of storeroomsmmediatelybehind t.TheChimu-Inca ndColonialoccupations re not rel-evantto ourpurposeshere. The former,however, doesshowthat the compound emainedn use after the IncaConquest f the ChimuEmpire,ca. 1465A.C. Whenthecompound inally fell out of use, probablyat the timeof the SpanishConquest(1532 A.C.), small groups oflower-classfamilies moved in and establisheda briefsquatter ccupation ndicatedby rough oundationwallsanddomesticrefuse in such placesas the main entrytothe compound.Severalglazed sherds date the squatteroccupation o the earlySpanishColonialera.Radiocarbon Dates

The six carbon-14dates fromCompound I are listedin Table 2. (All resultsare given in radiocarbon ears,61. Kolata, 1978 op. cit. (in note 17). Kolata (p. 190) did in factmeasure a small sample of bricks from Farfan, which yielded a meanheight:width ratio of 0.732. Sampling error may account for the dis-crepancy between this value and our own results.

withoutdendrochronologicalorrelations.)ince the datesare scatteredand severalof them are anomalous, theseriesmeritsdetaileddiscussion.The crucialsample is GX-6832, which consisted ofwood found in a post hole atopthe easternside of theburialplatform.In the ChimuEmpireburialplatformswereextremelyprestigious uneraryplacesreserved orthehighestnobility:atChanChan he right o be interredin a burialplatformwas a royalprerogative.62rchitec-turaland ceramic evidence shows that the platformatFarfanwas used and thensealedoff at an early point inthe occupationof CompoundII. We believe that theplatformwasused foronly one high-statusuneral thatof the first chief administrator t the site ('4GovernoPacatnamu") afterwhich it was madeinaccessible.Awoodenpostatop he platformhould, herefore,providea date fairlyclose to the construction f Compound I.The date of GX-6832, 1155+ 130 A.C., iS consistentwith its architecturalontext andceramicassociations.Furthermore,t agreeswell with a date of 1195+ 150A.C. (GX-3253) from a cane segmentmarkern one ofthe walls of the Uhle compoundat ChanChan,63 ndwith assays of 1135+80 A.C. (I-7910) and 1225+80A.C. (I-7911) from El Milagro de San Jose, an earlyImperialChimururaladministrativeenter n the MocheValley (FIG. 4).64 Hencethe ceramic, architectural, ndradiocarbon ross-datingsbetween Farfanand MocheValleysites areall compatiblewithoneanother;he bnckcorrelations reweakerbut still consistentwith an earlyImperialChimudate for the construction f CompoundII. Takentogether,the various ines of evidence place62. Conrad, 1981 loc. cit (in note 33); idem, 1982 loc. cit. (in note33).63. Moseley, op. cit. (in note 28) 224.64. The ages of samples GX-3253, I-7910, and I-7911 given abovehave been corrected for 813C.The uncorrected dates are 1220+150?1325+80, and 1255+80 A.C. respectively. 813C iS a measure of theratio of Carbon 13 to Carbon 12, which affects the outcome of radio-carbon dates. Conventional (uncorrected) radiocarbon dates are cal-culated by using the postulated mean 813Cvalue of terrestrial wood,-25%. If the actual 813C value of a sample is tested and found to bedifferent from -25%, the date is corrected accordingly. For moredetail see Minze Stuiver and Henry A. Polach, ''Discussion: Report-ing of 14C Data,?' Radiocarbon 19 (1977) 355-363.


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Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 10, 1983 275Figure 12. Profile drawing of the eastface of the trench excavated beneath thefloor of the audiencia shown in Figure11. The location of this trench can beseen by examining the elevation profileof Compound II shown in Figure 8.Note the location of the dedicatoryburial at the southern end of the trench,directly beneath the elevated section ofthe audiencia, and the burial at thenorthern end of the trench apparentlyassociated with an earlier occupation.

