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7/25/2019 Kalinago (Carib) Resistance to European Colonisation of the Caribbean Author(s)- HILARY McD. BECKLES
1/19
University of the West Indies and Caribbean Quarterlyare collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend accessto Caribbean Quarterly.
http://www.jstor.org
Kalinago (Carib) Resistance to European Colonisation of the CaribbeanAuthor(s): HILARY McD. BECKLESSource: Caribbean Quarterly, Vol. 54, No. 4, The 60th Anniversary Edition: West Indian History(December, 2008), pp. 77-94Published by: andUniversity of the West Indies Caribbean QuarterlyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40654700Accessed: 20-01-2016 22:23 UTC
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2/19
77
Kalinago Carib) Resistance oEuropean
Colonisation
f
theCaribbean
HILARY
McD.. BECKLES
The resistance f nativeCaribbean eople to the colonialdispensation
established
y
Europeans
ollowing
heColumbus
andfall
f 1492 has
received
insufficient
ttention
rom cholars.
Unlike
the case
with the
experience
f
enslaved
African
eople
few tudies
ave
presentedystematic
ccounts
f their
anti-colonial
nd
anti-slaverytruggle.
he reasons
for
his
historiographie
imbalance
re not
ltogether
lear.
No one
has
suggested,
or
xample,
hat heir
fight
or
iberty,
ife
and land was
any
less endemic
r
virulent
han
hat
f
Africans.
n the
ontrary,-*most
ccounts f
European
ettlement
ave
ndicated
ina general ort fwaytheir eterminationndtenacitynconfrontinghenew
order
n
spite
f
their elative
echnological
imitations
ith
espect
o
warfare.1
This
study
eeks
to
specify
omeof
the
political
nd
militaryesponses
f
the
Kalinago people
(known
n
the
colonial documentation
s
Caribs)
to the
European
nvasion
s
they
ought
o maintain
ontrol ver
ands
nd ives
n the
islands f
theLesser
Antilles.
he examination
akes
eference
o the mmediate
post
Columbian
ecades,
nd ouches
rieflypon
he
arly
ighteenth
entury
o
the
Treaty
fUtrecht
n
1713,
but s concerned
rincipally
ith he
eriod
624to
1700whenKalinagoswereconfrontedyconsiderablemilitaryressuresrom
English
and French
olonising gents.
During
this
period
Kalinagos
in
the
Windward
nd Leeward
Islands
launched
protracted
ar of
resistance
o
colonisation
nd
slavery. hey
held
out
gainst
he
English
nd
French ntil
he
mid-
90
s,
protecting
ome
territory,
aintaining
heir
ocial
freedom,
nd
determining
heeconomic
nd
political
history
f
the
region
n
very mportant
ways.2
According
o recent
rchaeological
vidence,
he
Kalinago
were the
ast
migrantroup o settlell theCaribbean rior o the rrival ftheEuropeansn
1492. The
Columbus
mission ound
hree
ative
roups,
f different
erivation
and ultural
ttainments,
ut
ll
of
whom ntered
heCaribbean
rom he
egion
f
South
America
known s the
Guianas.
These were
the
Ciboney,
he Taino
(Arawaks)
nd
the
Kalinago.
The
Ciboney
ad arrived
bout
00
B.C.,
followed
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3/19
78
by heTaino, heir thnicelatives,bout 00yearsater ndwhoby650 A.D. had
migrated
orthwards
hrough
he slands
stablishingarge
ommunities
n
the
Greater ntilles.
tarting
heir
migration
nto he slands rom bout
1000
A.D.,
Kalinagos
were till
rriving
t
the ime f heColumbus andfall.
hey
were
lso
in
the
process
f
establishing
ontrol ver
erritory
nd communities
ccupied
y
Tainos ntheLesser
Antilles,
nd
parts
ftheGreater ntilles.When he
panish
arrivedn the
northern
aribbean,
herefore,
hey
ound heTainos o some xtent
already
n the
defensive,
ut ater ncountered
alinagos
who
they
escribed s
more
repared
or
ggression
Kalinagos,
ike their aino cousins
nd
predecessors,
ad
been
nhabiting
the slands
ong nough
o
perceive
hem s
part
f heir
atural,ncestral,
urvival
environment.s a
result,
otedG.K.
Lewis,
they
repared
hemselveso defend
their
homeland
n
a
spirit
f defiant
patriotism," aving
wished
that the
"Europeans
ad never et
foot
n
their
ountry."
From he
outset, owever,
European
colonial forceswere
technologically
ore
prepared
or
a
violent
struggle
or
space
since
in
real
terms,
he
Columbusmission
represented
n
addition othemaritimeouragenddeterminationfEurope,hemobilisationf
large-scale
inance
apital,
nd science nd
technology
or
mperialist
ilitary
ends. This
process
was also
buttressed
y
the frenzied earchfor
dentity
nd
globalranking y Europeans hrough
he
onquest
nd cultural
egation
f other
races.
In
the Greater
Antilles,
ainos
offered
spirited
ut
argely
neffective
military
esistanceo the
Spanish
ven
though
n occasions
hey
were
upported
by
the
Kalinago.
This was
particularly
lear
n
the
arly
ixteenth
entury
n
the
case of the truggleorPuertoRico inwhichKalinagosfrom eighbouringt
Croix ame oTaino
ssistance.
n
1494,
Columbused
an
armed
arty
f400 men
into he nteriorf
Hispaniola
n
search f
food,
old,
nd slavesto which aino
Caciques
mobilised heir
rmies or esistance.
uacanagari, leadingCacique,
who
hadtried
reviously
o
negotiate
n
accommodating
ettlement
ith
military
commander
lonso de
Ojeba,
marched
nsuccessfully
n
1494 with a few
thousand en
pon
he
panish.
n
1503,
nother
orty aciques
were
aptured
t
Hispaniola
ndburntlive
by
Governor vando'
troops;
nacaona,
he
rincipal
Cacique
was
hungpublicly
n Santo
Domingo.
n Puerto
Rico,
the
Spanish
settlement
arty,
ed
by
Ponce
de
Leon,
was attacked
requently
y
Taino
warriors;
many
panish
ettlers erekilledbut
Tainos and
Kalinagos
weredefeated nd
crushednthe
ounterssault,
i 1
11 resistancen
Cuba,
ed
by
CaciqueHatuey,
was
put
down;
he was
captured
nd
burnt
live;
another
ising
n 1
29 was also
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4/19
79
crushed.nthese truggles,aino
fatalities ere
high.
Thousandswere
killed
n
battle
nd
publicly
xecuted or
he
purpose
f
breaking
he
pirit
f collective
resistance;
ome
rebels led
o themountains
nd forests here
hey
stablished
maroon
ettlements
hat
ontinued
ntermittently
he
war
gainst
he
panish.5
y
the
middle f the
ixteenth
entury,
owever,
aino and
Kalinago
resistance
ad
been
effectively
rushed
n the Greater
Antilles;
heir
ommunity
tructures
smashed.and
members educed
o
various forms f
enslavementn
Spanish
agricultural
nd
mining nterprises.
In the LesserAntilles, owever, heKalinagoweremore successfuln
defying
irsthe
panish,
nd hen ater
he
nglish
nd
French,
herebyreserving
their
olitical
reedomnd
maintaining
ontrol f heir
erritory.
ccording
oCarl
Sauer,
As
the abor
upply
n
Espaola
declined,
ttention
urnedo
the outhern
islands"
which
rom t.
Croix,
neighbouring
uerto
Rico,
to theGuianas
were
inhabited
y
he
Kalinagos.
panish oyal
dicts
atedNovember
,
1
08
and
July
3,1512,
authorised
ettlers
o
capture
ndenslave
Kalinagos
n "the sland
fLos
Barbados
[Barbados],
Dominica,
Matinino
Martinique],
anta
Lucia,
San
Vincente,a Asuncion Grenada], nd Tavaco [Tobago],"because of their
"resistance
o Christians."6
y
the end
of the sixteenth
entury,
owever,
he
Spanish
had
decided,
aving ccepted
s
fact he bsence
of
gold
n theLesser
Antilles,
nd the
nevitability
f
considerable
atalities
t
thehands f
Kalinago
warriors,
hat
twas wiser
o
adopt
"hands ff
olicy"
while
oncentrating
heir
efforts
ntheGreater
ntilles. s
a
result,
heGreater
ndLesser
Antilles
ecame
politically
eparated
t
this ime
y
what
roy loyd
escribed
s a
"poison
rrow
curtain."?
he
English
nd French
nitiating
heir
olonizing
missions
uring
he
early
seventeenth
entury,
herefore,
ad
a
clear
choice.
They
could
either
confront
he
panish
orth f
he
poison
rrow urtain"
r
Kalinago
forces outh
of
it. Either
way,
they xpected
o encounter
onsiderable
rganised
rmed
resistance.
hey
hose
he
atter,
artly
ecauseof
the
perception
hat
Kalinagos
were he
weaker,
ut
lso because
ofthebelief
hat
alinagos
were he
common
enemy'
of
all
Europeans
nd
that
olidarity
ould
be achieved
forcollective
militaryperations
gainst
hem.
Having
ecured
ome
respite
rom
he
pressures
f
Spanish
olonisation
y
the nd
ofthe
ixteenth
entury,hen,
a
Kalinagos
were
mmediately
onfronted
by
the more
economically ggressive
nd
militarily
etermined
nglish
nd
French
olonists.
Once
again,
theybegan
to
reorganise
heir ommunities
n
preparation
or ounter
trategies.
his
ime,
twouldbe
a clear
ase of
resistance
on
the retreat.
y
the
1630s,
their
apidly
iminishing
umbers
were
being
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5/19
80
consolidatedround smaller roup fspecially hosen slands mostly
n
the
Windwards
ut also
in
the
Leewards.
By
this
time,
for
nstance,
arbados,
identified
n
a
Spanish
document f 1511
as an island
densely opulated
with
Kalinagos,
no
longer
had
a native
presence. Europeans
understood
he
significance
f his
eorganisation
ndresettlementf
Kalinago
ommunities,
nd
establishedheir
nfantolonies
n
peripheral
arts
ftheLeeward slands
where
their
resence
as ess
formidable,
nd nBarbadoswhere twas now bsent.
he
English
nd
French,hen,
ere
ware
hat
most f heir ettlements
ouldhave o
come
o terms ith
Kalinago
esistance.
his
expectation,
owever,
id
notdeter
them,
nd
they
ontinuedo seek out slandniches
where n effectiveoothold
couldbe
gained
ntil
uch ime s
Kalinago
orces ould
be subdued nd
destroyed
by
their
espectivemperial
orces.
The
English
nd French
ought
he
pacification
f the
Kalinago
for
wo
distinct,
ut related
reasons,
and overtime
dopted
different
trategies
nd
methods ut maintainedhe
deological
osition
hat
hey
houldbe
enslaved,
driven
ut,
r exterminated.
irst,
ands
ccupied y
the
Kalinago
were
required
for argescale commodity roduction ithin heexpansive, apitalist, orth
Atlantic
grarian omplex.
The effective
ntegration
f
theCaribbean
nto his
mercantilend
productive
ystem equired
he
ppropriation
f and
through
he
agency
f the
plantation
nterprise,
inance
apital,
hen,
ought
o
revolutionize
the market alue
of
Kalinago
lands
by making
hem vailable to
European
commercialnterests.
y resisting
and
confiscation
alinagos
were therefore
confronting
he full
ideological
and economic force of Atlantic
apitalism.
Second,
European
conomic
ctivities
n
the Caribbeanwere based
upon
the
enslavementf
ndigenes
nd
mported
fricans. he
principal
ole nd relation
assigned
o these ndother
on-Europeans
ithin he olonial ormationas
that
of servitude.
uropeans
n
theLesser
Antilles,
owever,
erenot uccessful
n
reducing
n economic umber f
Kalinago
o chattel
lavery,
r other
orms f
servitude.
nlike
he
Taino,
their abour ould notbe
effectively
ommodified,
simply
ecause
heir ommunities
roved mpossible
o subdue.
t
was
not
hat
he
Kalinago
weremore
militanthan heTaino.
Rather,
t
was because henomadic
nature f heir mall
ommunities,
ndtheir
mphasis pon
erritorial
cquisition,
in
part response
othe
eographical
eaturesf
he esser
Antilles,
nabled hem
to makemore ffectivese of the nvironmentna "strike nd sail"resistance
strategy. alinago,
hen,
while not
prepared
o suffer ither and or labour
o
Europeans,
erebetter
laced
o
mplement
ffective
ounter-aggression.
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6/19
81
Primarilyecause f heirrrepressiblearofresistance,hich ntimidated
all
Europeans
n
the
region,Kalinago
were
targeted
irst or
an
ideological
campaign
nwhich
hey
were stablished
ithin
he
uropean
mind,
ot s noble
savages,'
s
was the ase
with he ess effective
ainos,
ut s
'vicious annibals'
worthy
f extermination
ithin hecontext f
genocidal
militaryxpeditions.8
Voluminous
etails
were
prepared
y
Spanish
and
later
English
nd
French
colonial
hroniclersn the
political
nd
ideological
mentality
f the
Kalinago,
most
fwhom alled
for
holy
wars"
gainst
Les
sauvages
as
a
principal
ay
o
achieve
their
ubjugation. iterature,ating
ack to Columbus
n
1494,
in
a
contradictory
ashion,
enied
Kalinago
humanity
hile t the ame
time utlined
their
eneral
nti-colonial
nd
anti-slavery
onsciousness
nd attitudes.
n
the
writings
f
Jean-Baptiste
e
Tertre,
ieurde
la
Borde,
nd
Pere
Labat,
for
example,
all
late
seventeenth
entury
rench
reporters
f
Kalinago
ontology,hey
re
presented
s
a
people
who
would
"prefer
o die of
hunger
han ive s
a slave."9
abat,
whocommented
ost f
their
sychological
profile,
ound
hem obe "careless
nd
azy
reatures,"
ot
tall
suited
mentally
o
arduous, ustained abour. In addition,he considered hena "proudand
indomitable"
nd
exceedingly
indictive"
eople
who one
has tobe
very
areful
not
o
offend,"
ence he
popular
rench
aribbean
roverb,fight
Caribe nd
you
must
illhim
r
be killed."10
The French
iscovered,
ikethe
Spanish
efore
hem,
oted
abat,
that
t
was
always
est,
f
possible,
to have
nothing
o do
with he
Kalinago."11
utthis
was
not
ossible.