Figure 13. Plan of Ciudadela Uhle, one of the early palace structures constructed at Chan Chan and thought to becontemporary with Compound II in Farfan. While the definite, tripartite division of later ciudadelas such as Rivero(FIG. 2) iS not yet clearly apparent in Uhle, many other architectural attributes can nevertheless be seen. Note especiallythe several different forms of audiencias, he entry courts, pilastered doorways, access patterns, narrow rooms, andstorerooms. Of particular importance is the binned audiencia ype indicated by the arrow. This type of audiencia ssimilar in plan to the one located in Compound II at Farfan and constitutes one piece of evidence arguing for thecontemporaneity of the two buildings. Drawing after Moseley and Mackey op. cit. (in note 30).

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Age in radio-Age in radiocarbon years,Laboratory carbon years correctedfor# Provenience Material (5570 half-life) 813C 813C

GX-6829 interior of cat termite- 450 + 120figure, main eaten wood B.P.entrance residues 1500 A.C.GX-6830 post hole in " 420 + 115upper bench of B.P.audiencia 1530 A.C.I-11,273 760 + 75 B.P. -28.5% 700 + 75 B.P.

1 l90 A.C. 1250 A.C.GX-6833 post hole, " 535 + 125Room 5, B.P.southern row 1415 A.C.of " store-rooms" behindburial platform

GX-6832 post hole, east wood 795 + 130tier of burial B.P.platform 1155 A.C.GX-6831 Early Chimu mixed 405 + 130 - 17.0% 530 + 130occupation, carbonized B.P. B.P.trench beneath plant 1545 A.C. 1420 A.C.audiencia remains

276 ChimuAdministration f a ConqueredTerritorylKeatingendConradTable 2. Radiocarbondates fromCompound I, Farfan.

the Chimuconquestof theJequetepequeValleyand thefoundingof Farfan a. 1200A.C.SamplesGX-6833 andGX-6829 were derivedfromwooden posts andfigures n locations hatremainedac-cessiblethroughouthe ImperialChimuandChimu-Incaoccupations f Compound I. In bothcases thewood hadbeenalmostcompletelyeatenaway by termites.The ex-tent of the damage itself suggests that wooden posts,beams, etc., in accessiblelocations had to be replacedperiodicallyas part of the routinemaintenanceof thecompound.Accordingly,GX-6833 andGX-6829 shouldfall within the ImperialChimuand Chimu-Inca ccu-pationsof thecompound,but they need notdate its con-struction Thesetwo assays, 1415+ 125 and 1500+ 120A.C., are, therefore,perfectlyacceptable.The dates of I-11,273 andGX-6830 are equivocal.These two assays, which do not overlapwithin their 1-sigmaranges,wererunon a splitsampleof termite-eatenwood from a single post hole in the floor of the audien-cia. As notedabove, access to the audienciawas sealedat some pointduring he occupationof the compound.I-11,273 (1250+75 A.C.) suggests that the audienciawas closed at an early date, perhapsat the time of thesealing of the burial platform.In contrast,GX-6830( 1530 + 1 15 A.C.) argues hat he audiencia emained penuntilmuch later. Since we cannot explain the discrep-ancybetweenthe two dates, we cannotsay which inter-

pretation is correct.Finally, GX-6831 is simply a bad date, even aftercorrection for 813C.The sample was made up of carbon-ized plant remains, presumably domestic refuse, fromthe Early (Pre-Imperial)Chimu occupation found belowthe audiencia.Stratigraphically his sample was the old-est of the entire series; associated ceramics indicate thatit should have yielded a date ca. 900-1000 A.C. Theactual result, 1420+ 130 A.C., iS several centuries toolate. We should add, however, that GX-6831 "had anexceptionally high ash content and low carbon content,despite a good, charred vegetation appearance."65 Thepoor quality of the sample may explain its anomalousresult.

Summary of Excavations at TalamboFollowing completion of the work at Farfan, excava-tions were initiated at the site of Talambo. Located 12km. upvalley from Farfan FIG. 6), Talambo (also referredto as La Calera de Talambo) overlooks the JequetepequeRiver at a point where the lower valley flattens out intoa wide, flat alluvial triangle demarcating the most agri-culturallyproductive area of the valley (FIG. 14). All the

65. Laboratory report dated 17 June 1980; Geochron LaboratoriesDivision, Krueger Enterprises, Inc., Cambridge, Massachusetts.


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LEGEND

_

O 500 1000m. PREHISTORICANALS{ WALLFigure 14. Map of Talambo. Note especially that all the modern irrigation canals watering the lower valley must runthroughthe narrow gap between Cerro Pitura and Cerro Talambo. The location of the rural administrative center isindicated by the arrow.


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278 ChimuAdministration f a ConqueredTerritorylKeatingend Conradmodern irrigation canals watering this lower valley re-gion either have their intake points near the site of Tal-ambo or pass throughthe narrow (ca. 1 km. wide) sectionof the valley dominated by the site. Clearly, this musthave been the case for centuries, thus suggesting theimportance of Talambo as a strategic control point bothfor the lower valley irrigation networks and for up- anddown-valley trade or communication routes.

Of particular importance is the fact that the present-day maximum elevation canal for the north side of thevalley runs immediately next to the site. This moderncanal follows the route of the ancient maximum elevationcanal that once carriedwater from the JequetepequeRivernorthwards owards the Zana Valley. In fact, at the pointwhere the modern canal ends at the edge of the Jequete-peque Valley, the ancient canal can clearly be seen, con-tinuing north across what is now a desert wastelandcovered with abandoned irrigation networks and ancientfield systems.The site of Talambo encompasses numerous archae-ological features, including three truncated pyramidmounds, a large rectangular compound, many smallerbuildings, cemeteries, individual walls, and various con-structions catteredalong the hillside overlooking the mainarea of the site. Surface survey of both the architectureand ceramics indicates that the site has a long occupa-tional sequence, possibly beginning with the Early Ho-rizon (1200-200 B.C.) and continuing until the SpanishConquest (1532 A.C.).Excavations at Talambo were concentrated n one smallstone-walled structure (FIG. 15) located in the northernpart of the site. This particularbuilding had been singledout for investigation as a possible Chimu rural admin-istrative center as a result of previous survey of the site.66The results of the research described here unequivocallyindicate that this structureat Talambo is in the same classas those found at the rural administrative centers knownfrom the Moche and Chicama Valleys (cf. FIGS. 4-5 withFIG. 15). Entry into the northerly directed building isthrough a single entry in the northernwall. This doorwayprovides access to an entry court which contains twolow, parallel benches of unknown function and a smallundecorated stone platform running across its southernend. By passing through a corridor skirting the easternside of the platform, one reaches the rear of the com-pound and can either proceed up a short ramp to the topof the platform or into a small court in front of the binned

66. Richard W. Keatinge, "Reconocimiento de Sitios ArqueologicosEfectuados por el Proyecto de Irrigacion Jequetepeque-Zana. InformePreliminar," presented to the Centro de Investigacion y Restauracionde Bienes Monumentales, Instituto Nacional de Cultura (Lima 1977)5.

audiencia ocated at the rearof the building.Access tothe audiencis s via a smallrampandthrough typicallyChimuentrysystem, consistingof a pilastereddoorwayand ortuous orridor cf. FIGS. 5, 15). The audiencia tselfis constructed f stone and has five low-lippedbins setinto its walls. There are several empty rooms immedi-ately to its east and behind it is a dead-endcorridoranother ypicallyChimupattern.The architectural arallels between this structureatTalambo and CompoundII at Farfan are very clear.Though he compoundat Farfan s constructedn adobebrickand the much smaller tructure t Talambo s builtin stone, the two buildingsnevertheless ppear o sharea very similar plan (cf. FIGS. 8, 15). Indeed, the smallcompound t Talambo s essentiallya miniature eplicaof the NE sector of Compound I at Farfan.Both haveentrycourtswith low parallelbenchesand a small plat-form across their southern nd. Access to the areacon-taining the audiencia is, in both cases, via a corridorskirting he eastern side of the platform.Once on thesouthern ide of the platform,a short ateralramprisesto the top of the platform,or one can continueon to theareacontaining he audiencia.Of particular ignificancefor datingpurposes,boththe audienciaat Farfan ndtheone at Talambocontain bins in their walls, which bythemselvesstronglysuggest the contemporaneityf thetwo structures.With the exceptionof the small platformdividing heentrycourt rom he areacontaining he audiencia,manyof the basic architectural ttributes ound at both Farfanand Talamboare identicalto those known from ChanChanand the ruraladministrativeenters n the Mocheand ChicamaValleys such as E1 Milagrode San JoseandQuebrada el Oso. The use of platformswith accessprovided o the top via a ramp originating rom a re-strictedarea behind them may be a regional variationindicatinga certaindegree of assimilationof local ar-chitectural anons. Platformsutilized in this particulafashion are unknownat Chan Chan, though the use ofsmalldecorativeniches coveringwalls, like those on thenorth ide of the tieredplatformn CompoundI at Farfanis quite common. Platformsof this type are, however,known from the site of Pacatnamun the JequetepequValley,67where one particularly ood example FIG. 16)includesa ramprising from a compound o the top of aplatform (whose northernside may once have beenpainted)where he foundation f a smallU-shaped truc-turecan still be seen.The excavated tructure t Talambo lso shares everalnon-architecturaleatures with its counterpartso thesouth.Like otherknownChimu uraladministrativeen-67. Idem, 1977 op. cit. (in note 14) fig. 7, p. 241.