Relations
adtobe
established,
nd
here
uropeans
iscovered,
Labat
noted,
hat he
Kalinago
knew how
to ook
after heir wn
nterests
ery
well.,,12There renopeople ntheworld," estated,so ealousoftheiriberty,
or who
resentmore
he mallest
heck o their
reedom."13
ltogether,
alinago
world
iewwas
anathema
o
Europeans,
hus he
general
iew,
choed
by
Labat,
that
no
European
ation
asbeen ble
to ive
n
he
ame sland
with
hem ithout
being ompelled
o
destroy
hem,
nddrive hem
ut."14
The
English
and French
tarted ut
simultaneously
n
1624
with
the
establishment
f
agricultural
ettlements
n St. Kitts.
From
there,
he
English
moved
on to
Barbados
n
1627,
and between
1632
and 1635
to
Antigua,
MontserratndNevis,while he rench oncentratedheirffortsuringhe1 30s
at
Martinique
nd
Guadeloupe,
hefirsthree
ears
t St.
Kittswere
difficultor
both
nglish
nd French ettlers.
hey
wereharassed
nd attacked
y
Kalinago
soldiers,
nd
in
1635 the
French
t
Guadeloupe
were
engulfed
n
a
protracted
battle. rench uccess
ntheir ar
with
Kalinago
t
Guadeloupe
ncouraged
hem
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7/19
82
during
he emainderfthe ecade o
expand
heir olonial
missions,
ut ailed o
gain
effective ontrol f the
Kalinago
inhabited slands
of
Grenada,
Marie
Galante,
nd
La
Desirada.
Meanwhile,
small
nglish xpedition
rom t.Kitts o
St. Lucia
n
the
Windwards,
heheart f
Kalinago
erritory,
as
easily epelled
n
1639.
the
following ear Kalinagos
aunched full-scale ttack
pon English
settlementst
Antigua, illing ifty
ettlers,
apturing
heGovernor'swife nd
children,
nd
destroyingrops
ndhouses.15
While
English
ettlementsn the Leewards
struggled
o
make
progress
againstKalinagoresistance, arbados lone of theWindwards,orged head
uninterrupted.
nlike theirLeewards
counterparts,arly
Barbadian
planters
rapidly
xpanded
heir
roduction
ase,
made
living
rom he
xports
f
obacco,
indigo
nd
cotton,
nd feared
nly
their ndentured
ervants nd few African
slaves.
By
1650,
following
he uccessful ultivation
f
sugar
ane
with
African
slaves,
he
slandwas. considered
y
mercantileconomic
heoristss the ichest
agriculturalolony
nthe
emisphere.
t.Kitts
olonists,
oth
nglish
nd
French,
determinedo
keep up
with
heir
arbadian
ompetitors,
ere first o
adopt
common
military
ront ith
espectoKalinago esistance.uringhe1630s hey
enterednto
greements,
n
pite
f heir ival laims oexclusive
wnership
f he
island,
o combine orces
gainstKalinago
communities.n
thefirst
ccasion,
they pooled
their
alents,"
nd
in
a
"sneak
night
ttack"killed over
eighty
Kalinagos
nd drove
many
ff he sland.After
elebrating
he uccessof their
military
lliance,
heFrench nd
English
ontinued heir
ivalry
ver
he sland
until 1713 when the
matterwas settled n favour of
the
English
by
the
Treaty
f
Utrecht.16
The successof Kalinagos n holding n to a significantortion f the
Windwards,
nd their
eakening
f
planting
ettlements
n
the
Leewards,
ueled
the determinationf the
English
and French to
destroy
hem.
By
the
mid-seventeenth
entury, uropean
merchants,
lanters
nd
colonial
officials,
were
n
greement
hat
alinagos
were
arbarousnd ruel
et f
avagesbeyond
reason r
persuasion
ndmust hereforee
eliminated.."17
y
this ime twas also
clear hat he
lave-based
lantationystem
emandedn
"absolute
monopoly"
f
the
Caribbean,
nd
tolerated o "alternative
ystem."18
hat
RichardDunn
referred o as "Carib
independence
nd
self-reliance"
onstituted
major
contradictiono the nternal
ogic
of
capitalist
ccumulation ithin he
lantation
economy.
9
As
a
result,
therefore,
he economic
leaders and
political
representatives
f this
ncreasinglyowerful roduction
nd trade
omplex
were
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8/19
83
determined o
bring
the
contradiction o
a
speedy
resolution
by any
means
necessary
or
possible.
By
the
mid-seventeenth
entury,
he
need
for
a full scale war
against
the
Kalinagos,
though learly
stablished
nd articulated n
Spanish
colonial
thinking
during
he sixteenth
entury,
ow
assumed
greater rgency
with the
English
and
French.
By
this time the
English
were
first o
successfully
establish
productive
structures ased on
sugar
cultivation nd black
slavery,
nd
not
surprisingly
ook
the lead in
attempting
he removal
of
principal
obstacles to the
smooth and
profitable xpansionof thesystem.Also, theEnglishwiththe argestnumber f
enslaved
Africans
n
the
region,
were
concerned that efficient
ontrol on their
plantations
would be
adversely
ffected
y
the
persistence
f
Kalinago
resistance
It
did not take
ong
for
he Africans o
become aware of
Kalinago struggle gainst
Europeans,
and
to realise
that
hey
ould
possibly
secure
their reedom
y fleeing
to their
erritory.
abat,
who studied
inter-island lave
marronage
n the
Lesser
Antilles,
during
his
period,
stated that slaves knew that St.
Vincent was
easily
reached from
arbados,
and
many
scaped
there from
heirmasters
n
canoes and
rafts."
During
the
formative
tage
of this
development,
etween 1645 and
1660,
the
Kalinago
generally
took
"the
runaway
slaves
back to their
masters,
or sold
them o the
French nd
Spanish,"
but
as the
Kalinago
came undermore ntensive
attack
during
he
mid-century,
abat
noted,
heir
olicy
towards
African
maroons
changed.
They
refused o return he
Africans,
e
stated,
nd
began
regarding
hem
"as an addition o their
ation."
By
1
70,
Labat estimated hat ver 500 Barbadian
runaways
were
living
in
St. Vincent.