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a w Pi ASTEREDOORWAY%7 CHANGEN FLOOREVEL

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Figure 15. Plan of the Chimu rural administrative center at Talambo (PM800920). Note the similarity in plan betweenthis stralctureand Compound II at Farfan (Fl&. 8) as well as with the plan of Quebrada del Oso (FICi 5).


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280 ChimuAdministration f a ConqueredTerritorylKeatingend Conradbuilding at Talambo was a local administrative centersubordinate to Farfan. This particular hierarchical ar-rangement is evident in the greater complexity of Farfan,which implies a wider range of activities to perform andduties to fulfill.It thus seems plausible that Chimu centers in the valleywere imposed rather than co-opted, at least on the high-est levels of the hierarchy. Farfan did not have an ex-tensive occupation in the epoch immediately precedingthe Chimu conquest, and there is no earlier occupationof any kind immediately associated with the rural ad-ministrative center at Talambo. The total site area of LaCalera de Talambo has not been explored, and there maybe an immediately pre-Chimu occupation somewhere inthe broader site zone.68 There is none, however, in theisolated sector of the site where the structure discussedhere is located.

So far, the Chimu centers in the Jequetepeque Valleyfit the Inca model quite well. The valley apparently didnot have a strongly centralized government immediatelybefore the Chimu conquest. It seems likely that the val-ley had been divided into a number of political units,and the local nobilities and centers of power may havebeen incorporated into the Chimu government on lowerlevels of the hierarchy. This possibility, however, re-mains to be explored through future research.As imposed centers, Farfan and the rural administra-tive center at Talambo were built according to the ar-chitectural canons of the imperial capital, Chan Chan.Compound II, the principal structureat Farfan, has manyfeaturestypical of the most important ompounds at ChanChan. In a general sense, Compound II's overall config-uration has the following major similarities to the con-temporaneous Uhle compound at Chan Chan: N-Sorientation, entry in the north, storerooms in the centerand rear, a binned audiencia,a burial platform in therear (cf. FIGS. 8, 13). Compound II, however, is smallerand simpler than the Uhle compound and does not rep-resent an attempt o duplicatethe latter structureas closelyas possible. In contrast, the rural administrative centerat Talambo is clearly intended to be a smaller, less elab-orate replica of the entry and administrative architectureof Compound II.

Both Farfan and the rural administrative center at Tal-ambo are "empty" or "artificial'', rather than heavilypopulated centers. Very little space at Farfan is actuallyoccupied by domestic quarters, and the site very likelyhoused only high-ranking Chimu officials and their re-tainers. The people who supported Farfan by workingagriculturalfields elsewhere in the valley did not reside

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Figure 16. Plan of ComplexB-10 at the site of Pacatnamun theJequetepeque alley (FIG 6). The use of raisedplatformswith accessto the top providedby a ramp rom the rear, ike those found n thestructures t Farfanand Talambo,may represent n architecturalpattern ndigenous o the JequetepequeValley which wasincorporated ithingeneralChimuarchitecturalanons. Noteespecially he large pilastereddoorwayand the remainsof a smallU-shaped tructureocatedon the summitof the raisedplatform.Access to the top of the platform ould only be gainedvia theascending amponginating n the compound o the rearof theplatform.Once on the summit,one could then ook out over thesmall court n front(i.e., to the north)of the platform.