This
community
was reinforced
n
1675
when
a
slave
ship
carrying
hundreds of Africans to Jamaica via
Barbados
ran
aground
offthe coast of
Bequia.
Survivorscame ashore at St.
Vincent and were
integrated
in
the maroon
communities.
By
1700,
Labat
stated,
Africans
outnumbered
alinagos
at
St. Vincent.20
n
1675,
William
Stapleton,governor
f
the
Leewards,
noting
he
significant resence
of
Africans
among
the
Kalinagos
suggested
hat f the
1,500
native bowmen"
in theLeewards six hundred f them
"are
negroes,
ome
runaway
from
Barbados elsewhere."21
Throughout
the second
half of the seventeenth
enturyEuropeans
tried
unsuccessfully
o
exploit
the sometimes
trained elationsbetween
Kalinagos
and
Africans
by encouraging
the former to
return
runaways
to their
owners.
Miscegenation
bet}
Veen the
predominantly
male Africanmaroon
community
nd
Kalinago
females
was
a
principal
ause of
social tensionbetween the two ethnic
groups.22
oth the French
nd
English alleged
that
Kalinago
leaders
occasionally
sought
heir ssistance
n
ridding
heir ommunities f Africans.The
significance
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9/19
84
of such
llegations,
owever,
hould e
assessed
gainst
he
background
f
two
important
developments
n
African-Kalinago
elations.
First,
by
the
mid-seventeenth
entury,
he
group
mixed
bloods,
now known s the
Garifiina,
was
increasing apidly
n
numbers,
nd
by
1700 had outnumberedoth
parent
groups
n
St.
Vincent.23
econd,
oint African-Kalinago
ilitary xpeditions
against
the French nd
English
were
common,
nd
represented
principal
characteristiceaturef
anti-Europeanctivity
on both and
nd sea.24 he full
scale attack n the French
t
Martinique uring
he mid-
650s,
for
xample,
involved
oth
African nd
Kalinago
forces.25he warriors ho attacked rench
settlementst Grenada
during
he same
period
nd
kept
themn a weak and
defensive onditionwere also described
s
having
an
African
omponent,
similarly,
oted
abat,
he
English xpeditions
rom arbados ent o
capture
t.
Vincent
uring
he1670s
were
epelled y
both
Africansnd
Kalinagos.26
The
presence
of effective nti-colonial
alinago
communities
n the
outskirts
f
the lave
plantations,
herefore,
onstituted
major roblem
or
lave
owners
n
so
far
as
they
fostered nd
encouraged
African
nti-slavery.
he
merging
f
Kalinago
nti-colonialnd African
nti-slaverytruggles,
herefore,
represented
he twinforces hat
hreatened
he
very
urvival f the
colonising
missionn heWindwards. s
such,
uropeans
ith he
reatest
conomic take n
the
enterprise
f
the ndieswastedno time
n
adopting range
f measures o
suppress
he
Kalinago.
Both the
English
nd French
ursued
n initial
olicy
characterised
y
the
projection
f
anti-Kalinago
ocial
images
n
Europe,
while
seeking
t
the ametime o
promote iplomatic
ffortso settle erritoriallaims.
In 1664 Barbados ocumentntitledThe
State f
he
Case
concerning
ur
Title o St.
Lucia,
"described he sland s
being infected"
ith
Kalinagos
who
were "abetted
y
the
French"
n
their
war
againstEnglish
settlers.
n
this
document,
arbadians
ought
o
reject
rench laims
o
the slands
y tating
hat
they
ad
purchased
t
from u
Parquet,
heGovernor f
Martinique,
who had
bought
t from
he
Kalinagos
in 1650 for
1,500
ivres.27
ikewise,
n
1668,
Thomas
Modyford,
overnor f
Jamaica,
ormer arbadosGovernornd
sugar
magnate,
escribed t.
Vincent,
nother
alinago tronghold
n
the
Windwards,
as a
place
which the ndiansmuch nfect."28hese statements
epresent
art
f
the
deological reparation
f the
English
mindforwhatwouldbe
a
genocidal
offensive
gainst
he
Kalinago
that
London merchant ouses were
eager
to
finance.
But full-scale
ar,
he
nglish
ndFrench
new,
wouldbe
costly,
oth
n
terms fhumanife nd
capital,
nd
hoped
t ouldbe averted. he
significance
f
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10/19
85
an ultimatemilitaryolutionwas clearlyperceived y Kalinagoleaders nd
colonial officials like. The
Kalinago, by participating
n
tactful
iplomatic
intrique
esigned
o
exploit
differencesnd conflicts etween
uropeans,
he
Kalinago ought
o advance heir
wn
nterests.
n
1655,
for
xample, aptain
Gregory
utler nformed liver
Cromwell,
he
Protector,
hat he ettlementt
Antigua
was unable o
get
ff o a
good
start n
account
f
frequent
olestations
by
he
Kalinagos,
ho t hat ime eemed obe n
eague
with he rench.29
gain,
in
1667,
Major
John
cott,
n
mperial
ommander-in-Chief,
eported
hat
e led
an
expeditiongainst
utch ettlements
n
Tobago
with
he assistance f
a
party
of Caribs."30
uring
he second Dutch
War,
1665-1667,
n whichFrance nd
Holland
allied
against
he
English
n
the
Caribbean,
he
Kalinago played
an
important
ole
n
shifting
hebalanceof
power
between
uropeans
while t the
same time
eeking
o
expand
he
scope
and effectivenessf their wn
war of
resistance.31
n June
667,
HenryWilloughby
tationedn the eewards nformed
his
father
illiam
ord
Willoughby,
overnor f
Barbados,
hat
whenhe arrived
at
St.
Kittshe received
intelligence"
f furthertrocities ommitted
y
the
Kalinagos gainst
he
English
whichwere
instigated"
y
theFrench.
uropean
rivalry,
ichaelCraton
oncluded,
as
effectively
sed
by
he
Kalinago
nation s
evident
n
the
elayed
oss ofSt.Lucia and
Grenada,
nd
n
the
onger
etentionf
full ontrol ver t. Vincent
ndDominica.32
The
English
and French also
targeted
he
Kalinago
for
diplomatic
offensives.
he first
ystematicallyursued iplomatic
ffort
y
the
English
o
establish
footing
within
Kalinago
territory
n
the Windwards
was the
Willoughby
nitiativef 1667.
William
ord
Willoughby,
overnor f
Barbados,
had
long recognised
he
great
financial
ain
thatwould accrue to
himself,
Barbados,
nd
England,
f
the
Windwards,
he last island
frontier,
ould
be
converted
nto lave-based
ugar lantations.
orover
decade,
he
ugar ings
f
Barbadoshad been
signalling
heir emand or andson which
o
expand
heir
operations,
ndtheWindwards ere he
erfect
lace given revailing
conomic
concepts
bout he conditionalities
f laved-based
ugar
ultivation.mall cale
militaryxpeditions
ad been
repelled y
the
Kalinago
ince
the
1630s,
nd so
Willoughby,
ot
yetorganised
or
large
cale
military
ssault,
pted
o send
missaires
o
open
negotiations
ith
Kalinago
eaders.
The
Kalinagos,
n
response,
howed ome
degree
f
flexibility,
s is often
the ase
with
eoples
nvolved
n
protractedtruggles. illoughby
anted
peace
treaty
hatwould
promote
nglish
nterests
y removing
bstacles
to
slave
plantationxpansionism,
ut he
Kalinago
were
uspicious
nd
vigilant.
n
1666,
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11/19
86
theywere rickedy
the
English osign way by treaty
heir
rights"
o inhabit
Tortola,
nd weredriven
ff
he sland.33 he
Windward
slandswere
heir ast
refuge,
nd their
iege
mentality
as now more
eveloped
han
ver.
On March
23, 1667,
Kalinago
eaders
of St.
Vincent,
ominica nd St.
Lucia metwith
Willoughby's
elegation
n order o
negotiate
he
peace.34
t the
signing
of
the
Treaty
were
Anniwatta,
he Grand
Babba,
(or
chief of all
Kalinagos),
hiefs
Wappya,
Nay,
Le
Suroe,
Rebura nd Aloons.The conditions
of he
reaty
ere
verything
heBarbadian laverswanted t that
articulartage
ofdevelopment:
1
The Caribsof St.
Vincent hallever
acknowledge
hemselves
subjects
fthe
King
of
England,
nd
be friendso
all
n
amity
ith
the
English,
nd enemies o their nemies.
2 The Caribs shall have
liberty
o come to and
depart
rom,
t
pleasure,
nyEnglish
slands nd receive heir
rotection
herein,
andthe
English
hall
njoy
he ame
n
St.
Vincent nd St. Lucia.
3.His
Majesty's subjects
aken
by
the
French nd Indians nd
remainingmong
he
ndians,
hall e
mmediately
elivered
p,
s
also
any
ndian
aptives mong
he
English
when emanded.
4.Negroes
ormerly
un
way
from arbados hallbe delivered
o
His
Excellency;
nd such s shallhereafter
e
fugitives
rom
ny
English
sland
shall be
secured
and
delivered
y
as soon as
required.35
The
Willoughby
nitiative as
designed
o
pave
the
way
for
English
colonisationftheWindwards,singBarbados s the pringboardor ettlement.
In
essence,
t
was
an
elaborationf
similar
greement
hat
was madebetween he
defeated
alinago
and victorious rench orces t
Martinique
fter he war of
1654-1656.
On that
ccasion,
noted
Jean-Baptiste
u
Tertre,
ho described
n
detail henature f the onflictnd ts
resolution,
heFrenchwere ble to obtain
settlement
ights
rom he
Kalinago,
s well s
guarantees
hat
hey
would
ssist
n
the ontrol frebel laves
by
not
ncouraging,
ndmore
mportantly,
eturning
ll
runaways.36
Within womonths f the
Kalinago-Willoughby reaty, party
f
fifty-fournglish olonists rom arbados arrived t St. Vincentn order o
pioneer
settlement.he
Kalinago,
Garifuna,
nd Africans
bjected
o their
presence,
rove hem
ff he
sland,
ndbroke he
Treaty
ith
arbados.
The
collapse
of
the Barbados
diplomatic
mission
angered
Governor
Willoughby
ho
swiftly
moved to the next
stage
of his
plan
-
full
military
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12/19
87
offensive. is
opportunity
ame
in
March the
following earwhenEnglish
military
ommander,
ir
John
arman,
eft
ehind
n
Barbados
regiment
ffoot
soldiers nd five
rigates.
illoughby
nformedheColonial
Office hat incehe
knew othow o
"keep
he oldiers
uiet
nd
without
ay"
he
nly
ourse
pen
o
him
was to
"try
is fortune
mong
heCaribs t St.
Vincent."37nce
again,
he
Kalinago proved
too
much for
Willoughby,
nd
the
expedition
eturnedo
Barbados
aving
uffered
eavy
osses.
English
wareness f
Kalinago solidarity
nd efficient
ommunications
throughouthe slands f he esserAntillesmeanthathey adreasons oexpect
reprisals
or the
Willoughby
ffensive
nywhere
nd at
anytime.
Governor
Modyford
f
Jamaica,
most
knowledgeable
man about
EasternCaribbean
affairs,
as
opposed
Willoughby
s war
plan.
He told heDuke ofAlbermarlehat
while
Willoughby
as
"making
arwith
heCaribs f St. Vincent"
e feared he
consequences
or ettlerst
Antigua,
nd other
laces.
Such an
untimely
ar,
he
said,
may gain ut
hose
lantations
n
hazard,
r
t
best nto ear roils." Ithad
been
far
etter,"
e
continued,
to havemade
peace
with
hem,"
or
f
they
ssist
the French gainstus the resultwould be "the total ruinof all theEnglish
Islanders" nd "waste fthe evenue f
Barbados."38
Modyford
as
perceptive
nhis
assessmentf
Kalinago esponses. report
sent o
theColonial
Office n
Londonfrom fficialsn Nevis dated
April
1669,
entitled
An
ntelligence
f
n
ndian
Designupon
he
People
of
Antigua,"
tated
that "The Caribbee ndians have
lately
broken he
peace
made
with
Lord
Willoughby,
ndhavekilled wo nd
eft eadtwomore fHis
Majesty's ubjects
in
Antigua."
eference as made o
twenty-eightalinago
warriors ho arrived
fromMontserratntwocanoes nd whoparticipatedntheraiduponAntiguan
response
o
Willoughby'
war
n
St.Vincent.39n
addition,
overnor
tapleton
f
the
Leewards,
n a
separate
ocument,
utlined is fear or he ives of Leeward
Islanders,
ncluding
hose
who had
gone
to work
n a
silvermine
n
Dominica
under n
agreement
ith the
Kalinago.40
he Barbadians lso offered heir
criticismsf
Willoughby'
war ffort.
n
1676,
Governor tkins escribedt s a
"fruitless
esign,"
hose
verall esult as
that
here emainno ikelihood f
ny
plantationspon
Dominica,
t.
Vincent,
t. Lucia and
Tobago.,,41
Meanwhile,
the
Antiguans
ereforced o
keep"fourteen
iles f
men,"doubled hree ays
before nd after fullmoon" s a
protective
easure
gainst
alinago
warriors.