ters, the building at Talambo is located in a rural, agri-culturally productive area of the valley, and it is situatednear a maximum elevation canal at a point providingcontrol of an important section of the valley irrigationnetwork. In terms of hierarchy of settlement, then, thereseems little doubt that the functions of the building atTalambo were subordinated to those at Farfan, just asthe functions of the rural administrative centers in theMoche and Chicama Valleys were subordinated to thoseof the huge compounds at Chan Chan.Interpretations

To date, our examination of the Late Intermediate Pe-riod in the Jequetepeque Valley indicates that after con-quering the valley duringan early stage of their expansion,the Chimu established a hierarchy of administrative cen-ters. Farfan was the provincial capital, while the small 68. See Keatinge,1982 op. cit. (in note 49) for greaterdiscussionofthis point.


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Journal rField ArchaeologylVol. 10, 1983 281at the site. La Calerade Talamboas a wholehas a largepopulation overinga considerableperiodof time, butthe rural dministrativeenter s set apart rom he denselypopulated ectors of the site; the structure tself couldhave housed only a few people. Again, the Chimu ad-ministrative enters n the JequetepequeValley show arather ood fit with the Incamodel (and, forthatmatter,with Chan Chan,whose populationcan reasonablybeargued o have consisted argelyof state personnel).69This hierarchy f administrativeentersservedto su-pervise he social,political,economic, andreligious ifeof the valley to regulate he flow of energy, matter,and information, n the language of systems theory.Within he contextof an economy based on labortaxa-tion, Chimu centersin the JequetepequeValley mighthave managed nyor all of the following:resourcesag-riculturaland, irrigationwater,othernaturalesources),labor people), productsfood, manufacturedoods), orcommunication nd transportation.Our evidence indi-cates that lower-orderadministrative enters control asmallernumber f thesethings, but do so more directly.As one moves up the hierarchy, enterscontrola greaternumber f entities,but do so less and less directly.Thetopmostofficials are most immediately oncernedwiththe processing f information with high-leveldecisionsand the coordination f lower-order ontrols.70To begin documentinghese claims we must ask whatFarfanwas in a position o control.Did the sitecommandresources,and if so, which ones? Consider irst agricul-tural and, and particularlytate-owned and.Farfan ieson the westernedge of what is today the most heavilycultivated artof thelower valley. Whiledirectevidenceis lacking becauseof modern agricultural se of thisarea, it seems reasonable o assume that this area wasalso in use during he time Farfanwas occupied.Addi-tional areas of what are clearly abandonedprehistoricfield and canal systems, very likely state-owned arm-lands, are foundon the PampaCerroColorado ome 15km. north of Farfan.In the case of irrigationwater,Farfandoes not lie along the primary maximum leva-tion) canal for the north side of the valley, though itlikely received its water supply from majorsecondarycanals.The nearestpoint at which the valley's irrigationsystem can be physicallycontrolled s Talambo,some12 km. away. Farfan s not situatednear any other m-portant atural esourcesmetalliferous res, etc.). Withthe possible exceptionof the agriculturalields to the69. Moseley, op. cit. (in note 28) 219-225; Topic, op. cit. (in note35); idem, op. cit. (in note 36) 145-176.70. E.g., Henry T. Wright and Gregory A. Johnson, "Population,Exchange, and Early State Formation in SouthwesternIran," AmAnth77 (1975) 267.

east, if Farfan controlled resources, it did so only indi-rectly, by exercising power over other sites closer to theresources themselves.If Farfan was not directly supervising resources or thelabor needed to turn those resources into finished prod-ucts, was it controlling the finished products themselves?This question leads into the problem of what was in thestorerooms.There are three possibilities: food, utilitarianitems, and high-status goods. Analyses of the soil, pol-len, and flotation samples from the storerooms w

Documents

KEATINGE y CONRAD Imperialist Expansion-Chimu Administration of a Conquered Territory 1983