Governor
tapleton,eflecting
n the
ollapse
fthe
Willoughby
nitiative,
and
considering
he
prospects
or
English
settlements
n
the Leewards and
Windwards,
uickly
moved o
the ront
tage
what adbeen
Willoughby
s hidden
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13/19
88
agenda.Only hedestructionf
all
theCaribbee ndians" econcluded,ouldbe
the best
iece
of ervice or he ettlementf hese
arts."42
n
December, 675,
petition
f "SeveralMerchantsf London" ddressed o theLordsof Trade nd
Plantations
n
support
f
governortapleton's
xtermination
hesis,
alledfor he
granting
f commissiono
Philip
Warner,
tapleton's eputy,
oraise oldiers o
go
into
ominica
o
"destroy
he arbarous
avages."43
Stapleton,
owever,
ad
pre-empted
heColonialOffice
n
their
esponse
o
theLondonmerchantsndhad
already
entWarner with ix small
ompanies
f
foot," otaling00 men, ntoDominica o "revenge" n the heathens or heir
bloody erfidious
illanies.
sic]"44
ne William
Hamlyn
who
participated
n
the
Warner
xpedition,
escribedhe ssault
pon
he
Kalinago
s a
massacre.
t east
thirty
alinago,
he
said,
were aken nd killed n thefirst
ound,
ot
ncluding
"three hatwere drawn
by
a
flag
of truce" nd shot.After
hese
executions,
Hamlyn
eported,
nother
sixty
r
seventy
men,
women
nd children"were
invited o Warner's
amp
o settlemattersver ntertainment.
hesewere
given
rum o
drink,
ndwhenWarner
gave
the
ignal,"
he
nglish
fell
pon
hem nd
destroyedhem."46ncludednthosekilledbytheEnglishwas IndianWarner,
Phillip
Warner's wn
half-brother,
hosemother as a
Kalinago,
nd who had
risen obecome
powerful alinago
eader.Warner as
mprisoned
n
he
Tower,
tried or hemurderfhis
brother,
ut
was found ot
guilty.
he decision
leased
the London
merchants ho described im as "a man of
great
oyalty"
whose
service
to the Crown n the destructionf the
Kalinagos
"who have often
attempted
o
ruin he
lantations"
hould e commended.47
In
spite
f osses sustained
n
Dominica,
Kalinagos
here ontinuedo use
the sland s a militaryase for xpeditionsgainstheEnglish.nJuly 681, 00
Kalinagos
rom t. Vincent ndDominica n six
periagos,
ed
by
one whonamed
himself
aptain
Peter,
nd who was described s a
"good speaker
f
English
having
ived for some time
n
Barbados,"
attacked he
unguarded nglish
settlements
n
Barbuda.48The
English
were
caught y surprise. ight
f them
were
killed,
nd their ouses
destroyed.
he actionwas described s swift nd
without
arning.
Frustrated
gainby
his
nability
o
protect
he ives nd
property
f
Leeward
Islanders, tapleton eiterated is call for war of exterminationgainst he
Kalinagos.
He wrote otheColonialOffice:
I
beg
your
ardon
f am
tedious,
ut
I
beg
you
to
represent
he
King
he
necessity
or
estroying
heseCarib ndians."
"We arenow s much n our
guard
s
if
we had Christian
nemy,
either
an
any
such
surprise
s butthese annibalswho never
ome 'marte
perto'...
f
their
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14/19
89
destructionannot e "total,"nsisted tapleton,tleastwe must drive hem o
themain."49 e was
aware,however,
f the
nability
f Leeward slanders o
finance
major
war
ffort,
nd had also become
espectful
or
Kalinagos'
bility
toobtain
intelligence"
ith
espect
otheir
lans,
iven
hese wo
ircumstances,
Stapleton
nstructedondonto order he
Barbados
government
o
prepare
he
granddesign against
he
Kalinagos.
Barbados,
he
added,
was closer
to the
Kalinago
infested'
slands f St. Vincent
nd
Dominica; lso,
on account f the
colony's
wealth,
t
would
be the best
piece
of service"
hey
ouldoffer
ngland
whilst here as
"amity
ith
heFrench."50
Colonial fficials
n
London
ccepted
tapleton;s lan
n
ts
ntirety.hey
instructed
im o make
lans
o
"utterlyuppress"
he
Kalinagos
r drive
hem o
themain"51
hey
lso directed overnor
utton fBarbados o make
ll
possible
contributions
o thewar ffort.
utton, owever,
ouldhaveno
part
f
t,
utnot
wishing
o contradict
he
King's
orders,
e
informedhe Colonial Office
hat
though
e was n
greement,
arbadians ould
upport
o such
design gainst
he
Kalinagos
or hree easons.
irst,
hey
onsider he ffairs
f he eeward slands
noneof their usiness. econd,theydo not consider he advancementfthe
Leewards
s
good
thing,
ndeed
hey
onsider
t
n
theirnterest
f
theLeewards
would decline
rather han
progress.
hird,
lanters
onsidered
eace
with he
Kalinagos
n
the Windwards better
bjective
s this would
assist them
n
securing
utwood ndother
uilding
materials
rom hose slands.52
The Leeward
slanders,
herefore,
ad to look to their wn resources
o
finance heir
military perations.
n June
1682,
a bill was
proposed
o
the
Leewards
Assembly equesting
unds ooutfit
n
expedition
gainst
he
Kalinagos
inDominica.The council greed, uttheAssembly f Nevis dissentedn the
grounds
hat ince
hey
ad notbeen attacked
y
the
Kalinagos
n over
twenty
years:
hey
id
not ntendo
endanger
heir
eace.53
Monthswent
y
nd
Stapleton
failed
o
get
his
planters
o
agree
n
a
financial
lan
for he
xpedition. y
1700,
the
grand
esign
ad not
yet
materialised.
When n
the
1
th
April,
713,
England
nd
France ettled heirAmerican'
difference
ith
he
Treaty
f
Utrecht,
alinagos
were
till
olding
n
tenaciously
to considerable
erritory.
t. Vincent nd
Dominica,
hough
nhabited
y
some
Europeans, ere till nder heirontrol,ndtheywerefightingrear uardwar
to
retain ome
space
at St.
Lucia,
Tobago
and Grenada.
ince theFrench eared
that uccessful
nglish
ettlementf
Dominica
would lead to the
cutting
f
communications
etween
Martinique
nd
Guadeloupe
n
timesof
war,
they
continued
oassist he
Kalinagos
with nformation
nd
occasionally
ith
weapons
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15/19
90
intheir nti-English esistance.The best theEnglishcould do was to continue he
attempt
o settle
rivate
reaties
with
he
French,
s
they
had done
during
he
peace
of
Ryswick
in
1697,
which enabled
them
o
go
unmolested
o Dominica forthe
sole
purpose
of
purchasing
umberfrom he
Kalinago.
Kalinagos,
then,
succeeded in
preserving
some of their territorial
sovereignty
nd
by
so
doing
were able to
maintain
heir reedomfrom
uropean
enslavement.While othernative Caribbean
peoples
suffered
arge
scale
slavery
t
thehands of
Europeans,
the
Kalinagos
were neverfound n
arge
numbers
working
themines, atifudia, r plantations n the Lesser Antilles.Though Spanish slave
raids
during
the sixteenth
entury
did take
many
into the Greater Antilles to
supplement
aino labour
gangs, European
controlled
roductive
tructuresn the
Lesser
Antilles
were
not built and maintained n the basis of a
Kalinago
labour
supply.
The involvement f
Kalinagos
intothe colonial
economy,
hen,
ended o be
small
scale,
and confined to
areas such as
fishing, tracking
and
hunting,
agricultural onsulting
nd a
range
of
petty
omestic ervices.
When,
for
xample,
a group of Barbadian sugar planters,concerned about the shortageof white
indentured
ervants,
nd the
rising
cost of African
slaves,
encouraged Captain
Peter
Wroth n 1673 to establish a slave trade in
Kalinagos
from he
Guianas,
colonial officials nstructed overnor
Atkins o
make
arrangements
or he return
of
all
those
"captured
and enslaved." The reason
being, they
stated,
was
that
"considering
he
greater
mportance
f a fair
correspondence
between the Carib
Indians
and
the
English"
in
establishing
ettlements
n the Amazon
coast,
it was
necessary
that
provocation
be avoided" and
all
proper
measures be takento
gain
their goodwill and affection."54 overnorAtkins, n informing is superiorsof
this
ompliance
ndicatedhis
agreement
hat t
was
necessary
o
"keep amity"
with
Kalinagos,
since
they
have
"always
been
verypernicious, specially
to the maller
Leeward Islands."55
Between 1492 and 1700 the
Kalinago
population
n
the Lesser Antilles
may
have fallen
by
as much as 90
percent,
noted Michael
Craton,
but
they
had
done
much to
"preserve
and extend their
ndependence."56 y
this time the Dominica
population, ccording
o
Labat,
"did notexceed 2000" and warriorswere too weak
innumbers o do anyseriousharm" oEuropeancolonies.57Nonetheless, olonists
in
the
"outlying
districts"
till had reasons
to believe
that
any
night Kalinago
warriors
could take them
by
surprise
and "cut their throats and burn their
houses."58
By refusing
o
capitulate
under the
collective
militarymight
of the
Europeans, Kalinagos certainly ept
theWindwards slands in a
marginal
elation
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91
to the slaveplantationomplex f the NorthAtlanticystem or wo hundred
years,
and
in
so
doing,
made a
principal
ontributiono the Caribbean's
anti-colonialnd
anti-slavery
radition.
(Reproduced
rom aribbean
Quarterly,
ol.38,
Nos.2&3,
Special
ssue
-
Caribbean
uincentennial,
une-
ept.
1992)
Notes
1 See Michael
Craton,
esting
he hains:Resistance
o
Slavery
n the
BritishWest
Indies
Ithaca,
1
982) pp.
2 1
23
Hilary
eckles,
The
200 Years War: Slave
Resistance
n
the
BritishWest Indies:
An
Overview f the
Historiography,"
amaica
Historical
eview^
oV
13, 1982,
1-10.
2.
See
J.Paul
Thomas,
The Caribs f St. Vincent:
Study
n
mperial
Maladministration,
763-73
"
Journal
f
Caribbean
History,
ol.
18,No.2, 1984,
pp.
60-74;
Craton
esting
he
Chains,
p.
141
153, 183-194;
Richard
.
Sheridan,
The
Condition
f laves
n
the ettlementnd Economic
evelopment
fthe
British
Windwardslands, 763-1775," ournal fCaribbeanHistory, ol. 24, No.2, 1991,pp.
128-129;
Bernard
Marshall,
Slave Resistance
ndWhiteReaction
n
the
British
Windward
slands, 763-1833,"
ee
this olume.
3.
David
Watts,
he Westndies:Patterns
fDevelopment,
ulture
nd
Environmental
hange
ince 1492
'Cambridge,
987)
pp.
41,
51-52.
W.
Borah,
The
Historical
emography
f
Aboriginal
nd Colonial
America:
An
Attempt
t
perspective,"
n
W.
Denevan,
TheNative
opulation f
he Americas
n 1492
Madison,
Wisconsin
niv.
Press,
976)
pp.
13-34.J.M.Cruxent
nd .
Rouse,
Early
man n the
West
ndies"
cientific
merican,
o.
221,
1969,
pp.
42-52.
B.
Meggers
ndC.
Evans,
"Lowland outhAmerica
ndthe
Antilles,"
n
J.D.
Jennings,
ncient ative
Americans
(San
Francisco,
W.H.
Freeman,
978)
pp.
543-92.
4. Gordon
ewis,
Main Currents
n
Caribbean
Thought:
heHistorical volution
f
Caribbean
ociety
n its
deologicalAspects,
492-1900
Heinemann, ingston,
83)
41.
5.
On
Kalinago
ssistance o
Tainos n Puerto
ico,
ee
Carl
Sauer,
The
Early
panish
Main
Berkeley,
niv. fCalifornia
ress,
A,
1966)
pp.32,
8,
192.See
Eric
Williams,
Documents
f
Westndian
History,
492-1655
Port-of
pain,
PNM
Publishing
o.,
1963)
pp.
62-70,
9-94.Robert
reenwood,
Sketchmap
History
f
heCaribbean
(MacMillan, 991)pp.18,23.
6.
Sauer,
C. The
Early
panish
Main,
pp.
35, 180, 193;
see
also
Lewis,
Main
Currents,
.
64.
7.
Troy
.
Floyd,
TheColumbian
ynasty
n the
Caribbean,
492-1526
(Albuquerque,
niv.ofNew
Mexico
Press,
973)
p.
97. For an account f
the
panish
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17/19
'hands ff
olicy
with
espect
o theLesser
Antilles,
ee K.R.
Andrews,
rade,
lunder
and Settlement: aritime
nterprises
nd theGenesis
f
heBritish
mpire,
480.1630
(Cambridge,
1986)
p.
282.Craton,
esting
he
Chains,
.
22.
See
also,
NellisM.
Crouse,
The
French
truggleor
theWestndies1665-1713
N.Y.
Columbia
University
ress,
1943)
p.
8-10.
8. See
Sauer,
.
35;
Lewis,
p.
64.
9. See
Lewis,
p.
64;
Richard
unn,
ugar
nd Slaves: the ise
of
he
lanterClass in
the
nglish
West
ndies,
624-1713
N.Y.,
1973)
p.
24;
Sieurde la
Borde,
Relacindes
Caraibes
Paris,
Coleccin
Billaine,
1694);
Jean
aptiste
e
Uertre,
istoire
Generale
des
Antilles abites
ar
les Fran,cais
(Paris,1667-71);
John
aden, d.,
The
Memoirs fPere
Labat,
1 93- 05 1 70
edition,
rank
ass,
London).
10. Memoirs f
Pere
Labat,
p.
75.
11.
Ibid, .
S3,
12.
Ibid,p.9S.
13.
Ibid,
.
104.
14.
Ibid,
.
109.
1
Watts,
p.
1 1 1
2. Richard
heridan,
ugar
nd
slavery:
n
Economic
History f
theBritish
Westndies
Caribbean
niversities
ress,
ridgetown,974) pp.
80, 85,
87,456.
16. See
Dunn,
.
8.
17.
Lewis,
p.
104.
18.
Ibid,
p.
105.
20. Memoirs f Pere
Labat,
p.
137.
21
Governor
tapleton
ftheLeewards o theLords fTrade nd
Plantations,
ov.
22,
1676,Calendar f StatePapers, olonial eries C.S.P.c.) 1676,p.499.
22.
See C.
Gullick,
Black Caribs
Origins
nd
Early ociety,"
n
Transactionsfthe
Seventhnternational
ongress
n Pre-Columbianultures f
theLesserAntilles
(Quebec, 1978)
pp.
283-87.
23. See
William
oung,
An Account ftheBlack
Caribs
n
the sland f St. Vincent's
(London,
795
reprint,
ondon
1971)
pp.
5-8;
Also
Vancy
Gonzalez,
ojourners f
he
Caribbean:
thnogenesis
nd
Ethnohistoryf
he
Garifunta
Chicago,
1988).
24.
See Vincent
Murga,
d.,
Historia ocument e Puerto
ico,
Vol.
I
(Rio
Pedras,
n.d.)
p.
227. 25. See for n account fthe
battles
t
Martinique,
u
Tertre,
istoire
General . 467-68.
26. See
Hilary
eckles,
BlackRebellion
n
Barbados:
the
truggle gainst lavery,
1627-1838
Carib
Research nd
Publications,
ridgetown,
988)
p.
36.
92
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18/19
27.
'The State f
theCase
Concerning
ur
itle o St.
Lucia," 1664;
C.S.~.,
1661-68,
No. 887. See
also,
Rev. C.
Jesse,
Barbadians
uy
St.
Lucia from
aribs,"
ournal
f
he
Barbados
Museum
nd Historical
ociety,
J.B.M.H.S.)
Vol.
32,
Feb.
1968,
pp.
180-182.
28. Governor
ir
Thomas
Modyford
o the
Duke of
Albermarle,
arch
16, 1668,
C.S.P.c.
1661-68,
No.
1714.
29. Vere
LOliver,
he
History
fthesland
f
Antigua
London
1894-99)
Vol.
I,
p.
xix,
XXV;
also, Sheridan,
ugar
nd
Slavery, .
87.
30.
Petition f
Major
John
cott o
the
King,
1667,
C.S.P.c,
1661-68,
No. 1525.
31. Governor
William ord
Willoughby
o the
King,
eb.
1
1,
1668,
C.S.P.CA
1661-68,
p. 547; Watts,heWest ndies, . 24243.HenryWilloughbyoWilliamWilloughby,
June
5,
1667,
C.S.P.c,
1661-68,
No. 1498.
32.
Craton,
esting
he
Chains,
p.
22-23.
33.
Governor
William
ord
Willoughby
o
the
King,
July
,
1668,C.S.P.C,
1661-68;
No.
1788.
34.
Copy
of a
Treaty
etween
William
ord
Willoughby
nd
several fthe
Chief
Captains
f
Caribs,
march
3.1668,
C.S.P.C.
1661-68,
No.
1717.
35.
Ibid
36. Du Tertre, istoire enerale, p.467-68.
37.
Lord
Willoughby
o the
King,
March
13,
1668,
Colonial
Papers,
ol.
22,
November
5,es.p.c,No.
1714.
38. Governor
ir
Thomas
Modyford
o
theDuke of
Albemarle,
arch
16, 1668,
C.S.P.C.
,
No. 1714.
39. Governor
tapleton
o
theLords
f Trade nd
Plantations,
ay
27,
1672;
Colonial
Papers,
Vol.
28,
No. 61.
40.
Ibid. The
English
laimed
hat heDominica
ilver
mine
was
"lawfully urchased"
from heKalinagoswhorecognisedhe ontract.eolinLloydtoSecretaryrlington,
Colonial
Papers,
oL, 29,
No.
46; also,
Colonial
Papers,
ol.
28,
No.
12.
41. Governor
tkins o Lords
fTrade
nd
Plantations,
uly
,
1676,
Colonial
Papers,
Vol.
37,
No.
22.
42. Governor
tapleton
o Council
fTrade nd
Plantations,
ecember
675,
Colonial
Papers
Vol.
35,
No.63.
124
43.
Petition f
SeveralMerchants
f London
n
Adventures
o theCaribbean
slands o
the Lords
of Trade nd
Plantations,
676,
Colonial
Papers,
ol.
36,
No.5.
44. Governor
tapleton
o theCouncil
for
lantations,
ebruary
,
1675,
C.S.P.C.
1675-76,
No.
428.
45.
SirJonathan
tkins
o
Secretary
or
olonies,
ebruary
7,
1675
C.S.P.C,
1675-76,
No.
439.
46. ibid
47. Petition f
SeveralMerchants
f London
Adventurers
o theCaribbee
slands
o
Lords ftrade
nd
Plantations,
anuary
0,1676,
.S.P.c, 1675-76,
No. 774.
93
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19/19
48. Governor
tapleton
o Lords
fTrade nd
Plantations,
ugust
6, 1681,
Colonial
Papers,Vol.46,No. 45; see also C.S.P.c. 1681-85, os. 410-41 .
49. SirWilliam
tapleton
o Lords f
Trade nd
Plantations,
ugust
6, 1681,
C.S.P.c.
1681-85,
No. 204. See
Also,
Journal
f
Lords
of
Trade nd
Plantations,
ctober
8,
1681,
No. 259.
50.
Ibid.
51. The
King
o Sir William
tapleton,
ebruary,
682,
C.S.P.C.
1681-85,
No.
411.
52. Sir Richard utton o Lords
f
Trade
nd
Plantations,
anuary
, 1682,
C.S.P.c.
1681-85,
.
181,No.357;
also colonial
Papers,
Vol.
48,
No.l.
53. Journal f heAssemblyfNevisJun4,1682,C.S.P.C. 1681-85.
54. The
King
o
Sir
Jonathan
tkins,
ecember
0, 1674,
C.S.P.C.
1675-76,
No.
401
55. SirJonathan tkins o
Secretary
f
Plantations,.S.P.C,
February
7,
No. 439.
See
Jerome
andler,
Amerindiansnd their ontributionoBarbados
Life
nthe
Seventeenth
entury,
.B.M.H.S., 971,35,
112-117. TheAmerindian
lave
Population
of
Barbados n the eventeenthnd
early ighteenth
enturies,
.B.M.H.S.,
ol.
xxxiii,
No.3,
May
1970,1
1-135.For
an
account fthis
ttempt
o establish
Barbados-Guianas
slave trade
n
Kalinagos,
.G.
Breslaw,
Price s
-
His
Desposition
:
Kidnapping
Amerindiansn
Guyana,
674,
J.B.M.H.S.,
ol.
39, 1991,
pp.
47-50.
56.
Craton,
esting
he
Chains,
.
23.
57 Memoirs
f
Pere
Labat,
p
115.
58.
Ibid,,
p.
110-111.
94